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 Beer Lover’s
New England

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 1 11/5/15 3:52 PM

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 2 11/5/15 3:52 PM
 Beer Lover’s
New England
Second Edition

Norman Miller

Guilford, Connecticut

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 3 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 All the information in this guidebook is subject to change. We recommend that
you call ahead to obtain current information before traveling.

An imprint of Rowman & Littlefield

Distributed by NATIONAL BOOK NETWORK

Copyright © 2016 by Rowman & Littlefield

Maps: Alena Joy Pearce © Rowman & Littlefield

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any

form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including infor-
mation storage and retrieval systems, without written permission
from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages
in a review.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

ISSN 2168-1341
ISBN 978-1-4930-0752-3 (paperback)
ISBN 978-1-4930-1968-7 (e-book)

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum

requirements of American National Standard for Information
Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials,
ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 4 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Contents
Introduction xii
Mayflower Brewing Company 39
Mercury Brewing Company 40

How to Use This Guide xiv

Mystic Brewery 42
Nashoba Valley Winery 44
Glossary of Terms xiv
Newburyport Brewing Company 45
New England Beer News & Reviews xvii
Night Shift Brewery 47

Massachusetts 1
Notch Brewing 49
Paper City Brewing Company 50
Breweries
Percival Beer Company 52
Backlash Beer Company 3
Pioneer Brewing Company 52
Bad Martha Beer Company 4
Pretty Things Beer & Ale Project 54
Banner Beer Company 5
Rapscallion 56
Berkley Beer Company 6
Riverwalk Brewing Company 57
Berkshire Brewing Company 7
Scantic River Brewery 59
Big Elm Brewing 9
Slumbrew: Somerville Brewing
Blatant Brewery 10
Company 60
Blue Hills Brewery 11
Spencer Brewery 62
Bog Iron Brewery 13
Tree House Brewing Company 62
Boston Beer Company 14
Trillium Brewing Company 63
Brewmaster Jack 15
Wachusett Brewing Company 64
Cape Ann Brewing Company 16
Wandering Star Brewing Company 66
Cape Cod Beer 18
Westfield River Brewing Company 67
Cisco Brewers 20
Wormtown Brewing Company 68
Clown Shoes Beer 21
Cody Brewing Company 23
Element Brewing Company 25
Brewpubs
Amherst Brewing Company 71
Glass Bottom Brewery 27
Barrington Brewery & Restaurant 72
Goodfellows Brewing Company 28
Beer Works 73
Harpoon Brewery 30
Cambridge Brewing Company 73
High & Mighty Beer Company 31
The Gardner Ale House 75
Idle Hands Craft Ales LLC 33
High Horse Brewing 76
Jack’s Abby Brewing 34
John Harvard’s Brew House 76
Kretschmann Brewing Company 36
Northampton Brewery 77
Lefty’s Brewing Company 37

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 5 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Offshore Ale Company 78 Bunker Brewing Company 117
Opa Opa Steakhouse & Brewery 80 D.L. Geary Brewing Company 118
The People’s Pint 80 Foundation Brewing Company 120
The Tap Brewpub 81 Friar’s Brewhouse 120
Watch City Brewing Company 83 Funky Bow Brewery and
Beer Company 121
Beer Bars Gneiss Brewing Company 122
The Ale House 84 Gritty McDuff’s Brewery 123
Armsby Abbey 85 Maine Beer Company 125
British Beer Company 86 Oak Pond Brewing Company 127
Bukowski’s Tavern 87 Oxbow Brewing Company 128
Cambridge Common Restaurant 89 Peak Organic Brewing Company 130
Deep Ellum 90 Penobscot Bay Brewery 131
The Dive Bar 91 Rising Tide Brewing Company 133
Green Street Grille 92 Sebago Brewing Company 134
Horseshoe Pub & Restaurant 93 Sheepscot Valley Brewing
Jacob Wirth Restaurant 94 Company 136
Lord Hobo 95 Shipyard Brewing Company 137
The Moan and Dove 96 SoMe Brewing Company 139
Moe’s Tavern 96 Strong Brewing Company 140
The Publick House & Monk’s Cell 98
Sierra Grille 99 Brewpubs
Sunset Grill & Tap 100 The Bag & Kettle Brewpub 141
Yard House 101 Boon Island Ale House 142
Bray’s Brewpub & Eatery 143
Maine 103 Federal Jack’s Restaurant &
Breweries Brew Pub 144
Allagash Brewing Company 105 Geaghan’s Restaurant & Pub 145
Andrew’s Brewing Company 106 Kennebec River Pub & Brewery 146
Atlantic Brewing Company 108 Liberal Cup Public House
Banded Horn Brewery Company 109 and Brewery 148
Bar Harbor Brewing Company 110 Maine Coast Brewing Company 149
Baxter Brewing Company 111 Marshall Wharf Brewing Company/
Belfast Bay Brewing Company 113 Three Tides Restaurant 150
Bissell Brothers 114 The Run of the Mill 151
Black Bear Microbrewery 115 Sea Dog Brewing Company 152
Boothbaby Craft Brewery 117 Sunday River Brewing Company 153

[ vi ] Contents

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 6 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Beer Bars Three Needs Brewery & Taproom 193
The Badger Cafe & Pub 155 Trapp Family Lodge Brewery 193
Ebenezer’s Pub 155 Vermont Pub & Brewery 194
The Great Lost Bear 157 Whetstone Station Restaurant &
Jimmy the Greek’s 158 Brewery 195
Novare Res Bier Café 159 Zero Gravity Craft Brewery
Post Road Tavern 160 @ American Flatbread 196
Three Dollar Dewey’s 161
Beer Bars
Vermont 163 Blackback Pub & Flyshop 197
Breweries Das Bierhaus 198
Drop-in Brewery 165 The Farmhouse Tap & Grill 199
Fiddleheads Brewing Company 165 Parker Pie Company 200
Foley Brothers Brewing 166 Three Penny Taproom 201
Four Quarters Brewing 167
14th Star Brewery 168 New Hampshire 203
Hill Farmstead Brewery 169 Breweries
Kingdom Brewing 171 Agner & Wolf Brewing
Lawson’s Finest Liquids 172 Corporation 204
Long Trail Brewing Company 173 Candia Road Brewing Company 205
Lost Nation Brewing 175 Canterbury Aleworks 207
Magic Hat Brewing Company 176 Great Rhythm Brewing Company 208
Northshire Brewery 178 Henniker Brewing Company 208
Otter Creek Brewing/Wolaver’s 179 Kelsen Brewing Company 209
Rock Art Brewery 181 Out.Haus Ales 210
Stone Corral Brewery 182 Prodigal Brewery at Misty Mountain
Switchback Brewing Company 183 Farm 212
Trout River Brewing Company 184 Redhook Ale Brewery 213
603 Brewery 214
Brewpubs Smuttynose Brewing Company 215
Bobcat Cafe & Brewery 187 Squam Brewing Company 217
Brewster River Pub & Brewery 188 Stoneface Brewing Company 218
Crop Bistro & Brewery 188 Throwback Brewery 219
Jasper Murdock’s Alehouse 190 Tuckerman Brewing Company 221
Madison Brewing Company 191 White Birch Brewing 222
McNeill’s Brewery 192 Woodstock Inn Brewery 224

Contents [ vii ]

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 Brewpubs Thimble Island Brewing Company 261
Earth Eagle Brewings 226 Thomas Hooker Brewing Company 262
Elm City Brewing Company 227 Top Shelf Brewing Company 263
Flying Goose Brew Pub & Grill 228 Two Roads Brewing Company 264
Martha’s Exchange 229
Milly’s Tavern 230 Brewpubs
Moat Mountain Smoke House & Bru Room at BAR 266
Brewing Company 231 The Cambridge House 266
Portsmouth Brewery 233 City Steam Brewery Café 267
Schilling Beer Company 234 SBC Restaurant & Brewery 268
Seven Barrel Brewery 235 Willimantic Brewing Company 269

Beer Bars Beer Bars

The Barley House 236 The Cask Republic 270
Blue Mermaid Island Grill 237 Eli Cannon’s Tap Room 271
Portsmouth Gas Light Co. 237 MiKro Craft Beer Bar 272
Strange Brew Tavern 238 Prime 16 273

Connecticut 241 Rhode Island 275

Breweries Breweries
Back East Brewing Company 242 Bucket Brewery 277
Beaver Beer Company 243 Coastal Extreme Brewing
Beer’d Brewing Company 244 Company 278
Broad Brook Brewing Company 245 Foolproof Brewing Company 280
Black Hog Brewing Co. 246 Grey Sail Brewing of Rhode Island 281
Charter Oak Brewing Company 247 Narragansett Beer 282
Cottrell Brewing Company 248 Proclamation Ale Company 284
Firefly Hollow Brewing 250 Ravenous Brewing Company 284
Half Full Brewery 250 Revival Brewing Company 285
The Hartford Better Beer
Company 251 Brewpubs
New England Brewing Company 253 Coddington Brewing Company 287
Olde Burnside Brewing Company 254 Mohegan Cafe & Brewery 288
Relic Brewing Company 257 Trinity Brewhouse 288
Shebeen Brewing Company 258 Union Station Brewery 290
Stony Creek Brewery 259
Stubborn Beauty Brewing
Company 260

[ viii ] Contents

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 8 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Beer Bars Pub Crawls 318
Doherty’s East Avenue Irish Pub 291 Boston, MA 318
English Cellar Alehouse 291 Cambridge, MA 320
Julians 292 Burlington, VT 322
Pour Judgment Bar & Grill 293 New Haven, CT 324
Northampton, MA 326
Beer Festivals 295 Portland, ME 328
Portsmouth, NH 330
BYOB: Providence, RI 332
Brew Your Own Beer 303
Brew-on-Premises 303 Appendix:
Beer Recipe 306 Beer Lover’s Pick List 336

In the Kitchen 308 Index 340

Pairing Beer with Food 308
Food Recipes 309

Contents [ ix ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 9 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 About the Author

Norman Miller grew up in the beer wasteland of Leominster, Massachusetts, where

he still resides with his dog, Foxy, and his beer fridge, Beatrice. He writes the popu-
lar “Beer Nut” column that appears weekly in the MetroWest Daily News and the daily
“Beer Nut” blog on wickedlocal.com. He developed his love of craft beer at the now-
defunct Stone Coast Brewery in Laconia, New Hampshire, and thinks New England
has developed into one of the great brewing regions in the US.

