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College and University Endowments Case Studies and
Tax Issues Case Studies and Tax Issues 1st Edition
Jessica I. Bellfleur Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Jessica I. Bellfleur
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Year: 2010
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College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY

ENDOWMENTS: CASE STUDIES
AND TAX ISSUES
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 EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND
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 EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD

COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY

ENDOWMENTS: CASE STUDIES
AND TAX ISSUES
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

JESSICA I. BELLFLEUR
EDITOR

Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

New York

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 Copyright © 2010 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

College and university endowments : case studies and tax issues / editor,
Jessica I. Bellfleur.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN:  (eBook)
1. Universities and colleges--United States--Endowments . 2.
Endowments--Taxation--United States. 3. Tax exemption--United States. I.
Bellfleur, Jessica I.
LB2336.C575 2010
378.1'06--dc22
2010016692

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.  New York

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 CONTENTS

Preface vii
Chapter 1 Tax Issues and University Endowments 1
Jane G. Gravelle
Chapter 2 Postsecondary Education: College and University
Endowments have Shown Long-Term Growth, While
Size, Restrictions, and Distributions Vary 19
United States Government Accountability Office
Index 83
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College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 PREFACE

U.S. colleges and universities hold hundreds of billions of dollars in

endowments. In congressional hearings and in academic literature, some have
argued that certain college and university endowments have grown very large
without a concurrent increase in the use of endowment proceeds to reduce the cost
of attending those schools. The topic of college affordability continues to be an
issue of great concern and many are concerned that increases in the cost of college
may be discouraging large numbers of individuals, particularly minority and low
income individuals, from pursing higher education. This book provides
information about endowments that will help inform policymakers and others as
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

they consider college and university endowment issues.

Chapter 1 - After a discussion of the value of the associated tax benefit, this
memorandum provides an overview of endowments and their relationships to
tuition and student aid, including aggregate data on endowments and returns, and
supplementary aggregate data on tuition growth and student aid for institutions
with over $1 billion in endowments. Because of data constraints on investment
returns, payout rates, tuition growth, and student aid by institution, the detailed
analysis by individual institution is based on a judgmental sample of 30 nonprofit
universities and colleges: the 20 universities with the largest 2006 endowments
and the 10 most heavily endowed four-year liberal arts colleges. Please note that
the characteristics of these institutions cannot be generalized to other institutions.
Chapter 2 - The nation’s 4-year not-for-profit colleges and universities
collectively held more than $400 billion in endowments in 2008. Some
institutions’ large endowments coupled with the high and growing cost of college
have led to questions about institutions’ use of endowments. This mandated report
describes (1) the size and change in value of endowments over the last 20 years,
(2) the extent and manner to which endowment funds are restricted for financial

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 viii Jessica I. Bellfleur

aid and other purposes, and (3) institutions’ distribution of endowment assets.
GAO obtained and analyzed data on college and university endowments from the
Department of Education and other sources. Because industry-wide data were not
available on endowment restrictions and distributions, GAO selected 10 colleges
and universities for case studies. The case-study institutions were selected to
include a mix of public, private, large, small, and minority-serving institutions.
Information from these schools cannot be generalized to all U.S. colleges and
universities.
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 In: College and University Endowments ISBN: 978-1-61728-268-3
Editor: Jessica I. Bellfleur © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

TAX ISSUES AND UNIVERSITY

ENDOWMENTS 

Jane G. Gravelle

TO: Honorable Max Baucus, Chairman, Senate Committee on

Finance Honorable Chuck Grassley, Ranking Member,
Senate Committee on Finance
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

FROM: Jane G. Gravelle

Senior Specialist in Economic Policy
Government and Finance Division

SUBJECT: Tax Issues and University Endowments

This memorandum is in response to your request for a discussion on (1)

the growth and uses of university and college endowments, which receive
preferential tax treatment, and (2) the potential consequences for slower tuition
growth and more student aid availability were a larger portion of endowment
funds to be distributed and used for those purposes.
After a discussion of the value of the associated tax benefit, this
memorandum provides an overview of endowments and their relationships to


This is an edited, reformatted and augmented version of Congressional Research Report M-
082007, dated August 20, 2007.

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 2 Jane G. Gravelle

tuition and student aid, including aggregate data on endowments and returns,
and supplementary aggregate data on tuition growth and student aid for
institutions with over $1 billion in endowments. Because of data constraints on
investment returns, payout rates, tuition growth, and student aid by institution,
the detailed analysis by individual institution is based on a judgmental sample
of 30 nonprofit universities and colleges: the 20 universities with the largest
2006 endowments and the 10 most heavily endowed four-year liberal arts
colleges. Please note that the characteristics of these institutions cannot be
generalized to other institutions.
The main findings of the analysis are summarized below:

 Endowment assets for 765 institutions summed to $340 billion in the

fiscal year ended in June 2006, with earnings of 15.3%, amounting to
income of $52 billion. The foregone revenue from not taxing these
returns probably exceeds the revenue loss from all income tax
deductions for charitable contributions to higher education.
 Endowment assets are heavily concentrated in a few institutions with
large endowments. Harvard University’s endowment alone represents
8.5% of total endowments of 765 institutions, and the five institutions
with the largest endowments account for 25% of endowment value
but comprise less than 1% of these institutions of higher education.
Moreover, the top 20 universities account for almost half of all
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

endowments but less than 3% of institutions, and the 62 institutions

with endowments over $1 billion are 8% of institutions but account
for two thirds of endowment value.
 Institutions with larger endowments are characterized by higher
(although more variable) returns and a larger share of the growing
investment in hedge funds and private equity funds, but tend to have
the same payout rates as institutions with smaller endowments.
Average payout rates frequently fall below 5% even for institutions
with very large endowments and very high rates of return. For many
institutions with large endowments, the higher investment returns
earned on endowments could allow higher payout rates while
maintaining the real value of the endowment. These higher returns
being earned appear, however, to be leading to greater growth in
assets rather than higher distribution rates.
 For institutions with over $1 billion in endowments, earnings on
endowments retained after payout significantly exceed, on average,
both tuition growth and undergraduate student aid. With each

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 Tax Issues and University Endowments 3

institution equally weighted, the return on endowments for these

institutions was 15.2% in 2006, while the payout rate was only 4.6%.
Tuition growth was 0.9% of the endowment, and student aid was
2.9% of the endowment.
 Among the top 20 institutions with the largest endowments, the
endowment on a per undergraduate basis varies from $2.8 million for
Yale to $33 thousand for the University of California system. Three of
the top 20 (Yale, Harvard, and Princeton) have values of more than $2
million per undergraduate, and three others (MIT, Stanford, and Rice)
have more than $1 million. The smallest amounts per undergraduate
student were found in the five public institutions that fall in the top
20. Significant endowments per undergraduate student also occur in
the 10 private four-year liberal arts colleges with the largest
endowments in their group. (Note that endowments per student would
be lower for institutions with graduate populations, but the amounts
per undergraduate student may be more relevant if the goal is to
reduce undergraduate tuition growth and undergraduate student aid.
Yale, Harvard and Princeton would still have over $1 million per
capita with all students included, and MIT, Stanford, and Rice over
$0.5 million)
 For both the top 20 universities and the 10 liberal arts institutions,
undergraduate tuition increases and student aid were small relative to
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

endowment value: for the top five private universities (equally

weighted), tuition growth was less than 1/10 of a percent of
endowment value; for the top four undergraduate student aid was less
than ½ of a percent of the endowment. For all private universities in
the top 20, tuition growth was 0.27% of the endowment, while annual
student aid was 1.4%. For the 10 liberal arts schools, tuition growth
was 0.36% of endowment value and tuition growth was 2.2%. These
numbers suggest that small additions from the endowment distribution
could mitigate or eliminate tuition growth and substantially expand
student aid for many of the institutions in the sample.
 Although the results are not as pronounced for the 62 institutions with
over $1 billion, in this case, as well, on average, increases in payouts
could be used as a substitute for some or all tuition increases and
could be used to increase student aid significantly, while endowments
could continue to earn returns beyond those needed to maintain their
real value.

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 4 Jane G. Gravelle

At the conclusion of this memorandum, policy options to encourage

greater spending from endowments for undergraduate tuition relief are
discussed.

TAX BENEFITS FOR UNIVERSITY ENDOWMENTS

Charitable contributions that are not used immediately but rather are
reinvested benefit from two forms of tax relief: the initial charitable deduction
for the donor when the gift is made and the exemption from income tax of
earnings on the assets. Foundations, which allow for the growth of assets, face
a payout requirement of 5% of the asset value. These requirements for payout
do not, however, apply to endowments.
The value of this tax benefit for higher education is significant, and
probably exceeds the value of the charitable contribution deduction for higher
education, estimated at $4 billion in FY2006.1 According to data covering 765
non-profit universities and colleges, the total amount of outstanding
endowments as of mid-2006 was $340 billion. The dollar-weighted
rate of return was 15.3%.2 The resulting income was $52 billion, and if taxed
at a 35% corporate income tax rate, would have resulted in $18 billion in
taxes, a benefit four and a half times the benefit of charitable deductions tax
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

expenditures. Even adjusting this benefit to reflect netting out distributions,

and for unrealized gains, the benefits of allowing endowments to earn untaxed
income are most likely significant.

HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS: AN OVERVIEW OF

ENDOWMENTS, PAYOUTS, AND INVESTMENT PRACTICES
For the 765 higher education institutions with data available on
endowments, endowment assets are concentrated in large institutions, as
shown in Table 1, which provides a distribution of endowments by asset size
for the fiscal year ended June 30, 2006. As shown in the table, the 62
institutions with endowments over $1 billion accounted for two thirds of the
total endowment for 765 institutions. (The five institutions with the largest
endowments accounted for a quarter of the total, and the top 20 for almost
half). Institutions with larger endowments had higher rates of return on their
endowment and also invested greater shares in the growing category of hedge

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 Tax Issues and University Endowments 5

funds and private equity funds. They were not, however, characterized by
higher payout rates, which appeared to be fairly constant across institutions
with different endowment sizes.
As indicated in Table 2 and Table 3, rates of return vary over time and
are sensitive to market conditions. Nevertheless, even when the lower return
years during the 2001 and 2002 economic slowdown are included, the higher
returns by institutions with larger endowments remain. These tables also show
the growth in the share of assets allocated to investments in hedge funds and
private equity funds, which have increased by over 50% since 2002 and may
be partly responsible for these higher returns. (Note that dollar weighted
returns would likely be higher than equal weighted within categories, given
this trend of higher returns to institutions with larger endowments.)

