UNIT 1 TRENDS IN HISTORY WRITING* Trends in History Writing
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Arabic and Persian Historic Traditions
1.3 Political Chronicles: Delhi Sultanate
1.4 Political Chronicles: Mughals
1.5 Memoirs
1.6 Insha (Epistolography) Tradition
1.7 Official Documents
1.8 Sufi Writings
1.9 Foreign Travellers’ Accounts
1.10 Regional History Tradition
1.11 Summary
1.12 Keywords
1.13 Check Your Progress Exercises
1.14 Suggested Readings
1.15 Instructional Video Recommendations
1.0 OBJECTIVES
The present Unit aims at providing you a sweeping glimpse of the tradition of
historical writings of medieval India. After reading the Unit, you will be able to
know:
• the traditions of Arabic and Persian historiography and differences in their
styles of writing,
• some of the Arabic and Persian historical writings on/in India,
• features of dynastic history writings,
• understanding of foreign travellers on India,
• malfuzat literary tradition,
• insha and how the insha tradition developed over the period,
• in what ways historical writings of the Mughals were departure over the
Sultanate tradition,
• how did the availability of official documents and orders enrich our
understanding of the medieval period, and
• coming of the Europeans and their influence on the understanding of medieval
Indian history.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
The present Unit aims at addressing three basic questions: a) understanding of
the history of medieval historians. For this Barani and Abul Fazl are of great
*Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi 13
Political Structures importance; b) The second question is why did they write? What was the purpose
of their writings? These writings were either written for a desire of fame; to please
their patrons; and at times for rewards; while a few wrote for leaving records for
posterity; c) Third dominant aspect was that their writings dominated the religious
discourse; ‘God’; ‘Almighty’s will’ was central to all happenings. This does not
mean that intrigues, administration, etc. did not form part of their writings.
How should one write history? Some of the medieval historians/chroniclers,
particularly Zia Barani and Abul Fazl were aware of the importance of history
writings (we would be discussing them in separate Sections); if it is not treated
honestly they knew about its dangers. With the Mughals there comes further
qualitative changes – particularly during this period the figure of Abul Fazl looms
large with his emphasis on rational and secular approach of history writing.
History is all about changes. Though focus of medieval historians was on dynastic
histories, nonetheless they were aware of changes from one dynasty over the other
and they often discuss and remark about that – change of ideas, institutions,
often relationships (among groups).
In the present Unit, on account of vastness of the theme, we are narrowing down
our focus and would largely be dealing with Arabic and Persian historical writings
and foreign accounts. Here we are leaving epigraphy and inscriptions and Sanskrit
works and premakhyan, which are also very important to understand the historic
developments of the period.
1.2 ARABIC AND PERSIAN HISTORIC TRADITIONs
Arabic was the language of the Islamic world so the earliest available historical
writings of the period were written in Arabic. K.A. Nizami rightly puts it, that
‘The Arab tradition …cherished democratic ideals and treated history as a
biography of nations.’ Thus their narratives not just revolve around the story
of the rulers, political happenings and camps; instead they speak of the life of
the common man. Arabic historic tradition encompasses the socio-economic,
cultural, religious, along with the political and military events thus was more
democratic in approach. Arabic history tradition can truly be referred to as history
of the ‘age’. The ‘chain of narrators’ (isnad) was another important feature of
the Arabic historiography. To pen down the Holy Quran in its pristine form, the
collected oral traditions required to be critically sifted to arrive at the ‘most pious
Truth’. The need for this validation and a deep desire to present the ‘Truth and
the only Truth’ the tradition of isnad evolved and got invented. In this context Al-
Baladuri’s (d. 892) Futuh-ul Buldan is classical in this context. Baladuri narrates
every event ‘with reference to the chain of narrators and every reliable sources’
(Siddiqui 2014: 3). With Al-Masudi (d. 956-57) a new dimension of adding
history with geography got introduced. Masudi, himself was a great traveller
who even visited India and Sri Lanka, while penning down his work he added
his own travel experiences and geographical knowledge on various regions; thus
making geographical environment a vital component at the backdrop of history,
correlating the geographical facts with human historical developments; applying
‘cause and effect’ thus adding ‘interpretation’ which is an important component
of scientific history. In the eleventh century another dimension got added to
Arabic historiography that officers and scholars associated with the court began
writing the histories of their rulers, events. This drastically changed the tone
and form of Arabic history writing; it added the component of personal biases,
jealousies, likes and dislikes of the ruling aristocracy and centre started tilting
14 towards ‘court’ politics and elites than on common men which is clearly reflected
in the writings of Al-Musabbihi (d. 1029; on history of Egypt) and Al-Qurtubi (d. Trends in History Writing
1076-77; history of Andulasia [Spain]). Gradually with royal patronage, Arabic
histories also became more and more tilted towards dynastic histories, eulogising
their patrons’ deeds paving way to another element, rhetoric. This is especially
evident in the writings of Al-Utbi (d. 1035) in his Tarikh-i Yamini dealing with
Subuktigin and Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna. However, Al-Biruni, who was also
associated with the court, nonetheless followed the old classic Arabic tradition
of history writing. In the Arab context Ibn Khaldun’s (d. 1404) Muqaddimah
conceives dynamism of the human society, human associations (ijtima) with
emphasis on causality. He attributes the spirit of solidarity (asbiya) of the clan
as the chief factor behind the strength of the rulers/dynasties.
Persian historiography narrowed down the scope of history and centered around
political history and life of the rulers and nobility than a socio-religious history of
the age. Thus, Persian histories were ‘dynastic histories’; histories of the ‘kings’
and ‘aristocracy’. Persian historians preferred to dedicate their work to the ruler
considering necessary to ‘enhance the value of their work’. Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani
dedicated his Tabaqat-i Nasiri to Nasiruddin Mahmud, Ziauddin Barani dedicated
his Tarikh-i Firuzshahi to Firuz Shah Tughlaq, Arif Qandahari dedicated Tarikh-i
Alfi to Akbar. Similarly, Mu’tamad Khan dedicated his Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri
to Jahangir. Persian histories largely lack the discussions on literati, scholars
and saints and their mention is made generally in the context of rulers. Minhaj’s
period was vibrant in sufi activities of great Chishti and Suhrawardi saints
(Muinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar Kaki, Hamiduddin Nagori); but, they are largely
missing from his narrative. However, though Barani’s history also fell largely
in Persian historiographic tradition, in his writings a subtle change is evident. He
does mention scholars and sufis, though occasionally. While depicting court life
mention is made of musician-dancers Nusrat Bibi, Mihr Afroz; similarly though
he looked down upon low born, in that process he mentions about them reaching
the highest position – Ladha, the gardener, Babu Nayak, the weaver, Manka, the
cook. Abul Fazl further radically modified and combined in his writings both
the Arabic and Persian styles of history writings. Later, generally all historians
started including the narratives of scholars and literati and the sufis along with
their political narratives.