[x]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 10 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Acknowledgments

W riting this book was a long process, and I have to thank a lot of people who
made it possible. First, I want to thank my mother, Donna Miller, who con-
vinced me, despite her not liking that I drink beer, to write this book. She passed
away soon after the first edition of this book was released.
I also need to thank my good friend, Charlie Breitrose. If it weren’t for having
him as a drinking buddy in the early exploration of the craft beer, I probably would
never have developed a love for beer.
I also would like to thank my editors at the MetroWest Daily News in Framingham,
first for giving me my weekly “Beer Nut” column and, despite the tough times in the
industry, allowing me to continue it all these years.
Much appreciation has to go out to all of the brewers and brewery employees
and owners who helped me with this book, none more so than Will Meyers of the
Cambridge Brewing Company. Every time I needed any information, he responded
quickly with what I needed. He helped me with many different aspects of the book,
and I can’t thank him enough.
A lot of thanks has to go out to all of the New England breweries that have
brewed and continued to make some phenomenal beers. If it weren’t for them creat-
ing great beer, there would not be a need for a book like this. They have truly made
New England a hotbed of brewing that is getting better and better every day.
Also important are the craft beer fans in New England. Better beer lovers demand
more than what mass-produced beers offer. They aren’t willing to settle for less than
the best, and that forces the New England breweries to continue to strive toward
greatness.
And finally, many thanks have to go out to my liver. If it weren’t for my liver,
it would not have been possible to drink more than 1,000 different beers brewed in
New England, and that would be sad because I would be missing out on some truly
phenomenal beers.

[ xi ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 11 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Introduction

N ew England beer saved me from the mediocrity of flavorless, overpriced mixed

drinks at bars. I hated beer while in college and wouldn’t drink it. It wasn’t
snobbiness, it was flavor. Mass-produced beer didn’t taste good to me, and why
would I drink it? So I stuck to Captain Morgan’s and Coke.
That was until I discovered the Stone Coast Brewery in Laconia, New Hampshire.
I was working at a newspaper in the Granite State, and the Stone Coast, a brewpub,
was the closest bar we could go to after deadline on Fridays. I remember looking at
the beer list and seeing a beer called the Drunken Monkey Barleywine. I had no idea
what a barleywine was, but I ordered it (how couldn’t I, based on that name?) and
tasted something I had never had before—a beer with flavor.
That started me on a journey of the exploration of the beer world. Sure, like
all aspiring beer geeks, I fell in love with the California hop bombs, and the big,
flavorful imperial stouts, but I always came back to New England breweries. Now,
if you look in my beer fridge, most of it is New England beer. New England has
truly turned into one of the great brewing regions in the country. You have the old
standbys, such as Boston Beer Company (brewers of Samuel Adams Boston Lager)
and Harpoon Brewery, both producing good solid beers, as well as branching out
into more adventurous brews. And then you have exciting beer producers—Allagash
Brewing Company in Maine that brews world class Belgian ales, Pretty Things Beer
& Ale Project in Massachusetts that has some of the most exciting beers brewed
anywhere in the US on the shelves, and the Narragansett Brewery of Rhode Island,
which is trying to bring a classic New England brand back while introducing some of
the best, easy-drinking seasonals on the market.
Don’t forget about the brewpubs. Establishments throughout New England, such
as the Cambridge Brewing Company and the Perfect Pear Cafe, combine quality beers
brewed on the premises with delicious dishes, making them a one-stop destination
for hungry craft beer lovers. Beer bars abound throughout the Northeast where you
can get the latest and greatest local and imported beers on tap or in bottles.
Want to taste the best beer New England has to offer in one session? We’re home
to some of the best beer festivals in the country, from Beer Advocate’s Extreme Beer
Fest to the New England Real Ale Exhibition.

[ xii ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 12 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Ever thought about taking your love of craft beer to the next level and brewing
your own? If you want to get your feet wet, stop by one of the handful of brew-on-
premises establishments operating in New England to brew and bottle your own beer
under the guidance of an expert. Go one step further and become a homebrewer, cre-
ating your own concoctions or trying one of the beer recipes available in this guide.
But the world of quality New England beer goes much further than brewing it
and drinking it. Pair a dish with a good craft beer to take flavors to the next level,
or better yet, cook with it! Try out some of the recipes on offer in the Food Recipes
section to get a taste of classic New England food infused with its beer in your own
kitchen.
This book is an exploration and celebration of New England beer from all angles.
Maybe you’ll find a brew you’ve never heard about, learn more about New England’s
proud brewing tradition, or be inspired to take a road trip to sample the best beer
available in different regions, whether it’s Massachusetts, Maine, Vermont, New
Hampshire, Connecticut, or Rhode Island.
To us beer-loving New England natives and visitors alike: Cheers!

Introduction [ xiii ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 13 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 How to Use This Guide

T he brewery, brewpub, and beer bar listings in Beer Lover’s New England are
organized alphabetically within each state: Massachusetts, Maine, Vermont,
New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. Every brewery profile contains a
Beer Lover’s Pick, a spotlight on the most outstanding beer being produced by
its respective brewery, complete with tasting notes. You can find a complete list of
Beer Lover’s Picks organized by alphabetical order at the back of this guide in the
Appendix.
In addition to the brewery, brewpub, and beer bar profiles that make up the bulk
of this guide, you’ll also find sections on:

Beer Festivals: A 12-pack of annual beer events is listed by month, with themes
ranging from extreme craft beer to your typical outdoor summer fest.
BYOB: Brew Your Own Beer: This section celebrates the homebrewer, whether
you’re slightly interested in brewing your own beer or you’re an avid hobbyist who’s
turned parts of your home into your own personal craft brewery. We’ve provided list-
ings for brew-on-premises establishments for beginners and clone beer recipes for
the advanced homebrewer.
In the Kitchen: It goes without saying that if you fancy yourself a bit of a beer
lover, you might appreciate good food, too. And what goes better with a delicious
meal than a glass (or two) of quality beer? Learn all about pairing types of food
with styles of craft beer—complete with specific New England beer examples—and
try your hand cooking with beer with the food recipes submitted by local chefs and
beer enthusiasts.
Pub Crawls: In this itinerary-based section, we break down some of New
England’s greatest beer-centric cities into walkable tours where you can sample some
of the best brew on offer throughout the region.

Glossary of Terms
ABV: Alcohol by volume—the percentage of alcohol in a beer. A typical domestic
beer is a little less than 5 percent ABV.

[ xiv ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 14 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Ale: Beer brewed with top fermenting yeast. Quicker to brew than lagers, and most
every craft beer is a style of ale. Popular styles of ales include pale ales, amber
ales, stouts, and porters.

Altbier: A German style of ale, typically brown in color, smooth, and fruity.

Barleywine: Not a wine at all but a high-ABV ale that originated in England and is
typically sweet. American versions often have large amounts of hops.

Barrel of beer: Production of beer is measured in barrels. A barrel equals 31

gallons.

Beer: An alcoholic beverage brewed with malt, water, hops, and yeast.

Beer bar: A bar that focuses on carrying craft or fine imported beers.

Bitter: An English bitter is an English style of ale, more hoppy than an English
mild, but less hoppy than an IPA.

Bock: A German-style lager, typically stronger than the typical lager.

Bomber: Most beers are packaged in 12-ounce bottles. Bombers are 22-ounce
bottles.

Brewpub: Typically a restaurant, but sometimes a bar, that brews its own beers on
premises.

Cask: Also known as real ales, cask ales are naturally carbonated and are usually
served with a hand pump rather than forced out with carbon dioxide or nitrogen.

Clone beer: A clone beer is a homebrew recipe based on a commericial beer.

Contract brewery: A company that does not have its own brewery and pays
someone else to brew and bottle its beer.

Craft beer: High-quality, flavorful beer made by small breweries.

Double: Two meanings. Most often meant as a higher-alcohol version of a beer,

most typically used in reference to a double, or imperial, IPA. Can also be used
as an American translation of a Belgian dubbel, a style of Belgian ale.

Gastropub: A beer-centric bar or pub that exhibits the same amount of care
selecting its foods as it does its beers.

Growler: A half-gallon jug of beer. Many brewpubs sell growlers of their beers to go.

How to Use This Guide [ xv ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 15 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Gypsy brewer: A company that does not own its own brewery, but rents space at
an existing brewery to brew it themselves.

Hops: Hops are flowers used in beers to produce aroma, bitterness, and flavor.
Nearly every beer in the world has hops.

IBU: International bittering units, which are used to measure how bitter a beer is.

Imperial: A higher alcohol version of a regular-strength beer.

IPA: India pale ale. A popular style of ale created in England that has taken a
decidedly American twist over the years. Often bitter, thanks to more hops used
than in other styles of beer.

Kolsch: A light, refreshing German-style ale.

Lager: Beer brewed with bottom fermenting yeast. Takes longer and is harder
to brew than ales. Popular styles of lagers include black lagers, doppelbocks,
pilsners, and Vienna lagers.

Malt: Typically barley malt, but sometimes wheat malt. Malt provides the
fermentable sugar in beers. The more fermentable sugar, the higher the ABV in
a beer. Without malt, a beer would be too bitter from the hops.

Microbrewery: A brewery that brews less than 15,000 barrels of beer a year.

Nano-brewery: A brewery that brews four barrels of beer per batch or less.

Nitro draft: Most beers that are served on draft use kegs pressurized with carbon
dioxide. Occasionally, particularly with stouts, nitrogen is used, which helps
create a more creamy body.

Pilsner: A style of German or Czeckolovian lager, usually light in color. Most mass-
produced beers are based on this style.

Porter: A dark ale, similar to the stout but with less roasted characters.

Pounders: 16-ounce cans.

Quad: A strong Belgian-style ale, typically sweet and high in alcohol.

Regional brewery: A brewery that brews up to 6,000,000 barrels of beer a year.

Russian imperial stout: A stout is a dark, heavy beer. A Russian imperial stout is
a higher-alcohol, thicker-bodied version of regular stouts.

[ xvi ] How to Use This Guide

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 16 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 Saison: Also known as a Belgian or French farmhouse ale. It can be fruity, and it
can also be peppery. Usually refreshing.

Seasonal: A beer that is only brewed at a certain time of year to coincide with the
seasons.

Session beer: A low-alcohol beer, one that you can have several of in one long
“session” of drinking.

Stout: A dark beer brewed with roasted malts.

Strong ale: A style of ale that is typically both hoppy and malty and can be aged
for years.

Tap takeover: An event where a bar or pub hosts a brewery and has several of its
beers on tap.

Triple (Tripel): A Belgian-style ale, typically lighter in color than a dubbel but
higher in alcohol.

Wheat beer: Beers, such as hefeweizens and witbiers, are brewed using wheat malt
along with barley malt.

Yeast: The living organism in beer that causes the sugars to ferment and become
alcohol.

New England Beer News & Reviews

With the New England beer scene growing by leaps and bounds, the online beer
community is keeping pace. There are numerous great beer blogs and websites worth
checking out to get the latest news, information, reviews, and thoughts on beer.
These eight are some of the best beer blogs out there, but search around and you
may find your own favorite.