Table 1. Endowment Characteristics by Size of Endowment, Fiscal Year

2006
Endowment (%)
Rate of Return*
Institutions (%)

Spending Rate*
Hedge Funds

Endowment)
Equity* (%)
Endowment

and Private
($billions)
Size 2006

Assets in
Share of

Share of

(% of
(%)
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

>1 8.1 67.4 15.2 28.3 4.6

0.5-1 8.2 16.0 12.8 22.5 4.5
0.1-0.5 29.0 13.8 11.9 14.9 4.6
0.05-0.1 18.7 2.9 10.0 8.7 4.7
0.025-0.05 15.8 1.4 9.3 6.5 4.9
<0.025 20.2 0.6 7.8 3.1 4.4
Public 10.0 9.0 4.3
Independent 11.1 12.7 4.8
Full Sample (Equal Weighted) 100.0 100.0 10.7 22.3 4.6
Full Sample (Dollar Weighted) 15.3
Note: Data reflects 765 institutions, with a total of $340 billion in endowment.
* Amounts are equal weighted, that is averaged over institutions rather than dollars,
except where noted.
Source: Based on data from National Association of College and University Business
Officers

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 6 Jane G. Gravelle

Table 2. Rate of Return by Endowment Size and Time Period

Endowment Size 2006 1-year* 3-year* 5-year* 10-year*

($billions) (%) (%) (%) (%)
>1 15.2 15.3 8.8 11.4
0.5-1 12.8 13.8 7.4 9.8
0.1-0.5 11.9 12.5 6.5 8.8
0.05-0.1 10.0 11.5 6.1 8.1
0.025-0.05 9.3 10.8 5.3 7.7
<0.025 7.8 9.0 4.5 7.4
Public 10.0 11.5 6.1 8.5
Independent 11.1 12.0 6.4 9.0
Full Sample (Equal Weighted) 10.7 11.9 6.7 8.8
Full Sample (Dollar Weighted) 15.3 15.6 9.2 11.7
* Amounts are equal weighted, that is averaged over institutions rather than dollars,
except where noted. Source: Based on data from National Association of College
and University Business Officers.

Table 3. Aggregate Rates of Return, Share of Assets in Hedge Funds and

Private Equities, and Payout Rate, 2002-2006

Asset Share in Hedge

Rate of Return
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Fiscal Funds and Private Payout Rate (Equal

(Dollar
Year Equities (Dollar Weighted) (%)
Weighted) (%)
Weighted) (%)
2006 15.3 22.3 4.6
2005 13.9 20.5 4.7
2004 17.6 18.2 4.9
2003 4.7 17.3 5.1
2002 -4.2 14.3 5.0
Source: Based on data from National Association of College and University Business
Officers

This payout ratio can be contrasted with that of private foundations which
are required to have a minimum distribution of 5%. On average, the payout
ratio for private foundations averages 7%.4
Payout ratios have, however, shown little trend. Many institutions set a
target (often of 5%) but apply it to a number of years (often 3) to smooth the
spending. The decline in ratios most likely reflects not a decline in the target
ratio, but a decline, and then a growth, in endowment values. The payout ratio

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 Tax Issues and University Endowments 7

was 4.5% from 1997-1999, then gradually rose and fell.3 With endowments
growing rapidly from high returns, this target approach would lead to a payout
ratio consistently below the actual target.

ANALYSIS OF ENDOWMENTS, RETURNS, PAYOUT RATIOS,

TUITION GROWTH, AND UNDERGRADUATE AID FOR
UNIVERSITIES AND LIBERAL ARTS COLLEGES WITH
LARGE ENDOWMENTS
This section of the analysis looks at the subset of institutions with large
endowments. First, aggregate data on tuition growth and student aid are
provided for the institutions with over $1 billion in assets reported in the
previous tables. For these institutions, as noted above, the return (with
institutions equally weighted) is 15.2%, while payout ratio is only 4.6%. On
average, existing endowments, therefore, grew by 10.6%, well in excess of
inflation. (Total endowments grew more because of new contributions). At the
same time, these institutions increased tuition by 6.8%, an amount equal to 0.9
1% of the endowment, and provided undergraduate student aid at 2.85% of the
endowment.5 On average, therefore, additional distributions from the
endowment could have been used to substitute for tuition increases and to
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

allow a significant expansion of aid without reducing the real value of the
endowment.
The analysis also provides institution level data for the 20 institutions with
the largest endowments in 2006. The analysis also considers the 10 four-year
liberal arts colleges with the largest endowments in their group. The selected
groups are chosen for the individual institution analysis because of difficulty
in obtaining institution level data on payouts, returns, tuition and aid in current
data bases.
Table 4 lists the institutions in the top 20, their endowments, their share of
total endowments, and their average endowment per undergraduate and per
student.6 These 20 institutions account for less than 3% of institutions, but
48% of endowment value. The top 5 institutions account for less than 1% of
institutions but 26% of endowments.

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 8 Jane G. Gravelle

Table 4. Endowments of the 20 Institutions with the Largest 2006

Endowments

Share of
Endowment per Endowment
Endowment Total
Undergraduate per
Institution ($ billions) Endowment
2005 ($ Student 2005
2006 s
thousands) ($thousands)
2006 (%)
Harvard 28.9 8.5 2,619 1,018
Yale 18.0 5.3 2,814 1,326
Stanford 14.1 4.1 1,856 641
U. of Texas 13.2 3.9 94 72
Princeton 13.0 3.8 2,354 1,655
MIT 8.4 2.5 1,651 658
Columbia 5.9 1.7 709 236
U. of CA 5.7 1.7 33 25
System
U. of Michigan 5.7 1.7 158 90
Texas A&M 5.6 1.7 77 60
U. of 5.3 1.6 361 184
Pennsylvania
Northwestern 5.1 1.5 232 233
Emory 4.9 1.4 672 360
U. of Chicago 4.9 1.4 896 292
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Washington U. 4.6 1.4 572 319

Duke 4.5 1.3 585 272
Notre Dame 4.4 1.3 441 320
Cornell 4.3 1.3 276 192
Rice 4.0 1.2 1,160 709
U. of VA 3.6 1.1 199 125
Source: Data on endowments from National Association of College and University
Business Officers. Data on undergraduate enrollment is from Institute for
Educational Statistics, National Center for Educational Statistics, College
Opportunities Online Locator; data for university systems include all campuses
with undergraduate enrollment:

Note that perhaps a better metric of the endowment size when one is
concerned with undergraduate tuition relief is the endowment per
undergraduate. As shown in the table, while Harvard has the largest total
endowment, Yale has the largest endowment per undergraduate: $2.8 million.
The endowment per undergraduate varies from $2.8 million for Yale to $33
thousand for the University of California systems. Three of the institutions in

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 Tax Issues and University Endowments 9

the top 20 (Yale, Harvard, and Princeton) have values of more than $2 million
per undergraduate, and three others (MIT, Stanford, and Rice) have more than
$1 million. The smallest amounts per student are in the five public institutions
that fall in the top 20 institutions. For considering the overall size of
endowment needs, endowment per student, which includes graduate students,
may be a better measure. As shown in Table 4, the per capita endowment is
much smaller in some cases, and the order changes. Three institutions
(Harvard, Yale, and Princeton) still have endowments in excess of $1 million
per student.
Although the liberal arts institutions in Table 5 account for only 3.5% of
endowments, they had relative high endowments per student. Out of the 10
institutions in our sample, 7 had endowments in excess of over $500,000 per
student.

Table 5. Endowments of 10 Liberal Arts Colleges with the Largest

Endowments

Endowment per
Endowment Share of Total
Institution Undergraduate
($ billions) Endowments (%)
($ thousands)
Grinnell 1.5 0.43 881
Williams 1.5 0.43 661
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Pomona 1.5 0.43 847

Wellesley 1.4 0.42 518
Amherst 1.3 0.39 716
Swarthmore 1.3 0.37 787
Smith 1.2 0.34 334
Berea 0.9 0.28 540
Middlebury 0.8 0.23 294
Vassar 0.7 0.22 282
Source: Data on endowments from National Association of College and University
Business Officers. Data on undergraduate enrollment is from Institute for
Educational Statistics, National Center for Educational Statistics, College
Opportunities Online Locator; data for university systems include all campuses
with undergraduate enrollment:

Table 6 and Table 7 show, for the same institutions, the recent growth
rates in endowments, the rates of return and asset allocation for most
institutions and the payout rates. In a steady state which would maintain
endowment size relative to spending with real income and population growth,

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
 10 Jane G. Gravelle

the endowment would grow at approximately the rate of national output. As

the table indicates, in almost every case endowments are growing much faster
than nominal GDP, which grew at 6.9% through the comparable 2005-2006
period and at 6.0% through the comparable 2004-2005 period. Yale
University, for example, with the largest endowment per undergraduate, had a
growth approximately three times the growth of national output, while
Harvard, with the next largest, had a growth rate more than twice as large.
Even if the growth rate for comparison were to be increased by the difference
between the GDP deflator and the privately-generated Higher Education Price
Index (HEPI),7 which reflects the composition of college costs, these
comparison rates would be increased only by 1.7 and 0.8 percentage points.

