Water Rights
chapter 12 in
M. Graziadei and L. Smith, eds.,
Comparative Property Law: Global Perspectives 280-289
(Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2017)
David Schorr
Tel Aviv University
1. INTRODUCTION
In a world in which ever-growing demand for water meets an essentially finite
supply, it is unsurprising that rights in water have received much attention from courts and
legislatures. Perhaps more surprising are the radical variety of property regimes governing
this resource and the intensity of attention water rights have received in the scholarly
literature. "Property" can sometimes connote land, the classic resource of property law; yet
water often serves as land's alter ego, an exemplar of the odd, the esoteric, the colorful, or
the cutting-edge in property law, set against the staid familiarity of land law.
Moreover, water represents a way of thinking about property that departs from the
usual models, based on land. As one commentator (Rose, 1996: 351) has written:
If water were our chief symbol for property, we might think of property rights--and
perhaps other rights--in a quite different way. We might think of rights literally and
figuratively as more fluid and less fenced-in; we might think of property as entailing
less of the awesome Blackstonian power of exclusion and more of the qualities of
flexibility, reasonableness and moderation, attentiveness to others, and cooperative
solutions to common problems.
More generally, it has been observed (Smith, 2008: 446), "Water law is seemingly so special
that many commentators have seen reflected in it their preferred paradigms for property
law more generally and have drawn very different lessons from it for the problems facing
water users today."
Indeed, much of the writing on water rights has revolved around the paradigmatic
axis of private-common-public property, and this will be the focus of the bulk of this
chapter. Much of the literature in this vein belongs to positive theory, attempting to explain
why property in water has taken various forms in various places at various times. Lying
alongside this body of positive work, and oftentimes intertwined with it, is a more
normative strain of scholarship, advancing arguments as to the proper property regime for
water, whether in general or under specific sorts of conditions. Both topics have been
deeply engaged, as well, by large bodies of historical and contemporary empirical work.
More recently, the traditional law of property rights in water has been challenged
and complemented with two different sorts of "rights talk", with lawmaking institutions and
legal scholars advancing and grappling with the ideas of public rights in water and a human
right to water, rights that may interact with classic property rights in water in complex ways.
Developments around these topics will be treated toward the end of the chapter.
2
2. SYSTEMS OF PROPERTY RIGHTS IN WATER
Property in water takes a great variety of forms. Many countries' laws state that all
water is the property of the public or the state (Trelease, 1957; Cumyn, 2007; Sun, 2009;
Schorr, 2013). Most civil law countries, following Roman law, distinguish between public and
private waters. The "absolute dominion" rule of the common law, still in force in some
American states, treats groundwater as an unowned resource, open to capture by any
overlying landowner (Dellapenna, 2013). The riparian rights system of the common law
views water sources as the common property of all landowners abutting the source (Getzler,
2004). The system of prior appropriation applied in the western United States recognizes
private property rights to amounts of flows of water. In Australia (Davis, 1968) and western
Canada the Crown owns the water and distributes it to users through a permit system
(Percy, 2005). 1
Though most legal systems are viewed as reflecting a view of water either as private,
common, or public property, most systems in practice recognize a mix of these types of
rights in water sources. For instance, often quoted (e.g. Wiel, 1914) is the statement from
Justinian's Institutes (1913: 2.1.1): "The following things are by natural law common to all—
the air, running water, the sea, and consequently the seashore"; yet the Roman law, in
every period, contained a complex mix of private, communal, and public rights in water
(Caponera, 2007). Of Islamic water law it is said that "true Muslim believers cannot grab
1
A useful survey of most of the world's property regimes for water, including those mentioned in this
paragraph, is found in Caponera (2007).
3
water in excess to their needs since they are obliged to allow free access to any amounts of
water beyond these needs" (Al-Awar et al., 2010: 32) and that the Prophet prohibited selling
of water (Caponera, 1954), but also that "Islam supports privatization of water supply… as
long as it leads to a fair and free market" (Al-Awar et al., 2010: 34). The civil law's distinction
between public and private waters has often ceased to exist in practice, with state approval
being required for use of private waters as well as public (Caponera, 2007). China's
constitution and 2002 Water Law state that all water is owned by the state, but in practice a
system of private rights exists (Wouters et al., 2004; Shen and Speed, 2009). 2 In the Anglo-
American world much is made of the difference between the common-property rules of the
riparian system in force in England and the eastern United States, and the system of private
appropriative rights in the western U.S., but both systems in fact contain a mix of features
typically associated with each type of property (Smith, 2008).
