International Journal of Multidisciplinary

Research in Science, Engineering and Technology

(A Monthly, Peer Reviewed, Refereed, Scholarly Indexed, Open Access Journal)

Impact Factor: 7.521 Volume 8, Issue 1, January 2025

© 2025 IJMRSET | Volume 8, Issue 1, January 2025| DOI: 10.15680/IJMRSET.2025.0801048

Protests in Nigeria: Causes, Effects and

Management
Akpi Ayakpo1, Ogboeli, Goodluck Prince2, Ezezor E. Michaell3, Agbovu, Junior Justice4
Department of Geography & Environmental Management, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria 1
Institute of Geoscience and Environmental Management, Rivers State, Nigeria 2
Department of Sociology, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State, Nigeria 3
Department of Public Administration, National Open University of Nigeria, Nigeria 4

ABSTRACT: Protests in Nigeria have been a significant feature of the country’s socio-political landscape, arising from
various underlying causes such as socio-economic inequalities, political corruption, poor governance, and systemic
injustice. These protests are often fueled by public dissatisfaction with government policies, economic hardships, and the
perceived lack of accountability in leadership. The effects of these protests are far-reaching, encompassing social unrest,
disruption of daily life, economic losses, and in some cases, violence. Additionally, protests can lead to heightened
political awareness, mobilization of citizens for political change, and pressure on the government to address public
grievances. Effective management of protests requires a balance between respecting citizens' rights to demonstrate and
ensuring public safety and order. This can be achieved through transparent governance, better communication between
the authorities and the public, and addressing the root causes of dissatisfaction. This paper examines the causes, effects,
and potential strategies for managing protests in Nigeria, emphasizing the importance of fostering a peaceful and inclusive
environment for political engagement and social change.

KEYWORDS: Protests, Socio-political unrest, Economic inequality, Political corruption, social justice.

I. INTRODUCTION

Nigeria has a long history of protests, which can be traced back to the pre-independence era. In the 1940s and 1950s,
when Nigeria was still under British colonial rule, protests were primarily aimed at challenging colonial policies, fighting
for self-determination, and promoting nationalism. These early protests were led by political leaders like Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Ahmadu Bello, who became iconic figures in Nigeria’s struggle for independence
(Awolowo, 1981).

After Nigeria gained independence in 1960, protests shifted towards issues of governance. The first military coup in 1966
and subsequent coups led to a prolonged period of political instability. Military dictatorships ruled Nigeria for several
decades, during which time citizens frequently protested against authoritarian rule, poor governance, human rights
abuses, and corruption. One notable event during this period was the 1993 pro-democracy protests that followed the
annulment of the presidential election, which many believed was won by Moshood Abiola, a prominent businessman.
The protests that ensued led to the eventual restoration of civilian rule in 1999, ending over a decade of military rule
(Osinakachukwu & Jawan, 2011; Agoha, 2015; Omotola, 2019; Oyewole, 2023).

Different protest groups arose at different times, states and zones. These includes Odu’s People’s Congress (OPC) which
came up as a response to the dissolution of the June 1993 choices by the country's military glare led by Ibrahim Babangida
(Adebanwi, 2005). OPC became a violent group in Lagos, Ogun, Osun, Kwara, Ondo, and Oyo state. The Niger Delta
castigators (NDV), led by Ateke Tom, and the Niger Delta People ‘s Volunteer Force (NDPVF), led by Alhaji Asari
Dokubo, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and the Niger Delta Liberation Front (NDLF)
who have unleashed mayhem at different times. Lately, there has been the emergence of the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA),
the Red Egbesu Water Lions, the Joint Niger Delta Liberation Force (JNDLF), the Niger Delta Red Squad (NDRS), the
Adaka Boro Avengers and the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) in the Southeast, just to mention but a few.