Table 6. Growth Rates, Returns and Payout Rates of the 20

Institutions with the Largest 2006 Endowments

% Hedge Payout Rate

Growth Rate, Growth Rate Return,
Funds and 2003-2004,
Institution 2005-2006 2004-2005 2004- 2005
Private unless noted
(%) (%) (%)
Equities (%)
Harvard 13.5 15.0 19.2 21.1 4.5
Yale 18.4 19.4 22.3 36.5 4.5
Stanford 15.4 23.9 19.0* 10.0* 4.6
U. of Texas 14.0 12.3 5.5
Princeton 16.4 12.9 17.0 37.9 4.1
Copyright © 2010. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

MIT 24.7 14.4 17.6 5.4

Columbia 14.4 15.5 17.7 45.0 4.9
U. of California 9.8 9.5 10.3 1.3 4.1
U. of Michigan 14.6 18.4 19.1 27.4 4.2*
Texas A&M 13.7 13.5 5.6
U. of 21.6 8.7 8.5 20.1 4.6*
Pennsylvania
Northwestern 22.0 14.9 15.6* 4.5*
Emory 11.3 -3.5 6.1
U. of Chicago 17.6 14.3 18.8 29.0 4.1*
Washington U. 9.8 6.7 10.0 23.6 4.4*
Duke 17.6 15.5 18.1 4.8*
Notre Dame 21.4 17.9 19.1 3.5*
Cornell 14.4 16.6 13.6 28.7 5.2*
Rice 10.4 9.3 13.6 26.9 4.4*
U. of VA 12.4 15.2 14.3 67.3 4.5*
* Asterisked data are from data in annual reports. Stanford had a return of 19.5% in the
most recent year and a return of 19% over the past three years. Northwestern’s
return is for the most recent year, the average of the past three years is 17.1%.
Payout rates for the University of Pennsylvania, University of Michigan, Duke,