If the reality of formal water rights at the level of state law is a complex mix of
public, private, and common, a large body of research on water management at the local
level (e.g. Maass and Anderson, 1978; Meyer, 1984; Ostrom, 1990; Rivera, 1998; Boelens,
2008) reveals an almost infinite variety of property and governance systems. In various
places water is sometimes allocated in proportion to field size, in accordance with the age of
the field, by family, by position on the stream, or by any other of a multitude of possible
principles, often anchored in long-standing custom and close social, economic, cultural, and
religious ties. Integrating these locally embedded rights into systems of state law is a
2
Constitution of the People's Republic of China, Art. 9 ("All mineral resources, waters, forests, mountains,
grasslands, unreclaimed land, beaches and other natural resources are owned by the State, that is, by the
whole people…"), available at http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/Constitution/2007-
11/15/content_1372963.htm; Water Law of the People's Republic of China, Art. 3 ("Water resources are
owned by the State."), available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/207454.htm.
4
complex task, one often accompanied by significant redistributions of water rights (e.g.
Reich, 1994; Van Koppen, 2007; Hendriks, 2010; Hicks, 2010; Boelens and Seemann, 2014).
3. PROPERTY IN WATER: THEORY
The question of how and why water has been governed by regimes of private, public,
and common property has occupied scholars for some time, often in tandem with the
normative issue of which type of property regime is best for the resource.
As in many other fields, economic analysis has proved to be a dominant theoretical
lens for understanding the development of water rights, generating both direct insights and
provoking trenchant critiques. On the level of positive theory, many have built on the
framework of Harold Demsetz's (1967) theory of property rights, according to which
property regimes progress from common to private property as the increasing value of the
resource in question, or pressure on it, renders the advantages of its privatization greater
than the administrative costs of establishing and maintaining a private-property regime.
According to this theory, we should expect to see water regimes characterized by relatively
open access or common property in societies and environments characterized by an
abundance of water, and increasing reliance on private rights as pressure on the resource
increases. An influential work in this tradition is Anderson and Hill (1975), which posits that
the abandonment of a common-property regime (riparian rights) in favor of private rights
(the prior appropriation doctrine) in the American West was a result of the region's aridity
and consequent pressure on the resource.
5
Economic analysis has also developed a normative critique of existing systems of
water rights. Beginning with the work of Milliman (1956, 1959) and others, many scholars
have argued that common property in water leads to waste, inefficiency, and depletion of
the resource. The solution, according to this line of argument, is the creation or recognition
of completely specified private property rights in water, rights that will allow the functioning
of an efficient market that will move water to its most valuable uses and create incentives
to avoid waste (Meyers and Posner, 1971; Anderson, 1983). This sort of argument has
obviously resonated with Hardin's (1968) famous article on the tragedy of the commons,
and also fit in well with general enthusiasm for market solutions to policy issues in recent
decades. It continues to be advanced in various contexts, such as with regard to water rights
in China (Speed, 2009).
Yet other theorists have questioned the above conclusions, both positive and
normative. In an influential article in which she argued that in some situations the value of a
resource should be maximized not by private property, as commonly assumed, but by public
ownership, Carol Rose (1986) used water as an example; certain uses, such as navigation,
power, or recreation, are limited by the exclusionary aspects of private property and
encouraged by a regime of public property. Shortly thereafter (1990) she used this insight to
challenge Demsetz's thesis on the progression of property from common to private property
driven by increasing pressure on the resource; the apparent regression in the nineteenth-
century common law of riparian rights from a private-property-like rule of first possession to
the commons-like rule of reasonable use, she argued, was driven by the increasing value
that industrializing New and Old England placed on non-rival uses of watercourses,
6
especially for producing power. Henry Smith (2008), too, has argued for modification of
Demsetz's thesis with regard to water rights. Property systems in water are typically what
he terms a "semicommons", with interaction between common-property governance and
private-property exclusion. This, he argues, is due to the difficulty of measuring water and
the high value of non-exclusive uses of it.
Others have questioned the superiority private rights in water from other directions.
Mason Gaffney (1969, 1997), for instance, has focused on the numerous externalities of
water use that prevent efficient functioning of a market in water rights. Many critics (e.g.