Andy Crouch’s BeerScribe.com, www.beerscribe.com: Andy Crouch is one of

the most knowledgeable people about beer in New England, and his articles are
well written, informative, and entertaining. Crouch is a talented writer and has
written two books, including Great American Craft Beer.

Beer Advocate, www.beeradvocate.com: There is simply not a better resource

online anywhere for information about beer. Run by brothers Jason and Todd
Alstrom, the site is a clearinghouse of beer news. Press releases about new beers

How to Use This Guide [ xvii ]

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 17 11/5/15 3:52 PM

 are posted daily and every beer event—festivals, beer dinners, tastings—is
listed. The Beer Fly is an essential tool when planning a beercation. There are
also ample forums on numerous subjects where people get into debates, discuss
new trends in beer, and share their latest beer hauls.

The Beer Babe, www.thebeerbabe.com: Meet Carla Companion, known in the

beer world as the Beer Babe. This Maine-based blog is well organized and a
fun read, with sections split up into different categories—reviews and beer
adventures being two of them—so that it’s easy to navigate.

Beer Nut, http://blogs.wickedlocal.com/beernut: Okay, self-promotion—this

is my beer blog. It is updated daily with beer reviews, press releases, and
information about upcoming events. Also features a weekly guest blog from
Jack’s Abby Brewing in Framingham and a weekly guest homebrewing blog.

Connecticut Beer, www.connbeer.com: If you want information about

Connecticut beer, breweries, brewpubs, and bars, this is the place to go. Michael
Walsh knows his stuff, and his passion for the local beer scene shows on his
blog.

Here for the Beer, www.hereforthebeer.com: Here for the Beer is the brainchild
of husband and wife Tim and Amy Brady of Vermont. The website is heavy on
professional-quality videos of different bars and events the pair attends, as well
as some of the most unique, and almost risqué, reviews on the web.

Lost in the Beer Aisle, www.lostinthebeeraisle.com: Blogger Josh Dion talks

about beer from an everyman’s perspective, posting honest reviews of what he
thinks about craft beer. Numerous photos from different events and bars are
always posted.

Seacoast Beverage Lab, http://seacoastbeveragelab.com: Brian Aldrich has one

of the better-looking beer blogs in New England, and the content is pretty darn
good, too. Heavy on reviews, it also has a calendar of events, a section on pub
crawls, and beer news.

[ xviii ] How to Use This Guide

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 18 11/5/15 3:53 PM

 Massachusetts
This isn’t the Massachusetts beer lovers from the 1990s and
early 2000s remember. From a region that was once known
for its traditional English-style pale ales, mild IPAs, and

Massachusetts
blueberry beers, Massachusetts has become an area explod-
ing with experimentation.
Breweries—from those established in the mid-1980s like
Harpoon to those just starting in the last few years such
as Wormtown Brewing Company—are taking some serious
chances with the beers they produce. And now pretty much
every region in the state has a great beer bar to go out to
and grab your local favorite or imported beer, all served in
the proper glassware. Brewpubs aren’t letting this experi-
mentation pass them by, be it the barrel-aging process going
on at Cambridge Brewing Company or brewing hopless beers
or beers with bacon at the Watch City Brewing Company in
Waltham.
Massachusetts has truly become one of the brewing hubs
in the US.

BeerLoversNE_2E_4pp.indd 1 11/5/15 3:53 PM

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have no other point of affinity except in the roots and structure of their language;
on every other point there is the widest difference. To enable us to affirm that the
Massagetæ, or the Scythians, or the Alani, belonged to the Indo-European family,
it would be requisite that we should know something of their language. But the
Scythian language may be said to be wholly unknown; and the very few words
which are brought to our knowledge do not tend to aid the Indo-European
hypothesis.

[461] See the story of the accidental discovery of this Scythian sword when
lost, by Attila, the chief of the Huns (Priscus ap. Jornandem de Rebus Geticis, c.
35, and in Eclog. Legation. p. 50).
Lucian in the Toxaris (c. 38, vol. ii, p. 546, Hemst.) notices the worship of the
akinakes, or scymetar, by the Scythians in plain terms without interposing the
idea of the god Arês: compare Clemen. Alexand. Protrept. p. 25, Syl. Ammianus
Marcellinus, in speaking of the Alani (xxxi, 2), as well as Pomponius Mela (ii, 1)
and Solinus (c. 20), copy Herodotus. Ammianus is more literal in his description of
the Sarmatian sword-worship (xvii, 12). “Eductisque mucronibus, quos pro
numinibus colunt,” etc.

[462] Herodot. iv, 3-62, 71-75; Sophoklês, Œnomaus,—ap. Athenæ. ix, p.

410; Hippokratês, De Aëre, Locis et Aquis, ch. vi, s. 91-99, etc.
It is seldom that we obtain, in reference to the modes of life of an ancient
population, two such excellent witnesses as Herodotus and Hippokratês about the
Scythians.
Hippokratês was accustomed to see the naked figure in its highest perfection
at the Grecian games: hence, perhaps, he is led to dwell more emphatically on
the corporeal defects of the Scythians.

[463] See Pallas, Reise durch Russland, and Dr. Clarke, Travels in Russia, ch.
xii, p. 238.

[464] Thucyd. ii, 95; Herodot. ii, 46-47: his idea of the formidable power of
the Scythians seems also to be implied in his expression (c. 81), καὶ ὀλίγους, ὡς
Σκύθας εἶναι.
Herodotus holds the same language about the Thracians, however, as
Thucydidês about the Scythians,—irresistible, if they could but act with union (v,
3).

[465] The testimony of Herodotus to this effect (iv, 110-117) seems clear
and positive, especially as to the language. Hippokratês also calls the Sauromatæ
ἔθνος Σκυθικόν (De Aëre, Locis et Aquis, c. vi, sect. 89, Petersen).
I cannot think that there is any sufficient ground for the marked ethnical
distinction which several authors draw (contrary to Herodotus) between the
Scythians and the Sarmatians. Boeckh considers the latter to be of Median or
Persian origin, but to be, also, the progenitors of the modern Sclavonian family:
“Sarmatæ, Slavorum haud dubie parentes,” (Introduct. ad Inscr. Sarmatic. Corp.
Inscr. part xi, p. 83.) Many other authors have shared this opinion, which
identifies the Sarmatians with the Slavi; but Paul Joseph Schafarik (Slavische
Alterthümer, vol. i, c. 16) has shown powerful reasons against it.
Nevertheless, Schafarik admits the Sarmatians to be of Median origin, and
radically distinct from the Scythians. But the passages which are quoted to prove
this point from Diodorus (ii, 43), from Mela (i, 19), and from Pliny (H. N. vi. 7),
appear to me of much less authority than the assertion of Herodotus. In none of
these authors is there any trace of inquiries made in or near the actual spot from
neighbors and competent informants, such as we find in Herodotus. And the
chapter in Diodorus, on which both Boeckh and Schafarik lay especial stress,
appears to me one of the most untrustworthy in the whole book. To believe in the
existence of Scythian kings who reigned over all Asia from the eastern ocean to
the Caspian, and sent out large colonies of Medians and Assyrians, is surely
impossible; and Wesseling speaks much within the truth when he says, “Verum
hæc dubia admodum atque incerta.” It is remarkable to see Boeckh treating this
passage as conclusive against Herodotus and Hippokratês. M. Boeckh has also
given a copious analysis of the names found in the Greek inscriptions from
Scythian, Sarmatian, and Mæotic localities (ut sup. pp. 107-117), and he
endeavors to establish an analogy between the two latter classes and Median
names. But the analogy holds just as much with regard to the Scythian names.

[466] The locality which Herodotus assigns to the Budini creates difficulty.
According to his own statement, it would seem that they ought to be near to the
Neuri (iv, 105), and so in fact Ptolemy places them (v, 9) near about Volhynia and
the sources of the Dniester.
Mannert (Geographie der Griech. und Römer, Der Norden der Erde, v, iv, p.
138) conceives the Budini to be a Teutonic tribe; but Paul Joseph Schafarik
(Slavische Alterthümer, i, 10, pp. 185-195) has shown more plausible grounds for
believing both them and the Neuri to be of Slavic family. It seems that the names
Budini and Neuri are traceable to Slavic roots; that the wooden town described by
Herodotus in the midst of the Budini is an exact parallel of the primitive Slavic
towns, down even to the twelfth century; and that the description of the country
around, with its woods and marshes containing beavers, otters, etc. harmonizes
better with southern Poland and Russia than with the neighborhood of the Ural
mountains. From the color ascribed to the Budini, no certain inference can be
drawn: γλαυκόν τε πᾶν ἰσχυρῶς ἐστὶ καὶ πυῤῥόν (iv, 108). Mannert construes it in
favor of Teutonic family, Schafarik in favor of Slavic; and it is to be remarked, that
Hippokratês talks of the Scythians generally as extremely πυῤῥοί (De Aëre, Locis
et Aquis, c. vi: compare Aristot. Prob. xxxviii, 2).
These reasonings are plausible; yet we can hardly venture to alter the position
of the Budini as Herodotus describes it, eastward of the Tanais. For he states in
the most explicit manner that the route as far as the Argippæi is thoroughly
known, traversed both by Scythian and by Grecian traders, and all the nations in
the way to it known (iv, 24): μέχρι μὲν τούτων πολλὴ περιφάνεια τῆς χώρης ἐστὶ
καὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἐθνέων· καὶ γὰρ Σκυθέων τινες ἀπικνέονται ἐς αὐτοὺς, τῶν οὐ
χαλεπόν ἐστὶ πυθέσθαι, καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐκ Βορυσθένεός τε ἐμπορίου καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων Ποντικῶν ἐμπορίων. These Greek and Scythian traders, in their journey
from the Pontic seaports into the interior, employed seven different languages and
as many interpreters.
Völcker thinks that Herodotus or his informants confounded the Don with the
Volga (Mythische Geographie, sect. 24, p. 190), supposing that the higher parts
of the latter belonged to the former; a mistake not unnatural, since the two rivers
approach pretty near to each other at one particular point, and since the lower
parts of the Volga, together with the northern shore of the Caspian, where its
embouchure is situated, appear to have been little visited and almost unknown in
antiquity. There cannot be a more striking evidence how unknown these regions
were, than the persuasion, so general in antiquity, that the Caspian sea was a
gulf of the ocean, to which Herodotus, Aristotle, and Ptolemy are almost the only
exceptions. Alexander von Humboldt has some valuable remarks on the tract laid
down by Herodotus from the Tanais to the Argippæi (Asie Centrale, vol. i, pp.
390-400).

[467] Herodot. iv, 80.

