CS H

E CA TP IT OE NR

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3

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Biological Positivist

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Theories

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yyChapter Overview and Objectives
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In this chapter, we introduce the theories offered by biological positivism. These theories focus on
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individual characteristics that are inherited and present at birth, such as biological and mental traits.
Lombroso, Ferri, and Garofalo (known collectively as “the Italian Positivists”) attempted to explore
these characteristics by applying the scientific method to the study of criminality. While the simplistic
measurement of physical characteristics employed by early biological positivists failed to uncover the
y,

ultimate cause of crime, this work led to other, more nuanced approaches, suggesting that there are
biological precursors that may make some people more prone to committing crime. Figure 3.1 pro-
op

vides a general overview of the approach we take in this chapter.

By the end of the chapter, readers should be able to:
tc

• Understand the assumptions made by biological positivist theories

• Acknowledge the historical period in which these theories emerged
• Be aware of the level of explanation, problem focus, and scope of biological positivist theories
no

• Consider the historical and social context that gave rise to the biological positivist theories
• Explain the practical approaches and programs suggested by biological positivist theories
o

yyThe Biological Positivist Tradition

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As discussed in the previous chapter, in criminology and the other social sciences (e.g., sociology,
psychology, and economics), positivism refers to the application of the scientific method to explain
human behavior. Early criminological positivists were primarily biological theorists who sought to
explain criminality by identifying physical characteristics and genetic differences that distinguish
criminals from noncriminals. However, later theorists started to use psychological and social factors
38

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 39

Figure 3.1 Introducing Biological Positivist Theories of Crime

Biological

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Positivist
Theories

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consider

early contemporary

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Physical traits and
researchers researchers
inherited genetic
assumed acknowledge
predispositions

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Laws were just/ Criminal behavior

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criminal behavior result of genetic/
was pre- environmental
determined interactions

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could be predicted but must start with
based on biological differences by
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Physical which in some Studying brain
characteristics, cases present as images,
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behaviors, chromosomal
and body types abnormalities
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to explain criminal behavior and, in some cases, to identify potential delinquents and criminals. These
op

theorists are referred to as psychological positivists and social or sociological positivists, respectively.
In this chapter, we will discuss some of the earlier contributions from biological positivists, but we also
explore contributions from psychological positivism, sociological positivists, and more modern bio-
tc

logical and biosocial theories in subsequent chapters.

no

As you read this chapter, consider . . . there is increasing evidence that taking repeated blows to
the head can lead to degenerative brain disease. This is not new information, of course. Forty years
ago, researchers found that taking punch after punch as a boxer can lead to boxer’s dementia.
o

Today, large-scale studies on combat veterans’ brains show that repetitive head trauma from impro-
D

vised explosive devices could be doing the same to soldiers. Further, professional athletes from both
the National Football League and National Hockey League have filed class action lawsuits against
the leagues. These former players are requesting that a fund be set up for those who experience the
(Continued)

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 40 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

(Continued)
negative side effects of repeated concussions. As you read this chapter, consider what concerns this
raises for criminologists and criminal justice system practitioners. What are the implications for

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the wider society?

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yySeven Steps of Criminological Thinking

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In every chapter, we present seven steps to understanding a theory or an approach to the study of
crime. Figure 3.2 outlines the seven steps of criminological thinking.

is
rd
History and Social Context of Biological Positivism
The origins of the positivist approach, the field of criminology, and really all of the social sciences
can be traced back to the Enlightenment, or Age of Reason. This era was characterized by a collection

,o
of political, philosophical, and religious upheavals that occurred during the 17th and 18th centuries
(Rafter, 2008). During the Late Middle Ages (ca. 14th century to 16th century), people begin to chal-
lenge the authority of the Catholic Church and the monarchies in Europe. Spurred by the invention of
st
the printing press, many discovered philosophy and literature, shared new ideas, and rediscovered old
ideas. The Renaissance, in part, was driven by a desire to study and better understand nature. The
po
printing press and increased availability of books led to higher rates of literacy and more reading,
which had a twofold effect. First, people begin to read key texts (e.g., the Bible) on their own instead
of relying upon translations from church and government officials. Second, increased reading among
the populace contributed to the proliferation of competing philosophies and ideas that caused people
y,

to question society and existing political hierarchies.

Of course, history rarely proceeds along a simple linear timeline, and some disagreement exists
op

among scholars as to how and why the Renaissance occurred and as to what were the specific years of
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Figure 3.2 Seven Steps of Criminological Thinking

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1. Know the 2. Acknowledge 3. Understand 4. Define your

History Assumptions the Scope Terms
o
D

6. Theory/
5. Respect the 7. When in
Practice
Research Doubt—Map It!
Problem

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 41

the Enlightenment. Most, however, agree that the Enlightenment occurred toward the end of the
Renaissance during the 17th century and continued into the 18th century. During this period,
advances in medicine and science took place, there was an interest in reason and the rationality of
man, and a newfound interest in establishing laws, legal systems, and individual rights.

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The Enlightenment saw the emergence of the classical school, which viewed man as rational and
possessing free will. Legal systems were built on the assumption that people acted to maximize their
own pleasure and must be deterred from doing so by social control through laws and regulations.

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Enlightenment philosophers also offered many reforms to the existing system of justice, including
imprisonment, clear legal codes, and clearly defined punishments designed to deter future criminal
behavior by fitting the punishment to the crime. The basis for classical school thinking was covered

tri
in Chapter 1, and we will also revisit some of these ideas in Chapter 12 to understand how they laid
the groundwork for modern theories based on deterrence and economics.

is
The approach embraced by biological positivists must be seen as a reaction to the free will per-
spective endorsed by classical school thinkers. This new interest in science gave rise to the three key

rd
forerunners to the early biological theories of criminal behavior. First, the early psychiatric work on
moral insanity had an impact on biological positivism. These researchers were attempting to further
explain how free will functioned and what caused some people to commit evil acts (Rafter, 2008).