The Arabic historic tradition remained prominent till the tenth century; Persian
renaissance under Firdausi and later under Sheikh Sa’di gradually took over the
Arabic tradition of history writing. No sooner Persian had taken over Arabic and
became the vehicle of communication and those of the Sultans and the nobles
and the literati. In India it was the Persian historic tradition that dominated the
Persian writings. Chachnama that focuses on Muhammad bin Qasim’s India
(particularly Sindh) was written in Arabic style. Hasan Nizami, when asked to
compose in Persian (Taj-ul Ma’asir) felt disappointed for he considered Arabic
as the only proper language to write.
1.3 POLITICAL CHRONICLES: DELHI SULTANATE
It would be difficult for us to discuss here all the contemporary historical writings
of the period therefore we would be discussing the seminal figure of the Sultanate,
Ziauddin Barani in detail as well as a few representative historians of the period.
Largely, the Sultanate writings were penned down in Persian and were also in
the Persian tradition. Among the earliest of such writings were Hasan Nizami’s
Taj-ul Ma’asir and Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adab-ul Harb wa Shuja’at.
15
Political Structures Hasan Nizami’s work can be called first official history. It covers the period
from the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (1191-92) upto 1229 CE. Minhaj-i
Siraj Juzjani’s Tabaqat-i Nasiri, dedicated to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, is
what Rosenthal categorises as ‘dynastic’ history. Minhaj begins his history from
Adam to pious Caliphs. Afterwards each dynasty is dealt in a separate chapter
(tabaqa). From Nasiruddin Mahmud’s reign onwards it turns into an annual
chronicle. Though Tabaqat is extremely exhaustive and detailed, its focus is
largely on narration of political events. Amir Khusrau was a poet-historian. His
Qiran-us Sadain deals with the meeting of Sultan Kaiqubad and Bughra Khan
and his march from Delhi to Awadh. It provides interesting insights to various
building structures of Delhi, court life, convivial parties, etc. Deval Rani Khizr
Khan (Ashiqa) is a tragic love story of Deval Rani and Alauddin’s son Khizr
Khan. Nuh Sipahr deals primarily with Mubarak Khalji’s Deccan campaigns. It
is full of praise of India, its people. It also discusses various dialects spoken in
the region. Amir Khusrau’s Tughlaq Nama celebrates victories of Ghiyasuddin
Tughlaq. Isami’s Futuh-us Salatin covers the account from Ghaznavide/Ghorids
down to 1349. Though account is regnal, Isami is poor in recording dates, at
times dates are wrongly given. However, some information provided by Isami
are exclusive, that one does not find anywhere else. Information on Balban
poisoning Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud comes from Isami only. Shams Siraj Afif’s
Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi is an account of Firuz Shah Tughlaq’s reign. It is divided
into five qisms and 18 muqaddams. However, one qism and 4 muqaddams (15th
muqaddam partially available) do not survive. The text is important to understand
Firuz’s expeditions to Lakhnauti, Jajnagar, Nagarkot and Thatta. Afif’s account
is also important in the sense that Afif attempts to analyse causes of the defeat of
the Delhi Sultans at the hands of Timur in 1398. It also furnishes details of the
working of administration under Firuz Shah Tughlaq, prevalence of corruption,
etc. Afif’s account of buildings, gardens and canals constructed by Firuz is useful.
Afif also provides the first ever reference of the total revenues of the Sultanate
under Firuz. Yahya bin Ahmad Sirhindi in his Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi begins
his account from Muizuddin Ghor upto the reign of Syed ruler Muhammad Shah
(1438). His narrative prior to Tughlaq period is somewhat brief. His is dynastic
history in the sense that it deals with each reign individually.
Ziauddin Barani
Ziauddin Barani was a prolific writer. His works reflect his profound scholarship.
His primary works are: Tarikh-i Firuzshahi and Fatawa-i Jahandari (1335/1337
[revised]) and Sahifa-i Nat-i Muhammadi.
Barani’s detail account on prices throws valuable light on Alauddin’s price control
measures. Barani also throws interesting light on the construction activities of
Alauddin – fortification of Siri wall, Jami Mosque, several cities and towns,
Hauz Khas, etc. Barani showed his clear dislike for Alauddin for showing
disregard for Sharia in dealing with punishments, though he praises in general
the progress of the Sultanate under Alauddin and particularly that of Delhi, its
bazaars, trade, craftsmen and artisans. Barani’s account of Afghanpura tragedy
is of importance where unlike the general blame that Muhammad Tughlaq was
responsible for his father’s death; he conspired against him; he emphasizes upon
his innocence and calls it an accidental death. He served as nadim (counsellor/
courtier) for seventeen years under Muhammad bin Tughlaq is full of praise for
his benefactor, calls him ‘Sultan-i Sa’id’ (pious ruler) and a shahid (martyr).
Barani informs us that he attempted to combine both spiritual and temporal
16 powers (Caliph of the Prophet and those of the Sultan). He praises him as a
genius in military leadership, learning and generosity. Barani also emphasizes Trends in History Writing
upon his great literary pursuits, his interest in the rational sciences (ilm-i m‘aqul)
and his fondness for philosophers and rationalists and he disregarded traditional
sciences (manqul), particularly under the influence of Ubaid Sha‘ir (poet) and
S‘ād Mantaqi (logician). Barani informs that Muhammad Tughlaq was a great
supporter of reason. Thus he did not hesitate killing pious and religious minded/
orthodox Muslims, ulama, mashaikhs and Saiyyids, nonetheless he was a pious
Muslim performing five times prayers. Barani’s comment with regard to failure
of his policies is also very important to understand the personality of Muhammad
bin Tughlaq. He says that failures of his projects were not on account of his lack
of faith in Islam instead because the people were not willing to cooperate for
the implementation of his progressive policies. Barani rather portays him an
‘intellectual follower of Islam, anxious to lead his people on the path of progress
through the new laws and regulations formulated by him’ (Siddiqui 2014: 213).
Ikhtisan, the dabir-i khas of the Sultan calls him Numan-i Sani (Abu Hanifa of
the age) for his command over Islamic law.
Barani’s detailed account of the appointment of various low born to high offices
is invaluable. Similarly, the details pertaining to the network of canals built by
Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq is noteworthy, no other contemporary analysis on
the theme is so insightful and detailed. He argues that it would be valuable for
posterity and the over-all socio-economic development of the region.