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In recent years, protests in Nigeria have largely centered around issues such as police brutality, economic hardship, and
systemic corruption. One of the most significant and globally recognized protests in Nigeria in recent years was the
#EndSARS movement. The #EndSARS protests, which began in 2020, were a response to widespread allegations of
police brutality by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a unit of the Nigerian Police Force. SARS was accused of
numerous human rights violations, including extortion, torture, and extrajudicial killings (Channels, 2024).

The #EndSARS protests gained momentum after a viral video showed SARS officers beating a young man in Delta State.
In response, Nigerians, particularly youth, took to social media to demand an end to police brutality. The movement was
largely organized through social media platforms like Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook, which allowed young Nigerians
to mobilize and spread information rapidly. On October 8, 2020, the Nigerian government announced the dissolution of
SARS, but the protests continued, as demonstrators demanded broader police reforms and accountability (Semafor, 2024;
Punch Newspaper, 2024).

The #EndSARS protests were significant not only because of the demands for justice but also because of the role social
media played in amplifying the movement. The hashtag #EndSARS went viral, and millions of Nigerians and people
worldwide rallied behind the cause, raising awareness about police brutality and human rights abuses in Nigeria. The
protests were largely peaceful, but they were met with violent repression from security forces, particularly the notorious
October 20, 2020 incident at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, were soldiers and police allegedly opened fire on unarmed
protesters. This event, which resulted in several casualties, attracted global attention and led to calls for justice and
accountability (Punch Newspaper, 2024).

The underlying causes of protests in Nigeria are complex and multifaceted. Several factors have contributed to the rise
of protests, particularly in the post-independence period. One of the most significant factors is poor governance.
Corruption has been endemic in Nigeria’s political system, with government officials regularly accused of embezzling
public funds. According to Transparency International, Nigeria consistently ranks among the most corrupt countries in
the world. This corruption has had a detrimental effect on the country’s social and economic development, resulting in
widespread poverty, inadequate public services, and poor infrastructure.

Economic inequality is another key driver of protests in Nigeria. Despite being one of the largest economies in Africa,
Nigeria has one of the highest poverty rates in the world. According to the World Bank, over 40% of Nigerians live below
the poverty line. This inequality has fueled frustration among Nigerians, especially the youth, who face limited job
opportunities and high levels of unemployment. Protests have often been a way for citizens to voice their dissatisfaction
with the government's inability to address economic inequality and provide for the needs of the population (Moyo &
Songwe, 2012; Nkasi, 2020).

Another reason for protests in Nigeria is the increasing dissatisfaction with the Nigerian police force, particularly its
brutality and abuse of power. As seen in the #EndSARS movement, there has been a growing demand for police reform,
with calls for better training, accountability, and oversight. The Nigerian police have often been accused of using
excessive force, targeting vulnerable communities, and violating human rights with impunity (Ojewole, 2020).
Social media has played a critical role in shaping modern protests in Nigeria. Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and
Instagram have become powerful tools for mobilizing citizens, organizing protests, and raising awareness about social
issues. In the case of the #EndSARS protests, social media provided a platform for Nigerians to share their experiences
with police brutality, and it allowed the global community to witness the scale of the protests and the government’s violent
response.

Social media has also allowed young Nigerians to bypass traditional media outlets, which are often seen as being
controlled or censored by the government. The ability to communicate directly with the public through social media has
given protesters greater autonomy and a larger platform to voice their demands. Additionally, social media has helped to
raise international awareness about issues in Nigeria, which has led to global solidarity and support for various protest
movements (Ojewole, 2020).

However, the Nigerian government has also used social media to counter protests. In some instances, the government has
attempted to discredit protest movements by spreading misinformation or using propaganda to paint protesters as

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criminals or troublemakers. During the #EndSARS protests, the government imposed a curfew and also shut down
internet access in some areas to disrupt communication among protesters. Despite these efforts, social media continued
to be a critical tool for organizing and disseminating information.

Protests in Nigeria have had a significant impact on the political landscape of the country. While many protests have been
met with repression and violence, they have also led to some political reforms and changes. For example, the #EndSARS
protests forced the government to dissolve the SARS unit and promise police reforms, although there has been little
follow-through on these promises.