Trawick, 2001; Shiva, 2002) have attacked privatization of water, whatever its supposed
economic merits, as unjust or immoral. In recent years, corporate control of water systems
has come under attack (e.g. Barlow and Clark, 2005) as representing an unjust enclosure, or
privatization, of the commons. Even formal recognition of traditional, customary water
rights has been critiqued for weakening local control over water (De Vos et al., 2006;
Boelens and Seemann, 2014).
4. PROPERTY IN WATER: EMPIRICAL AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE
The empirical work of Ostrom (1990; Ostrom and Gardner, 1993) and others on
institutions for governing commons resources has shown that, in practice, common
property can be highly successful in managing water resources, depending on the structure
and functioning of the institutions involved. She and her collaborators summed up their
conclusions (Ostrom et al., 2010):
7
Researchers usually distinguish four basic types of governance systems, defined in
terms of who controls access to resources: private property, government property,
common property, and open access (i.e., no one's property). Research has
consistently shown the inefficient outcomes of open access since open access almost
always leads to destruction of any resource that is in great demand. This is the
problem identified in Hardin's famous essay, although he called open access
"commons," which led to substantial subsequent confusion. The other three
systems, however, have mixed records in terms of sustaining water resources,
including both great successes and massive failures. Thus, the ability of a type of
ownership to enhance sustainable resource management depends on a number of
other factors…
Many legal and environmental historians have focused on historical transitions
between property regimes in water, particularly two major developments in the Anglo-
American legal world: the development of the "reasonable use" riparian regime in the early
to mid-nineteenth century, and the rejection of riparian rights in favor of the system known
as "prior appropriation" in the western United States in the second half of the same century.
Some historians' accounts, beginning with Walter Prescott Webb's "Great Plains
Thesis" (Webb, 1931), have supported the economic view associating with aridity with
private rights in water (Dunbar, 1985; Percy, 2005). Yet aridity has also been associated with
strict state control, as in Karl Wittfogel's (1957) hypothesis associating "hydraulic
8
civilizations" with "oriental despotism", applied to the western American context by Donald
Worster (1985).
Other historical work has sought to explain changes in water property regimes less
as the result of economic factors than as the product of organic doctrinal development
(Getzler, 2004) or distributive factors (Horwitz, 1977; Barca, 2010; Schorr, 2012). Some have
seen transitions to private property in water at various junctures as aimed at encouraging
economic growth (e.g. Bakken, 1983; Dunbar, 1983), while others (e.g. ; Reisner and Bates,
1990; Steinberg, 1991; Barca, 2010) have emphasized societal and environmental harms
resulting from the same processes.
A particularly interesting (and recent) example of a change in property regimes in
water took place in Chile under the Pinochet regime. The Water Code of 1981 replaced the
agrarian-reform regime, which had greatly expanded government control of water at the
expense of private rights, with a system of private, tradable rights in water (Bauer, 2004).
Many (e.g. Schleyer, 1996) viewed the new Chilean law as an ideal system, "a brilliant
solution to a universal problem with the economic management of water" (Briscoe et al.,
1998: 3). However, more recent empirical work, especially by Bauer (2004), has shown that
the privatization of water has not succeeded in meeting the goals of functioning water
markets, improved efficiency, or improved access that it was supposed to achieve, and that
it has failed to address pressing social, environmental, and political issues.
9
5. PUBLIC RIGHTS
Whatever property regime applies to water, the public often retains certain rights in
the resource. Thus, for instance, in American law, though a river's water may be owned by
riparian landowners or appropriators, the federal government retains a "navigation
servitude" in the water with which private owners (and states) cannot interfere (Trelease,
1965).
Recent decades have seen much discussion of the "public trust doctrine", rules that
allow public interests, especially environmental ones, to trump the normal property rules in
water. Though the doctrine has its roots in the traditional civil and common law, particularly
with regard to tidelands (Selvin, 1980), its modern form was first articulated by Joseph Sax
in a highly influential article (1970), in which he argued that the historical doctrine should be
developed to encourage courts to subject actions that harm the environment to strict
scrutiny. In the field of water rights the doctrine has been applied by American state courts
in recent decades to push states to protect environmental values, even when this protection
is in tension with private property rights (Craig, 2010). The best-known expression of this
trend is the decision of the California Supreme Court in the Mono Lake case, in which the
court ruled that longstanding water diversions from the lake by the city of Los Angeles might
need to be limited by the state in order to protect ecological values being harmed by the
lowering of the lake level. 3 In recent years the doctrine has been adopted in additional
countries around the world (Cullet, 2009; Blumm and Guthrie, 2012).
3
National Audubon Society v. Superior Court, 658 P.2d 709 (Cal. 1983).