[468] Herodot. iv, 99-101. Dionysius Periêgêtês seems to identify Cimmerians

and Tauri (v, 168: compare v, 680, where the Cimmerians are placed on the
Asiatic side of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, adjacent to the Sindi).

[469] Herodot. i, 202. Strabo compares the inroads of the Sakæ, which was
the name applied by the Persians to the Scythians, to those of the Cimmerians
and the Trêres (xi, pp. 511-512).

[470] Herodot. iv, 13. φοιβολαμπτὸς γενομένος.

[471] Herodot. iv, 13.

[472] Herodot. iv, 11. Ἐστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος λόγος, ἔχων ὧδε, τῷ μάλιστα
λεγομένῳ αὐτὸς προσκεῖμαι.

[473] Herodot. iv, 11.

[474] Herodot. iv, 1-12.

[475] Herodot. iv, 5-9. At this day, the three great tribes of the nomadic
Turcomans, on the north-eastern border of Persia near the Oxus,—the Yamud,
the Gokla, and the Tuka,—assert for themselves a legendary genealogy deduced
from three brothers (Frazer, Narrative of a Journey in Khorasan, p. 258).

[476] Read the description of the difficult escape of Mithridates Eupator, with
a mere handful of men, from Pontus to Bosphorus by this route, between the
western edge of Caucasus and the Euxine (Strabo, xi, pp. 495-496),—ἡ τῶν
Ἀχαιῶν καὶ Ζυγῶν καὶ Ἡνιόχων παραλία,—all piratical and barbarous tribes,—τῇ
παραλίᾳ χαλεπῶς ᾔει, τὰ πολλὰ ἐμβαίνων ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν: compare Plutarch,
Pompeius, c. 34. Pompey thought the route unfit for his march.
To suppose the Cimmerian tribes with their wagons passing along such a track
would require strong positive evidence. According to Ptolemy, however, there
were two passes over the range of Caucasus,—the Caucasian or Albanian gates,
near Derbend and the Caspian, and the Sarmatian gates, considerably more to
the westward (Ptolemy, Geogr. v, 9; Forbiger, Handbuch der Alten Geographie,
vol. ii, sect. 56, p. 55). It is not impossible that the Cimmerians may have
followed the westernmost, and the Scythians the easternmost, of these two
passes; but the whole story is certainly very improbable.

[477] See Niebuhr’s Dissertation above referred to, pp. 366-367. A reason for
supposing that the Cimmerians came into Asia Minor from the west and not from
the east, is, that we find them so much confounded with the Thracian Trêres
indicating seemingly a joint invasion.

[478] Herodot. i, 6-15; iv, 12. φαίνονται δὲ οἱ Κιμμέριοι, φεύγοντες ἐς τὴν

Ἀσίην τοὺς Σκύθας, καὶ τὴν Χερσόνησον κ τ ί σ α ν τ ε ς, ἐν τῇ νῦν Σινώπη πόλις
Ἑλληνὶς οἴκισται.

[479] Kallinus, Fragment. 2, 3, ed. Bergk. Ν ῦ ν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Κιμμερίων στρατὸς

ἔρχεται ὀβριμοεργῶν (Strabo, xiii, p. 627; xiv, 633-647). O. Müller (History of the
Literature of Ancient Greece, ch. x, s. 4) and Mr. Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, B. C. 716-
635) may be consulted about the obscure chronology of these events. The
Scythico-Cimmerian invasion of Asia, to which Herodotus alludes, appears fixed
for some date in the reign of Ardys the Lydian, 640-629 B. C., and may stand for
635 B. C. as Mr. Clinton puts it; and I agree with O. Müller that the fragment of
the poet Kallinus above cited alludes to this invasion; for the supposition of Mr.
Clinton, that Kallinus here alludes to an invasion past and not present, appears to
be excluded by the word νῦν. Mr. Clinton places both Kallinus and Archilochus (in
my judgment) half a century too high; for I agree with O. Müller in disbelieving
the story told by Pliny of the picture sold by Bularchus to Kandaulês. O. Müller
follows Strabo (i, p. 61) in calling Madys a Cimmerian prince, who drove the
Trêres out of Asia Minor; whereas Herodotus mentions him as the Scythian
prince, who drove the Cimmerians out of their own territory into Asia Minor (i,
103).
 The chronology of Herodotus is intelligible and consistent with itself: that of
Strabo we cannot settle, when he speaks of many different invasions. Nor does
his language give us the smallest reason to suppose that he was in possession of
any means of determining dates for these early times,—nothing at all calculated
to justify the positive chronology which Mr. Clinton deduces from him: compare
his Fasti Hellenici, B. C. 635, 629, 617. Strabo says, after affirming that Homer
knew both the name and the reality of the Cimmerians (i, p. 6; iii, p. 149),—καὶ
γὰρ καθ᾽ Ὅμηρον, ἢ π ρ ὸ α ὐ τ ο ῦ μικρὸν, λέγουσι τὴν τῶν Κιμμερίων ἔφοδον
γενέσθαι τὴν μέχρι τῆς Αἰολίδος καὶ τῆς Ἰωνίας,—“which places the first
appearance of the Cimmerians in Asia Minor a century at least before the
Olympiad of Corœbus,” (says Mr. Clinton.) But what means could Strabo have had
to chronologize events as happening at or a little before the time of Homer? No
date in the Grecian world was so contested, or so indeterminable, as the time of
Homer: nor will it do to reason, as Mr. Clinton does, i. e. to take the latest date
fixed for Homer among many, and then to say that the invasion of the
Cimmerians must be at least B. C. 876: thus assuming it as a certainty that,
whether the date of Homer be a century earlier or later, the invasion of the
Cimmerians must be made to fit it. When Strabo employs such untrustworthy
chronological standards, he only shows us—what everything else confirms—that
there existed no tests of any value for events of that early date in the Grecian
world.
Mr. Clinton announces this ante-Homeric calculation as a chronological
certainty: “The Cimmerians first appeared in Asia Minor about a century before
B. C. 776. An irruption is recorded in B. C. 782. Their last inroad was in B. C. 635.
The settlement of Ambrôn (the Milesian, at Sinôpê) may be placed at about B. C.
782, twenty-six years before the era assigned to (the Milesian or Sinôpic
settlement of) Trapezus.”
On what authority does Mr. Clinton assert that a Cimmerian irruption was
recorded in B. C. 782? Simply on the following passage of Orosius, which he cites
at B. C. 635: “Anno ante urbem conditam tricesimo,—Tunc etiam Amazonum
gentis et Cimmeriorum in Asiam repentinus incursus plurimum diu lateque
vastationem et stragem intulit.” If this authority of Orosius is to be trusted, we
ought to say that the invasion of the Amazons was a recorded fact. To treat a fact
mentioned in Orosius, an author of the fourth century after Christ, and referred to
B. C. 782, as a recorded fact, confounds the most important boundary-lines in
regard to the appreciation of historical evidence.
In fixing the Cimmerian invasion of Asia at 782 B. C., Mr. Clinton has the
statement of Orosius, whatever it may be worth, to rest upon; but in fixing the
settlement of Ambrôn the Milesian (at Sinôpê) at 782 B. C., I know not that he
had any authority at all. Eusebius does, indeed, place the foundation of Trapezus
in 756 B. C., and Trapezus is said to have been a colony from Sinôpê; and Mr.
Clinton, therefore, is anxious to find some date for the foundation of Sinôpê
anterior to 756 B. C.; but there is nothing to warrant him in selecting 782 B. C.,
rather than any other year.
In my judgment, the establishment of any Milesian colony in the Euxine at so
early a date as 756 B. C. is highly improbable: and when we find that the same
Eusebius fixes the foundation of Sinôpê (the metropolis of Trapezus) as low down
as 629 B. C., this is an argument with me for believing that the date which he
assigns to Trapezus is by far too early. Mr. Clinton treats the date which Eusebius
assigns to Trapezus as certain, and infers from it, that the date which the same
author assigns to Sinôpê is one hundred and thirty years later than the reality: I
reverse the inference, considering the date which he assigns to Sinôpê as the
more trustworthy of the two, and deducing the conclusion, that the date which he
gives for Trapezus is one hundred and thirty years at least earlier than the reality.
On all grounds, the authority of the chronologists is greater with regard to the
later of the two periods than to the earlier, and there is, besides, the additional
probability arising out of what is a suitable date for Milesian settlement. To which
I will add, that Herodotus places the settlement of the Cimmerians near “that
spot where Sinôpê is now settled,” in the reign of Ardys, soon after 635 B. C.
Sinôpê was, therefore, not founded at the time when the Cimmerians went there,
in the belief of Herodotus.

[480] Strabo i, p. 61; Kallimachus, Hymn. ad Dianam, 251-260—

... ἠλαίνων ἀλαπάζεμεν ἠπείλησε (Ἔφεσον)
Λύγδαμις ὑβριστὴς, ἐπὶ δὲ στρατὸν ἱππημόλγων
Ἤγαγε Κιμμερίων, ψαμάθῳ ἴσον, οἳ ῥα παρ᾽ αὐτὸν
Κεκλίμενοι ναίουσι βοὸς πόρον Ἰναχιώνης.
Ἆ δειλὸς βασιλέων ὅσον ἤλιτεν· οὐ γὰρ ἔμελλε
Οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς Σκυθίηνδε παλίμπετες, οὔτε τις ἄλλος
Ὅσσων ἐν λειμῶνι Καϋστρίῳ ἦσαν ἅμαξαι,
Ἂψ ἀπονοστήσειν....
In the explanation of the proverb Σκυθῶν ἐρημία, allusion is made to a sudden
panic and flight of Scythians from Ephesus (Hesychius, v. Σκυθῶν ἐρημία),—
probably this must refer to some story of interference on the part of Artemis to
protect the town against these Cimmerians. The confusion between Cimmerians
and Scythians is very frequent.

[481] Herodot. i, 28; Mela, i, 19, 9; Skymn. Chi. Fragm. 207.