,o
Second, the emergence of physiognomy and phrenology preceded Lombroso’s work on the crim-
inal man (Savitz, Turner, & Dickman, 1977). Physiognomy refers to the belief that behavior can be
predicted through a person’s physical appearance. Swiss scholar and theologian Johann Kaspar Lavater
st
was one of the pioneers in this area, and his work on physiognomy received almost as much praise as
Lombroso’s work (Bernard, Snipes, & Gerould, 2010). Phrenology refers to a system of reading the
po
bumps on a person’s head in order to learn things about his or her character. Viennese physician Franz
Joseph Gall and his student Johann Gaspar Spurzheim are considered the main founders of this field
(Rafter, 2008). While phrenology may sound quite silly to us and has proved to be scientifically lack-
ing, it grew into a well-developed field (Savitz, Turner, & Dickman, 1977). It offered an explanation of
y,

criminal behavior when most were explaining crime through reference to evil or demonic possession.
Further, in an era dominated by an extremely retributivist approach to crime, phrenologists were
op

some of the early proponents of rehabilitation and treatment (Rafter, 2008).

Third, the emerging evolutionary perspective had a huge impact on the early biological positiv-
ists. This included not only the work of Darwin, but other evolutionary theorists such as Jean-Baptiste
tc

Lamarck, Herbert Spencer, and Francis Galton (Rafter, 2008). Gregor Mendel’s work on genetics was
also quite important to some of the early positivist studies of criminal behavior—in particular, those
based on genetic inheritance, such as the family studies of Dugdale (1895) and Goddard (1913).
no

In 1871, Lombroso proposed his theory of atavistic man, which was very well received, especially
in the United States where it became quite popular. At first, his ideas competed with phrenology over
which theory best explained criminality, but Lombroso’s theory and approach were embraced due to
a variety of historical and social factors. Lombroso received support from the American Institute of
o

Criminal Law and Criminology. This influential organization devoted more attention to his research,
D

and his work was translated and distributed (Savitz, Turner, & Dickman, 1977).
In general, evolutionary and biological theories received much more support than other environ-
mental theories (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973; Rafter, 1997). Lombroso also gained credibility by
using Darwin’s evolutionary theory to explain criminality. Evolutionary theory was quite popular at
the time, especially in the United States. Finally, as others have also pointed out, Lombroso was

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 42 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

responsible for popularizing the medical model in the criminal justice system (Rafter, 2008). This
approach viewed offenders as being sick or mentally ill rather than evil or morally lacking and said
that they needed treatment rather than just punishment.
For better or for worse, this opened the door for experts to come in and “solve” the problem of

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crime. As a result, the state and the criminal justice system could exert far greater control over the
populace. Lombroso’s theory offered a justification for imprisoning offenders beyond standard retrib-
utive goals (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973). While this may seem like a progressive shift on its face,

bu
some have contended that the retributivist system was actually more humane because the brutal
punishments were administered quickly and efficiently without drawn-out trials and indeterminate
periods of imprisonment for rehabilitative purposes (Foucault, 1977; Newman, 1983).

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Assumptions of Biological Positivist Theories

is
Biological positivists assume that basic human nature is primal and instinctive and must be held

rd
in check through socialization. Thus, these theorists view humans as being naturally self-interested
and hedonistic. This view is sometimes referred to as a Hobbesian assumption; the belief here is that
a strong authority is required to protect people from themselves and others. This is based on an evo-

,o
lutionary view of humans: People are animals and are subject to the same natural laws as animals.
Biological drives and characteristics are viewed as being very important to understanding human
behavior. As mentioned previously, the positivist approach must be seen as a reaction against the free
st
will doctrine offered by classical school philosophers. In an oft-cited passage, one of the founders of
positivist criminology contrasts his approach against that of the classical school:
po

We speak two different languages. For us, the experimental (i.e., inductive) method is the
key to all knowledge; to them everything derives from logical deductions and traditional
opinion. For them, facts should give place to syllogisms; for us the fact governs and no rea-
y,

soning can occur without starting from facts, for them science needs only paper, pen and
ink and the rest comes from a brain stuffed with more or less abundant reading of books
op

made with the same ingredients. For us, science requires spending a long time in examining
the facts one by one, evaluating them, reducing them to a common denominator, extracting
the central idea from them. For them a syllogism or an anecdote suffices to demolish a
tc

myriad of facts gathered through years of observation and analysis; for us the reverse is true.
(Ferri, 1917, p. 244)
no

Taylor, Walton, and Young (1973) have outlined the basics of the positivist approach. First, pos-
itivists believe that human behavior can be measured and quantified. Their hope is to discover causal
laws like the physical sciences—through the measurement of phenomena. Second, positivist theo-
rists strive for scientific objectivity or neutrality. Third, there is a belief in the determinism of behav-
o

ior or the notion that human behavior is predictable and can be predicted based on some set of
causal factors.
D

Biological positivists believe that there is a consensus in society with regard to laws and norms
and that this corresponds to the needs of the system (Young, 1981). According to the positivist view,
society consists of mostly “normal” people who represent the consensus. Deviants are perceived as the
minority and exist at the margins of society (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973). This is a very binary

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 43

approach to society in that it is a very black-and-white view of the world: Criminal law determines
what is right and wrong, and people caught violating criminal law are assumed to be in the wrong.

Problem Focus, Scope, and Level of

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Explanation of Biological Positivist Theories
The problem focus of these early biological theories is clearly on individual criminality and criminal

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behavior. Crime rates, the origins of criminal law, and activities of the criminal justice system are not key
concerns in these theories. Instead, “This theory admits that biological, physiological, psychological and
social influences all contribute to the creation of the criminal but that it is in the individual that the

tri
fundamental predisposition to crime is situated” (Young, 1981, p. 267). As noted in this quotation, there
are different varieties of positivism, but the focus here is on the biological and physiological variety.

is
The scope of biological positivist theories is surprisingly broad. For various reasons, most people
assume that violent criminal behavior has a stronger genetic link than nonviolent criminal behavior.

rd
However, twin and adoption studies have indicated a much stronger genetic link to petty crime as
opposed to aggressive and violent crime (Anderson, 2007; Raine, 1993; Robinson & Beaver, 2008).
This implies that biological factors may help make sense of aspects of both petty and violent crime.