Protests also highlight the growing dissatisfaction with the political establishment and the increasing demands for
accountability and transparency. The youth, who make up a large portion of Nigeria’s population, are at the forefront of
these protests, challenging the political elite and demanding a more inclusive and equitable society. This has led to a shift
in Nigeria’s political discourse, as politicians are increasingly being held accountable for their actions, and calls for good
governance are becoming louder.

However, protests also have a polarizing effect on Nigerian society. While many Nigerians support protests and view
them as necessary for social change, others see them as disruptive and potentially destabilizing. The government's
response to protests has also been a subject of debate, with some accusing the government of using excessive force to
suppress dissent.

Protests in Nigeria are a reflection of the country’s broader social, economic, and political challenges. They are a powerful
tool for citizens to demand accountability, justice, and better governance. While protests, particularly the #EndSARS
movement, have led to some changes and reforms, they also highlight the deep-rooted issues of corruption, inequality,
and state violence that continue to plague Nigeria. Social media has played a crucial role in amplifying protest
movements, allowing citizens to organize and mobilize, but it has also been used by the government to suppress dissent.
Ultimately, the success of protests in Nigeria depends on the government's willingness to listen to the demands of its
citizens and implement meaningful reforms. Thus, this paper examines the causes, effects, and potential strategies for
managing protests in Nigeria, emphasizing the importance of fostering a peaceful and inclusive environment for political
engagement and social change.

II. FORMS OF PROTEST

Daniel (1994) asserts that a protest might take many different forms. Two of the most important data gathering initiatives
aiming to document protest occurrences are the Global Nonviolent Action Database and the Dynamics of Collective
Action project. The following protest strategies (and their definitions) are taken into consideration by the Dynamics of
Collective Action project:
• Rally or demonstration: Demonstration, rally, or other form of protest that does not involve picketing, marching, or
standing in vigil. A platform or stage, as well as the presence of PA sound equipment, are frequently used to confirm
references to speeches, speakers, singing, or preaching. usually consists of briefings, talks, and worship sessions.
• March: To differentiate it from walking in a circle or spinning with picket signs (which is a picket), the term refers
to going from one place to another.
• Vigil: Despite participant quiet, the majority of vigils contain banners, placards, or brochures to educate onlookers
of the vigil's aim.
• Picket: Picketing is the modal activity; mentions of a picket line, informational picketing, or holding placards—
"carrying signs and walking around in a circle"—may be found. The defining condition is not holding posters,
placards, or banners; rather, it is walking a circular path while holding or carrying those items—a statement that is
occasionally shockingly included in the permit application.
• Civil disobedience: Voter registration campaigns (to grant the right to vote to those who are not eligible), crossing
barricades, blocking access to segregated facilities (such lunch counters or restrooms), or blocking phone lines are
examples of explicit protest that entails willfully breaching laws you believe to be unfair in order to express your
disapproval.
• Ceremony: These commemorate or protest changes in status, such as the birth and death dates of people, groups, or
countries; the changing of the seasons; the re-enlistment or commissioning of military personnel; or the anniversaries