College and University Endowments: Case Studies and Tax Issues : Case Studies and Tax Issues, Nova Science
Other documents randomly have
different content
Advanced guards, and flanking parties of cavalry, were thrown out from the main column, and
every eye watched eagerly for the first glitter of the Sikh weapons.
The suspense was not destined to be of long duration; for soon after sunrise, having marched
about eight miles, we reached the verge of a sandy ridge, beneath which lay a hard, level plain,
nearly two miles in breadth, and about one in length, flanked on our right by the Sutlej, and on
the left by trees, through which an open country could be discerned to a considerable distance.
To our right front lay the fortified village of Aliwal, and to our left front that of Boondree, amidst a
thin grove of trees. Along the ridge connecting these villages were thrown up light field
entrenchments, (then invisible to us,) from whence a gradual slope towards the ridge where we
stood gave the position a resemblance to the glacis of a low fort, and rendered it peculiarly suited
for defensive purposes.
Descending into this plain, in column of threes, the cavalry deployed, and advanced a few yards,
whilst the infantry and artillery formed a second line, masked effectually by the advance.
The enemy were soon perceived rapidly occupying the position between the villages of Aliwal and
Boondree, pouring from their entrenched camp, which lay about a mile in rear of the second
ridge, on the bank of the river, but concealed from our view.
Sir Harry Smith, whose watchful eye, from the top of a village-hut on the first ridge, had detected
the enemy in motion from their camp, now rode forwards to make his dispositions for the battle,
which the most sanguine had not ventured to anticipate as likely to take place on open ground,
whilst a fortified camp lay scarcely a mile in rear.
The British line was speedily formed. The 2nd Brigade of Cavalry, under the personal direction of
Brigadier Cureton, stretched nearly to the banks of the Sutlej; the infantry and artillery held the
centre; and the 1st Brigade of Cavalry, under Brigadier M'Dowell, formed the left wing of the
army.
It was reported to the general, that morning, by a spy, that the Sikhs were about to move
forward on Jugraon as a new position, and there is some reason to suppose that we found them
actually commencing their march. Be that as it may, they manifested an equal alacrity with
ourselves for action; the cannon soon opened their iron mouths upon us, but with little effect, the
distance being as yet too great.
Sir Harry Smith, with his characteristic readiness, had formed his plan of attack. Perceiving that
the village of Aliwal, the strongest point of the enemy's position, was apparently weakly
garrisoned, the first and fourth brigades were ordered to advance and carry it by a coup-de-main,
which was soon effected, after a faint resistance. The remainder of the British line continued
steadily to advance, and when under fire of the Sikh batteries, our own artillery opened along the
whole line.
The enemy, although Aliwal was carried, and that important battery silenced, bravely maintained
their position, and poured a steady rolling fire upon our advancing line. The noble 50th Regiment
being in the centre, and opposed to the heaviest battery, fell fast under the fire; but their path
has ever led to victory, and no storm of round shot and grape, supported by countless musketry,
has yet availed to repulse those gallant warriors.
A small band of Sikh horsemen, many of them richly attired, suddenly rode forth from behind the
batteries, and charged wildly down upon our advancing line;[41] but they never lived to reach it; a
sheet of fire streamed from the centre, and a cloud of smoke slowly drifted over the writhing
forms of the devoted Goorcheras.
Brigadier Cureton, whose experienced eye observed the enemy's left gradually giving way, now
advanced his second brigade of cavalry, sweeping the banks of the river towards the enemy's
camp, in hopes of cutting off that change of front, should the enemy attempt the manœuvre, and
also of intercepting all communication with that quarter, and the fords of the Sutlej in the vicinity.
The left of the Sikh line having been much doubled up by the foregoing operations, and Runjoor
Singh finding it now impracticable to hold his present ground with a reasonable chance of
success, endeavoured, by a retrograde movement, taking Boondree as the pivot of his
manœuvre, to change front left back, and thus take the British line in flank, whilst his own troops
might regain their order.
A large body of Goorchera horsemen thrown forward amongst the groves of trees in the
neighbourhood of the village of Boondree, announced some new intention on the enemy's part.
The extreme British left then consisted of the 1st Brigade of Cavalry, under Brigadier M'Dowell,
(H.M. 16th Lancers and the 3rd Native Cavalry,) who had continued to advance until they had
become a target on which the Sikh artillerymen had hitherto practised with impunity. The bold
approach of the Sikh Goorcheras on the British left, soon altered the aspect of affairs in this part
of the field. A squadron of the 3rd Native Cavalry, supported by one from H.M. 16th Lancers,
were detached to check the operations of these Sikh Goorcheras. The Native Cavalry advanced
through the trees towards the Goorcheras, but, finding them in considerable force, retreated,
when the left squadron of the 16th Lancers advancing and wheeling to the left, charged through
the grove of trees, breaking and putting to flight a band of Goorchera horse, who, whilst retiring
at full speed, wheeled round in their saddles, and fired their matchlocks at their pursuers, but
with trifling effect.
Returning from their charge, this squadron suddenly found that a regiment of Aeen infantry had
advanced from Boondree to secure Runjoor Singh's new change of front, and were in possession
of the ground over which the squadron had recently passed. The Sikh infantry hastily formed
square, and a sharp rattle of musketry emptied several saddles, but "Charge!" from the squadron
leader soon put the cavalry at full speed, and, although interrupted by a small grove of trees in
their course, they tore like a whirlwind through the enemy's ranks, hurling numbers to the earth,
and putting the whole in a state of hopeless confusion.
On the other side of the square, the fourth squadron joined the third, which was returning from a
similar charge made on a square of Aeen infantry,[42] and with similar success, though the cavalry
had suffered severely, owing to the isolated charges they had been fated to accomplish.
At this juncture two guns of the Horse Artillery, under Lieut. Bruce, dashing to the front, sent a
flight of shrapnel whizzing amongst the enemy's disordered masses, which diversion was
seconded by the 3rd brigade of infantry, who hastened, by a flank movement, to the scene of
action, and followed the enemy through the village of Boondree, in which they would otherwise
have made a stand.
Just before these operations had taken place, on the extreme left of the British line, the right
wing of the 16th Lancers, having stood exposed to the fire of a galling battery in their direct
front, were advanced to the attack under the directions of their gallant leader Major J.R. Smyth,
[43] commanding the regiment. The two squadrons, moving forward in compact and beautiful
order, charged home, and captured every gun under a storm of fire, for the Sikh artillerymen and
musketeers stood their ground and fought with desperate bravery and resolution. Venting their
unconquerable hatred in savage yells of abuse, the swarthy warriors cast away their discharged
muskets, and rushed sword in hand, to meet their abhorred opponents, preferring death to
retreat; but no efforts of despair could now restore the day to the Khalsas, for their line had been
doubled back and penetrated in several places, and the greater part of their artillery captured or
abandoned.
The Khalsa army, hurled from the ridge on which they had taken up their position, now directed
their retreat on the nearest fords of the Sutlej below the entrenched camp.
Sir Harry Smith, ordering the artillery forward, and still keeping his forces in compact order,
descended from the ridge towards the retreating enemy, saluted by the deafening cheers of each
regiment as the gallant and victorious general rode past them. One such day is worth years of
repose and inactivity to the soldier, and Aliwal has inscribed the name of Sir Harry Smith on the
deathless scroll of British conquerors.
The Sikh general had conducted his retreat with such precipitation, that when the British forces
approached the bank of the river the greater part of the Sikh army had crossed, though many,
losing the fords or trampled by the cavalry, had been swept down the Sutlej and drowned.
A few shots were fired, on our advance, from some pieces of cannon on our side of the river, but
they were the last those guns were destined to fire against the British army, as the enemy were
compelled to abandon them, and provide for their own safety on the further shore.
Our artillery, having formed on the bank, opened a fire of shrapnel on the retreating masses upon
the further shore, who soon dispersed, some taking refuge in villages near the river, and others
directing their retreat towards the fortress of Philore, which is nearly opposite Loodiana.
As the sun sunk beneath the horizon, the whole British force, drawn up in line on the bank of the
Sutlej, rested on their arms for the first time since the morning's dawn had lighted their path to
victory.
The enemy's deserted camp on the river, protected by a semicircular entrenchment, had long
been in the hands of our Native Cavalry, and when our brigade arrived at their bivouac, at
nightfall, it was found most effectually stripped,[44] and I did not hear of any of the Buddewal
sufferers recovering as much as a stable jacket from the wreck. A few books and other trifles of
which the Sikhs could make no use, found their way back to the original proprietors; but the
newspaper-report, that we had enriched ourselves with Sikh precious stones and metals is,
unfortunately, quite devoid of foundation. Those who had carried away any Sikh metals usually
found them more troublesome than useful.
Camels, laden with tents, strayed in different directions over the plain; but most of them were
furnished with owners in the course of the night, although our camp followers remained huddled
together in their den of safety at Buddewal. Enormous quantities of ammunition had been
collected in the Sikh camp, to carry on the long operations they meditated against the British
forces, and the cartridges, which were packed in large wooden cases, continued to explode
during the night. Large portions were collected by our parties sent out for the purpose, and, when
fired, shook the earth as with an earthquake, and lit up the surrounding country, causing our
horses to break loose from their pickets, when, conceiving that they had not been sufficiently
worked during the day, they galloped wildly through our bivouac.
The day of slaughter was certainly followed by a night of confusion; but the Sikh army had been
beaten, and few in our camp gave much thought to anything beyond the exploits of the day.
Covered with such fragments of tents, or Sikh horse clothing as we could lay our hands upon, or
rolled in our cloaks, (the few happy men to whom Buddewal had left such a garment,) we
clustered together and discussed the day's proceedings. Most of those who had escaped
unwounded were splashed with the blood of their comrades or enemies, and the field where we
lay was amply spotted with ghastly looking corpses, which would have afforded valuable subjects
for newspaper tales of horror; yet few, if any, of our numerous party complained of their night's
slumbers being interrupted or haunted by such apparitions.
The human organ of destructiveness requires exercise for its development, and with those
advantages it becomes, with many, one of the most engrossing of earthly passions. I have seen
instances in many veterans of men whose eye never brightened with such radiance at any
prospect as that of returning to their old gory pastime; ay, and amongst that number were
examples of warm-heartedness and benevolence, which it would puzzle the metaphysician to
reconcile with their destructive propensities. Ambition is perhaps the best cause or palliative for
these inconsistencies; and I trust, from the examples above alluded to, it may be deduced that
war does not necessarily harden the heart, though it nourishes the ambition of its votary. I will
never admit that worldly distinction is sought invariably on selfish motives; for the gratification of
one who is prized more than life is a sufficient inducement, and I do not envy the soldier without
some such guiding star.
At daylight, on the morning of the 29th, orders were issued to change ground from our bivouac,
to the neighbourhood of Aliwal, a short distance higher up on the same bank of the river, whilst
parties were detached to inter the bodies of the soldiers who had fallen the preceding day.
A field-hospital had been established at a village on the ridge whence we first descended into the
plain of Aliwal, before the action. Parties from each regiment, when the battle was over, took the
wounded to this place.
At daylight, on the morning of the 29th, so industrious had been the plunderers accompanying
the army, that scarcely a soldier's corpse remained unstripped, with the exception of those whose
numerous and deep gashes had rendered any article they wore unserviceable.
The plunderers had the prudence to accomplish their desecrations under the cover of night; had
they been detected in the daylight, a short shrift and an ounce of lead would have been their
well-merited reward; and, for my own part, I would rather have bestowed the contents of my
pistols on one of them, than on the most fanatic Alkali in the whole Sikh army.
It was not easy to determine whence the miscreants had come, for the Sikh villages were all
deserted, and the camp-followers, who must have heard the firing until nightfall, were not the
most likely people to venture forth ten miles on such an errand. Some of the natives in the field-
hospital, doubtless, assisted in the undertaking, but the task was too laborious to be completed
by them alone.
The amount of losses on our part were, in killed, wounded, and missing, five hundred and eighty-
nine men, and three hundred and fifty-three horses. The enemy's loss, by their own statement,
exceeded three thousand. Many went to their homes, after the defeat, disheartened, and laid
aside the profession of arms against the British as an unprofitable business.
The ordnance captured amounted to sixty-seven guns, mortars, and howitzers, and forty swivel
guns,[45] which were destroyed as an incumbrance.
During the 29th and 30th of January, cartloads of captured ammunition were taken to the
enemy's forts in the neighbourhood, all of which were deserted, and continual explosions told far
into the Punjaub the tale of their destruction. These forts belonged to the troublesome Ladwa
Rajah, who had instigated the recent expedition across the Sutlej, mainly in order to carry off the
most valuable portion of his moveable property in the protected Sikh states, which feat having
been performed more easily than he expected, he was emboldened to act on the offensive.
The announcement of Buddewal having become a blackened heap of ruins, was generally
received with a savage degree of satisfaction, and the very name of the place became a
convenient resource and by-word for all stray articles. Our native servants made it answer their
purpose as a receptacle for every valuable article afterwards missing, until the end of the
campaign, or an inventory checked the useful excuse.
A deserter from the Bengal Horse Artillery (John Porter, by name) fell into our hands during the
enemy's retreat, and was recognised by some of his former associates. He had been some time in
the Sikh service, and had been instrumental in directing the fire of the light guns upon his
countrymen, for which employment he would have been speedily consigned to the tender mercies
of the kites and vultures, had not the soldiers who captured him been restrained from carrying
their resentment to such lengths, and the political agent, hoping to make some use of the
renegade, saved his life. Mr. John Porter had apparently imbibed a strong predilection for his
adopted country, and maintained that it would be impossible to subdue the Sikhs with the present
forces which the British Government had assembled on the north-western frontier; but his opinion
on this and other matters was hardly of sufficient value to have saved his life.
This man was more fortunate than another Englishman in the Sikh ranks at Ferozeshuhur, who,
during the storm of the works by the British infantry, fell amongst the assailants, crying aloud
—"Spare me, lads! I am an Englishman, and belonged to the old 44th!" His appeal was answered
by several bayonets and execrations.
On the afternoon of the 29th of January, the field-hospital, with the wounded men, was removed
into Loodiana. I rode over to see a brother-officer who had been seriously wounded, and shall
never forget the sad scene of human suffering presented to view. Outside the hospital tents were
lain the bodies of those who had recently died; many in the contorted positions in which the rigid
hand of death had fixed them; others, more resembling sleep than death, had calmly passed
away, struck down in full vigour and robust bodily health, when the human frame, it was natural
to suppose, would have struggled more fiercely with its arch enemy; but the groans of the
sufferers undergoing painful surgical operations were more grievous to the senses than the sight
of those who needed no mortal aid. Pain, in all its degrees and hideous varieties was forcibly
portrayed on every square yard of earth which surrounded me; and, passing from sufferer to
sufferer, I felt, or fancied I felt, each patient's eye following wistfully the movements of such
fortunate visitants as were exempted from the services of the knife or lancet, and sometimes
dwelling reproachfully on the useless spectator of their sufferings. I felt it was almost a sacrilege
to remain in such a place without being useful; but the medical officers and hospital-assistants so
zealously fulfilled every minute detail for the relief of their patients, that sympathy was the only
offering we could present to our stricken comrades.
Whilst raising the canvas door of a dark tent which I was entering, I stumbled, and nearly fell
over the leg of some one stretched across the entrance. When I turned to make apologies to the
owner, I found it had none, but, on a pallet beside it, lay its former possessor, who had just
undergone amputation; beyond him lay a dead artilleryman; and further on, amongst stumps of
arms protruding from the pallets, lay my wounded brother-officer, who appeared to suffer much
more from the surrounding objects than from his own severe personal injuries. But the attention
bestowed on those wounded at Aliwal, differed much from a preceding occasion,[46] where the
hospital stores and conveniencies had been so far outmarched, that only two rush-lights were
procurable to illuminate the hospital.
In the course of the 29th, at Loodiana, better shelter was afforded; and its proximity to the
sanatorium in the mountains gave a cheering prospect for the approaching hot season to those
who were not qualified to become food for powder.
On the evening of the 29th, the remains of all the officers who had fallen in action were interred
in front of the standard guards, and amongst them were many deeply regretted by their
comrades. All were young, and most had fallen in their first field; but a soldier's grave has, from
the earliest records of mankind, been deemed the most honourable, and often the most desirable
passage from this scene of trial. No mourning group of relatives surround the couch of the
attenuated sufferer, to aggravate the grief of parting—no lingering shaft of fate reduces the
vigour of manhood to pitiful imbecility, but the winged messenger or the flashing steel summons
the victim, and amidst the roar of battle's thunder, he bows to the destroying angel. The warrior's
grave, dug on the field of strife, and his bier shrouded by the proud flag of his country, and
surrounded by war-worn veterans and faithful comrades, are funeral obsequies befitting the close
of the soldier's career. The hearse bedecked with lugubrious trappings and nodding plumes, which
conveys the remnants of frail mortality to the sepulchre, the train of hired mourners, with their
insignia of office and the pompous mockery of woe, have always been, to my mind, objects of
peculiar disgust. Why should we seek to dress out death in such fantastic guise, when the
ceremonial can only be calculated to harrow the feelings of suffering relatives by protracted
mummery? The active scene of the undertaker's solemnities closes with the church portals upon
the retiring crowd; but the mouldering corpse has yet to undergo the sculptor's operations; and
the carved sarcophagus tells to posterity, as far as time will permit, how great and good a worm
has crawled out its allotted course on this scene of trial; and wondering acquaintances are often
astonished to read, after death, a catalogue of virtues which they had failed to discover during a
life of apparent uselessness. I never could comprehend the object of these strange, but not
uncommon, deceptions. Friends and acquaintances must have formed their own estimates before
the closing scene, and can hardly be deceived by an epitaph; the opinion of strangers must be a
matter of indifference; and the recommendations of a monument can hardly be expected to pass
current as an introduction to the invisible world. I cannot think otherwise than that—
"Praises on tombs are trifles vainly spent;
A man's good name is his best monument."
But the poet and the cynic appear to have railed at, and ridiculed the custom in vain, for the
stone-mason continues to flourish with unabated vigour.
The operations of Sir Harry Smith's division of the army afford interesting matter for
consideration, in a military point of view, both on account of the enemy's embarrassing
manœuvres against the weakly-defended points on the upper line of the Sutlej, and also because
the Sikhs ventured to fight for the first time on the open plain: the light entrenchments, thrown
up to cover partially the working of their guns, will hardly obstruct the use of that term.
It will be remembered, that when Sir Harry Smith was first detached from Hureeka, the intention
was merely to re-open the communication with Loodiana, brushing away such foraging or
predatory bands as were supposed to infest the intervening country. Dhurrumkote, about twenty-
six miles distant from army head-quarters, and an insignificant fort, had refused an entrance, but
three or four shrapnel speedily induced the garrison to sue for terms, and a small detachment of
native troops were established in the place, which was hastily put under repair.
In progress from that place, it was first ascertained that the enemy were in greater force than
was before supposed; and no sooner did reinforcements move to join Sir Harry Smith, than a
column of dust, extending from the Sikh camp up the river, announced a corresponding
movement on the enemy's side, and the reports of our spies soon corroborated the supposition.
[47]