,o
Indeed, there could even be a biological connection to white-collar crime. However, nearly every
modern biologist would readily admit that the interaction between genes and environment must be
examined. The level of explanation of these theories is clearly micro and individualistic since the
st
theories focus on explaining individual criminality. As opposed to structural theories that consider
broad or macro contexts, these theories focus on individual differences (Bernard & Snipes, 1996).
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Key Terms and Concepts in Biological Positivist Theories

The Atavistic Man
y,

Cesare Lombroso was a medical doctor who studied crime and is considered by many to be the
father of modern criminology (Lilly et al., 2011). More specifically, he is credited with founding the
op

field of criminal anthropology (Rafter, 2008). After studying medicine in Italy and Austria, he worked
in a mental institution and then as a military physician. In 1876 he became a legal professor at the
University of Turin. This was also the year in which he published his pioneering book titled Criminal
tc

Man. Lombroso laid out his theory in five different editions of this book over a period spanning more
than 20 years (1876, 1878, 1884, 1889, and 1897). Over this time, he made constant modifications to
his theory, and, in later editions, more social and sociological factors were taken into account.
no

Lombroso’s explanation of criminality was based on evolutionary theory and suggested that criminals
were less evolved than other people. He claimed to have come to this revelation while looking at the
skull of an Italian brigand named Villella (Rafter, 2008). He describes this moment in the following
passage:
o

This was not merely an idea, but a flash of inspiration. At the sight of that skull, I seemed to
D

see all of a sudden, lighted up as a vast plain under a flaming sky, the problem of the nature
of the criminal—an atavistic being who reproduces in his person the ferocious instincts of
primitive humanity and inferior animals. Thus were explained anatomically the enormous
jaws, high cheekbones, prominent superciliary arches, solitary lines in the palms, extreme

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 44 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

size of the orbits, handle-shaped or sessile ears found in criminals, savages and apes, insen-
sitivity to pain, extremely acute sight, tattooing, excessive idleness, love of orgies, and the
irresistible craving for evil for its own sake, the desire not only to extinguish life in the victim,
but to mutilate the corpse, tear its flesh and drink its blood. (Lombroso, 1876, as cited in

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Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973, p. 41)

Over the course of his career, Lombroso measured and catalogued the physical characteristics of

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a variety of populations, including normal people, the mentally ill, soldiers, and criminals. He com-
pared his findings and discovered correlations between certain individual characteristics (many of
them physical) and criminality. Lombroso suggested that criminals had stigmata or markers that

tri
could be easily observed (Gibson & Rafter, 2006). A complete list of these markers is presented in
Table 3.1.

is
Today, many of these correlations between physical and behavioral characteristics appear to be
ridiculous. However, some of these aspects, such as insensitivity to pain, lack of remorse, and lack of

rd
impulse control, are widely researched in modern criminology.
Lombroso used his findings to propose an elaborate classification system that evolved with each
successive edition of his book. As mentioned previously, his primary contention was that many crim-

,o
inals, roughly 30% of them, were evolutionary throwbacks or born criminals. He said that these
people were simply born this way and claimed that in many cases, moral insanity and epilepsy
occurred alongside and were often connected to this type of criminality. For Lombroso, many people
st
were not born criminals but were criminals of passion. These criminals committed crime in the heat
of the moment or because of political views. This would include political revolutionaries or husbands
po
who killed in the heat of passion because of an unfaithful wife (Gibson & Rafter, 2006). Later,
Lombroso posited the existence of insane or mentally defective criminals. These were people who
committed crime because they had low intelligence, were alcoholic, or had a hysterical and excitable
personality.
y,

In the final editions of Criminal Man, Lombroso refined the notion of occasional criminals,
another broad classification, and identified several subtypes. Occasional criminals had no criminal
op

traits but committed crime because of various situational and social factors. Pseudocriminals were
minor offenders who were either implicated in crime indirectly or committed crime that was based
on legal technicalities. Criminaloids were those who committed crime because of easily available
tc

opportunities. Habitual criminals became involved in crime because they lacked a solid education and
no

Table 3.1 Lombroso’s Markers of Criminality

Features Height/Weight/Skin/Eyes Other Characteristics
o

Smaller, deformed skulls Taller than average Tattoos and piercings

D

Crooked noses Heavier than average Insensitivity to pain

Sloping foreheads Dark skin Lack of remorse

Large ears/protruding jaws Dark eyes Little control over passions such as
drinking, gambling, sex urges

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 45

upbringing or were socially or materially deprived in some way (Gibson & Rafter, 2006). Figure 3.3 is
a visual depiction of Lombroso’s classification system.

A Theory of Natural Crime

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The work of Raffaele Garofalo (1914) represents another important contribution to early biolog-
ical positivism (Miller et al., 2011). Garofalo’s ideas are based heavily on social Darwinism but are

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much less biologically oriented than those of his predecessor (Bohm & Vogel, 2011; Lilly et al., 2011).
He proposed a universal definition of natural crime. Further, he suggested that society was similar to
an organism and that crime was like a disease.

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Much of Garofalo’s (1914) work focused on the proper methods of dealing with crime and sug-
gested practical approaches to reducing crime. He thought that criminals needed to be separated (or

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quarantined) and treated in order for their “disease” not to spread. If they proved untreatable, he
believed criminals should be permanently incarcerated, exiled, or put to death. Garofalo believed

rd
that criminal offenses violated the two important moral sentiments of probity and pity. Probity

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Figure 3.3 Lombroso’s System of Criminal Classification
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po
Insane or Mentally
Born Criminals Criminals of Passion
Defective

Some people simply born People who commit crimes in Those who commit crime
to commit crime due to very specific situations or for due to a low IQ, alcoholism, or
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moral insanity or epilepsy politically motivated reasons an excitable personality

op

Occasional Criminals

included
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minor offenders who are either

Pseudocriminals implicated in crime or caught
up by legal technicalities
no

commit crimes only when

Criminaloids there are easily available
o

opportunities to do so
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commit crimes because

Habitual Criminals they lack a proper education
and upbringing

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 46 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

referred to our feelings about the property rights of others (i.e., property crime) while pity referred
to our revulsion to the suffering of others (i.e., crimes against the person) (Taylor, Walton, & Young,
1973).

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Body Types and Criminality
Lombroso’s work and the work of the other Italian Positivists fell into disrepute during the 1920s

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and 1930s when sociological approaches to criminal behavior began to become popular. However,
some researchers still maintained an interest in body type and further explored its relationship to
temperament. Kretschmer (1925) identified three body types: the pyknic, or fat, which he thought was

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correlated to depression; the asthenic, or skinny, which he believed was connected to schizophrenia;
and the athletic, which was also correlated with schizophrenia.