[482] The ten thousand Greeks in their homeward march passed through a
people called Chalybes between Armenia and the town of Trapezus, and also
again after eight days’ march westerly from Trapezus, between the Tibarêni and
Mosynœki: compare Xenophon, Anabas. iv, 7, 15; v, 5, 1; probably different
sections of the same people. The last-mentioned Chalybes seem to have been the
best known, from their iron works, and their greater vicinity to the Greek ports:
Ephorus recognized them (see Ephori Fragm. 80-82, ed. Marx); whether he knew
of the more easterly Chalybes, north of Armenia, is less certain: so also Dionysius
Periêgêtês, v, 768: compare Eustathius, ad loc.
The idea which prevailed among ancient writers, of a connection between the
Chalybes in these regions and the Scythians or Cimmerians (Χάλυβος Σκυθῶν
ἄποικος, Æschyl. Sept. ad Thebas, 729; and Hesiod. ap. Clemen. Alex. Str. i, p.
132), and of which the supposed residence of the Amazons on the river
Thermôdôn seems to be one of the manifestations, is discussed in Hoeckh, Kreta,
book i, pp. 294-305; and Mannert, Geographie der Griechen und Römer, vi, 2, pp.
408-416: compare Stephan. Byz. v. Χάλυβες. Mannert believes in an early
Scythian emigration into these regions. The ten thousand Greeks passed through
the territory of a people called Skythini, immediately bordering on the Chalybes to
the north; which region some identify with the Sakasênê of Strabo (xi, 511)
occupied, according to that geographer, by invaders from Eastern Scythia.
It seems that Sinôpê was one of the most considerable places for the export
of the iron used in Greece: the Sinopic as well as the Chalybdic (or Chalybic) iron
had a special reputation (Stephan. Byz. v. Λακεδαίμων).
About the Chalybes, compare Ukert, Skythien, pp. 521-523.

[483] Herodot. i, 15-16.

[484] Strabo, xi, p. 511; xii, p. 552; xiii, p. 627.

The poet Kallinus mentioned both Cimmerians and Trêres (Fr. 2, 3, ed. Bergk;
Strabo. xiv, pp. 633-647).

[485] Herodot. i, 105. The account given by Herodotus of the punishment

inflicted by the offended Aphroditê on the Scythian plunderers, and on their
children’s children down to his time, becomes especially interesting when we
combine it with the statement of Hippokratês respecting the peculiar incapacities
which were so apt to affect the Scythians, and the religious interpretation put
upon them by the sufferers (De Aëre, Locis, et Aquis, c. vi, s. 106-109).

[486] See, in reference to the direction of this ditch, Völcker, in the work
above referred to on the Scythia of Herodotus (Mythische Geographie, ch. vii, p.
177).
That the ditch existed, there can be no reasonable doubt; though the tale
given by Herodotus is highly improbable.

[487] Herodot. i. 106. Mr. Clinton fixes the date of the capture of Nineveh at
606 B. C. (F. H. vol. i. p. 269), upon grounds which do not appear to me
conclusive: the utmost which can be made out is, that it was taken during the last
ten years of the reign of Kyaxarês.
 [488] From whom Polyænus borrowed his statement, that Alyattês employed
with effect savage dogs against the Cimmerians, I do not know (Polyæn. vii, 2,
1).

[489] Herodot. i, 20-23.

[490] Herodot. i, 18. Polyænus (vii, 2, 2) mentions a proceeding of Alyattês

against the Kolophonians.

[491] Nikolaus Damasken. p. 54, ed. Orelli; Xanthi Fragment. p. 243, Creuzer.
Mr Clinton states Alyattês to have conquered Karia, and also Æolis, for neither
of which do I find sufficient authority (Fasti Hellen. ch. xvii, p. 298).

[492] Aristoteles ap. Stephan. Byz. v. Ἀδραμυττεῖον.

[493] Herodot. i, 92-93.

[494] Herodot. i, 92.

[495] Herodot. v, 28. κατύπερθε δὲ τουτέων, ἐπὶ δύο γενέας ἀνδρῶν

νοσήσασα τὰ μάλιστα στάσει.
Alyattês reigned fifty-seven years, and the vigorous resistance which the
Milesians offered to him took place in the first six years of his reign. The “two
generations of intestine dissension” may well have succeeded after the reign of
Thrasybulus. This, indeed, is a mere conjecture, yet it may be observed that
Herodotus, speaking of the time of the Ionic revolt (500 B. C.), and intimating that
Milêtus, though then peaceable, had been for two generations at an earlier period
torn by intestine dissension, could hardly have meant these “two generations” to
apply to a time earlier than 617 B. C.

[496] Herodot. i, 17; v, 99; Athenæ. vi, p. 267. Compare K. F. Hermann,

Lehrbuch der Griech. Staats Alterthümer, sect. 77, note 28.

[497] See the remarkable case of Milêtus sending no deputies to a Pan-Ionic

meeting, being safe herself from danger (Herodot. i, 141).

[498] Herodot. i, 141-170. χρηστὴ δὲ καὶ πρὶν ἢ διαφθαρῆναι Ἰωνίην, Θάλεω

ἀνδρὸς Μιλησίου γνώμη ἐγένετο, etc.
About the Pan-Ionia and the Ephesia, see Thucyd. iii, 104; Dionys. Halik. iv,
25; Herodot. i, 143-148. Compare also Whitte, De Rebus Chiorum Publicis, sect.
vii, pp. 22-26.

[499] If we may believe the narrative of Nikolaus Damaskenus, Crœsus had

been in relations with Ephesus and with the Ephesians during the time when he
was hereditary prince, and in the lifetime of Alyattês. He had borrowed a large
sum of money from a rich Ephesian named Pamphaês, which was essential to
enable him to perform a military duty imposed upon him by his father. The story
is given in some detail by Nikolaus, Fragm. p. 54, ed. Orell.,—I know not upon
what authority.

[500] Herodot. i, 26; Ælian, V. H. iii, 26; Polyæn. vi, 50. The story contained
in Ælian and Polyænus seems to come from Batôn of Sinôpê; see Guhl,
Ephesiaca. ii, 3, p. 26, and iv, 5, p. 150.
The article in Suidas, v. Ἀρίσταρχος, is far too vague to be interwoven as a
positive fact into Ephesian history, as Guhl interweaves it, immediately
consequent on the retirement of Pindarus.
In reference to the rope reaching from the city to the Artemision, we may
quote an analogous case of the Kylonian suppliants at Athens, who sought to
maintain their contact with the altar by means of a continuous cord,—
unfortunately, the cord broke (Plutarch, Solon, c. 12).

[501] Herodot. i, 141. Ἴωνες δὲ, ὡς ἤκουσαν—τείχεά τε περιεβάλλοντο

ἕκαστοι, etc.: compare also the statement respecting Phôkæa, c. 168.

[502] See the discussion in Dr. Prichard, Natural History of Man, sect. xvii, p.
152.
Μελαγχρόες καὶ οὐλότριχες (Herodot. ii, 104: compare Ammian. Marcell. xxii,
16, “subfusculi, atrati,” etc.) are certain attributes of the ancient Egyptians,
depending upon the evidence of an eye-witness.
“In their complexion, and in many of their physical peculiarities (observes Dr.
Prichard, p. 138), the Egyptians were an African race. In the eastern, and even in
the central parts of Africa, we shall trace the existence of various tribes in
physical characters nearly resembling the Egyptians; and it would not be difficult
to observe among many nations of that continent a gradual deviation from the
physical type of the Egyptian to the strongly-marked character of the negro, and
that without any very decided break or interruption. The Egyptian language, also,
in the great leading principles of its grammatical construction, bears much greater
analogy to the idioms of Africa than to those prevalent among the people of other
regions.”

[503] Homer, Iliad, vi, 290: xxiii, 740; Odyss. xv, 116:—
... πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικῶν
Σιδονίων.
Tyre is not named either in the Iliad or Odyssey, though a passage in Probus
(ad Virg. Georg. ii, 115) seems to show that it was mentioned in one of the epics
which passed under the name of Homer: “Tyrum Sarram appellatam esse,
Homerus docet: quem etiam Ennius sequitur cum dicit, Pœnos Sarrâ oriundos.”
 The Hesiodic catalogue seems to have noticed both Byblus and Sidon: see
Hesiodi Fragment. xxx, ed. Marktscheffel, and Etymolog. Magnum, v. Βύβλος.

[504] The name Adramyttion or Atramyttion—very like the Africo-Phenician

name Adrumêtum—is said to be of Phenician origin (Olshausen, De Origine
Alphabeti, p. 7, in Kieler Philologische Studien, 1841). There were valuable mines
afterwards worked for the account of Crœsus near Pergamus, and these mines
may have tempted Phenician settlers to those regions (Aristotel. Mirab. Auscult. c.
52).
The African Inscriptions, in the Monumenta Phœnic. of Gesenius, recognize
Makar as a cognomen of Baal: and Movers imagines that the hero Makar, who
figures conspicuously in the mythology of Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Kôs, Rhodes,
etc., is traceable to this Phenician god and Phenician early settlements in those
islands (Movers, Die Religion der Phönizier, p. 420).

[505] Strabo, xiv, pp. 754-758; Skylax, Peripl. c. 104; Justin, xviii, 3; Arrian,
Exp. Al. ii, 16-19; Xenophon, Anab. i, 4, 6.
Unfortunately, the text of Skylax is here extremely defective, and Strabo’s
account is in many points perplexed, from his not having travelled in person
through Phenicia, Cœle-Syria, or Judæa: see Groskurd’s note on p. 755 and the
Einleitung to his Translation of Strabo, sect. 6.
Respecting the original relation between Palæ-Tyrus and Tyre, there is some
difficulty in reconciling all the information, little as it is, which we possess. The
name Palæ-Tyrus (it has been assumed as a matter of course: compare Justin, xi,
10) marks that town as the original foundation from which the Tyrians
subsequently moved into the island: there was, also, on the main land a place
named Palæ-Byblos (Plin. H. N. v, 20; Ptolem. v, 15) which was in like manner
construed as the original seat from whence the town properly called Byblus was
derived. Yet the account of Herodotus plainly represents the insular Tyrus, with its
temple of Hêraklês, as the original foundation (ii, 44), and the Tyrians are
described as living in an island even in the time of their king Hiram, the
contemporary of Solomon (Joseph. Ant. Jud. viii, 2, 7). Arrian treats the temple of
Hêraklês in the island-Tyre as the most ancient temple within the memory of man
(Exp. Al. ii, 16). The Tyrians also lived on their island during the invasion of
Salmaneser king of Nineveh, and their position enabled them to hold out against
him, while Palæ-Tyrus on the terra firma was obliged to yield itself (Joseph. ib. ix,
14, 2). The town taken (or reduced to capitulate), after a long siege, by
Nebuchadnezzar, was the insular Tyrus, not the continental or Palæ-Tyrus, which
had surrendered without resistance to Salmaneser. It is not correct, therefore, to
say—with Volney (Recherches sur l’Hist. Anc. ch. xiv, p. 249), Heeren (Ideen über
den Verkehr der Alten Welt, part i, abth. 2, p. 11), and others—that the insular
Tyre was called new Tyre, and that the site of Tyre was changed from continental
to insular, in consequence of the taking of the continental Tyre by
Nebuchadnezzar: the site remained unaltered, and the insular Tyrians became
subject to him and his successors until the destruction of the Chaldæan monarchy
by Cyrus. Hengstenberg’s Dissertation, De Rebus Tyriorum (Berlin, 1832), is
instructive on many of these points: he shows sufficiently that Tyre was, from the
earliest times traceable, an insular city; but he wishes at the same time to show,
that it was also, from the beginning, joined on to the main land by an isthmus
(pp. 10-25),—which is both inconsistent with the former position and
unsupported by any solid proofs. It remained an island strictly so called, until the
siege by Alexander: the mole, by which that conqueror had stormed it, continued
after his day, perhaps enlarged, so as to form a permanent connection from that
time forward between the island and the main land (Plin. H. N. v, 19; Strabo, xvi,
p. 757), and to render the insular Tyrus capable of being included by Pliny in one
computation of circumference jointly with Palæ-Tyrus, the main-land town.
It may be doubted whether we know the true meaning of the word which the
Greeks called Παλαι-Τύρος. It is plain that the Tyrians themselves did not call it by
that name: perhaps the Phenician name which this continental adjacent town
bore, may have been something resembling Palæ-Tyrus in sound, but not
coincident in meaning.
The strength of Tyre lay in its insular situation; for the adjacent main-land,
whereon Palæ-Tyrus was placed, was a fertile plain, thus described by William of
Tyre during the time of the Crusaders:—
“Erat prædicta civitas non solum munitissima, sed etiam fertilitate præcipuâ et
amœnitate quasi singularis: nam licet in medio mari sita est, et in modum insulæ
tota fluctibus cincta; habet tamen pro foribus latifundium per omnia
commendabile, et planitiem sibi continuam divitis glebæ et opimi soli, multas
civibus ministrans commoditates. Quæ licet modica videatur respectu aliarum
regionum, exiguitatem suam multâ redimit ubertate, et infinita jugera multiplici
fœcunditate compensat. Nec tamen tantis arctatur angustiis. Protenditur enim in
Austrum versus Ptolemaidem usque ad eum locum, qui hodie vulgo dicitur
districtum Scandarionis, milliaribus quatuor aut quinque: e regione in
Septentrionem versus Sareptam et Sidonem iterum porrigitur totidem milliaribus.
In latitudinem vero ubi minimum ad duo, ubi plurimum ad tria, habens milliaria.”
(Apud Hengstenberg, ut sup. p. 5.) Compare Maundrell, Journey from Aleppo to
Jerusalem, p. 50, ed. 1749; and Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, vol. ii, pp.
210-226.