I think it hardly admits of a doubt, that the enemy's flank movement at Loodiana, besides a
predatory excursion, was intended to act against our siege train, on its arrival at or near Bussean;
for on the approach of Sir Harry Smith's division, the Sikhs advanced to Buddewal, retreating
again only to cover the passage of their reinforcements, and again moving forwards towards
Jugraon (as it was supposed), on the morning of the 28th of January, when Sir Harry Smith
fortunately met them on their march.
Sir Harry has been violently assailed by the Indian press for the operations in the neighbourhood
of Buddewal; but it must be remembered that his authority for the enemy occupying that position
rested solely on the report of a spy on the line of march; nor did he make any report as to the
batteries being manned and ready to open on us; the General, therefore, saw no reason to
suppose that it was more than an advanced post, as had been intimated to him the preceding
day.
The order for the march, on the morning of the 21st, had already provided for that measure; and
a party of irregular horse had been directed "to watch the small fortress occupied by the enemy."
Our gallant General frequently expressed himself in the strongest terms hostile to credulity in
rumours, and doubtless acted on this principle on the 21st of January. Had he decided to halt that
morning, when the enemy were first discovered, there was an excellent position beyond the reach
of their batteries, where the troops might have been assembled, and the march towards Loodiana
resumed over the open plain, and out of reach of the Sikhs' heavy artillery.
Sir Harry had resolved upon reaching Loodiana that day, according to the orders for the march;
and when it became apparent that the enemy was in full strength, and had unmasked his
batteries, the British General immediately perceived the disadvantages under which he must have
suffered had a general action ensued, and withdrew his forces with a masterly hand, although the
Sikhs exhibited an equally masterly one over our baggage.
Few military men will venture to blame Sir Harry Smith for declining an action with the enemy on
the 21st of January, when it is taken into consideration—firstly, that Colonel Godby's force, taking
another line of country, had not arrived when the Sikhs were upon us; secondly, that our infantry
were nearly exhausted by fatigue, and scarcely able to make their way through the deep sand,
whilst the enemy were quite fresh; and, lastly, that the Sikhs could have compelled us to attack
them under cover of their batteries in Buddewal, for which operations we had no sufficient
ordnance.
When also a great disparity of numbers exists, as on the occasion in question, there can be no
doubt of its being incumbent on the General to bring the lesser body at least fresh upon the field,
where so much activity is required to counterbalance the opposing force; and in the open plain
the Sikhs so far outflanked our line, that Sir Harry was compelled to make a defensive change of
front when threatened by a demonstration made by Runjoor Singh against the British left.
The want of heavy guns, and the paucity of our numbers compared to the Sikhs, caused the
attack of their post to be deferred, after our bivouac at Loodiana, until the arrival of
reinforcements from head-quarters. After the enemy had evacuated their position at Buddewal,
and our expected reinforcements had arrived, many were strongly of opinion that no attack could
in prudence be attempted until guns of heavier metal were procurable. Sir Harry Smith, however,
wisely foresaw the evil effect which must have ensued, should it be promulgated throughout India
that the right wing of the British forces had been checked by the Sikhs, and continued inactive at
Loodiana, apparently unable to commence offensive operations.
The news of a daring conspiracy[48] at Patna had, at this juncture, reached the Governor-
general's camp; and an immediate and decisive blow was especially necessary, to convince the
people of India that the British resources were sufficient to crush the invaders and to punish
domestic sedition. The whole province of Bengal having been nearly denuded of British troops,
any internal disaffection being allowed to develop itself might have led to most disastrous
consequences; but this was happily discovered, and repressed in due season.
Had the Sikhs retreated across the Sutlej after the skirmish at Buddewal, carrying off their booty
unmolested, the result of Sir Harry Smith's expedition would have been far from satisfactory; but,
fortunately for that gallant officer, the enemy had been inspired with so much confidence, that
they not only remained on the left bank, but actually came out of their entrenched camp, and
gave him battle on the very day and hour he desired to bring on the engagement.
To so high a pitch had Sikh confidence risen since the operations of the 21st of January, that
there appears every reason to suppose that their movement on the morning of the 28th was
intended as much to intercept us from the main column, as to threaten the siege train advancing
from Delhi. Had the Sikhs been in earnest in this manœuvre, and gained Jugraon by a forced
march, the character of the subsequent operations must have undergone a material change, the
fort of that town being of solid masonry, and capable of standing a siege; and there is little doubt
that they would have gained an acquisition of force when in the protected Sikh states, by so bold
an advance. But such a movement must ultimately have proved fatal to their interest, when cut
off from the river, and placed between the two British columns.
It was reserved for the issue of the battle of Aliwal to teach our enemies how rapid a defeat the
best of their troops must suffer when opposed in the open plain to a well organized British army,
directed by an experienced, brave, and intelligent leader.
In manning the position they had assumed, much had been neglected on the part of the Sikhs.
The fortified village of Aliwal, which covered their left flank, and would have insured a most
galling fire on our advancing line, if resolutely defended by an effective garrison, was occupied by
an insufficient body of irregular troops, and defended only by two or three pieces of ordnance,
which were carried with little resistance. Such an oversight must be attributed to surprise; for, if
the enemy were actually on their march towards Jugraon on the morning of the 28th, they
certainly had not time to throw a sufficient force, with heavy guns, into the village (which held an
advanced position) before Sir Harry Smith was upon them.
When Aliwal was once carried, the only resource left was that which was readily adopted by
Runjoor Singh, namely, changing front left back, thus endeavouring to throw his left into the
entrenched camp on the Sutlej, whilst his right rested on Boondree. But even this manœuvre was
almost desperate, for the extent of front along this new position was so great, that ere the
movement could be effected, his flanks were doubled up and his line pierced in several places,
nor were the Sikhs a sufficiently disciplined army to manœuvre steadily under fire. When driven
at every point from their well chosen position, the Aeen battalions fell doggedly back, but never
condescended to fly, though plied with musketry and shrapnel. They retreated, maintaining the
character they had earned, and facing about at intervals to check their pursuers by a retreating
fire. Those troops, the pupils of Avitabile, did credit that day to themselves and their master; and,
however we may abhor their treachery and thirst of blood, displayed in the revolutionary annals
of the Punjaub since the death of the old Lion of Lahore, we must at least bear witness to their
resolute courage and soldierlike bearing.
The Goorcheras and Irregular Infantry (as we were subsequently informed) had not the same
heart in the cause as the Aeen battalions, of whom war was the profession and livelihood, and
plunder and assassination the pastime.
It has been asserted that Sir Harry Smith might, without difficulty, have crossed the Sutlej with
his victorious army after the battle of Aliwal, and seized on or destroyed the fortress of Philoor,
which had been the harbour of assemblage for the Sikhs whilst threatening Loodiana; but it must
be taken into consideration that the British general's directions were only to clear the left bank of
the enemy, and that our forces were not equipped for an incursion into the Sikh territories. Had
such a measure been deemed prudent, it would have called for extensive commissariat
arrangements. To have crossed merely to destroy the innocent fort of Philoor, and then to retire,
would have been useless and undignified.
But there were stronger reasons even than these. Sir Harry Smith had no authority to cross the
Sutlej. The Sikhs were playing our game so industriously on our own side of the river, in crossing
and occupying in force their most inexplicable position near Hureeka, that the final act of the
tragedy was at hand, for which it was necessary to concentrate the whole British strength.
RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED AT THE BATTLE OF ALIWAL, JAN. 28TH, 1846.
KILLED. WOUNDED.
Officers. Trumpeters, Officers. Trumpeters,
Non- Non-
Drummers, Drummers,
commissioned commissioned Missing.
Rank & Rank &
officers. officers.
File. File.
Cavalry Division
—
1st Brigade:
H.M. 16th
2 56 6 77 1
Lancers
3rd Light
2 27 1 21
Cavalry
4th
1 2
Irregulars
2nd Brigade:
Body-Guard
1st Cavalry 9 2 14
5th ditto 1 1 8
Shekawattee
1 2 12
Cavalry
Artillery 3 15 5
Infantry—
1st Brigade:
H.M. 31st
1 1 14
Regt.
24th
1 5 7
Native Infantry
47th ditto 1 9
2nd Brigade:
H.M. 50th
1 9 10 59 4
Regt.
48th Native
1 9 4 1 36
Infantry
Sirmoor
9 1 39
Battalion
3rd Brigade:
H.M. 53rd
3 8 2
Regt.
30th Native
4 24 1
Infantry
 4th Brigade:
36th Native
3 1 10 1
Infantry
Nusseeree
6 16
Battalion
Shekawattee
2 13 4
Infantry
Total 4 3 144 25 6 382 25
Horses killed 177
" wounded 79
" missing 97
Total killed, wounded, and missing, 589 men,
" " 353 horses.
Nominal Roll of Officers Killed and Wounded at the Battle of Aliwal, 28th Jan. 1846.
Killed.
1st Cavalry Brigade—
H.M. 16th Lancers Lieut. Swetenham.
" Cornet G.B. Williams.
4th Irreg. Cavalry Lieut. and Adjutant Smalpage.
2nd Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 50th Regt. Lieut. Grimes.
Wounded.
1st Cavalry Brigade—
H.M. 16th Lancers Major Smyth, severely.
" Capt. E. Bere.
" Capt. L. Fyler, severely.
" Lieut. W.K. Orme, ditto.
" Lieut. T. Pattle.
" Lieut. W. Morris.
2nd Cavalry Brigade—
1st Light Cavalry Cornet Farquhar, mortally.
" Cornet Beatson, slightly.
1st Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 31st Regt. Lieut. Atty, slightly.
24th N.I. Lieut. Scott.
2nd Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 50th Regt. Capt. O'Hanlon, badly.
" Capt. Knowles, dangerously.
" Capt. Wilton, severely.
" Lieut. Frampton, dangerously.
" Lieut. R.H. Bellers, slightly.
" Lieut. W.P. Elgree, slightly.
" Lieut. A.W. White, severely.
 " Lieut. W.C. Vernett, ditto.
" Lieut. T. Purcell, ditto.
" Lieut. W. Farmer, ditto.
48th N.I. Capt. Troup, slightly.
" Capt. Palmer, ditto.
" Lieut. and Adjutant Wall, severely.
" Ensign Marshall, slightly.
4th Infantry Brigade—
36th N.I. Ensign Bagshaw.

Return of Ordnance captured from the Enemy in action at Aliwal, by the 1st Division of the
Army of the Sutlej, under the personal command of Major-General Sir Harry Smith, K.C.B., on
the 28th Jan. 1846.