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Building on Kretschmer’s (1925) work, William Sheldon (1940, 1942) identified three types of
physique, which he called somatotypes, and three related styles of temperament. Endomorphs are

rd
soft, round, and have a tendency to put on fat. They have a viscerotonic temperament that includes
characteristics such as being laid back, easygoing, sociable, and generally extroverted. Ectomorphs
tend to be linear, fragile, and have small, slight builds. They tend to be highly intelligent, are often
plagued by ailments and allergies, and are generally introverted; their temperament is referred to as

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cerebrotonic. Mesomorphs have heavy bone and muscle development, large wrists, and larger bodies.
They are active, dynamic, assertive, and aggressive; this is referred to as the somotonic temperament.
Some people might refer to them as alpha males.
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According to Sheldon (1949), the mesomorphic body type and somotonic temperament was most
likely to produce criminal behavior. While it may sound overly simplistic, several criminologists have
po

used Sheldon’s somatotypes as a component of more complex integrated theories (Glueck & Glueck,
1950; Wilson & Herrnstein, 1985). Figure 3.4 provides one way to view these body types.
y,

An Early Biosocial Theory of Criminality

Enrico Ferri, a student of Lombroso, did much to refine and elaborate upon Lombroso’s theory
op

and can also be seen as an early forerunner to modern biosocial approaches to crime. In his work
Criminal Sociology (1896), Ferri proposed a classification that was based on Lombroso’s findings and
coined the term born criminal, which Lombroso used in later editions of Criminal Man. He also pre-
tc

sented a theory that attempted to account for anthropological, physical, and social factors that gave
rise to criminality and crime. Anthropological (or individual) factors explained basic criminality in
people and were divided into three subtypes: organic constitutional factors, which included physical
no

factors identified by Lombroso; mental constitutional factors, such as intelligence, disposition, and
moral sense; and personal characteristics, such as race, age, sex, social status, and educational level
(Ferri, 1896).
Ferri also focused on how environmental factors might influence crime. These included factors
o

such as the climate, season, time of year, weather, and temperature in which the crime was committed.
D

Social factors were macro variables that might influence rates of criminality. These included structural
aspects such as population density, family conditions, educational opportunities, and activities/poli-
cies of legal systems. Ferri (1896) was careful to point out that it was important to understand and
clarify how these various levels of explanation interacted and affected one another. Figure 3.5 offers
one way to see these interactions.

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 47

Figure 3.4 Sheldon’s Somatotypes

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is
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Endomorphs Mesomorphs Ectomorphs
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Source: Copyright Edward P. Kardas, 2014. Used with permission.
y,

The propositions that can be derived from biological positivism can be summarized as follows:
op

Theorist Proposition
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Lombroso (1876) There are physical differences between criminals and

noncriminals.

Lombroso (1876); Glueck & Glueck (1950); Sheldon Criminal behavior varies with body type and size.
no

(1949)

Ferri (1896); Criminal behavior is related to low intelligence or IQ.

Lombroso (1876)
o
D

Like Ferri, the work of more recent biological and biosocial criminologists such as Jeffery,
Mednick, Ellis, Walsh, Raine, and others involves examining the interactions between biological pre-
cursors and environmental factors. As we will explore, to date modern biosocial theories have made
very little use of existing sociological explanations of criminal behavior. This offers the potential for a
range of new approaches to better predict criminality and study how best to mitigate the biological

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 48 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

Figure 3.5 Interactions and Criminality

population density, family conditions,

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Macro
educational opportunities, activities/
social factors
policies of legal systems

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Physical
climate, time of year,
environmental
weather, temperature
factors

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race, age, sex,
Personal

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social status,
characteristics
and educational level

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Mental or
intelligence, disposition,
psychological
and moral sense
factors

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Organic
physical anomalies,
biological
and other stigmata
factors
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po
y,

predisposition toward a life of crime. As we will illustrate in later chapters, this also offers an oppor-
tunity to integrate theories across levels and between disciplines.
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Research on Biological Positivist Theories

tc

Research on a biological basis for crime has been a long-standing enterprise. From the measure-
ment of skulls (phrenology) to the elaborate classification systems created by Lombroso (criminal
anthropology), biological approaches to the study of crime have been both praised and maligned.
no

While it is common to dismiss early biological positivist research, understanding the problems with
past approaches is essential to thinking about how best to test and examine theories today. One way
to view the role of biology and crime is to consider family, twin, and adoption studies. Studies such as
these represent attempts to estimate the effect of familial relationships and the role of genetic influ-
o

ences on a host of behaviors.

D

One branch of biological positivism exists in the family and genealogical studies of Dugdale
(1895) and Goddard (1913). Dugdale’s study of the Juke family occurred very early; in fact, it pre-
dated Darwin’s evolutionary theory. The Juke family exhibited a great deal of criminality over suc-
cessive generations (approximately 50% of the members studied were criminals). In addition, many
of the Jukes were involved in prostitution, were very poor, and suffered from innate depravity.

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 49

Dugdale (1895) believed that these characteristics were inherited but also thought that the environ-
ment could affect heredity. More important, he believed that criminality could actually be passed
down through families.
Goddard (1913) examined the Kallikaks in a longitudinal study of two families fathered by the

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same man (in Goddard’s words, “an upstanding man”). The mother of one family was a Quaker
woman; the mother of the other family was (again, in Goddard’s words) a “tavern wench.” Members
of the former family produced very little criminality, while members of the latter exhibited a great deal

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of criminality (Robinson & Beaver, 2008). Goddard disagreed with Dugdale’s (1895) finding of inher-
ited criminality. Instead he argued that

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so far as the Jukes family is concerned, there is nothing that proves the hereditary character
of any crime, pauperism, or prostitution that was found. . . . The formerly much discussed

is
question of the hereditary character of crime received no solution from the Jukes family, but
in the light of present-day knowledge of the sciences of criminology and biology, there is

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every reason to conclude that criminals are made, not born. The best material out of which
to make criminals, and perhaps the material from which they are most frequently made, is
feeblemindedness. (1913, pp. 53–54)