[506] Justin (xviii, 3) states that Sidon was the metropolis of Tyre, but the
series of events which he recounts is confused and unintelligible. Strabo also, in
one place, calls Sidon the μητρόπολις τῶν Φοινίκων (i, p. 40); in another place he
states it as a point disputed between the two cities, which of them was the
μητρόπολις τῶν Φοινίκων (xvi, p. 756).
Quintus Curtius affirms both Tyre and Sidon to have been founded by Agênôr
(iv, 4, 15).
 [507] See the interesting citations of Josephus from Dius and Menander, who
had access to the Tyrian ἀναγραφαὶ, or chronicles (Josephus cont. Apion. i, c. 17,
18, 21; Antiq. J. x, 11, 1).

[508] Joseph. Antiq. J. ix, 14, 2.

[509] Diodor. xvi, 41; Skylax, c. 104.

[510] Strabo, xvi, p. 756.

[511] A Maltese inscription identifies the Tyrian Melkarth with Ἡρακλῆς

(Gesenius, Monument. Phœnic. tab. vi).

[512] Herodot. ii, 44; Sallust, Bell. Jug. c. 18; Pausan. x, 12, 2; Arrian, Exp.
Al. ii, 16; Justin, xliv, 5; Appian, vi, 2.

[513] Herodot. i, 2; Ephorus, Fragm. 40, ed. Marx; Strabo, xvi, pp. 766-784;
Justin, xviii, 3. In the animated discussion carried on among the Homeric critics
and the great geographers of antiquity, to ascertain where it was that Menelaus
actually went during his eight years’ wandering (Odyss. iv, 85)—
... ἢ γὰρ πολλὰ παθὼν καὶ πόλλ᾽ ἐπαληθεὶς
Ἠγαγόμην ἐν νηυσὶ, καὶ ὀγδοάτῳ ἔτει ἦλθον,
Κύπρον, Φοινίκην τε, καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθεὶς,
Αἰθίοπάς θ᾽ ἱκόμην, καὶ Σιδονίους, καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς,
καὶ Λιβύην, etc.
one idea started was, that he had visited these Sidonians in the Persian gulf, or in
the Erythræan sea (Strabo, i, p. 42). The various opinions which Strabo quotes,
including those of Eratosthenês and Kratês, as well as his own comments, are
very curious. Kratês supposed that Menelaus had passed the straits of Gibraltar
and circumnavigated Libya to Æthiopia and India, which voyage would suffice, he
thought, to fill up the eight years. Others supposed that Menelaus had sailed first
up the Nile, and then into the Red sea, by means of the canal (διωρὺξ) which
existed in the time of the Alexandrine critics between the Nile and that sea; to
which Strabo replies that this canal was not made until after the Trojan war.
Eratosthenês started a still more remarkable idea: he thought that in the time of
Homer the strait of Gibraltar had not yet been burst open, so that the
Mediterranean was on that side a closed sea; but, on the other hand, its level was
then so much higher that it covered the isthmus of Suez, and joined the Red sea.
It was, he thought, the disruption of the strait of Gibraltar which first lowered the
level of the water, and left the isthmus of Suez dry; though Menelaus, in his time,
had sailed from the Mediterranean into the Red sea without difficulty. This opinion
Eratosthenês had imbibed from Stratôn of Lampsakus, the successor of
Theophrastus: Hipparchus controverted it, together with many other of the
opinions of Eratosthenês (see Strabo, i, pp. 38, 49, 56; Seidel, Fragmenta
Eratosthenis, p. 39).
In reference to the view of Kratês,—that Menelaus had sailed round Africa,—it
is to be remarked that all the geographers of that day formed to themselves a
very insufficient idea of the extent of that continent, believing that it did not even
reach so far southward as the equator.
Strabo himself adopts neither of these three opinions, but construes the
Homeric words describing the wanderings of Menelaus as applying only to the
coasts of Egypt, Libya, Phenicia, etc; he suggests various reasons, more curious
than convincing, to prove that Menelaus may easily have spent eight years in
these visits of mixed friendship and piracy.

[514] See Ritter, Erdkunde von Asien, West-Asien, Buch iii, Abtheilung iii,
Abschnitt i, s. 29, p. 50.

[515] Strabo speaks of the earliest settlements of the Phenicians in Africa

and Iberia as μικρὸν τῶν Τρωϊκῶν ὕστερον (i, p. 48). Utica is affirmed to have
been two hundred and eighty-seven years earlier than Carthage (Aristot. Mirab.
Auscult. c. 134): compare Velleius Paterc. i, 2.
Archaleus, son of Phœnix, was stated as the founder of Gadês in the
Phenician history of Claudius Julius, now lost (Etymolog. Magn. v. Γαδεῖρα).
Archaleus is a version of the name Hercules, in the opinion of Movers.

[516] Skylax, Periplus, c. 110. “Carteia, ut quidam putant, aliquando

Tartessus; et quam transvecti ex Africâ Phœnices habitant, atque unde nos
sumus, Tingentera.” (Mela, ii, 6, 75.) The expression, transvecti ex Africâ applies
as much to the Phenicians as to the Carthaginians: “uterque Pœnus” (Horat. Od.
ii, 11) means the Carthaginians, and the Phenicians of Gadês.

[517] Strabo, xvii, p. 836.

[518] Cape Soloeis, considered by Herodotus as the westernmost headland

of Libya, coincides in name with the Phenician town Soloeis in western Sicily, also,
seemingly, with the Phenician settlement Suel (Mela, ii, 6, 65) in southern Iberia
or Tartêssus. Cape Hermæa was the name of the north-eastern headland of the
gulf of Tunis, and also the name of a cape in Libya, two days’ sail westward of the
Pillars of Hêraklês (Skylax, c. 111).
Probably, all the remarkable headlands in these seas received their names
from the Phenicians. Both Mannert (Geogr. d. Gr. und Röm. x, 2, p. 495) and
Forbiger (Alte Geogr. sect. 111, p. 867) identify cape Soloeis with what is now
called cape Cantin; Heeren considers it to be the same as cape Blanco;
Bougainville as cape Boyador.
 [519] Sallust, Bell. Jug. c. 78. It was termed Leptis Magna, to distinguish it
from another Leptis, more to the westward and nearer to Carthage, called Leptis
Parva; but this latter seems to have been generally known by the name Leptis
(Forbiger, Alte Geogr. sect. 109, p. 844). In Leptis Magna, the proportion of
Phenician colonists was so inconsiderable that the Phenician language had been
lost, and that of the natives, whom Sallust calls Numidians, spoken: but these
people had embraced Sidonian institutions and civilization. (Sall. ib.)

[520] Strabo, xvii, pp. 825-826. He found it stated by some authors that
there had once been three hundred trading establishments along this coast,
reaching thirty days’ voyage southward from Tingis or Lixus (Tangier); but that
they had been chiefly ruined by the tribes of the interior,—the Pharusians and
Nigritæ. He suspects the statement of being exaggerated, but there seems
nothing at all incredible in it. From Strabo’s language we gather that Eratosthenês
set forth the statement as in his judgment a true one.

[521] Compare Skylax, c. 111, and the Periplus of Hanno, ap. Hudson, Geogr.
Græc. Min. vol. i, pp. 1-6. I have already observed that the τάριχος (salt
provisions) from Gadeira was currently sold in the markets of Athens, from the
Peloponnesian war downward.—Eupolis, Fragm. 23; Μαρικᾶς, p. 506, ed.
Meineke, Comic. Græc.
Πότερ᾽ ἦν τὸ τάριχος; Φρύγιον ἢ Γαδειρικόν;
Compare the citations from the other comic writers, Antiphanês and Nikostratus
ap. Athenæ. iii, p. 118. The Phenician merchants bought in exchange Attic pottery
for their African trade.

[522] About the productiveness of the Spanish mines, Polybius (xxxiv, 9, 8)

ap. Strabo, iii, p. 147; Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. c. 135.

[523] Strabo, iii, pp. 156, 158, 161; Polybius, iii, 10, 3-10.

[524] Polyb. i, 10; ii, 1.

[525] Strabo, iii, pp. 141-150. Οὗτοι γὰρ Φοίνιξιν οὕτως ἐγένοντο ὑποχείριοι,
ὥστε τὰς πλείους τῶν ἐν τῇ Τουρδιτανίᾳ πολέων καὶ τῶν πλήσιον τόπων ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνων ν ῦ ν οἰκεῖσθαι.