Camp, Aliwal, 30th Jan.

13 Howitzers:
8 inch, brass, 2ft. 9in., serviceable.
24 pounder, 3ft. 11in., do.
13 pounder, copper, 3ft. 9in., do.
12 pounder, brass, 4ft. 9in., do.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
7 pounder, do., 3ft. 5-1/2in., unserviceable.
12 pounder, copper, 3ft. 9in., serviceable.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
12 pounder, brass, 3ft. 9in., highly ornamented, serviceable.
9 pounder, copper, 3ft. 11in., do. do.
9 pounder, do., 2ft. 9-1/2in., do.
12 pounder, do., 3ft. 4-1/2in., do.
4 Mortars:
10 inch, brass, 2ft. 3in., mounted, and field carriage, serviceable.
8½ inch, copper, 1ft. 9in., do. do.
6 inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., a curious old piece, with highly carved and ornamented carriage, do.
4½ inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., do. do.
52 Guns:
1. 8 pounder, brass, 10ft. 2in., ornamented with dolphin
and rings, apparently a French battering
gun, heavy metal, serviceable.
2. 8 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11-3/4in., do.
3. 8 pounder, brass, 4ft. 11in., do.
4. 8 pounder, brass, 5ft. 1in., do.
5. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., heavy metal, do.
6. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 3-1/2in., do. do.
7. 6½ pounder, copper, 5ft. 1in., do.
8. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft., do.
9. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 1in., do.
10. 6 pounder, copper, 5ft. 3-1/2in., do.
 11. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft. 5-1/2in., heavy metal, unserviceable.
12. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., serviceable.
13. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 10in., inscription in English
characters—Owner, King Runjeet Sing; Commander,
Meg Sing Kakur; Maker, Rai Sing;
Lahore, 1833, No. 1, serviceable.
14. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 8in., do.
15. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11-1/4in., highly ornamented carriage, do.
16. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., same as No. 13, do.
17. 6 pounder, 4ft. 8in., Persian inscription, do.
18. 6 pounder, do., 5ft., do.
19. 6 pounder, copper, do. do.
20. 6 pounder, brass, 4ft. 10-1/2in., do.
21. 6 pounder, do. do. do.
22. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11in., highly ornamented
carriage, inlaid with brass and steel, do.
23. 6 pounder, do. do. do. do.
24. 6 pounder, brass, do. do. do.
25. 6 pounder, 4ft. 9-1/2in., do. do.
26. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 10-3/4in., do. do.
27. 6 pounder, gun metal, 4ft. 10-1/2in., apparently a
capital gun, do.
28. 5¾ pounder, brass, 5ft. 7in., Persian inscription, do.
29. 5¾ pounder, 5ft. 9in., heavy metal, would ream out
to a 9 pounder, do.
30. 4 pounder, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do.
31. 3 pounder, copper, 3ft., Persian inscription, do.
32. 3½ pounder, brass, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do.
33. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej.
34. Do. do.
35. Do. do.
36. Do. do.
37. Do., spiked on opposite bank.
38. Do. do.
39. 6 pounder, brass, do., taken possession of in the fort of Gungrana.
40. 9 pounder, do., do., do.
41. 6 pounder, 4ft. 11½ in., serviceable.
42 to 52. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej, or since brought in.
Abstract of Captured Ordnance:
Serviceable, 12 howitzers, 4 mortars, 33 guns.
Unserviceable, 1 howitzer, 2 guns.
Sunk and spiked, 13 guns.
Since brought in, 2 guns.
Grand total, 67 guns.
Forty swivel camel guns also captured, which have since been destroyed.
(Signed) W. Barr,
Lt. and Bt. Capt. II. Artillery,
Adjt. Artillery Division.
 (Signed) G. Lawrenson,
Major 2nd Brigade H.A.,
Commanding Artillery 1st Divn.
Army of the Sutlej.
N.B.—The quantity of ammunition captured with the artillery, and found in the camp of the
enemy, is beyond accurate calculation, consisting of shot, shell, grape, and small-arm ammunition
of every description, and for every calibre. The powder found in the limbers and wagons of the
guns, and in the magazines of the entrenched camp, has been destroyed, to prevent accidents.
Six large hackery loads have also been appropriated to the destruction of forts in the
neighbourhood. As many of the shot and shell as time would admit of being collected, have been
brought into the park. The shells, being useless, have been thrown into the river. The shot will be
appropriated to the public service.
(Signed) G. Lawrenson,
Major 2nd Brigade H.A.,
Commanding Artillery 1st Divn.
Army of the Sutlej.

(Signed) W. Barr,
1st Lieut. and Bt. Capt. Adjt.
Artillery Division.

FOOTNOTES:
[40]
Cavalry—
1st Brigade H.M. 16th Lancers.
" 3rd Native Cavalry.
" 4th Irregulars.
2nd Brigade Body-Guard.
" 1st Native Cavalry.
" 5th ditto.
" Shekawattee Horse.

Infantry—
1st Brigade H.M. 31st Regt.
" 24th Native Infantry.
" 47th ditto.

2nd Brigade H.M. 50th Regt.

" Sirmoor battalion.
" 48th Native Infantry.

3rd Brigade H.M. 53rd Regt.

" 30th Native Infantry.
 4th Brigade 36th Native Infantry.
" Nusseeree Battalion.
" Shekawattee Infantry.
" Sappers.
[41] I have particularized this case, because there were few instances of the Sikh cavalry
emulating the example of their comrades on foot during the whole campaign.
[42] These Aeen troops were Avitabile's battalions, formed and drilled by him at Peshawur.
Their uniforms were scarlet with green facings; their arms were a musket and sword. The
Sikh irregular infantry were usually dressed in white, and armed with a matchlock, sword, and
shield—the latter slung on the back.
[43] In this charge Major Smyth was severely wounded; but, regardless of personal injury, he
continued to direct the operations of his regiment until the Sikhs finally abandoned their
position.
[44] It was here that the Shekawattee brigade and body guard earned their undying renown.
This was the last chance for them, as, during the day, they had not come into collision with
the enemy.
[45] These swivel guns were fired from camels' backs, and usually carried balls of about one
pound weight.
[46] At Moodkee.
[47] This imitative propensity of the Sikhs had often amused us. If a new picket were ever
posted in any out of the way place, the Sikhs invariably posted a party of similar strength
within a few hours. If the videttes or sentries were doubled, their shadows forthwith
appeared on the opposite bank.
[48] Some men of influence and property in the neighbourhood of Patna tampered with the
native officers of a sepoy regiment quartered there, but the plot was divulged and crushed in
its infancy.

CHAPTER VIII.
SIR HARRY SMITH'S DIVISION MARCH TO REJOIN THE HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY—
PREPARATIONS TO EJECT THE ENEMY FROM THEIR POSITION ON THE BRITISH SIDE
OF THE RIVER.