1.4 POLITICAL CHRONICLES: MUGHALS
During the Mughal period beginning from Zain Khan’s Tuzuk-i Baburi and
Khwand Mir’s Qanun-i Humayuni to Tarikh-i Shah Alam by Munna Lal huge
amount of chroniclers’ accounts were produced. However, here we would be
discussing only a few major political works and chroniclers with a special focus
on Abul Fazl Allami.
During Akbar’s period historical literature was produced at an amazingly large
scale. Akbar commissioned Tarikh-i Alfi to commemorate the Islamic millennium.
It covers the period from 632 down to Akbar’s reign. The book was commissioned
in 1582 and completed in 1592. Khwaja Nizamuddin Ahmad wrote Tabaqat-i
Akbari. Its chronogram provides the date 1592-93 but the narrative runs upto
1593-94. The author died in October 1594. Nizamuddin has divided his Tabaqat
into nine regions, each is dealt in a separate tabqa (section): Delhi, Gujarat,
Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur, Sind, Kashmir and Multan. Author provides interesting
information about the cities and qasbas of Akbar’s empire. He mentions that
Akbar’s empire consisted of 3200 qasbas and 120 cities. He intended to write
separately on each of them, a task which he could not accomplish. Badauni
penned down Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh against ‘heresies’ and ‘innovations’ of
Akbar’s reign. He wrote the book secretly to present the socalled ‘true’ version
of the events. The book is written in three volumes. First covers from the age of
Subuktigin to Humayun and the Second deals with Akbar’s reign. He laments
the ‘annihilation of Islam’ in Akbar’s reign. The third volume is in the form
of a tazkira and provides biographical accounts of mashaikhs, ulama, poets
and physicians of Akbar’s period. Badauni furnishes firsthand information on
Ibadatkhana proceedings. Badauni has provided the full draft of mahzar of Akbar
which is otherwise not found in Abul Fazl.
During Jahangir’s reign Mu’tamad Khan compiled Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri. He
wrote his work in three volumes. The first dealt with the history of Timurids upto
the reign of Humayun; while the second deals with Akbar and the third discusses 17
Political Structures the reign of Jahangir upto the accession of Shahjahan which is (the third volume
[other two are rare]) popularly known as Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri. First nineteen
years’ account of Jahangir’s reign is largely an abridgement of the Tuzuk. In the
last section he, however, expresses bitterness towards Nur Jahan. The book also
discusses Central Asian affairs which provide Indian perspective of Central Asian
affairs. Similarly, his account on agricultural production and shawl industry of
Kashmir is equally absorbing.
Shahjahan attemped to pen down the official history of his reign in the style of
Abul Fazl thus he first appointed Muhammad Amin Qazvini in his eighth regnal
year to begin the task. Qazvini compiled the account for the first ten years of
Shahjahan’s reign. Later Abdul Hamid Lahori was given the task of writing the
history of the period (Padshahnama) which covers first twenty years (upto 1648)
of Shahjahan’s reign. The first ten years account is largely based on Qazvini’s
account though it is comparatively more detailed and elaborate. The later ten years
of Shahjahan’s reign (upto 1656) Muhammad Salih Kamboh compiled history
of Shahjahans’s reign, Amal-i Salih, in 1659-60. Salih’s biographical details of
scholars, poets, Saiyyids, Shaikhs, nobles and their ranks are useful. His account
of the construction of the fort of Shahjahanabad is detailed and absorbing.
During Aurangzeb’s reign Muhammad Kazim compiled the history of first ten
years (1658-1668) of Aurangzeb’s reign. Alamgirnama provides useful details on
Bengal, Mir Jumla’s invasion of Kamarupa and Assam, conquest of Chitagong
by Shaista Khan. Later Aurangzeb discontinued the project of writing of official
history in his reign. Thus for the rest of his reign various other texts survive –
Saqi Mustaid Khan’s Maasir-i Alamgiri, Sujan Rai Bhandari’s Khulasat-us Siyaq,
and Khafi Khan’s Muntakhab-ul Lubab, while Bhimsen’s Nuskha-i Dilkusha is a
crucial account of Aurangzeb’s Deccan years. Khulasat-us Siyaq was compiled
in 1695 (40th regnal year of Aurangzeb). The text is important to understand the
geography of Hindustan. He provides a detailed account of subas, their crops,
chief towns, saints etc. Though Sujan has largely borrowed from the Ain, accounts
pertaining to some provinces, particularly that of the Punjab, are exhaustive and
detailed. Bhimsen provides a firsthand account of Aurangabad, its prosperity,
rise of the Marathas, Maratha raids, prices of grains. He analyses that increase in
the strength of the nobility led to the jagirdari crisis during Aurangzeb’s reign.
Bhimsen was also critical of imposition of jiziya. He laments that hardly a fraction
reached to the treasury. Inayatullah Khan Kashmiri, the last secretary of Aurangzeb
(later he became the wazir of Muhammad Shah) requested Saqi Mustaid Khan
to write the history of Aurangzeb’s reign. He had the access to the entire royal
archives. The book was completed by him in 1710. It provides interesting details
on Satnami and Jat rebellions. Khafi Khan completed his Muntakhab-ul Lubab
in 1722. The book covers the period from the Sultanate upto 1722 and written
in three volumes. However, author claims that his account of the last fifty three
years (1669-1722) is based on his personal observations. The text is valuable
to understand the Mughal-Sikh relations. It particularly deals with Aurangzeb’s
conflict with Guru Gobind Singh and later Mughal clashes with Banda Bahadur.
Abul Fazl
Abul Fazl, younger brother of Faizi and son of the great scholar Shaikh Mubarak
Nagauri, was not just the ‘secretary’ of the empire but also was the close friend
of Akbar, a rationalist and liberal thinker. He joined Akbar’s court in 1574, a year
before Ibadatkhana was established. His chief fame rests upon his monumental
work Akbarnama of which, initially, Ain-i Akbari, another seminal work on the
18 statistical account of Akbar’s empire, was its third volume. Akbarnama narrative
comes to a close in the 46th regnal year of Akbar; in the 47th regnal year Abul Fazl Trends in History Writing
got assassinated by Bir Singh Deo Bundela. Ain was completed in the 42nd regnal
year, a section on Berar was added in the 43rd regnal year. Later Muhibb Ali Khan
brings the Akbarnama narrative upto the end of Akbar’s reign. However, the added
portion was probably written during Shahjahan’s reign and appears to have been
largely copied from Mu’tamad Khan’s account. From Akbar’s reign onwards the
account becomes an annual chronicle. Ain is divided into five books. First deals
with the Imperial establishment; second discusses the army; third elaborates on
various offices/duties, details of revenue rates, and suba-wise statistics; fourth
primarily covers Hindu philosophy, religion, medicine, customs and manners;
while the fifth incorporated the sayings of Akbar. While Akbarnama is full of
battles and events; Ain is written in the form of a gazetteer.