[526] Thucyd. vi, 3; Diodor. v, 12.

[527] See the reference in Joseph. Antiq. Jud. viii, 5, 3, and Joseph. cont.
Apion. i, 18; an allusion is to be found in Virgil, Æneid, i, 642, in the mouth of
Dido.—
 “Genitor tum Belus opimam
Vastabat Cyprum, et late ditione tenebat.” (t. v.)

[528] Respecting the worship at Salamis (in Cyprus) and Paphos, see
Lactant. i, 21; Strabo, xiv, p. 683.

[529] Tarsus is mentioned by Dio Chrysostom as a colony from the Phenician

Aradus (Orat. Tarsens. ii, p. 20, ed. Reisk.), and Herodotus makes Kilix brother of
Phœnix and son of Agênôr (vii, 92).
Phenician coins of the city of Tarsus are found, of a date towards the end of
the Persian empire: see Movers, Die Phönizier, i, p. 13.

[530] Herodot. i, 170.

[531] Herodot. iv, 151.

[532] Herodot. iv, 152. Θείῃ πομπῇ χρεώμενος.

[533] Herodot. iv, 152. Τὸ δὲ ἐμπόριον τοῦτο (Tartêssus) ἦν ἀκήρατον

τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον· ὥστε ἀπονοστήσαντες οὗτοι ὀπίσω μέγιστα δὴ Ἑλλήνων
πάντων, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἀτρεκέως ἴδμεν, ἐκ φορτίων ἐκέρδησαν, μετά γε Σώστρατον
τὸν Λαοδάμαντος, Αἰγινήτην· τούτῳ γὰρ οὐκ οἷά τε ἐρίσαι ἄλλον.
Allusions to the prodigious wealth of Tartêssus in Anakreon, Fragm. 8, ed.
Bergk; Stephan. Byz. Ταρτησσός; Eustath. ad Dionys. Periêgêt. 332, Ταρτησσὸς,
ἣν καὶ ὁ Ἀνακρέων φησὶ πανευδαίμονα; Himerius ap. Photium, Cod. 243, p. 599,
—Ταρτεσσοῦ βίον, Ἀμαλθείας κέρας, πᾶν ὅσον εὐδαιμονίας κεφαλαῖον.

[534] These talents cannot have been Attic talents; for the Attic talent first
arose from the debasement of the Athenian money-standard by Solon, which did
not occur until a generation after the voyage of Kôlæus. They may have been
either Euboic or Æginæan talents; probably the former, seeing that the case
belongs to the island of Samos. Sixty Euboic talents would be about equivalent to
the sum stated in the text. For the proportion of the various Greek monetary
scales, see above, vol. ii, part 2, ch. iv, p. 425 and ch. xii, p. 171 in the present
volume.

[535] Strabo, xvii, p. 802; Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. c. 84-132.

[536] Herodot. i, 163. Οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες οὗτοι ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι πρῶτοι

Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τὸν Ἀδρίην καὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίην καὶ τὴν Ἰβηρίην καὶ τὸν
Ταρτησσὸν οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ καταδείξαντες· ἐναυτίλλοντο δὲ οὐ στρογγύλῃσι νηυσὶν,
ἀλλὰ πεντηκοντέροισιν,—the expressions are remarkable.
 [537] Herodot. i, 164-165, gives an example of the jealousy of the Chians in
respect to the islands called Œnussæ.

[538] Ephorus, Fragm. 52, ed. Marx; Strabo, vi, p. 267.

[539] Herodot. i, 165.

[540] Ἡ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς θάλασσα (Strabo); τῆσδε τῆς θαλάττης (Herod. iv, 41).

[541] The geographer Ptolemy, with genuine scientific zeal, complains bitterly
of the reserve and frauds common with the old traders, respecting the countries
which they visited (Ptolem. Geogr. i, 11).

[542] Strabo, iii, pp. 175-176; xvii, p. 802.

[543] Herodot. iv, 42. Καὶ ἔλεγον, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ, ἄλλῳ δὲ δή τεῳ, ὡς
περιπλώοντες τὴν Λιβύην, τὸν ἡέλιον ἔσχον ἐς τὰ δεξιά.

[544] Herodot. Οὕτω μὲν αὐτὴ ἐγνώσθη τοπρῶτον· (i. e. ἡ Λιβύη ἐγνώσθη
ἐοῦσα περίῤῥυτος·) μετὰ δὲ, Καρχηδόνιοί εἰσιν οἱ λέγοντες. These Carthaginians,
to whom Herodotus here alludes, told him that Libya was circumnavigable; but it
does not seem that they knew of any other actual circumnavigation except that of
the Phenicians sent by Nekôs; otherwise, Herodotus would have made some
allusion to it, instead of proceeding, as he does immediately, to tell the story of
the Persian Sataspês, who tried and failed.
The testimony of the Carthaginians is so far valuable, as it declares their
persuasion of the truth of the statement made by those Phenicians.
Some critics have construed the words, in which Herodotus alludes to the
Carthaginians as his informants, as if what they told him was the story of the
fruitless attempt made by Sataspês. But this is evidently not the meaning of the
historian: he brings forward the opinion of the Carthaginians as confirmatory of
the statement made by the Phenicians employed by Nekôs.

[545] Diodorus (iii, 40) talks correct language about the direction of the
shadows southward of the tropic of Cancer (compare Pliny, H. N. vi, 29),—one
mark of the extension of geographical and astronomical observations during the
four intervening centuries between him and Herodotus.

[546] Skylax, after following the line of coast from the Mediterranean outside
of the strait of Gibraltar, and then south-westward along Africa as far as the island
of Kernê, goes on to say, that “beyond Kernê the sea is no longer navigable from
shallows, and mud, and sea-weed:” Τῆς δὲ Κέρνης νήσου τὰ ἐπέκεινα οὐκέτι ἐστὶ
πλωτὰ διὰ βραχύτητα θαλάττης καὶ πηλὸν καὶ φῦκος. Ἐστὶ δὲ τὸ φῦκος τῆς
δοχμῆς τὸ πλάτος καὶ ἄνωθεν ὀξὺ, ὥστε κεντεῖν (Skylax, c. 109). Nearchus, on
undertaking his voyage down the Indus, and from thence into the Persian gulf, is
not certain whether the external sea will be found navigable—εἰ δὴ πλωτός γέ
ἐστιν ὁ ταύτῃ πόντος (Nearchi Periplus, p. 2: compare p. 40, ap. Geogr. Minor.
vol. i, ed. Hudson). Pytheas described the neighborhood of Thulê as a sort of
chaos—a medley of earth, sea, and air, in which you could neither walk nor sail:
οὔτε γῆ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ὕπηρχεν ἔτι οὔτε θάλασσα οὔτε ἀὴρ, ἀλλὰ σύγκριμά τι ἐκ
τούτων πλεύμονι θαλασσίῳ ἐοικὸς, ἐν ᾧ φησὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν
αἰωρεῖσθαι καὶ τὰ σύμπαντα, καὶ τοῦτον ὡς ἂν δεσμὸν εἶναι τῶν ὅλων, μήτε
πορευτὸν μήτε πλωτὸν ὑπάρχοντα· τὸ μὲν οὖν τῷ πλεύμονι ἐοικὸς αὐτὸς
(Pytheas) ἑωρακέναι, τἄλλα δὲ λέγειν ἐξ ἀκοῆς. (Strabo, ii, p. 104). Again, the
priests of Memphis told Herodotus that their conquering hero Sesostris had
equipped a fleet in the Arabian gulf, and made a voyage into the Erythræan sea,
subjugating people everywhere, “until he came to a sea no longer navigable from
shallows,”—οὐκέτι πλωτὴν ὑπὸ βραχέων (Herod. ii, 109). Plato represents the sea
without the Pillars of Hêraklês as impenetrable and unfit for navigation, in
consequence of the large admixture of earth, mud, or vegetable covering, which
had arisen in it from the disruption of the great island or continent Atlantis
(Timæus, p. 25; and Kritias, p. 108); which passages are well illustrated by the
Scholiast, who seems to have read geographical descriptions of the character of
this outer sea: τοῦτο καὶ οἱ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ τόπους ἱστοροῦντες λέγουσιν, ὡς πάντα
τεναγώδη τὸν ἐκεῖ εἶναι χῶρον· τέναγος δὲ ἐστὶν ἰλύς τις, ἐπιπολάζοντος ὕδατος
οὐ πολλοῦ, καὶ βοτάνης ἐπιφαινομένης τούτῳ. See also Plutarch’s fancy of the
dense, earthy, and viscous Kronian sea (some days to the westward of Britain), in
which a ship could with difficulty advance, and only by means of severe pulling
with the oars (Plutarch, De Facie in Orbe Lunæ, c. 26, p. 941). So again in the
two geographical productions in verse by Rufus Festus Avienus (Hudson, Geogr.
Minor. vol. iv, Descriptio Orbis Terræ, v, 57, and Ora Maritima, v, 406-415): in the
first of these two, the density of the water of the western ocean is ascribed to its
being saturated with salt,—in the second, we have shallows, large quantities of
sea-weed, and wild beasts swimming about, which the Carthaginian Himilco
affirmed himself to have seen:—
“Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum,
Ut vix arenas subjacentes occulat;
Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens
Atque impeditur æstus ex uligine:
Vis vel ferarum pelagus omne internatat,
Mutusque terror ex feris habitat freta.
Hæc olim Himilco Pœnus Oceano super
Spectasse semet et probasse rettulit:
Hæc nos, ab imis Punicorum annalibus
Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi.”
Compare also v, 115-130 of the same poem, where the author again quotes from
a voyage of Himilco, who had been four months in the ocean outside of the Pillars
of Hercules:—
“Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem,
Sic segnis humor æquoris pigri stupet.
Adjicit et illud, plurimum inter gurgites
Extare fucum, et sæpe virgulti vice
Retinere puppim,” etc.
The dead calm, mud, and shallows of the external ocean are touched upon by
Aristot. Meteorolog. ii, 1, 14, and seem to have been a favorite subject of
declamation with the rhetors of the Augustan age. See Seneca, Suasoriar. i, 1.
Even the companions and contemporaries of Columbus, when navigation had
made such comparative progress, still retained much of these fears respecting the
dangers and difficulties of the unknown ocean: “Le tableau exagéré (observes A.
von Humboldt, Examen Critique de l’Histoire de la Géographie, t. iii, p. 95) que la
ruse des Phéniciens avait tracé des difficultés qu’opposaient à la navigation au
delà des Colonnes d’Hercule, de Cerné, et de l’Ile Sacrée (Ierné), le fucus, le
limon, le manque de fond, et le calme perpétuel de la mer, ressemble d’une
manière frappante aux récits animés des premiers compagnons de Colomb.”
Columbus was the first man who traversed the sea of Sargasso, or area of the
Atlantic ocean south of the Azores, where it is covered by an immense mass of
sea-weed for a space six or seven times as large as France: the alarm of his crew
at this unexpected spectacle was considerable. The sea-weed is sometimes so
thickly accumulated, that it requires a considerable wind to impel the vessel
through it. The remarks and comparisons of M. von Humboldt, in reference to
ancient and modern navigation, are highly interesting. (Examen, ut sup. pp. 69,
88, 91, etc.)
J. M. Gesner (Dissertat. de Navigationibus extra Columnas Herculis, sects. 6
and 7) has a good defence of the story told by Herodotus. Major Rennell also
adopts the same view, and shows by many arguments how much easier the
circumnavigation was from the East than from the West (Geograph. System of
Herodotus, p. 680); compare Ukert, Geograph. der Griechen und Römer. vol. i, p.
61; Mannert, Geog. d. G. und Römer, vol. i, pp. 19-26. Gossellin (Recherches sur
la Géogr. des Anc. i, p. 149) and Mannert both reject the story as not worthy of
belief: Heeren defends it (Ideen über den Verkehr der Alten Welt, i, 2, pp. 86-95).
Agatharchides, in the second century B. C., pronounces the eastern coast of
Africa, southward of the Red sea, to be as yet unexamined: he treats it as a
matter of certainty, however, that the sea to the south-westward is continuous
with the Western ocean (De Rubro Mari, Geog. Minores, ed. Huds. v, i, p. 11).