,o
As this quote implies, Goddard’s (1913) research laid the groundwork for further research con-
necting intelligence and IQ to criminality that continues to this day. A problem for family studies is
st
the inability to separate the genetic and environmental sources of variation. Thus, family studies are
complicated by the question of whether nature or nurture is the stronger predictor of behavior.
po
Therefore, given this complication, this section will focus on two other research designs that are better
equipped to test for genetic effects.
As described above, Lombroso did a great deal of research while formulating his theory of crim-
inality and his criminal classification scheme. However, there are several examples of more formal
y,

attempts to test his theory. For instance, Charles Goring (1913) published a large research study
intended to refute “the superstition of Lombrosianism” (Rafter, 2008, p. 13). Goring was an English
op

prison medical officer, and, like Lombroso, he used his position to take physical measurements (e.g.,
head size, color of eyes, and facial features) of 3,000 English convicts (Akers & Sellers, 2013). He then
compared the measurements of the inmates to a control group of undergraduate students, soldiers,
tc

professors, and hospital patients. Notably, Goring used new statistical techniques to test theories pio-
neered by Francis Galton and his students, including Karl Pearson (Rafter, 2008).
Goring’s (1913) research indicated that there were no clear statistical differences between the
no

inmates and the other subjects, and he found that criminals could not be distinguished from civilians
on the basis of physical characteristics identified by Lombroso. However, he did still believe that crim-
inals were born with certain inherited criminal traits and that they were inferior to normal people. He
conceded some environmental and social factors were involved, but he felt that these were much less
o

important than inherited characteristics (Bernard, Snipes, & Gerould, 2010). Criminals were found to
D

be shorter and skinnier on average than law-abiding citizens and seemed to have lower levels of intel-
ligence or IQ on average. Goring’s research also indicated that this finding varied based on frequency
and length of imprisonment (Bernard, Snipes, & Gerould, 2010).
A few decades later, Ernest Hooton, a well-known anthropologist and professor at Harvard, con-
ducted a massive study of 17,000 subjects in eight US states (Lilly et al., 2011). Hooton (1939) attempted

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 50 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

to provide support for Lombroso’s theory and attacked many of Goring’s (1913) methods and conclu-
sions (Akers & Sellers, 2013). Like Goring, Hooton measured the physical characteristics of numerous
inmates from a variety of correctional institutions (e.g., prisons, reformatories, and county jails). He
compared the convict group to a control group of college students, hospital and mental patients, fire-

te
men, and policemen (Akers & Sellers, 2013).
Unfortunately, Hooton’s methods were problematic, and his research assistants did not always
take reliable measurements. Further, much of his analysis was based on ethnic and racial stereo-

bu
types. He thought he had found evidence that certain races were prone to committing particular
types of crime. This is inherently problematic because it disregards the fact that his sample only
contained those who had been caught and convicted of crimes (Rafter, 2008). In addition, this is

tri
an example of a tautology, or circular reasoning. In other words, the proposition stating that there
were physical differences between criminals and noncriminals was never tested. In Hooton’s mind,

is
he knew the results before testing his theory, and he assumed his theory was correct (Akers &
Sellers, 2013).

rd
This is a clear inversion of the scientific method; the assumption of physical differences between
criminals and noncriminals led Hooton to search for and find these differences. Again, he never really
tested his theory—instead he merely looked for evidence to support it. When research amounts to

,o
cherry-picking evidence that supports one’s own view or ideological starting point, scholarship suf-
fers. Because of these shortcomings in his research, Hooton became a very controversial figure, as his
methods and conclusions were regularly attacked by his fellow academics. Later in his career, he dis-
st
tanced himself from academia because of the poor reception to his work and turned instead to prac-
tical matters of concern involving the government and business (Rafter, 2008).
po
The fascination with constitutional factors and criminal behavior did not die with Hooton’s
research. Hooton had a well-known student by the name of William Sheldon who would go on to
develop theories involving body type that we discussed earlier (Rafter, 2008). He also had two col-
leagues at Harvard by the name of Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck—one of the early husband and wife
y,

criminology teams. The Gluecks included some of these ideas in their multifactor theory of criminal
behavior that was presented in Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency. The Gluecks (1950) were attempt-
op

ing to produce a multifactor theory of criminal behavior that combined Hooton’s and Sheldon’s
ideas about constitutional factors and body types and more sociological explanations about family
interactions.
tc

Another approach involved studying twins separated at birth to disentangle the effects of biology
and the environment. To further explain, it is easy to control for biology if both individuals are geneti-
cally identical. This method attempted to examine whether a given trait could be heritable or inherited.
no

Monozygotic (MZ), or identical, twins are genetically identical, having 100% of their genes in common
with one another. Conversely, dizygotic (DZ), or fraternal, twins are less genetically alike than MZ twins
and are in fact no more alike genetically than siblings who are not twins.
One way to compare the behavior of twins is by measuring concordance rates among traits.
o

Concordance rates refer to the likelihood that one twin will develop a trait similar to another twin,
D

and they are expressed in percentages. Anderson explains the notion of concordance in the following
passage:

If the concordance for a certain trait in monozygotic twins is determined to be 70%, then this
means the chance of the other twin developing the trait is 70%. If we compare the concordance

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 51

rates for a specific trait between monozygotic (MZ) and dizygotic (DZ) twins—for example, if
the trait is 70% in MZ twins but only 5% in DZ twins—then it would appear to have a herita-
ble component. The twins who are genetically identical are much more likely to share the same
trait than the twins who are not genetically identical. Therefore, the trait relates to genetics. If

te
concordance rates were 70% in both MZ and DZ twins, then it would be an environmental
effect, as the fact that MZ twins are genetically identical does not appear to make any differ-
ence. (2007, p. 92)

bu
In other words, we assess the extent to which genetic factors are responsible for behavior by com-
paring the concordance between the different types of twins and the traits they possess.

tri
In a review of 13 twin studies conducted up to 1993, Raine (2002) reports that although the stud-
ies vary widely in terms of age, sex, country of origin, and sample size, identical twins are twice as

is
likely to have both engaged in criminal activity than fraternal twins (Raine, 1993). Additional twin
studies by Slutske and her colleagues (1997) suggest that antisocial and aggressive behavior is far more

rd
likely in identical twins relative to fraternal twins, a finding that has been supported elsewhere (Eley,
Lichtenstein, & Stevenson, 1999).
Adoption studies provide another way to understand the possible role of biology. They have some