Though Abul Fazl’s style of history writing lies within the framework of Persian
historiography, Abul Fazl attempted to include Arabic tradition also. Nonetheless,
as Nizami puts it, his intention of including ‘people’ was ‘partial and limited’:
‘the people were admitted into the charmed circle of a historian’s study not as
a matter of right, as the Arab historians had done, but as a necessity, because
without them a discussion of Akbar’s multifarious activities would have remained
incomplete and insipid’ (Nizami 1982: 153). Nonetheless Abul Fazl used new
methodologies to present the political and administrative realities of Akbar’s realm
to the fore. His Ain provides exhaustive details of the genius of Akbar’s empire.
His details of administrative regulations and topography of the empire and the
provinces enriches and widens the scope of history writing. Abul Fazl explained
monarchy as light emanating from God (farr-i izadi) and sovereign should be
a ‘just’ ruler and work for the welfare of people. For him Akbar was the ‘ideal’
monarch leading both the spiritual and temporal realms. By the declaration of
mahzar Akbar reached to the level of a mujtahid ‘a perfect man’, imam-i Adil
‘infalliable leader’. He presented Akbar’s reigns as that of peace, prosperity,
stability, good governance and a period that of religious tolerance and freedom.
However, limitation of Abul Fazl’s writings remains, in his zeal to depict
Akbar as an ‘ideal’ monarch and ‘perfect man’ and in order to glorify Akbar’s
achievements he often tend to overlook his weaknesses and failed to use his
‘reason’ in presenting the facts thus making at times the account ‘partisan’. To
overshadow Akbar’s failures, certain of Akbar’s experiments found no place in
Abul Fazl’s meticulously crafted Akbarnama: there is no mention of failure of
Akbar’s experiment to convert the entire lands of the empire into khalisa, nor
does he mention that in the 24th regnal year Akbar resumes the grant of jagirs.
Thus Abul Fazl omitted many facts that did not fit into his scheme of presenting
Akbar as an ‘ideal’ monarch or something that undermined Akbar’s position.
Thus Akbarnama is more a ‘story of Akbar’.
Check Your Progress-1
1) What were the characteristics of Arabic tradition of history writing?
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2) What were the characteristics of Persian tradition of history writing?
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Political Structures ........................................................................................................................
3) Write the contribution of Barani to history writing.
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4) Discuss the importance of Akbarnama as source of history.
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1.5 MEMOIRS
A historical account/biography that is largely written with personal memories
falls into the category of a memoir. During the medieval period there are four
major accounts which fall into this category – Firuz Shah’s Futuhat-i Firuz Shahi
for the Sultanate period and Babur’s memoirs, Baburnama, Gulbadan Begum’s
Humanyun Nama/Ahwal-i Humayun Padshah. and Jahangir’s Tuzuk written
during the Mughal period. Futuhat-i Firuz Shahi was originally inscribed on
the Jami Mosque of Firuzabad, perhaps inspired by inscription of the Ashokan
pillar to communicate people through inscriptions. It primarily meant to applaud
the achievements, charity and welfare activities of Sultan Firuz. K.A. Nizami
calls it ‘essentially a religious inscription’ for it largely relates to the religious
activities and was originally inscribed on the walls of the Jami mosque. Mention
of mulhid (heretic) and ibahati (kafir) in Futuhat and the punishments meted out
to Ahmad Bihari, Rukn and Mehdi suggest that during this period heretic trends
emerged in prominence. It provides detailed account of the building activities
of Firuz, even those within the shrine of Nizamuddin Auliya, though, his secular
constructions particularly network of canal, etc. are missing from the account.
Firuz also records the general ban imposed by him on visits to the kunds and
also ban inflicted upon women in particular visiting sufi shrines. All this provides
insights into Firuz’s religious ideas. Sultan also mentions about the building of
a state hospital where free food and medicines were provided. It also informs us
Firuz receiving a manshur (letter of investiture) from the Caliph.
Babur’s memoirs (Tuzuk-i Baburi/Baburnama), written originally in Chaghatai
Turkish, can truly be called the ‘only true autobiography in Islamic literature’. It is
an extremely open and frank account of the events. He has presented an absolutely
truthful and unbiased account of the events of his period. Babu admits what ‘I
have said is the plain truth…I have spoken the things as they happened. In all
that I have written…I have in every word most scrupulously followed the truth’.
Though Babur died in 1530, his account abruptly ends on 7th September, 1529.
It is written in the form of a diary of events. Babur provides a vivid account of
his struggle in Farghana and Samarkand and his sojourn to Hindustan; his battles
and struggles in India and his victories. He provides the political, military and
socio-economic conditions of the region he governed right from his accession
(1494). Babur observes the weakness of Indians in the following terms: ‘All
Hindustan was not at that period subject to a single Emperor: every Raja set up
for a monarch on his own account, in his own petty territories’. He also observes
the fragile nature of Indian cities and hamlets. He comments: ‘In Hindustan, the
destruction and building of villages and hamlets, even cities can be accomplished
20
in an instant. Such large cities in which people have lived for years, if they are Trends in History Writing
going to be abandoned can be left in a day, so that no sign or trace remains. If they
have a mind to build a city, there is no necessity for digging irrigation canals or
building dams…They simply make huts from the plentiful straw and innumerable
trees and instantly a village or city is born’. However, he was impressed by the
presence of innumerable artisans. He wrote that ‘workmen of every profession
and trade are innumerable without end’. He also comments on the hereditary
nature of these professions: ‘the same employment and trade have descended
from father to son for ages’. His memoir points out Babur as a true naturalist. His
keen interest in local environment and physical geography – flora, fauna, river
systems, animal kingdom is extraordinary. His observation on various kinds of
devices used in various regions to lift water for irrigation is amazing, particularly
the detailed description of the use of Persian wheel and charas. However, Babur
could never think of India as his homeland. He always had a longing for ‘garden
palace’ of Samarkand and musk melons of his homeland. He comments: ‘Many
praise the mango so highly as to give it the preferences to every kind of fruit,
the musk-melon excepted, but it does not appear to me to justify their praise’.
Gulbadan Begum was the daughter of Babur from Dildar Banu Begum.