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of any of the aforementioned events. Flowers or wreaths are occasionally used to commemorate, dedicate, or
celebrate status changes or their anniversaries; examples include an annual memorial ceremony for merchant
marines, the observance of Chanukah or Easter, or the celebration of Martin Luther King Jr.'s birthday.
• Dramaturgical demonstration
• Motorcade: Parade of vehicles (election campaigns or other concerns)
• Information distribution: Teach-ins, lobbying, letter-writing campaigns, and petition/tabling gatherings.
• Symbolic display: e.g., a sign, cross burning, graffiti, a menorah or creche scene, or a standing exhibit.
• Attack by collective group (not-one-on-one assault, crime, rape): The "other group's identity" serves as the impetus
for attacks, such as lynchings or gay-bashing. can also involve threats or verbal abuse.
• Riot, melee, and mob violence: widespread (more than fifty) acts of violence committed by instigators against people,
property, law enforcement, or structures, either singly or in combination, and continuing for many hours.
• Any form of employee work protest, including strikes, slowdowns, and sick days: either a wildcat air strike or a
regular air strike due to a negotiating breakdown. If a wildcat strikes, take attention.
• Boycott: Systematic rejection of a product or service. Examples include Montgomery bus boycotts and rent strikes.
• Press conference: It must be the most common activity form and only be mentioned as such in the report. may entail
sharing information in an effort to "educate the public" or sway different decision-makers.
• Organization formation announcement or meeting announcement: A press conference or meeting to declare the
creation of a new organization.
• Conflict, attack or clash (no instigator): This encompasses any boundary conflict—such as Black/white conflicts or
abortion/anti-abortion disputes—where no clear cause can be found.
• Prayer Walk: An activity that involves walking and praying simultaneously is called a prayer walk. It serves as a
public demonstration rally or is done for spiritual purposes rather than for physical gain.
• Lawsuit: legal ploy by a group or organization involved in a social movement.
• Peopleless Protest: Concurrent online and offline demonstrations that use real-life protestors in public areas that are
then compiled online (created in Europe during the COVID-19 pandemic).

Causes of Protest in Nigeria

The main causes of protest in Nigeria are examined in this section of the research. Insecurity, poverty, unemployment,
marginalization, and police brutality are a few examples of these triggers.

Insecurity
One of the main causes of societal instability in Nigeria is still insecurity. In Nigeria, there isn't a single area that has not
experienced some kind of insecurity. The Boko Haram Islamist cult has been responsible for almost ten years of terrorism
in the North Eastern region of Nigeria, while the North Central region has been dealing with conflicts between farmers
and herders that have caused significant economic and human losses. Militancy has been a problem in the South-South
region, and secessionist parties have been agitating more in the South East and South West. According to Momodu (2021),
"Danger lurks everywhere you turn, East, West, North or South." This statement perfectly sums up the worsening situation
of insecurity in Nigeria. Nowadays, hardly one goes to sleep with both eyes closed; instead, we sleep with our eyes wide
open and more vigilant against the smallest hint of danger. We continually sniff the air for warning indications of bandits
and kidnappers. Nowadays, driving is such a terrifying and dangerous activity that getting to one's destination safely is a
miracle. The vile state of security throughout Nigeria is reflected in the aforementioned quote. In Nigeria, insecurity has
a huge cumulative effect on people's lives and property. For instance, the Nigeria Security Tracker's security incident
report from January to June 2021 shows 2,943 kidnappings and 5,800 deaths (Sahara Reporters, 2021). This amounts to
roughly 17 kidnappings and 32 murders every day. The Nigerian public's stress, rage, and resentment have increased as
a result of these atrocities. Many Nigerians have organized nonviolent protests to express their disapproval of the
indiscriminate devastation of lives and property throughout the nation as a result of the current insecurity wave. For
instance, young people in Katsina State, the home state of President Muhammadu Buhari, recently protested peacefully
to voice their displeasure with the Federal Government of Nigeria and the Katsina State government for failing to protect
them from armed bandits, kidnappers, and other criminal elements in the community.

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Poverty
Social unrest is still mostly caused by poverty, especially in emerging nations. In many countries around the world,
poverty is the main cause of unhappiness, claim Acemoglu and Robinson (2013). One of the most significant social and
economic problems that Nigerians continue to face is poverty. Nearly four out of ten Nigerians lived in poverty before
the COVID-19 pandemic, and millions more were at risk of doing so due to exclusion, according to the World Bank
(2021). According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2019), 83 million Nigerians, or 43% of the country's
population, make less than 137,430 Naira ($381.75) annually. Not too long ago, specifically in 2018, a Brookings
Institution report named Nigeria the world's poverty capital, displacing India from the enviable position (This Day, 2021).
The country's negative poverty profile has persisted into 2022. Poverty and social unrest are closely related; when people
are poor and unable to meet their basic needs, frustration and agitation can arise, and when these frustrations and
agitations are not adequately addressed, they may explode into collective action. As Tade (2021) correctly notes, social
unrest is born and fostered in the midst of poverty.