,o
advantages over twin studies because they better address the problem of genetic versus environmental
influences (i.e., nature versus nurture). For example, by examining offspring separated from their
criminal, biological parents early in life and sent to other families, researchers can better assess
st
whether these offspring will grow up to become criminal at greater rates than foster children whose
biological parents were not criminal. This allows researchers to examine whether the influence of
po
genetics or the social environment has more of an impact on behavior.
Mednick and his colleagues (1977) have conducted what are probably the most well-known stud-
ies of adoption and criminal behavior. This branch of research has helped give rise to the contempo-
rary biosocial approach to criminal behavior and will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 14.
y,

Nearly all of the adoption studies conducted in Denmark, Sweden, and the United States suggest a
genetic basis to criminal behavior (Raine, 1993). While there may be some question about whether
op

less violent delinquency or more violent behavior is more commonly a function of genetic predispo-
sition, it is difficult to ignore biology after reviewing the existing literature. Clearly, some biological
traits make people more prone to criminal behavior, but criminal behavior also requires opportuni-
tc

ties. Further, problematic traits thought to lead to crime (e.g., aggression, impulsivity) are always
mediated through one’s social environment.
Going beyond the question of whether criminality is heritable (and the result of certain genetic
no

predispositions) or a function of one’s socialization or upbringing, another recent approach looks

at how brains develop as a result of chromosomal abnormalities. For example, XYY syndrome is
characterized by an extra copy of the Y chromosome in each of a male’s cells. XYY syndrome is
associated with an increased risk of learning disabilities and delayed development of speech and
o

language skills. Delayed development of motor skills (such as sitting and walking), weak muscle
D

tone (hypotonia), severe acne, hand tremors or other involuntary movements (motor tics), and
behavioral and emotional difficulties are also possible. This chromosomal change occurs as a ran-
dom event during the formation of sperm cells. An error in cell division can result in sperm cells
with an extra copy of the Y chromosome, and a child may have an extra Y chromosome in each of
the body’s cells.

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 52 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

In a recent cohort study (Stochholm, Bojesen, Jensen, Juul, & Gravholt, 2012), 161 men diagnosed
with XYY syndrome were matched against others at risk and by age to examine rates of criminal con-
victions in Denmark between 1976 and 2006. The researchers found the incidence of convictions was
much higher among men with XYY syndrome compared to controls in all crime types except drug-

te
related crimes and traffic offenses. This incidence remained increased for certain crime types (e.g.,
sexual abuse, arson) even when adjusted for socioeconomic variables such as education, fatherhood,
retirement, and cohabitation.

bu
This study builds on older research suggesting that males with similar chromosomal abnormalities
tend to have more difficulties at school, to be more mentally immature, to be more impulsive than their
siblings, and to have more difficulty in forming relationships with others (Nielsen & Christensen, 1978).

tri
Many believe the direct causal connections between XYY syndrome and criminality have not been
empirically proved. However, it is still important to be familiar with the controversy created by this

is
research. In later chapters, we will discuss modern parallels to this phenomenon, including the use of
the connection between criminality and the so-called warrior gene in recent high-profile court cases.

rd
Another important development in this area is the recognition of the dangers of prenatal alcohol
consumption by pregnant mothers. Fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD) is a nondiagnostic term
that covers a range of related birth defects resulting from prenatal alcohol exposure. Under this

,o
umbrella term are several diagnostic terms such as fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), partial fetal alcohol
syndrome (pFAS), alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disorder (ARND), and alcohol-related
birth defects (ARBD). In practice, these may include physical, neurological, and psychological impair-
st
ments, and those with FASD can present significant challenges for the criminal justice system.
While FASD is the most common form of preventable brain damage to infants in the Western world,
po
the brain damage that results from prenatal exposure to alcohol is irreversible and results in lifelong
challenges in learning, behavior, employment, and socialization (Fast & Conroy, 2004). Cases of partial
and full FASD have been correlated to an increased incidence of comorbid neuropsychiatric disorders,
including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, learning disabilities, developmental disorders, anger,
y,

and social skill problems (Burd, Klug, Martsolf, & Kerbeshian, 2003).
Perhaps the most interesting research in this area is the result of significant advances in brain
op

imaging techniques over the past two decades. A number of studies focused on brain imaging of vio-
lent and psychopathic populations have been undertaken (Raine, 1993; Raine & Buchsbaum, 1996;
Henry & Moffitt, 1997). Reviews of these studies suggest that violent offenders have structural and
tc

functional deficits to the frontal lobe (located behind the forehead) and the temporal lobe (located
near the ears). Subsequent research appears to confirm the idea that abnormal functioning of the
frontal and temporal regions may predispose one to crime (Intrator et al., 1997; Kuruoglu et al., 1996;
no

Seidenwurm et al., 1997; Soderstrom et al., 2000).

yyPractical Ramifications of Biological Positivism:

o

The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly?

D

The Good: The positivists offered “progressive reforms” to the criminal justice system. More specifi-
cally, positivists suggested that rather than merely punishing criminals, we should attempt to treat
them and rehabilitate them. This stemmed from embracing the medical model that views criminals
as sick and criminality as similar to a disease (Rafter, 2008). Thus, our system started to change and

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 53

new practices were introduced. These include rehabilitation programs, parole, probation, and the
recognition of the social lives and experiences of those in conflict with the law. This opened up the
criminal justice system to experts such as treatment specialists, probation workers, psychiatrists,
social workers, psychologists, criminologists, and others who often sought to help offenders with their

te
problems (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973).
The Bad: Some have argued that this emphasis on institutional control through the application of
the scientific method had negative consequences for society (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973; Foucault,

bu
1977). The individualistic form of biological positivism we have been discussing here lends itself well
to political manipulation because it can shift the blame from the society and system to the individual.
For example, biological positivists characterize criminals as possessing some characteristic that makes

tri
them commit crime. This focus on individual characteristics ensures that any environmental issues or
social inequalities that help breed crime are ignored: If we hold the individual responsible, we don’t

is
have to change society.
The Ugly: Darwin’s cousin Francis Galton introduced the term eugenics in his book Inquiries

rd
Into Human Faculty and Its Development (1883) (Rafter, 2008). This term was based on work he
did on inheritance of traits. He only advocated for positive eugenics, or the practice of encourag-
ing fit people to have more children (Anderson, 2007). Negative eugenics was co-opted for politi-