Gulbadan’s account is of vital importance for hers were the observations from
within and it was she who witnessed the early formation of Mughal sovereignty
in India. Babur died when she was just eight years old. She survived through
the tumultuous phase of Humayun. She penned down her memoirs to facilitate
the history of the period for Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama. Humayun Nama is full of
insights on birth, marriage and other related celebrations. It speaks of activities
of the ruler as a human being outside the formal court. Her account is largely
based on memory, heard and remembered, nonetheless its an eyewitness account
of the harem inmates. Humanyun Nama throws light on Babur and Humayun and
provides insights on the life in the Mughal harem – personal/social relationships
of the royalty, internal conflicts/tensions, role of adab (rules/etiquettes/royal
protocol/conduct). Her account suggests that royal women did enjoy distinct
position in matters of marriage and social protocol. It also shows women often
played the role of political intermediaries. Account also throws light on the
position of purdah in the Mughal harem during the early period. It appears it
was comparatively less strict. It shows that the lady of the harem was not the
chief queen but was the queen mother who often acted as advisor to the king.
Humayun’s regular visits to Dildar Banu Begum testify to it. Truly, Gulbadan
Begum’s Humayun Nama is a portrayal of ‘lived experiences and socio-political
realities’ of the period. Gulbadan’s account not just throws light on the domestic
life of the Mughal household but also it suggests the boundaries of the public/
private spaces and gender relations vs. political power.
Jahangir wrote his memoirs (Tuzuk-i Jahangiri) in the form of annals. To pen
down his memoirs he derived the inspiration from his great grandfather Babur. His
memoirs are written in two parts. First is an account of twelve years of his reign
and the second covers the account upto the beginning of the nineteenth regnal
year (1624) of his reign. He wrote the account of first seventeen years with his
own hands, later under his dictates Mu’tmad Khan penned it down. However, for
the rest of the period of Jahangir’s reign in the eighteenth century Muhammad
Hadi Kanwar Khan added along with his introduction on the early life of Jahangir.
Tuzuk is largely an account of Jahangir’s reign beginning from Jahangir’s birth,
his accession, his twelve orders (dastur-ul amal), installation of his golden
chain of justice and various administrative and financial measures, mansab and
jagir assignments, Khusrau’s rebellion, maintenance of forts, sarais, roads, etc. 21
Political Structures Jahangir provides vivid description of the founding of Fathpur Sikri. He narrates
his love to interact with Pandits and Hindu ascetics. At times he frankly admits
his own weaknesses. It also throws light on Jahangir’s liberal patronage to art and
literature. It provides insights into his interests in public health and medicine.
His fifth order speaks about the establishment of free hospitals and appointment
of physicians in all the major cities of the empire. It also shows his keen interests
in Botany and Zoology. It reflects upon Jahangir’s extraordinary knowledge of
natural history. Undoubtedly Tuzuk brings to light Jahangir’s personality traits
as an extremely liberal Muslim and a rationalist thinker.
1.6 INSHA (EPISTOLOGRAPHY) TRADITION
Insha literally means ‘creation’. However, in the medieval period it denotes
personal letters, state correspondences. They provide firsthand information on
the working of administration as well as prevailing socio-cultural conditions and
ideas during the medieval period. Insha collections of the Sultanate period that
survive today are a few and the most prominent ones are Ijaz-i Khusrawi of Amir
Khusrau and Insha-i Mahru of Ain-ul Mulk Abdullah bin Mahru. The best insha
collections produced in the 15-16th century in the Deccan are Riyaz-ul Insha of
Khwaja Jahan Mahmud Gawan and Insha-i Tahir of Shah Tahir Husaini. During
the Sultanate period there existed a separate department of diwan-i insha, with
katib, (writer), dabir (commonly used in the Sultanate period) and munshi (more
commonly used by the Mughals). They were responsible for the drafting of the
official letters. Insha writings were largely written in the context of diwani. Insha
literature was directly connected with chancellery practices of the Delhi Sultans
and later the Mughals. Interestingly, the surviving insha collections are of those
who were not holding any post in the diwan-i insha office. Neither Ain-ul Mulk
nor Amir Khusrau ever served in the department of diwan-i insha nonetheless
their collections contain apart from state correspondences, important private
correspondences as well. These documents often derived from various sources
for the idea of penning down of these documents was largely to provide specimen
of all kinds of documents styles available.
There were thus two types of inshas, one, written for epistography writings, thus
they may not necessarily be real. Manazir-ul Insha of Khwaja Jahan Mahmud
Gawan is the example of this type of Insha. In other types documents/letters/
correspondences are preserved. These second types of insha are of great historical
significance.
While Amir Khusrau’s style of insha writing is highly ornate, Insha-i Mahru is
comparatively written in simpler form. Ijaz-i Khusrawi was compiled around
1292 CE. Besides the prose specimen, it also contains documents of fathnama,
farman, parwana, arzdashts, etc. Amir Khusrau himself admits that he had also
used his imagination in writing factitious letters. However, a few of his letters
throw ample light on the contemporary history/society. Two such important letters
mentioned by him are Alauddin’s farman issued at his accession and farman of
Balban issued by him after the conquest of Lakhnauti. Amir Khusrau’s insha is
also useful in the sense that through these letters we come across the presence of
various literary and social figures of his period. It also throws valuable light on
contemporary administration, socio-economic conditions and also the religious
and literary traditions of the period.
Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Mukatabat-i Rashidi, though written by a Hamadani,
who was a powerful wazir of Ilkhanid Iran, is important to understand the Il-
22 Khanid-Khalji relations. The letters were written during circa 1304-1307 when
Fazlullah visited Il-Khanid ruler Uljaitu’s (1304-1316) envoy. It is reported that Trends in History Writing
he received a warm welcome by Alauddin Khalji, even he is reported to have
granted four villages to him as suyurghal (revenue-free grant). It contains a
letter of Alauddin sent to Fazlullah suggests that in spite of Alauddin’s anxieties
pertaining to Mongols of Central Asia, he had cordial relations with the Il-Khanids.
Through his letters we also come to know about the distinguished literati class
of the period. He specifically mentions Maulana Shamsuddin Hindi of Delhi as
a distinguished mathematician of his time.
Insha-i Mahru is a collection of Mahru’s personal correspondences, particularly
important are his letters which he wrote as governor of Multan during Firuz
Shah Tughlaq’s reign; though some pertains to Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign.
Insha contains in all 134 documents dealing primarily with manshurs, misals,
ahd-namas (oath of loyalty), arzdashts, personal letters, and proclamations. It
throws valuable light on the socio-economic, cultural, political and administrative
history of the period. Insha also provides interesting information on the purpose
of religious grants. It appears that grants were generally not given as personal
favour, instead it aimed at personal charity, a fact also confirmed by Ibn Battuta.