10
The public trust doctrine continues to receive support from many commentators,
but it has also been criticized. On the one hand, it has been argued that the doctrine places
undue reliance on an inflexible, property rule as applied by the judiciary, while
environmental protection should be sought from progressive legislation (Lazarus, 1986). On
the other, the doctrine has been criticizes as historically without basis, undemocratic, and
invasive of private property rights (Huffman, 1989, 2007).
6. A HUMAN RIGHT TO WATER
Alongside interest in public rights that trump the regular water rights of property
law, there is much interest in private, human rights that do so. Many systems of water law
have long recognized some right to basic water uses superior to other water rights. Islamic
law's "right of thirst", the right to take water to quench one's thirst or to water one's
animals, applies even to privately owned waters under most schools of Islamic
jurisprudence (Caponera, 1954). Under the system of riparian rights, domestic or "natural"
uses have preference over other uses (Beck, 2000), and domestic uses also have priority
over other uses in most jurisdictions applying the doctrine of prior appropriation (Trelease,
1955). China's water law, too, exempts household and other small quantity uses (Wouters
et al., 2004).
Recent years have seen an explosion of interest in the idea of a right to water framed
in human rights terms. Scholars (e.g. Gleick, 1999) have argued that the right to the minimal
11
amount of water needed to supply basic human needs is implicit in basic human rights
norms, and an effort has been made to give this right more explicit, formal, legal
recognition.
The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of the United Nations'
Economic and Social Council issued in 2003 its "General Comment No. 15" 4 on the right to
water as anchored in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
stating (para. 2) that "the human right to water entitles everyone to sufficient, safe,
acceptable, physically accessible and affordable water for personal and domestic uses." The
right to water was found to be anchored in the rights recognized by the Covenant to the
highest attainable standard of health, adequate housing, and adequate food, as well as in
the right to human life and dignity enshrined in the International Bill of Human Rights; other
treaties, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, explicitly recognize a right to
water. The general right to water was said by the Comment to include the right to maintain
access to existing water supplies necessary for the right to water, the right to be free from
arbitrary disconnections or contamination of water supplies, and the right to a system of
water supply and management that provides equality of opportunity for people to enjoy the
right to water. Adequacy is measured by a number of factors, including the water supply
being sufficient and continuous for personal and domestic uses, safe, physically and
economically accessible, and provided without discrimination.
4
E/C.12/2002/11, 20 January 2003.
12
A prominent recent judicial decision on the issue was the 2009 ruling of South
Africa's Constitutional Court in Mazibuko v City of Johannesburg 5. The South African Bill of
Rights recognizes a right to "sufficient food and water" and that "The state must take
reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the
progressive realisation of each of these rights". 6 Petitioners challenged a policy
implemented in a Soweto neighborhood that installed pre-paid meters (i.e. meters that cut
off service when water has not been paid for) but also provided a certain amount of water
for free on a per capita or per-household basis. Though lower Supreme Court of Appeal
invalidated the policy as not always providing a sufficient amount of water, the
Consitutional Court overturned this decision, ruling that the policy was not in violation of
the Bill of Rights. This decision has been criticized as not giving sufficient protection to socio-
economic rights (e.g. Wesson, 2011), but also supported as ecologically responsible and
conducive to achieving inter-generational equality (Kotzé, 2010). It should be noted that
South Africa is not alone in anchoring a right to water in its constitution; at least fourteen
other countries do so, as well (May and Daly, 2015).
The idea of a human right to water has come in for criticism on a number of fronts. It
has been critiqued as practically unenforceable (Thielbörger, 2013), in normative terms as
being too consistent with the neoliberal trends in opposition to which it is invoked (Bakker,
2007), and empirically for failing improving access to water in practice (Anand, 2007). The
5
Also known as "the Phiri case" (after the name of the Soweto neighborhood) (CCT 39/09) [2009] ZACC 28;
2010 (3) BCLR 239 (CC); 2010 (4) SA 1 (CC) (8 October 2009).
6
Sec. 27, Bill of Rights, South Africa.
13
concern has also been raised (Staddon et al., 2012) that the rights discourse will strengthen
the hand of business interests opposing regulation of their property rights (or quasi-
property, as administrative permits). Nonetheless, many (e.g. Mirosa and Harris, 2012)
continue to argue for its relevance and importance.
Acknowledgements
Thanks for Chloé Camus and Adi Levitsky for research assistance, and to the volume editors
for their valuable suggestions.
14
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