[547] Strabo, iii, p. 170. Sataspês (the unsuccessful Persian circumnavigator

of Libya, mentioned just above) had violated the daughter of another Persian
nobleman, Zopyrus son of Megabyzus, and Xerxês had given orders that he
should be crucified for this act; his mother begged him off by suggesting that he
should be condemned to something “worse than death”—the circumnavigation of
Libya (Herod. iv, 43). Two things are to be remarked in respect to his voyage: 1.
He took with him a ship and seamen from Egypt; we are not told that they were
Phenician: probably no other mariners than Phenicians were competent to such a
voyage,—and even if the crew of Sataspês had been Phenicians, he could not
offer rewards for success equal to those at the disposal of Nekôs. 2. He began his
enterprise from the strait of Gibraltar instead of from the Red sea; now it seems
that the current between Madagascar and the eastern coast of Africa sets very
strongly towards the cape of Good Hope, so that while it greatly assists the
southerly voyage, on the other hand, it makes return by the same way very
difficult. (See Humboldt, Examen Critique de l’Histoire de la Géographie, t. i, p.
343.) Strabo, however, affirms that all those who had tried to circumnavigate
Africa, both from the Red sea and from the strait of Gibraltar, had been forced to
return without success (i, p. 32), so that most people believed that there was a
continuous isthmus which rendered it impracticable to go by sea from the one
point to the other: he is himself, however, persuaded that the Atlantic is σύῤῥους
on both sides of Africa, and therefore that circumnavigation is possible. He as well
as Poseidonius (ii, pp. 98-100) disbelieved the tale of the Phenicians sent by
Nekôs. He must have derived his complete conviction, that Libya might be
circumnavigated, from geographical theory, which led him to contract the
dimensions of that continent southward,—inasmuch as the thing in his belief
never had been done, though often attempted. Mannert (Geog. d. G. und Röm. i,
p. 24) erroneously says that Strabo and others founded their belief on the
narrative of Herodotus.
It is worth while remarking that Strabo cannot have read the story in
Herodotus with much attention, since he mentions Darius as the king who sent
the Phenicians round Africa, not Nekôs; nor does he take notice of the
remarkable statement of these navigators respecting the position of the sun.
There were doubtless many apocryphal narratives current in his time respecting
attempts, successful and unsuccessful, to circumnavigate Africa, as we may see
by the tale of Eudoxus (Strabo, ii, 98; Cornel. Nep. ap. Plin. H. N. ii, 67, who gives
the story very differently; and Pomp. Mela, iii, 9).

[548] Arrian, Exp. Al. vii, 1, 2.

[549] Herodot. i, 1. Φοίνικας—ἀπαγινέοντας φορτία Ἀσσύριά τε καὶ Αἰγύπτια.

[550] See the valuable chapter in Heeren (Ueber den Verkehr der Alten Welt
i, 2, Abschn. 4, p. 96) about the land trade of the Phenicians.
The twenty-seventh chapter of the prophet Ezekiel presents a striking picture
of the general commerce of Tyre.
 [551] Herodot. i, 178. Τῆς δὲ Ἀσσυρίης ἐστὶ μέν κου καὶ ἄλλα πολίσματα
μεγάλα πολλά· τὸ δὲ ὀνομαστότατον καὶ ἰσχυρότατον, καὶ ἔνθα σφι, τῆς Νίνου
ἀναστάτου γενομένης, τὰ βασιλήϊα κατεστήκεε, ἦν Βαβυλών.
The existence of these and several other great cities is an important item to
be taken in, in our conception of the old Assyria: Opis on the Tigris, and Sittakê
on one of the canals very near the Tigris, can be identified (Xenoph. Anab. ii, 4,
13-25): compare Diodor. ii, 11.

[552] Herodot. i, 72; iii, 90-91; vii, 63; Strabo, xvi, p. 736, also ii, p. 84, in
which he takes exception to the distribution of the οἰκουμένη (inhabited portion
of the globe) made by Eratosthenês, because it did not include in the same
compartment (σφραγὶς) Syria proper and Mesopotamia: he calls Ninus and
Semiramis, Syrians. Herodotus considers the Armenians as colonists from the
Phrygians (vii, 73).
The Homeric names Ἀρίμοι, Ἐρεμβοὶ (the first in the Iliad, ii, 783, the second
in the Odyssey, iv, 84) coincide with the Oriental name of this race Aram; it seems
more ancient, in the Greek habits of speech, than Syrians (see Strabo, xvi, p.
785).
The Hesiodic Catalogue too, as well as Stêsichorus, recognized Arabus as the
son of Hermês, by Throniê, daughter of Bêlus (Hesiod, Fragm. 29, ed.
Marktscheffel; Strabo, i, p. 42).

[553] Heeren, in his account of the Babylonians (Ideen über den Verkehr der
Alten Welt, part i, Abtheilung 2, p. 168), speaks of this conquest of Babylon by
Chaldæan barbarians from the northern mountains as a certain fact, explaining
the great development of the Babylonian empire under Nabopolasar and
Nebuchadnezzar from 630-580 B. C.; it was, he thinks, the new Chaldæan
conquerors who thus extended their dominion over Judæa and Phenicia.
I agree with Volney (Chronologie des Babyloniens, ch. x, p. 215) in thinking
this statement both unsupported and improbable. Mannert seems to suppose the
Chaldæans of Arabian origin (Geogr. der Gr. und Röm., part v, s. 2, ch. xii, p.
419). The passages of Strabo (xvi, p. 739) are more favorable to this opinion than
to that of Heeren; but we make out nothing distinct respecting the Chaldæans
except that they were the priestly order among the Assyrians of Babylon, as they
are expressly termed by Herodotus—ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Χαλδαῖοι, ἐόντες ἱρέες τούτου
τοῦ θεοῦ (of Zeus Bêlus) (Herodot. i, 181).
The Chalybes and Chaldæi of the northern mountains seem to be known only
through Xenophon (Anab. iv, 3, 4; v, 5, 17; Cyrop. iii, 2, 1); they are rude
barbarians, and of their exploits or history no particulars reach us.

[554] The earliest Chaldæan astronomical observation, known to the

astronomer Ptolemy, both precise and of ascertained date to a degree sufficient
for scientific use, was a lunar eclipse of the 19th March 721 B. C.—the 27th year
of the era of Nabonassar (Ideler, Ueber die Astronomischen Beobachtungen der
Alten, p. 19, Berlin, 1806). Had Ptolemy known any older observations
conforming to these conditions, he would not have omitted to notice them: his
own words in the Almagest testify how much he valued the knowledge and
comparison of observations taken at distant intervals (Almagest, b. 3, p. 62, ap.
Ideler, l. c. p. 1), and at the same time imply that he had none more ancient than
the era of Nabonassar (Alm. iii, p. 77, ap. Idel. p. 169).
That the Chaldæans had been, long before this period, in the habit of
observing the heavens, there is no reason to doubt; and the exactness of those
observations cited by Ptolemy implies (according to the judgment of Ideler ib. p.
167) long previous practice. The period of two hundred and twenty-three
lunations, after which the moon reverts nearly to the same positions in reference
to the apsides and nodes, and after which eclipses return nearly in the same
order and magnitude, appears to have been discovered by the Chaldæans
(“Defectus ducentis viginti tribus mensibus redire in suos orbes certum est,” Pliny,
H. N. ii, 13), and they deduced from hence the mean daily motions of the moon
with a degree of accuracy which differs only by four seconds from modern lunar
tables (Geminus, Isagoge in Arati Phænomena, c. 15; Ideler, l. c. pp. 153, 154,
and in his Handbuch der Chronologie, vol. i, Absch. ii, p. 207).
There seem to have been Chaldæan observations, both made and recorded,
of much greater antiquity than the era of Nabonassar; though we cannot lay
much stress on the date of 1903 years anterior to Alexander the Great, which is
mentioned by Simplicius (ad Aristot. de Cœlo, p. 123) as being the earliest period
of the Chaldæan observations sent from Babylon by Kallisthenês to Aristotle.
Ideler thinks that the Chaldæan observations anterior to the era of Nabonassar
were useless to astronomers from the want of some fixed era, or definite cycle, to
identify the date of each of them. The common civil year of the Chaldæans had
been from the beginning (like that of the Greeks) a lunar year, kept in a certain
degree of harmony with the sun by cycles of lunar years and intercalation. Down
to the era of Nabonassar, the calender was in confusion, and there was nothing to
verify either the time of accession of the kings, or that of astronomical
phenomena observed, except the days and months of this lunar year. In the reign
of Nabonassar, the astronomers at Babylon introduced (not into civil use, but for
their own purposes and records) the Egyptian solar year,—of three hundred and
sixty-five days, or twelve months of thirty days each, with five added days,
beginning with the first of the month Thoth, the commencement of the Egyptian
year,—and they thus first obtained a continuous and accurate mode of marking
the date of events. It is not meant that the Chaldæans then for the first time
obtained from the Egyptians the knowledge of the solar year of three hundred
and sixty-five days, but that they then for the first time adopted it in their
notation of time for astronomical purposes, fixing the precise moment at which
they began. Nor is there the least reason to suppose that the era of Nabonassar
coincided with any political revolution or change of dynasty. Ideler discusses this
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