Unemployment
One of the biggest causes of societal unrest in Nigeria is still unemployment. The World Bank (2021) reports that Nigeria's
unemployment rate increased fivefold between 2010 and 2020, from 6.4% in 2010 to 33.3% by the end of 2020. This had
a substantial impact on young people's ability to find productive employment. The data above suggest that many
Nigerians would not be able to meet their basic necessities, which include clothing, food, and shelter. When this occurs,
a significant percentage of people who are willing to work but are unable to find profitable job may turn to antisocial
behavior (Tade, 2021).

Marginalization
In Nigeria, marginalization continues to be a major cause of societal discontent. Tension and agitation may arise in a
system where certain social groups are still subjected to systematic marginalization at the hands of others. Marginalization
has been a part of the Nigerian State since the colonialists united the northern and southern protectorates in 1914, so this
is nothing new in Nigeria. For instance, the current upsurge of restructuring movement in Nigeria is only a resuscitation
of a problem that has lain dormant for the previous fifty years. Nigerian politics have become more heated as a result of
agitations by secessionist organizations like the banned Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) in South-East Nigeria over
the purported political marginalization of the Igbo nation. Every Monday, the group has issued a "sit at home" directive
in the Eastern States, and many follow it. awareness the growing tension in Nigeria requires an awareness of the Niger
Delta region's persistent aspirations for resource control and the need to solve environmental degradation issues. The
recent rise of Sunday Adeyemo, also known as Sunday Igbohoto, who support the rights of the Yoruba people and call
for the establishment of an Oduduwa Republic, are all signs that the Nigerian state's current structure is inadequate and
urgently needs to be restructured to accommodate the sentiments of all citizens, particularly those who have been
wrongfully marginalized to the periphery of the nation's socioeconomic and political development.

Police Brutality
Some instances of civil unrest in Nigeria have been attributed to state institutions, particularly the military and police.
Numerous extrajudicial executions and violations of human rights have been linked to the Nigerian police. In 2020,
several young Nigerians organized the EndSARs demonstrations in response to the nation's persistent and unchecked
police brutality. Outrage and discontent over abuses of human rights, intimidation, torture, and extortion by the Nigerian
Police Force's Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) led to the protests (Dajo & Akor, 2021). In 2015, 347 members of
the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) and other civilians are alleged to have been killed and buried by the Nigerian
Army. Department of State, United States, 2020. Additionally, there was no proof that any military personnel were held
accountable for the violence against IMN protesters in Abuja in October and December of 2018, which is said to have
killed at least 42 individuals (United States Department of State, 2020). Furthermore, even after the Lagos Government-
established Judicial Panel of Enquiry confirmed that there was a massacre of innocent Nigerians during the Lekki Toll
Gate killings, the government continued to deny that no lives were lost, demonstrating that the Nigerian government's
response to social unrest has been marked by the excessive use of brutal force.

On Monday, November 15, 2021, the eight-member Judicial Panel of Inquiry, led by retired Justice Doris Okuwobi,
submitted its report to the Lagos Government under the title "Report of Lekki Incident Investigation of 20th October
2020." On page 13 of the report, which was titled "Executive Summary," the panel noted that "... at the Lekki Toll Gate,

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officers of the Nigerian Army shot, injured, and killed unarmed helpless and defenseless protesters, without provocation
or justification, while they were waving the Nigerian Flag and singing the National Anthem, and the manner of assault
and killing could in context be described as a massacre. When young people came out in large numbers to protest acts of
brutality by Nigerian Police Force officers under the hashtag #ENDSARs, the above revelations by a panel appointed by
the Lagos State Government ultimately put an end to any denials by government officials regarding the deaths of innocent
civilians at the Lekki Toll Gate.