Sir Harry Smith's forces, with the exception of details of native troops, left for the protection of
Loodiana, having been recalled to head-quarters, commenced their march on the morning of the
3rd of February, taking the direct road near the banks of the Sutlej.
To Brigadier Wheler was entrusted the command of the forces left at Loodiana, (consisting of
twelve guns, the 1st Cavalry, 4th Irregulars, and four regiments of Native Infantry.) These troops
were intended to act as a moveable column for the protection of the line of country between
Loodiana and Dhurrumkote. Matters were thus placed on a more organized footing; a
communication being secured with Loodiana, the fords of the Sutlej watched, and the Sikh
predatory bands confined to excursions amongst the villages on their own side of the river, which
were by this time pretty nearly exhausted.
Most of the regiments returning from Aliwal presented a sadly diminished front; and H.M.'s 31st
and 50th, the former of which had been present in every action and skirmish hitherto fought with
the Sikhs, scarcely covered the ground of one weak battalion. In the officers' lines, the diminution
was equally perceptible; and in the reduced mess-tents of each regiment, wide and melancholy
intervals around the once-crowded tables told but too truly of the fatal precision of the enemy's
fire, and of the ready and forward breasts which had been presented to their aim.
Wine had become scarce at every table; but the absence of this incentive to the spirits and
conversation of the assemblies did not produce a very depressing effect. The stirring events of
the campaign, in which all had been engaged, afforded ample subject for discussion; but the
sharp routine of duty, and the daily call to arms at break of day, made early hours universally
fashionable and headaches scarce.
The literary characters of the army (not a very numerous class) were perhaps more at a loss than
their comrades; for our books had nearly all deserted to the enemy on the 21st of January, and a
very scanty sprinkling were recovered when the Sikh camp was captured on the 28th.
Most of the army were utterly at a loss to know what that camp contained; but perhaps the
mystery may be solved by the Shekawattee cavalry, or the irregular horse, whose operations were
principally confined to that part of the field.
My own share of plunder on that occasion amounted to a bottle of London porter, wrapped
carefully in a Sikh blanket, and stowed on a camel's back. A native follower was stalking hastily
away with this inestimable treasure, when my groom overtook the delinquent, and I scrupled not
to appropriate the booty to my own use.
I never tasted more refreshing beverage than that same bottle contained; and I do not remember
ever having found a blanket more acceptable than on the night of the 28th of January, 1846.
On the morning of the 6th of February, Sir Harry Smith's column, bringing as trophies a portion of
the Sikh ordnance captured at Aliwal, returned to their former position near Hureeka ford. On
arrival, they were met by the gallant commander-in-chief with his staff. Sir Hugh rode along the
line, and expressed in the warmest terms his approbation of the services rendered by each
regiment; and the emotion with which the kind-hearted veteran spoke, effectually supplied the
place of the studied oratory in general use for parade purposes.
Our pickets were again thrown out on the Sutlej, and resumed nearly the same position which
had been occupied previous to the late operations; and nothing, apparently, gave evidence of the
recent important events, save the diminished strength of the squadrons and companies under
arms. The Sikh videttes, at regular intervals, stood, like so many white statues, on their allotted
posts, and the patrols sauntered hourly along the high banks between the chain of pickets.
During our excursion to Loodiana, the Sikhs had not remained inactive. Their bridge of boats
having been completed and strengthened, the enemy had crossed, and thrown up a large,
semicircular entrenchment, embracing the re-entering sinuosity of the river, with a face of about
three miles in extent. At first, the Sikhs crossed only in small numbers, sufficient to protect the
working-parties in the trenches; but finding these unmolested, they brought their guns across the
Sutlej, and established themselves in full strength in their strange position.
Parties of Goorchera horsemen, fording daily above and below the bridge of boats, showed us
that the transit of the river near Sobraon might be accomplished with facility by the whole army
when it should be deemed requisite. Formerly, the Sikhs had been in the habit of crossing a few
thousand by day, and retiring again at nightfall; but now that the works had assumed a more
permanent appearance, the enemy seemed to have nearly vacated their camp on the right shore,
and to have occupied permanently the entrenchments with battalions of regular infantry. The
cavalry spread themselves along the banks, scouring the immediate neighbourhood, and watching
for any aggressive movement on our part.
A better system also prevailed at the outposts: no firing at each other, or useless waste of human
life, took place; and on more than one occasion, Sikh officers visited and returned from the British
camp.
The redoubtable Ghoolab Singh had arrived in Lahore from his mountain principality of Jamoo,
and the Sikh soldiery gained much confidence from this supposed acquisition of strength, which
they hourly expected to reinforce their camp. It was reported that Ghoolab Singh had brought
with him his whole army, amounting to thirty pieces of artillery, and upwards of thirty thousand
men; but this account afterwards proved to be incorrect; his forces did not exceed, in all, ten
thousand troops.
However, Ghoolab and his army seemed to have taken root at Lahore; and no entreaties of his
countrymen prevailed with that cunning chief to commit himself by joining the Khalsa army in
front of Sobraon. Nor is it matter of surprise, that so cunning a diplomatist as the aforesaid rajah
proved himself, should have wished to see the result of the struggle which was now impending,
before he openly joined an army which had already experienced three defeats. The chances of a
British alliance were too favourable a reserve to be sacrificed, so long as a double game could be
played with any chance of success.
On the 8th of February, a portion of the long-desired siege train, consisting of twelve ten-inch
howitzers, and a large quantity of ammunition, arrived in camp, after a laborious march from
Delhi, with an escort of one regiment of native cavalry and small details of native infantry; and Sir
Hugh Gough at length found himself prepared with materials for recommencing active operations
when such should be deemed advisable.
The main body of the British army was now encamped in line nearly parallel with the Sutlej, and
about three miles distant from the bridge of boats at Sobraon. One brigade of infantry occupied
the fortified post at Rhodawallah, on the left, whence a good view was obtained of the Sikh camp
and proceedings. The enemy's advanced posts were thrown forward into a small fortified position,
within musket-shot of Rhodawallah, and a chain of pickets environed the whole front of his works.
Sir Harry Smith's division, at an interval of about three miles on the extreme right of the army,
continued to watch the fords of Hureeka. Sir John Grey's division, consisting entirely of native
troops, were with the Governor-general at Ferozepore, about sixteen miles distant; and the
engineers were busily occupied in preparing, on the river near that town, a pontoon train, by
which it had been resolved that the British army should cross when the position at Sobraon had
been stormed, and the theatre of war transferred to the Sikh territories in the Punjaub.
We were, of course, all aware that the day of action could not be far distant, as the long-expected
siege-train had now poured the greater part of its materials for destruction into camp; but the
precise time of operations had not as yet been announced.
On the evening of the 9th of February, as I rode along the river, in company with some brother-
officers, we perceived that the enemy had just brought six guns into a village on the high bank
above Hureeka. These were probably planted to defend the ford, in case the British cavalry
should attempt to cross the river at the same time that the entrenchments were attacked.
About sunset, we observed the enemy's patrols taking their usual excursion along the banks; and
so proud were the troops in the village of the new playthings which they had got, that they could
not resist the temptation of showing us they were all kept in good order, by firing two or three
rounds from each gun.
European nations are not much in the habit of wasting ammunition in that playful manner, and
when a battery opens, it generally means something; but this is by no means the case amongst
the Asiatics. The Sikhs especially delight in noise, and neglect no opportunity of indulging the
propensity. Indeed, it was a matter of surprise to us, how they could ever rest with such a
perpetual clatter of cannon and musketry going on in their camp.
With the above-named exception, the Sikh pickets did not appear more on the alert than usual;
nor were they strengthened at any point; so that there is no reason to suppose the enemy
anticipated the attack which was to ensue in a few hours.
That night, when assembled in our mess-tent, we indulged in a discussion as to the means
available for repelling the Sikhs from the insolent position they had assumed on our territories;
but many were of opinion that the day of aggression was yet far distant; and some thought—nay,
decided—that Sir Henry Hardinge would not feel himself prepared to cross the Sutlej before the
ensuing autumn. The argument, when at its height, was interrupted by the hasty arrival of a
staff-officer, with orders for the brigadier. Those orders were for the preparation of the mighty
machinery which was to be brought into operation ere the morning sun had lit the rival camps,
and which was destined to hurl the boasting invaders from the segment of land they occupied,
headlong into the pitiless waters of the Sutlej.
A few weeks ago, the eve of a battle, suddenly announced, would have sent half the party at
table to make their wills, or to prepare for the coming event as well as a few hours' notice would
permit; but now, most of these preparations had already been made;—(and as few were
sanguine enough to suppose they could last much longer, as fully half their comrades had been
killed or crippled, and the enemy appeared fresher than ever,)—the approaching struggle excited
perhaps a trifle more of interest than would have been bestowed on a hurdle-race or steeple-
chase, to come off next morning.
We were ordered to be under arms and moving about two hours before daybreak; and therefore
an early retreat was advisable, in order to be in proper condition for the labours which the coming
day threatened to entail on some, and to terminate for ever with others.
However lightly the subject may be treated, with lively companions and flashing lights around
you, yet, when the scene is changed to the dusky canvas walls of a solitary tent, and the
subsiding hubbub of the camp leaves one to court sleep or reflection, I confess, for my own part,
that the eve of a battle has never been the calmest of my nightly rests. The probability that ere
to-morrow's sun has set we may be one of that loathsome class for whom the "hiatus maxime
deflendus"—"to be filled up by spade and mattock"—is awaiting, usually causes a retrospect
which, unless with a man possessing the philosophy or vanity of a Cicero,[49] must be somewhat
perplexing. When the deeds of a life are hurriedly compressed into a few hours' consideration, I
have always found the dark side inevitably gaining the ascendance, and no effort of will would
cause the imaginary sphere to revolve and present a luminous surface to view. That austere
judge, whom the ancients described as inflicting punishment on the hapless shades who, though
guiltless of heinous crimes, had yet neglected numerous opportunities of benefiting mankind,
appeared to me to discharge his duty so rationally, that I could not impugn the decision.
Although our actions may be matter of very light reflection whilst time floats gaily onwards, yet a
life of uselessness does not afford a very satisfactory retrospect, especially when it appears likely
to come to an abrupt conclusion. Seeking earnestly for some familiar spirit to avert the
unpromising theme, the demon Ambition rises, and points, with beckoning gestures, to worldly
distinctions, success, and military renown. The fascinating vision then appears entitled to be
treated with some respect, and away flies Mammon with his unresisting victim. Cruel seducer! As
in the case of a rustic caught by the recruiting serjeant with a bunch of coloured ribbons and an
Eldorado in the distance, sad experience alone unmasks the sombre reality, and the disappointed
aspirant to a shadow, finds that rank and honours are reserved for the soldier's declining years;
but youth and glory are rarely companions. [50] Perhaps it may be good policy to keep the
phantom hovering in sight, when possession destroys the mistaken pursuit, or at all events,
discovers its true value. Notwithstanding these trite complaints, the subordinate regimental ranks
have ever proved faithful to their duty, and the English soldier has continued "to conquer under
the cold shade of aristocracy."[51]
In the midst of reflections of this useless nature, I was roused by the mild voice of a native
attendant whispering, as softly as if he feared the enemy might overhear him, that the camp was
stirring, and that the appointed hour had arrived. To my surprise, I found that the hands of my
watch confirmed the Hindoo's assertion; and my night of intended repose had slipped away in a
less profitable employment.
Hastily buckling on my equipments, and having seen that my saddle was equally prepared for the
emergencies of the day, I rode on to where the dark array of troops were gathering on their
alarm posts in the dim star-light. Each brigadier had received, overnight, his instructions for the
position to be occupied on this momentous occasion; and the movement of the forces was
conducted with that silence and regularity which complete discipline, and an intimate knowledge
amongst those in command of their respective duties in the field, can always ensure. Each word
of command, though softly uttered, was effectually obeyed, and the column proceeded to take up
their position on the extensive curve assumed by the investing army.
The atmosphere, laden with heavy vapours, spread a darkening veil between the rival hosts, and
thousands of eyes watched earnestly for the rising of the curtain and the beginning of the
tragedy.

FOOTNOTES:
[49] Cicero declared, that if any deity permitted him to live his life over again, he should
refuse, on the plea of being unable to do better.
[50] None under the rank of field-officers are promoted to the honours of the "Bath;" and
knighthood is usually reserved for generals.
[51] Vide Napier's "Peninsular War," vol. iii. p. 272.

CHAPTER IX.
THE BATTLE OF SOBRAON—THE ENEMY DEFEATED AND DRIVEN ACROSS THE RIVER WITH
ENORMOUS LOSS.