,o
cal purposes by reformers in the United States, Britain, Canada, and Germany; by the early 20th
century, this movement had become very popular. Reformers suggested everything from work
colonies to compulsory sterilization for the “unfit” (Anderson, 2007). The unfit were defined as
st
whomever society held hostility toward or looked down upon: immigrants, minorities, criminals,
the mentally ill, and the mentally challenged, to name a few. The Nazi regime escalated eugenics
po
measures and started to execute the unfit, who they described as being “life unworthy of life” (or
lebensunwertes leben). Eugenics policies were also used in Stalinist Russia (e.g., T. D. Lysenko’s
“socialist biology”) (Anderson, 2007), and movements continued in Canada and the United States
until the 1970s.
y,

Today, there is no question that repeated head trauma and concussions can result in chronic trau-
matic encephalopathy (CTE). CTE is a neurodegenerative disease that can cause depression, cognitive
op

impairments, dementia, Parkinsonism, and erratic behavior. This disease can also lead to aggressive
and violent behavior. Several high-profile athletes (e.g., Chris Benoit, Junior Seau, and Jovan Belcher),
have recently committed violent crimes as a result of their injuries. If indeed this group of people and
tc

others who have suffered brain injury present a danger to society, the criminal justice system must
respond. However, given the problems with past biological approaches in criminology, any response
must be carefully considered.
no

Think You Get It?

o
D

Make a concept map or mind map of the main biological terms and concepts and the results of
criminological research in this area. Use the instructions in Chapter 2 or make your own visual
map. Based on the information in this chapter, which biological explanations appear to be the
most important for the study of crime?

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 54 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

Figure 3.6 Seven Steps of Biological Positivism

Seven Steps Biological Positivism

1. Know the History Emerged after the Enlightenment (ca. 1800–1900) as a reaction to

te
the classical school; influenced by increasing popularity of science
and evolutionary theory

bu
2. Acknowledge The struggle for survival ensures that humans are naturally selfish;
Assumptions biological factors determine behavior; people are naturally conflict
oriented but society is characterized by consensus

tri
3. Problem Focus, Scope, Focus on explaining criminality using individual differences (e.g.,
and Level of physical characteristics, body type, and intelligence)

is
Explanation

rd
4. Key Terms and Criminals are atavistic men or evolutionary throwbacks;
Concepts somatotypes; criminal behavior related to intelligence

5. Respect the Research Family inheritance and genetic studies; criminality seems to run in

,o
families

6. Theory/Practice Medical model, scientific experts, indeterminate sentences

st
7. Mapping the Theory See Figure 3.7
po

yyCriticisms of Biological Positivist Theories

There are a number of criticisms levied against the biological positivist approach to criminology. The
y,

first of these involves the assumption that the criminal law is always right and those that break the law
are always wrong. This appears to be a binary approach to society and the law. In some ways, catego-
op

ries of individuals (criminals and noncriminals) are essential; however, these approaches tend to
accept without question or critical reflection the idea that the law always defines right and wrong. One
issue that flows from this underlying assumption is that it allows the scientific authority ascribed to
tc

biological approaches to be used by racist-nationalists or other authoritarian regimes for their own
political or ideological ends. The specter of Nazi Germany, Stalinism, and the existence of eugen-
ics-based movements and their resulting policies (e.g., forced sterilization and euthanasia) can take
no

on the appearance of a culturally or politically dominant group defining others as degenerate in one
way or another.
Early biological positivist approaches look today like pseudoscience used to privilege the physical
characteristics of some groups over others. Social Darwinism, or the application of “survival of the fittest”
o

to human society, presumes a genetic source for a socially defined category of behavior. While thinkers
D

associated with biological positivism brought about a revolution in how to study crime and criminal
behavior, in retrospect, their contribution also assisted criminologists to identify some of the problems
with simply accepting notions about human nature and the assumptions of the scientific method. For
example, the faith in the scientific measurement of phenomena was belied by the problems of quantify-
ing criminal behavior. It is clear that key variables were operationalized and defined for the purposes of

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 55

Figure 3.7 Mapping Biological Theories

Moral Insanity Garofalo’s

te
Theory
of Natural
influenced Phrenology influenced Crime (1914)

bu
Physiognomy
inspired
Lombroso’s

tri
Theory of the Kretschmer’s
provided Ferri’s Early
Atavistic Man Studies
Evolutionary basis for Biosocial

is
(1871) of Body Type
Theory Theory (1901)
(1925)

rd
was refuted by
was supported by
inspired Galton’s Goring’s informed

,o
Studies on Research
Heredity (1913) Hooton’s
Dugdale’s Research influenced
(1939)
Study of The
st
Juke Family
(1895) gave rise to
po
Sheldon’s
Theory of
informs Somatotypes
(1949)
y,

Modern
Goddard’s Research
Genetic
on Feeblemindedness informs
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Research influenced
and Crime (1931)
about Crime
tc

Modern The Gluecks’

Research Multifactor
about IQ and Theory of
no

Crime Delinquency
(1950)
o
D

measurement in ways that were inherently problematic. Concepts such as feeblemindedness, inferiority,
and even crime all require far more nuance and detail than the early theorists considered.
Other problems were methodological. Research was often based on small or inappropriate sam-
ples and failed to contend with the difficulty of operating from an objective, nonbiased vantage point

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 56 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

from which to assess society. The problem is that no matter how good our intentions are, humans are
in the business of rendering value judgments. Put another way,

The [experts] must explain what is perceived as unusual in terms of the values associated by

te
their audience as usual. . . . They circumscribe and negate the reality of values different from
their own. They do not explain, but merely explain away. (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973, p. 33)

bu
The belief that crime must be subject to discoverable causal laws fails to contend with economic
and cultural factors. Early biological positivist approaches, with the exception perhaps of Ferri, failed
to consider in enough depth the importance of interactions between genetics and environment for

tri
human behavior generally and criminal behavior specifically.
Research was also affected by an overreliance on official statistics and definitions of crime. Of

is
course, a basic problem with using official statistics is the dark figure of crime. In other words, we do
not catch everyone who violates the law, so not every criminal is correctly defined as such. This problem

rd
also interacts with definitions of crime. Again, biological positivists assume that the law defines right
and wrong (Taylor, Walton, & Young, 1973). Carried to its logical conclusion, such an uncritical stance
on the law and crime allows for horrible atrocities to be defined as normal as long as state definitions