III. EFFECTS OF PROTESTS IN NIGERIA

Social Unrest and Disruption

In Nigeria, protests frequently result in social disturbance, including fights between protestors and law enforcement,
traffic obstructions, and disruptions of public services. For instance, widespread civil disobedience during the #EndSARS
protests in major cities resulted in turmoil and violence. Such demonstrations cause disruptions to everyday life and
frequently result in a breakdown of order, putting individuals under curfews, limiting their freedom of movement, and
temporarily disrupting vital services (Adedeji, 2020). The widespread interruptions caused by the 2015 fuel subsidy
protests also had an impact on commerce and transportation (Onyekpere, 2015).

Economic Losses
Protests frequently result in large financial losses, particularly when they cause widespread strikes, traffic jams, or
infrastructure damage. For example, there were reports of millions of dollars in economic losses as a result of delayed
commercial, transportation, and industrial activities during the 2012 protests to remove fuel subsidies (Omotayo, 2013).
Similar to this, the 2020 #EndSARS protests caused significant economic repercussions, especially in Lagos, due to
looting, arson, and commercial damage (Olufemi, 2020).

Political Instability
In Nigeria, protests frequently lead to political unrest, particularly when they question the legitimacy of the current
administration. Police violence served as the catalyst for the 2020 #EndSARS protests, which grew into a larger political
movement against alleged corruption and oppression by the government. As seen by the 2015 gasoline subsidy protests
and the 2014 Occupy Nigeria movement, which compelled the government to reevaluate its position on fuel pricing,
political instability is also evident when protests demand regime change (Akinola, 2014).

Public Awareness and Mobilization

In Nigeria, protests are frequently used to bring attention to important societal concerns such governmental corruption,
economic suffering, and human rights abuses. The #EndSARS demonstrations in 2020, for instance, sparked a wave of
youth-led political activity and raised awareness of police brutality in Nigeria on a global scale. Youth participation in
the political process has expanded as a result of these protests' creation of a forum for more civic engagement and
mobilization (Nwachukwu, 2020). Disenfranchised groups frequently use protests as a means of amplifying their voices
in a government that they believe is unresponsive.

Violence and Human Rights Violations

The violence that frequently accompanies protests in Nigeria is one of their major negative repercussions. Security
personnel have come under fire for violating human rights by deploying excessive force to break up protests. There have
been multiple reports of police and military personnel deploying live ammunition during the #EndSARS protests,
resulting in fatalities, injuries, and numerous human rights violations (Bello, 2020). This not only makes the turmoil
worse but also highlights the need for changes in the legal and law enforcement systems.

International Attention and Pressure

International attention is frequently drawn to Nigerian protests, particularly when there is a possibility of long-lasting
political change or serious human rights abuses. For instance, human rights groups like Amnesty worldwide demanded
an impartial inquiry of the violence that took place during the #EndSARS protests, which attracted extensive worldwide
media coverage (Amnesty International, 2020). The Nigerian government may face diplomatic difficulties as a result of
this worldwide pressure, and foreign organizations may demand reforms.

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Reforms and Policy Change

Protests in Nigeria can occasionally result in real political and policy changes. The Nigerian government was obliged to
reverse its intention to eliminate the fuel subsidy, albeit temporarily, as a result of the 2012 protests (Bello & Usman,
2013). Similar to this, the Nigerian government promised to restructure the police force in response to the #EndSARS
protests, but its implementation has been sluggish and uneven (Akinlolu, 2020).

The Way Out

It would take an enormous amount of work to try to offer a solution to Nigeria's numerous issues. "The difficulty can be
overcome immediately; the impossible takes a little longer," as Sir Winston Churchill once said, is the only reason this
attempt is made (Awolowo, 1981). The challenges in Nigeria are also challenging, but they can be solved if Nigerians,
and particularly their leaders, approach the work with the seriousness and commitment that is required.