Mahru is also an important source to understand the nature of the bestowal of
religious grants. Interestingly grants were also given for blessing the souls of past
Sultans – Muhammad bin Sam, Prince Muhammad, Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, etc.
to teachers, muazzins, etc. Ahd-namas, which were oath of loyalty amirs had to
take, suggests, as K.A. Nizami puts forth were ‘a sign of weakness, rather than
of strength’. Presence of such ahd-namas one does not find during Alauddin or
Muhammad Tughlaq’s periods. Some letters deal with issues relating to non-
realisation of the taxes. One of the letters suggests the disapproval of forced
labour. Mahru’s letters also help us understand a number of revenue vocabulary,
specially the nature of taxes – jiziya, kharaj, khot, dangana, shiq, idrar, kharaji,
etc. Mahru’s letter explains why Firuz took such a stern step against the ibahati
(marrying a woman before she was formally divorced). It suggests that such trend
was on the rise and that’s why Firuz took hard steps against such practices. A very
interesting aspect relating to the composition of the zamindar class is explained
and conforms to proclamation of 1353 of Firuz that together the muqaddams and
the mafrozian constituted the zamindar class.
Insha collections of the Mughal period are too numerous, beginning from Badai-
ul Insha of Hakim Yusufi (1533) to Nigarmana-i Munshi of Malikzada (1683).
Among all insha collections Abul Fazl’s name stands out – Mukatabat-i Allami
(collected by his nephew Abdus Samad) and Ruqqat-i Abul Fazl (collected by
his another nephew Nuruddin Muhammad). Nuruddin Muhammad also compiled
another insha collection of Abul Fazl’s brother Faizi, Lataif-i Faizi. During
Jahangir’s reign Harkaran, son of Mathuradas Kamboh wrote Insha-i Harkaran.
Aurangzeb’s own Ruqaat, though brief, but valuable. There also survives huge
collection of Aurangzeb’s letters – Raqaim-i Karaim, Lalamat-i Tayyabat etc.
Among other insha collections, Munshat-i Namkin of Mir Abdul Qasim Namkin
(1598), Insha-i Baqir Khan of Baqir Khan Najm Sani (1637), Insha-i Munir
of Munir Lahori (1644), and Munshat-i Brahman of Chandrabhan (1657) are
important to understand the socio-economic and cultural milieu of the period.
Check Your Progress-2
1) List a few memoirs of the Mughal period. In what ways Gulbadan Begum’s
Humayun Nama is important to construct the social history of the period?
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23
Political Structures .......................................................................................................................
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2) Write five lines on Baburnama.
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3) Write a note on Tuzuk-i Jahangiri.
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4) What are inshas?
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5) Write briefly on the importance of insha-i Mahru.
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1.7 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
The range of official documents is too wide to count. It includes farmans
(emperor’s orders), nishans (orders issued by a prince), parwanas (instructions
issued by a king to his subordinates), hasb-ul hukm (order issued by a minister
at the instructions of an emperor), dastur-ul amal (administrative or fiscal
regulations), etc. Here, we would be mainly focusing on dastur-ul amals.
Dastur-ul amals are crucial sources of information to know the actual working
of the administration. The earliest of such document available to us is Dastur-ul
Albab fi Ilm-il Hisab of Firuz Shah’s period written by Abdul Hamid Muharrir
Ghaznavi. He produced the work mainly to instruct his son in the art of ledger-
keeping. It throws valuable light on various administrative proceedures and norms
as well as a number of technical terms used during the period. However, unlike
the Sultanate period a whole plethora of such Mughal records survive, particularly
that of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb’s periods – Dastur-ul amal of Jawahar Nath
Bekus, Dastur-ul amal-i Alamgiri, Dastur-ul amal-i Navisindgi, Zawabit-i
Alamgiri, Khulasat-us Siyaq, Hidayat-ul Qawaid, Farhang-i Kardani, etc.
1.8 SUFI WRITINGS
In the mystic accounts we find three types of literature – malfuzat, maktubat
(letters) and biographical account of the Sufis. In the sufi literature malfuzat
are of prime importance. Malfuzat are conversations of sufis/mystics. Though,
these malfuzat primarily address the moral and religious aspects, it nonetheless
throw valuable light on general life and conditions of common masses, which
otherwise official historians and chroniclers of the time fail to address. K.A.
Nizami (1982) rightly puts that, ‘In many cases the information found in mystic
24
records acts as a corrective to the impressions created and perpetuated by the Trends in History Writing
political chronicles’. The earliest of such malfuzat penned in India is that of Amir
Hasan Sijzi’s Fuad-ul Fuad (1307). It is the compilation of the conversations of
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Maktubat are letters/correspondences of sufi masters through which they used to
train their disciples living far away. It focuses on problems of varied nature faced
by their disciples. Among these maktubat, most important are those of Abdul
Quddus Gangohi, Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shah Waliullah and Khwaja Masum.
Another important source is biographies of the Sufis. However, they required
to be looked with critical eyes since they often contain exaggerated accounts,
miracles, etc. in praise of their masters. For example, Amir Khurd’s account of
Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar later gets wrapped up into various miraculous
stories and finally in Jawahir-i Faridi of Ali Asgar Chishti it becomes difficult
to sift the historical truth. Thus while analysing mystical literature one needs a
careful reading of the source and the background of the writer concerned.
Check Your Progress-3
1) What are dastur-ul amals?
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2) What are malfuzat?
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3) Do you agree that malfuzat are important source to construct the life of a
common men of the period?
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1.9 FOREIGN TRAVELLERS’ ACCOUNTS
The earliest of the travel accounts for the medieval period comes from the pen of
the Arab geographers, some visited and some borrowed the information from those
who visited. Indo-Arab relations got radical boost when Al-Mamun established
bait-ul hikma at Baghadad and thus started the project of translating a number
of Sanskrit texts into Arabic, resulting in the emergence of a series of scholars
who knew Sanskrit and Arabic both which led to the emergence of interests in
Indian scholarship, culture and history. One finds accounts on India in the works
of Al-Masudi, Ibn Khurdazbih (d. 911; Kitab-ul Masalik wal Mamalik), Sulaiman
Tajir (Akhbar-us Sind wal Hind; 851), Al-Istakhari (visited India in 951; his
Al-Masalik wal Mamalik contains valuable information on India, particularly about
its geography and provides a map of contemporary Sindh as well) and Ibn Hauqal
(Kitab Surat al-Arz [Kitab Masalik wal Mamalik]), 989; provides fascinating
account of the cities of India along with a map of Sindh) which reaches its
climax in the writings of Albiruni (973-1050) who accompanied Sultan Mahmud
of Ghazna. In his Kitab-ul Hind he provides vivid account of India. Al-Umari 25
Political Structures (d. 1348) though never visited India but provides details on India in his Masalik-ul
Absar fi Mamalik il Amsar based on the works of travellers who visited India. In
the writings of Arab accounts special attraction was catched by Sultan Muhammad
bin Tughlaq. Interestingly, in contrast to Indian chroniclers, he received extensive
praises from their pen ‘for his unbounded generosity, vast erudition, intellectual
achievements and administrative genius’ (Zaki 2009: vi). Al-Umari on the
authority of Sheikh Mubarak writes that, ‘The acts of generosity and charity
of the Sultan are such that the world should write them on pages of its records
of good deeds and the people inscribed them in…’(Zaki 2009: 32). He further
comments, ‘Nobody can dress and ride with saddles covered or embroidered
with gold except he upon whom the Sultan had bestowed them’ (Zaki 2009: 40).