It has before been mentioned, that the Sikh entrenchments presented to us a semicircular figure,
the rear of their position resting on the re-entering sinuosity of the river. On the left of the
enemy's works, a high parapet had been thrown up, and part of this front was protected by a
nullah, with a steep bank acting as a counterscarp, and the bed of this watercourse was filled, in
some places, by deep pools of stagnant water, which extended along the centre. On the right
flank, the track of the nullah was but faintly marked; and in this quarter, the works had not been
completed, and were not more formidable than the trenches at Ferozeshuhur, before described.
Batteries were disposed along the face of the entrenchments, and the whole area had been
defended with traverses and ditches, which defiladed the garrison from a direct fire, in any
direction where our guns could be brought to attack. A raised battery of the enemy's heavy guns,
placed at the bridge, commanded the approaches, and swept the whole works in reverse. Guns
were also placed on the opposite side of the river, which threatened the position, in case of its
falling into the hands of the British.
The works were garrisoned principally by regular battalions of infantry, whose cantonments
consisted of wicker-work huts, behind the parapet along the right.
The British forces advanced to envelop these works, one regiment being ordered to precede and
carry the enemy's main picket at the point of the bayonet, when the mortars and howitzers,
which were to be advanced to the front, were to open on the Sikhs.
The cavalry formed a wing on each flank of the British attack, to guard against any diversion
which might be attempted by the enemy's cavalry, which swarmed in incalculable numbers near
the fords on the opposite bank of the Sutlej.
As we lay under arms on our allotted posts, every ear was intently listening, in expectation of the
first boom from the mortars and howitzers, which were to announce the commencement of the
work of death.
All awaited in silent and earnest attention the appointed signal, and scarcely the clash of a sabre
could be heard which might convey to the enemy's pickets an alarm of the approach of the
formidable host which were preparing to assail the doomed garrison. Not even an expiring groan
or shriek had been heard from the Sikh advanced posts, which had been marked for destruction,
and we were speculating whether the misty appearance round the horizon would be dispelled by
the increasing light of day, when a flash from our batteries, succeeded by the roar of one of the
monster howitzers, and the rushing sound of the hissing mass of iron hurled forth and bursting
over the Sikh entrenchments, was the long-expected herald of battle.
Light flashed upon light in regular succession from the batteries, but the fuses of the shells were
too short, and they burst high in the air, much to the enemy's comfort. The fire from the
howitzers appeared to be more effectual, and we marked them bursting and ricochetting along
the entrenchments. Hitherto, not a shot had been returned by the Sikhs, and we almost
conjectured, owing to this unusual silence, that the enemy had either evacuated their position, or
had lost heart, and resolved to retire. The heavy guns were limbered up, and advanced further to
the front, and when daylight began to show with some distinctness the neighbouring objects, our
batteries once more opened at a nearer range.
All doubt as to the Sikhs being still in their works was soon cleared up, for no sooner had they felt
the weight of our shot, and perceived we were in earnest, than a fierce reply of defiance was
hurled from every battery, and the stunning roar of the rival artillery rolled in tremendous waves
along the plain.
The dense clouds of smoke which enveloped the front of the contending armies, rolled thicker
and thicker, penetrated by the angry and rapid flashes from the heavy guns; and as the
destroying missiles hissed and ricochetted along the hard ground, it appeared wonderful that any
were spared from the iron paths of devastation torn along the soil in almost every direction.
Our mortars still continued to burst harmlessly in the air, and the Sikh works were so well
defiladed from direct or even ricochet fire, that it soon became evident that the enemy would
never be driven from his position by a cannonade, which was answered with unabated vigour.
The investing force was therefore ordered to advance to closer quarters, whilst the artillery, which
was disposed in positions with each division, covered the approach by an incessant cannonade.
The centre and right divisions of the British line were intended to engage the enemy's attention,
whilst the real attack was directed against the Sikhs' extreme right, where the entrenchments
were known to be weakest, being incomplete. Each brigade moved forwards with alacrity to the
attack, hastening onwards, under cover of the wreaths of smoke which rolled along their front.
No sooner did the Sikhs perceive that the storm of their works was resolved upon, than the whole
of their infantry lined the parapets, and the roll of musketry which tore through our ranks,
accompanied by the steady and regular booming of their guns from every battery along their
position, seemed to threaten our army with ultimate destruction. Struggling forward a few paces,
and then lying down whilst the iron storm swept over them, each brigade continued to advance,
including the centre and right, for the enemy's numbers were so great, that he was enabled to
maintain the defence of his whole extensive front.
A rolling fire of musketry now burst from the line of British assailants, as they neared the object
of attack in sadly diminished numbers, and with numerous breaks, caused by the obstinate and
incessant storm of destruction poured from the Sikh batteries and entrenchments.
On the British left the struggle was less fierce, for the Sikhs had most unaccountably placed fewer
numbers to defend their weakest points, and the fifth brigade of Sir Robert Dick's division
penetrated the enemy's works with trifling loss, thus taking the position in reverse. But, in the
meantime, each brigade along the line had closed with the entrenchments, marking their advance
by a crimsoned track of fallen soldiers upon the glacis, where the dead and wounded told an
incontrovertible tale of the resolution with which Sobraon had been defended.
On the left centre of the British attack, Lieut.-Col. Franks, of the 10th Foot, had led his regiment
to within a distance of about one hundred and fifty yards of the entrenchments, when, reserving
their fire, they rushed forwards, and bore down all opposition, driving before them the
Bundookcheras, and using the bayonet with a deadly effect, and such as served to refute, for a
second time, Colonel Michel's strictures on that incomparable weapon.[52] This advantage being
gallantly seconded by every brigade in the division, placed the ultimate success of the day beyond
a doubt, though it was purchased by the life of their leader, the gallant Sir Robert Dick.
On the extreme right of the British attack, the enemy's works had been completed, and more
resembled a fortification than a common field-work. The storm of this post had been assigned to
Sir Harry Smith's division, and to them were opposed the flower of the Sikh army. The resolution
with which it was defended was tragically proved by the mangled and shattered bodies of the
assailants strewed along the front. Twice had H.M. 31st Regiment nearly surmounted the lofty
parapets, when they were hurled back by the overpowering weight of the defenders, and reduced
to the mere skeleton of a regiment;[53] but the gallant 50th rushed forwards in support of their
old comrades; and these two regiments, conjointly, overcame every obstacle, and plunged
amongst the masses of the enemy, where the conflict raged for a time with desperate ferocity.
One of the enemy's howitzers, served with incredible activity, committed dire havoc amongst the
British ranks. Lieut. Smyth, of the 50th Regiment, being on that flank, dashed forward with the
remnant of his company to capture the obnoxious engine of destruction. When within a few
yards' distance, the howitzer was trained upon the intrepid assailants, and discharged its
murderous contents of grape-shot upon the devoted band.
The greater portion of the storming party, including their leader, were swept down by the fire; but
the eight or nine men remaining untouched, rushed with irresistible fury on the foe; and the
wounded officer, when he arose, found that the shattered remnant of his soldiers had bayoneted
the artillerymen beside their howitzer, and repulsed the defenders, who exceeded their assailants
by at least five to one. I consider this individual instance serves as an illustration of how the
enemy were defeated on this as on previous occasions. When a small body of devoted soldiers,
careless of life, resolved on victory, and united by the iron bands of discipline, are brought to bear
on a portion of an enemy who want confidence in each other, the attack must be successful,
although the loss sustained may be severe.
In the meantime, whilst the combat raged with unabated fury at the entrenchments, Gen.
Gilbert's division, to whom was allotted the attack of the centre, had been exposed to the fire of
the heaviest batteries, and a shower of musketry, which would have staggered and repulsed any
but the hardiest British veterans. Winning their way gradually, though occasionally wide gaps
were torn through the line by the sweeping fire from the batteries and parapets, this gallant band
at length surmounted the entrenchments, which were as formidable an obstacle as had fallen to
any soldier's lot to carry during this campaign. When once within the works, and the mortal hand-
to-hand conflict raged around, the result was no longer doubtful, although the obstinacy of the
enemy's resistance promised a piteous bill of mortality in this division.
Under General Gilbert's command were the Sirmoor battalion, which had joined the force at
Loodiana, and these fine little Goorkhas gave evidence that they had not degenerated in military
prowess since the memorable Nepaulese war. The corps is composed of riflemen, carrying in their
girdles a crooked knife, (termed a "kookery,") to give the coup-de-grace to the wounded, and
they used the hideous instrument with unaccountable zeal against the Sikhs. As they were known
to possess relatives and connexions amongst the Khalsa troops, it had been a matter of doubt
with many that their hands would have been amongst the foremost in the field, but the battle-cry
roused their hereditary ardour, and overcame every other consideration. Their gallant leader,
Captain J. Fisher, whose exploits with the rifle are well known to those who have been his
companions in the hunting-fields of the Dhoon,[54] had just surmounted the parapet, when he
perceived a battery not sixty yards distant from him, which continued to gall the assailants with
incessant rounds of grape. Seizing a rifle from the hands of one of his Goorkhas, Fisher rested his
arm on the parapet, and the next second pierced with a rifle-ball the artilleryman, who was about
to apply the slow match to the touch-hole of a cannon. Receiving the loaded rifles from the hands
of the soldiers, who handed them up to their commander, he continued to deal rapid destruction
amongst the Sikh golundauze.
A party of Sikh infantry, who were placed in defence of the battery, at last perceived the
marksman, who was quickly silencing their cannon, and, pouring a volley in that direction, the
gallant soldier rolled back amongst the corpses which strewed the exterior of the works.
The field of Sobraon did not bear on its crimsoned surface a soldier more deeply regretted by all
who knew him than the fallen chief of the Sirmoor battalion.
The Sikh breastworks had now been carried at several points, and the enemy fell back towards
their second lines. Slowly retreating towards the inner entrenchments, and yet holding their
assailants in check whilst retiring, they now received a cross-fire from the left division of the
British, which had gained their position by a flank attack, and with inconsiderable loss. A rolling
and tremendous fire now opened along the whole victorious line of the British, which tore the
Sikh battalions with murderous effect, as their order became more compact from being
compressed on each side. Still, the enemy retired in creditable array, and showed a threatening
front, whilst mown down by musketry, and charged by the 3rd Light Dragoons, which were led by
Sir Joseph Thackwell into the Sikh entrenchments. Forced backwards, step by step, towards the
river, the foremost of the retreating enemy thronged upon the bridge of boats, which soon gave
way under the inordinate weight, and left the fugitives to perish in the waters under the
accumulated pressure of their wounded and drowning comrades. Most of the Sikh battalions,
finding the bridge destroyed, entered the fords, still preserving their ranks to the very edge of the
river; but the waters had risen considerably during the night, and the fords were nearly
impracticable.
The banks of the Sutlej were now lined by the whole force of our infantry; and the horse artillery
having hastily taken up the most advantageous position which could be found for pouring
destruction into the retiring army, the storm fell with merciless violence upon the fugitives, who
were now struggling in one mighty, confused mass to reach the opposite shore. So large a mark
as the enemy's commingled hordes presented, could scarcely be missed; and the round shot,
musketry and shrapnel, which swept the surface of the river with deadly precision, soon
converted the greater portion of the Sikh army into a hideous and straggling wreck of humanity.
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