What to do?
The first place to start is with ignorance, which is the root of everything that is ugly, immoral, repressive, soul-sucking,
wrong, awful, disgusting, wicked, unjust, dehumanizing, sad, regrettable, etc. in Nigeria. The mother and perpetuator of
all wrongs, ignorance is the worst of all evils. the center of everything that is wrong with humanity worldwide. Since the
person who solves the problem also creates the problem, it is difficult to tackle the problem of ignorance. Furthermore,
it is well recognized that people rarely make wise decisions when their interests are at stake. But in this situation, he is
forced to develop his judgment on any issue that comes up, regardless of whether it involves his own interests or not.

Experience has demonstrated that ignorance is darkness and that knowledge, or light, is the only thing that can dispel
darkness. Since ignorance has been shown to be countered by knowledge, it is important to pursue knowledge with fervor.
Education is the process by which knowledge is obtained. The process of teaching both young and old people of society
to acquire information and skills is known as education. understanding of the world they live in, their own place in it, and
the true meaning, purpose, and substance of existence. abilities to put their knowledge into action for the benefit of
everyone. It is understandable why the renowned philosopher Plato asserts that "those who are rightly educated generally
become good men" (Rusk, 1969) and "good women as well." "No man should bring children into the world who is
unwilling to persevere to the end in their nurture and education," Plato argues in another forum.

Moral instruction is therefore essential as the goal of education is to create virtuous men and women from society's
members. People with moral education make statements to society and drive progress. This is because they understand
that the world's resources are gifts that should be shared by everyone, so they continue to be aware of their own needs as
well as those of others and strive to make all of them a reality. Only those who have had a moral education are sensitive
in these respects. According to Ocho (2005), an educated person is one who is morally upright, appropriately suited to
his society, and makes a significant contribution to its advancement. Therefore, all Nigerians should have free and
mandatory access to general education in general and moral education in particular. If corruption is demonstrated to be
the path out of Nigeria, the country has the resources to start this life-saving project.

Second, there should be no do-or-die mentality in politics. Many Nigerians, particularly politicians, hold erroneous beliefs
about governance. They view governance as a means of easily accumulating money. This idea causes them to view
politics—a process that creates the people who will run the government—as a matter of life and death. Governance in a
civilized world is a call to selfless service, a call to join a think tank to develop ideas, policies, programs, and implement
them in order to build a nation state whose citizens will fully enjoy their human rights and freedoms, meet their basic
needs, including food, shelter, clothing, education, health, and security, and recognize each person's humanity. It also
encourages self-initiative, self-reliance, free thought and inquiry, and the fullest possible development of one's talents.
This is impossible in a place where people fight for political reasons. Like any other contest, politics is a noble struggle
for power with rules that contestants must scrupulously follow; any violations must be viewed negatively and punished.
The lawless nature of Nigerian politics depresses Oladipo (1999), who writes: "This attitude is, to say the least,
unfortunate." Politics is not an unprincipled fight, despite the fact that it is in many ways a struggle for power. Its
application in civilized communities entails a set of regulations intended to prevent arbitrary action in the conciliation of
societal interests, which is its ultimate goal. This explains why a political regime's legitimacy is determined by both the
way it was established and the purpose it pursued while in power. To put it another way, political contests must be
conducted strictly in accordance with the rules that govern them, and any violation of those norms, regardless of the

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circumstances, must not be tolerated. Instead, the offending party must be penalized in order to prevent such incidents in
the future.