These accounts widen our understanding of the Sultanate with an Afro-Asian
perspective. Among them, figure of Ibn Battuta, a Moroccan traveller, looms
large. He touched Indian soil in 1333 and left India in 1344. He not only travelled
extensively Indian territories but also held prominent position of Qazi of Delhi
for long seven years under Muhammad bin Tughlaq. Ibn Battuta’s Rihla throws
valuable light on the judicial, political, military institutions, agricultural produce
(particular mention is made of mango and betel-leaf), postal system, literati, court
etiquettes, trade, weights and measures, customs and manners during Muhammad
bin Tughlaq’s period.
Mughal period is dominated by European travellers’ accounts. It is difficult to
name all but most prominent of them were – Father Monserrate, Pelsaert, Sir
Thomas Roe, Bernier, Tavernier and Manucci. Father Antonio Monserrate (d.
1600), a Jesuit missionary, accompanied Father Acquaviva along with the First
Jesuit Mission (1580-82) to Emperor Akbar’s court at Agra and reached Akbar’s
court at Agra in 1580. There he served as Murad’s tutor. He penned down his
memoirs in 1590. Monserrate’s commentary is a valuable source to know the
details of the events of Akbar’s campaigns against Mirza Hakim. It also throws
valuable light on Akbar’s religious encounters/discussions.
Francisco Pelsaert was the native of Antwerp who began his eastward journey
in 1618 and remained in Agra till 1627 as senior factor. Though focus of his
Remonstrantie (c. 1626) was to record the Dutch commercial activities, his
account throws valuable light on the socio-economic condition of the people of
Hindustan. His narration on indigo production in Bayana, Sarkhej and Mewat
region and spice trade is valuable.
Sir Thomas Roe (1615-1619), an Englishman, born in Essex, visited Jahangir’s
court in 1615. Roe provides useful insights on the polity of Jahangir’s India. He is
useful to understand the character of Jahangir, Asaf Khan, Khusrau and Khurram.
His lengthy detailed descriptions of nauroz celebrations and emperor’s weighing
ceremonies are insightful.
Jean Baptiste Tavernier (1640-1667), a jeweller, a diamond merchant, made six
voyages, first of which commenced in 1640. Tavernier’s account is crucial to
understand the commercial activities of the period, particularly tricks of money-
lenders (shroff/sarraf). Further his account on diamond mines of Golconda and
other precious stones and pearls is extremely valuable and exhaustive.
Francois Bernier was a French traveller who visited the Mughal empire during
Aurangzeb’s reign (from 1658 to 1668). He joined the service of Danishmand
Khan, a leading Mughal noble and served in Aurangzeb’s court as physician for
long twelve years. Bernier’s account is rich in providing firsthand information
on war of succession. He personally witnessed Dara being paraded on the
26
streets of Delhi. His account of the battle of Dharmat as narrated by a gunner of Trends in History Writing
Aurangzeb is absorbing. He provides detailed descriptions of the cities of Delhi
and Agra, customs and traditions of people, riches of the empire, working of
the Mughal karkhanas, condition of peasantry and exploitation of the Omrahs,
Mughal governors and jagirdars. He observed that on account of the exploitation
of the peasants they fled to the territories of the Rajas. He also provides graphic
account of the condition of the artisans at the Mughal karkhanas. However, his
observation with regard to the ownership of land, where he states that king was
the owner of the land is not correct. Mughals exercised control over the produce
of the land and it were the peasants who enjoyed the ownership rights and could
not be evicted so long as they were paying the revenue.
Nicolao Manucci (1656-1712), a Venetian adventurer, was initially inducted
into Dara Shikoh’s army as an artilleryman. Later he joined the service of Raja
Jai Singh (1664) and met Shivaji in 1665. On account of his acquired medical
knowledge he served as physician in 1670 at Lahore and later in 1678 became
physician of Shah Alam’s wife. Manucci’s Storia do Mogor provides a vivid
account of Aurangzeb’s India. Manucci’s account is useful to understand
Aurangzeb’s relations and Mughal policy towards Deccan. Details of Aurangzeb’s
movements during 1700-1707 are also crucial and exhaustive. He also provides
details of manners and customs of the people of Hindustan. About him William
Irvine has rightly commented: ‘Credulous, superstitious, at times garrulous he
may be, but he was a keen observer with unusual opportunities’.
1.10 REGIONAL HISTORY TRADITION
Among the regional history tradition huge regional archival records are preserved
in the Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner in various Rajasthani dialects. The
earliest record is that of seventeenth century, largely known as Jaipur Records,
consist of farmans, nishans, sanads and Akhabarat-i Darbar-i Mualla throw light
on the close relationship of the Jaipur household with the Mughals. Besides, there
are Vakil Reports (both in Persian and Rajasthani) that deal with Mughal court-
politics. Arhsattas (records of income and expenditure) which begins from 1663
onwards delves into the income and expenditure of the state. Besides, Dastur
Kaumwar is of great help in understanding the caste based hierarchical structure of
the state. Another set of documents are Jodhpur Records which are largely in the
form of bahis (Sanad Parwana Bahi, Kagad Bahi, Hasil Bahi, Zakat Bahi) which
begin from 1630s. These are crucial to understand the revenue administration
of the period. Vivaha Bahis throw light on the socio-cultural aspects of the state
expenditure. Another important source to understand the history of Rajasthan and
particularly that of Marwar is Muhnot Nainsi’s Marwar ri Pargana ri Vigat. On
account of exhaustive data recorded in his Vigat Nainsi is termed as Abul Fazl
of Rajasthan. Nainsi, himself being the Desh Diwan, had access to the village
level records of the region. It is extremely useful to understand the demographic
details of the people, habitation, wells, cultivation, wastes, animal power, etc.
of the Marwar region.