,o
define these behaviors as such. Indeed, white-collar and corporate crime have traditionally not been
taken very seriously, and many of these behaviors were not even defined as criminal until recently.
st
yyResearch Example: Rethinking Biology and the Brain
po
As we discussed above, the advance of brain imaging techniques has changed the potential value of a
biological basis for criminal behavior. While it is problematic that the tendency to treat biology as des-
tiny can be used by those in positions of authority to “define” criminals without considering how defi-
nitions of crime change over time, efforts to brand all who consider biology and crime to be related as
y,

presumptive racists are also misleading. Understanding biology and crime requires first appreciating
the role of genetics. One way to consider the problems and potential for biological positivist theories of
op

criminology is to map some of the common misconceptions. Figure 3.8 provides an overview of these
misconceptions, which were first presented by Raine (1993) and later reorganized by Robinson (2004).
Of specific interest in this section is the work of Raine (2002). Raine studies antisocial behavior
tc

from neuroscientific, developmental, and social perspectives. He and his colleagues focus on risk and
protective factors for childhood conduct disorder, reactive and proactive aggression, adult antisocial
personality disorder, homicide, and psychopathy. In their lab, Raine and his colleagues focus on struc-
no

tural and functional brain imaging, autonomic and central nervous system psychophysiology, neuro-
endocrinology, neuropsychology, and x-ray fluorescence. While Raine takes a biosocial perspective to
his theorizing that integrates social, psychological, and environmental processes with neurobiological
o

approaches, his research grew out of techniques that we can classify broadly as biological positivist. In
the place of measuring skulls or classifying body types like the biological positivists discussed above,
D

Raine’s work focuses on identifying and comparing areas of the brain between criminal and noncrim-
inal populations. We will revisit Raine’s (1993, 2013) contributions to criminological theory in
Chapter 14 when we discuss the biosocial theories of criminal behavior.
The first published brain imaging study of murderers (Raine et al., 1994) involved comparing the
scanned brains of 22 murderers who pled not guilty by reason of insanity (or were otherwise found

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 Chapter 3 Biological Positivist Theories 57

Figure 3.8 Mapping Misconceptions and Genetics

Misconceptions about Genetics

te
include

bu
Genes Environment Genetics
cause crime doesn’t matter research is racist

tri
but this is wrong but this is wrong but this wrong
because while because because

is
rd
Criminal behavior,
Genes make There is more
like other human
certain behaviors variation within
behavior, is a
more likely; there ethnicities than
function of nature

,o
is NO crime gene between them
AND nurture
st
po
incompetent to stand trial) to the brains of 22 normal controls who were matched with the first group
on demographics such as sex and age. The key finding was that the murderers showed significantly
poorer functioning of the prefrontal cortex, which is the part of the brain that controls
y,

deeper and more primitive subconical structures, such as the amygdala, which are thought to
give rise to aggressive feelings. Prefrontal damage also encourages risk-taking, irresponsibility,
op

rule breaking, emotional and aggressive outbursts, and argumentative behavior. (Raine, 2002,
p. 57)
A recent study used brain scans to look at the anterior cingulate cortex, the part of the brain that
tc

is involved in emotion and decision making. Researchers found that if offenders had lower function-
ing in the anterior cingulate, they were twice as likely to reoffend in the next three years (Aharoni
et al., 2013). Another study showed that males with a smaller volume of the amygdala—the part of the
no

brain responsible for emotional responses and that generates feelings such as conscience, remorse,
and guilt—were four times as likely to commit an offense in the next three years, even controlling for
social background and a past history of violence (Kiehl, 2014).
o

Another approach looks at reported incidence of head injuries among incarcerated populations.
Data suggest that the prevalence of a traumatic brain injury (TBI) in the past may be as high as 10 times
D

that of the general population (Ferguson, Pickelsimer, Corrigan, & Bogner, 2012). In a recent meta-
analysis, Farrer et al. (2013) surveyed studies of TBI using a delinquent juvenile sample. The researchers
found that approximately 30% of juvenile offenders had sustained a previous brain injury and that the
rate of TBIs within the juvenile offender population is significant, suggesting a relationship between TBIs
and juvenile criminal behavior.

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 58 P A R T I I INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCE THEORIES

These developments may also be relevant given reports of the growing problem of criminal
behavior in veterans. Elbogen (2012) and colleagues found that 9% of veterans who responded during
the research reported an arrest since returning home from military service. While most arrests were
associated with nonviolent criminal behavior resulting in incarceration for less than two weeks, those

te
with probable posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or TBI who reported anger/irritability were more
likely to be arrested than were other veterans. The findings suggest that a subset of veterans with
PTSD and negative affect may be at increased risk of criminal arrest.

bu
tri
Now that you’ve read this chapter . . . what do head injuries have to do with criminology?
Prisoners suffer disproportionately from past traumatic brain injuries. For example, 8.5% of US
nonincarcerated adults have a history of traumatic brain injuries (TBI), while approximately 60%

is
of adults in US prisons have had at least one TBI, which is seven times greater than those not

rd
incarcerated. Given the large number of individuals in prison who might have been housed in
psychiatric facilities in another era, perhaps prisons offer a means to combine prosocial educa-
tional opportunities with neuroimaging to explore which parts of the brain are activated during
evidence-based rehabilitation.

,o
st
yyConclusion and Review Questions
po
In this chapter, we reviewed the major theories and ideas offered by the biological positivists. This
included a review of the work of the Italian Positivists (i.e., Lombroso, Ferri, and Garofalo) and attempts
to further test and refine these insights (e.g., the work of Goring, Hooton, and Sheldon). While in some
ways these thinkers revolutionized criminology by introducing and applying the scientific method to
y,

the study of criminality, their work also had many shortcomings and negative ramifications. These
include an overemphasis on physical characteristics as the ultimate cause of crime and a wholesale
op

adoption of the law as the moral arbiter of right and wrong.

As we have seen, more modern examples of research done in this area include genetics and brain scan
studies. While there is no question that different people respond to the world in different ways based on
tc

biological differences, the implications of such observations have not been embraced by the criminal jus-
tice system. Due to mounting evidence that biological differences matter, we will revisit emerging research
later in this text. For now let’s review the main concepts and arguments presented in this chapter.
no

CHAPTER REVIEW
o

1. List the assumptions made by biological positivist theories.

D

2. How did the historical period in which these theories emerged shape their early development?
3. What are the problem focus, scope, and level of explanation of these theories?
4. What social and historical factors gave rise to these theories?
5. What practical ramifications did these theories have?

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