Third, morality ought to permeate every aspect of Nigerian life and be rigorously upheld by the country's leaders and
followers, as well as by its young and old, high and humble. The network of morality is the set of rules for proper or
decent behavior. These moral precepts govern people's conduct, guarantee that they live in harmony, carry out their tasks,
and savor the rewards of their labor. Moral principles that must be upheld are part of the people's morals. Examples
include love, justice, trust, honesty, patience, integrity, hard work, a passion for learning, live and let live, altruism, being
a brother's keeper, selfless service, etc., and immoral values that should be avoided, such as murder, hatred, lying, stealing,
indolence, backbiting, adultery, perjury, dishonesty, unjust acts, etc. What sets people apart from other animals and makes
human civilization favorable to peace, security, advancement, and development is adherence to the former and disgust
for the latter. Humans will return to the Hobbesian state of nature, where existence was "solitary, nasty, poor, brutish, and
short," if morality is removed from society. No one will want to live in society when it turns into a hellhole. When
Omoregbe (2003) states: "Moral development and maturity on the part of the citizens of that country are pre-requisites
for the development of that country…," he highlights the significance of rigorous adherence to society's moral norms or
rules. In a nation where public monies are embezzled by people in charge of them and who are meant to use them for
initiatives and development, how can there be progress? In a nation where self-interest is the primary guiding principle,
how can growth occur? No nation will grow if its people are morally slack, give lip service to ethical issues, and prioritize
their own interests. Man is more vicious than a beast and more dangerous than a monster when moral boundaries are
absent. Violence becomes the norm when moral standards are not strictly enforced, and only the strongest survive.

Fourth, if Nigeria wants to avoid violent outbursts, poverty should be condemned, discouraged, and punished with death.
Poverty is a moral and material illness. The sufferers of moral poverty are devoid of the necessities of existence that give
life meaning. A person no longer qualifies as a human in the fullest sense of the word if they lack access to food, shelter,
clothing, healthcare, and education. The human fold does not include him or her. Victims of moral poverty are also
problem makers rather than issue solvers. They thrive on the sweat of others, make their fortunes on the tragedies of
others, and take pleasure in seeing others suffer. Nigeria should give its army of unemployed but employable youths work
chances in order to prevent material poverty. A victim who is denied the chance to work believes that society is against
them and will fight against it. Corruption should be despised and viewed as such by everyone in order to prevent moral
impoverishment. To set a positive example for others to follow, leaders in particular should stop engaging in corrupt
activities. Instead of ruling by principles, they ought to lead by example. Nigeria is flooded with the latter, but has been
deficient in the former.

IV. CONCLUSION

As the previous debates have demonstrated, violence is a negative social phenomena that does no good to anyone. Both
its victims and its offenders lose in the aftermath. Additionally, violence is a result of man's fallen nature and repeated
violations against the fiber of his nature rather than something that is inherent to him. Since it is his creation, he alone
must find a solution to that self-inflicted issue. Although God's grace will continue to protect him, man must figure out
how to be saved from violence on his own.

In any culture, justice is the antidote to violence. Nigerians ought to submit to the rule of justice. Everyone acts as his
brother's keeper, everyone thinks well of others, everyone's joys and sorrows become the joys and sufferings of everyone,
and no one lives in dread of another or harbors animosity toward another under the rule of justice with its assistants—
law, fairness, equity, and equality. Under such circumstances, development proceeds at a rapid pace, and Nigeria would
be a location where Nigerians may fully develop their individual and collective endowments in order to achieve both
individual and collective fulfillment.

This can appear to be a dream. However, if it is a dream, it will undoubtedly come true if selfishness is swapped out for
altruism, ignorance for knowledge, greed for contentment, injustice for justice, law-governed politics for do-or-die
politics, poverty for wealth, and every negative thought for a positive one and every negative action for a positive one. It
is now up to Nigerians to either make or break their chances of developing their country like other developed countries.

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Recommendations
The study's conclusions lead to the following suggestions for implementation and policy guidance:
1. The government should invest in job creation programs, ensure accountability in governance, and promote social
welfare initiatives to reduce inequalities that fuel public dissent.
2. Establish a national grievance redress system, which includes a dedicated body for addressing the concerns of
citizens, with clear processes for follow-up actions and regular public reports.
3. The Nigerian government should invest in law enforcement reforms, focusing on better training in crowd control
and the protection of human rights during protests, while holding officers accountable for abuses.
4. Promote peacebuilding programs that encourage citizens to adopt non-violent methods of protest and resistance, and
train protest organizers on how to effectively manage and de-escalate conflict.
5. Set up independent oversight mechanisms to ensure that post-protest promises, including policy reforms and
institutional changes, are implemented swiftly and effectively, with regular updates to the public.

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