Peshwa Daftar (now Pune Archives), contains huge collection of 17-19th century
Marathi documents in Modi script pertaining to Peshwa and East India Company,
some of which are also in Gujarati and English. Pune archival records are
considered to be the biggest archival collections in Asia. It has huge collection
of around fifty million documents out of which three lakhs are identified as
rare manuscripts arranged in around 39000 cloth-bundles called rumals. Some
documents even date back to Shivaji’s period. The documents are crucial to 27
Political Structures understand the socio-economic, cultural and political aspects of Peshwa’s rule
as well as British policies in the region. The records right from village and tehsil
levels are preserved here. It also contains the Deccan Commission records. The
Inam Commission papers are a huge collection of land records dating back to
Shivaji, Adilshahi and Nizamshahi periods. There is also a diary of Peshwa
Raghunath Rao which deals with his attack and conquest of Lahore. Thus to
understand the transition from the Mughals to the British and know the happenings
of the eighteenth century both Rajasthan State Archives and Pune Peshwa Daftar
records are of immense value. To construct the history of the Marathas, bakhars are
another important source, compiled largely during the seventeenth to nineteenth
centuries. A large number of bakhars deal with life of Shivaji. There are around
200 known bakhars. The most important of them are Sabhasad Bakhar, Ajnapatra
Bakhar and Mahakavitichi Bakhar. Mahakavitichi Bakhar is considered to be the
earliest bakhar compiled during 15-16th centuries. Sabhasad Bakhar was written
around c. 1694 by Krishnaji Anant Sabhasad who was Shivaji’s official. Later it
was further extended by Chitagupta. It is considered to be the earliest narrative
on Shivaji. Ajnapatra Bakhar of Ramchand Pant Amatya (1716) discusses the
events during the periods from Shivaji to Sambhaji.
For understanding the state structures of the Vijayanagara empire Krishna
Deva Raya’s Amuktamalyada, written in Telugu in poetic genre, is of immense
value which primarily deals with monarchical principles of the state, duties and
responsibilities of a king, administrative structure, army, forests, revenue of the
state. Rayavachakamu of Stanapati Nayani Viswanatha Nayaka, believed to be
commissioned by Madurai Nayaka, is also a Telugu text, deals with Krishna Deva
Raya’s period, though written almost ninety years after Krishna Deva Raya’s reign
(1509-1529). It puts forth the ideological apology for the political legitimacy of
the Madurai kingdom.
Assam history cannot be understood without the study of Buranji literature of
Assam. Written in Ahom dialect (later the record is penned down in Assamese
language), Buranjis are records of kings, priests and nobles and events of their
times. Deodhai Asom Buranji, Tung Khungia Buranji, Kachari Buranji, Jaintia
Buranji, Tuklai Buranji, Tripura Buranji, Padsha Buranji and Assam Buranji
are some of the important Buranjis. Buranji literature throws light on the
developments in Jantia, Cachar and Kooch Bihar regions. It also delves into the
accounts of the Ahom conflicts with those of the Naras, Chutias, Morans, Borahis,
Koches and Mughals during the reigns of Jayadhvaj and Chakradhvaj’s reigns.
To study the history of the Kashmir region Sanskrit works are of great importance.
Kshemendra’s Lokaprakasha delves into the administrative structure and socio-
economic conditions of Kashmir. Similarly, Kalhana’s Rajatarangini which deals
with the history of Kashmir upto 1459 and Srivijaya’s Rajatarangini is an account
of Kashmir rulers till 1486 are of utmost importance to understand the political
and socio-economic history of the period. Though for later periods Persian texts
Baharistan-i Shahi and Tarikh-i Rashidi of Mirza Haidar Doughlat provide
firsthand information of the happenings of the period.
Check Your Progress-4
1) Write a note on the European travellers’ accounts as an important source of
history.
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28
....................................................................................................................... Trends in History Writing
2) Write briefly on the regional historic tradition.
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1.11 SUMMARY
There existed two traditions of medieval historiography in north India – Arabic
and Persian. While Arabic historiography can truly be called histories of the
‘age’; Persian history tradition primarily focussed on dynastic histories. In India
largely Persian history tradition dominated. Among the political chronicles of
the Delhi Sultanate Minhaj’s Tabaqat though extremely precise on political
details and chronology is full of drab details on Ilbari dynasty and its rulers.
In contrast, though Barani also wrote in the same Persian history tradition, his
analysis of history is much wider and throws light on the lives of common masses
and provides rather a more critical view of history. Under the Mughals series of
political chronicles were produced. However, with Abul Fazl a real break occurred.
With his emphasis on reason and rational analysis a new dimension in the history
writing tradition got added. Besides chroniclers’ accounts medieval period is rich
in terms of official documents (dastur-ul Amals), insha and sufi malfuz literature.
Arab geographers’ and European travellers’ accounts provide new Afro-European
perspectives to the historical events of the period. These records become even
more crucial when at time one gets the exclusive observations in the travelogues,
not otherwise provided anywhere else. Though medieval historiography was
dominated by Persian historiographic tradition, regional histories and traditions
and bardic accounts are extremely useful, particularly in the absence of village
level Mughal records, Rajasthani and Marathi archival records are of utmost
importance.
1.12 KEYWORDS
Dastur-ul amal Administrative or fiscal regulations
Hasb-ul hukm Order issued by a minister at the instructions of an emperor
Farmans King’s orders
Malfuzat Conversations of sufi saints
Nishan Orders issued by a prince
Parwanas Orders/Instructions issued by a king to his subordinates
1.13 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES
Check Your Progress-1
1) See Section 1.2
2) See Section 1.2
3) See Section 1.3
4) See Section 1.4
Check Your Progress-2
1) See Section 1.5
29
Political Structures 2) See Section 1.5
3) See Section 1.5
4) See Section 1.6
5) See Section 1.6
Check Your Progress-3
1) See Section 1.7
2) See Section 1.8
3) See Section 1.8
Check Your Progress-4
1) See Section 1.9
2) See Section 1.10
1.14 SUGGESTED READINGS
Habib, Mohammad, (1950) ‘Chishti Mystic Records of the Sultanate Period’,
Medieval India Quarterly, Vol. 1.
Hardy, Peter, (1966) Historians of Medieval India (London: Luzac & Co.).
Hasan, Mohibul, (2018 [1982]) History and Historians of Medieval India (New
Delhi: Aakar Books).
Mukhia, Harbans, (2017[1976]) Historians and Historiography During the Reign
of Akbar (New Delhi: Aakar Books).
Nizami, K.A., (1982) On History and Historians of Medieval India (New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal).
Siddiqui, I.H., (2014) Indo-Persian Historiography, to the Fourteenth Century
(New Delhi: Primus Books).
Zaki, Muhammad, (2009) Arab Accounts of India (During the Fourteenth Century
(Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli).
1.15 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECOMMENDATIONS
Historiography and Sources of the Delhi Sultanate
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LcL2c-NM0lA&t=47s
Mughal Historiography and Sources
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qODAcOrYsBg&t=923s
30