Immigration and Religion

Author(s): Wendy Cadge and Elaine Howard Ecklund

Source: Annual Review of Sociology , 2007, Vol. 33 (2007), pp. 359-379
Published by: Annual Reviews

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/29737767

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 Immigration and Religion
Wendy Cadge1 and Elaine Howard Ecldund2
1 Department of Sociology, Brandeis University, Waltham, Massachusetts 02454;
email: wcadge@brandeis.edu
2 Department of Sociology, University at Buffalo, The State University of New York,
Buffalo, New York 14260; email: ehe@buffalo.edu

Arum. Rev. SodoL 2007.33:359-79

KeyWords
F!mimb-Uhedo--iiKflS-ReriOT
religious identity, civic life, second generation, migration, diaspora
February 21,2007

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Abstract
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This review synthesizes research about religion in the lives ?f post
IHIS VuCKs Q01?
1965 immigrants to the United States. Such research consists pri?
10ai4d/aimiife?uR)c.33.040406.131707
marily of case studies, published since 1990, focused on individual
Copyright ?2007 by Animal Reviews. religious organizations started and attended by immigrants. We an?
All lights feserved
alyze these case studies to demonstrate the different ways religion
O36O-0572A)7/0811-O359$20.00
influences immigrants' adaptation in the United States. We then
consider how religion informs immigrants' ethnic and gender-based
identities, their experiences of dvic and political life, and the lives of
the second generation. We argue that current research is more de?
scriptive than analytic overall, and we highlight a series of research
questions and comparisons to enrich theoretical thinking. In partic?
ular, we advocate a comparative approach to examining immigrants1
religious organizations and increased attention to a "lived religion"
perspective, which takes seriously the ways religion is important
for immigrants outside of religious organizations in social institu?
tions, including civic organizations, families, workplaces, schools,
and health-care organizations.

359

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 INTRODUCTION of religion among previous generations of im?
migrants to the United States, but a detailed
Recent estimates suggest that 23% of the
intellectual history of their contributions is
American population is an immigrant or the
beyond the scope of this article. Similarly,
child of an immigrant (Alba & Nee 2003,
Lee & Bean 2004, Malone et al. 2003). a growing body of research considers how
religion influences immigrants' experiences
Numerous articles in the Annual Review
in non-U.S. countries (for example, Menjivar
of Sociology analyze aspects of immigrants'
1999, 2006a,b; Van Tubergen 2006), a topic
experiences, including assimilation (Waters
& Jimenez 2005), multiracial identification leave for subsequent Annual Review
we
(Lee & Bean 2004), educational attainmentauthors. Questions about the role of religion
in the development and maintenance of
(Kao & Thompson 2003), and the second
transnational relations are also central to the
generation (Zhou 1997). During the past
research reviewed here and are addressed by
15 years, sociologists of religion, immigra?
Levitt & Jaworsky (2007) in this volume.
tion, and race and ethnicity have begun to in?
The main strengths of recent research are
vestigate how religion influences the experi?
also its greatest weaknesses: a reliance on
ences of post-1965 immigrants to the United
richly descriptive individual case studies and,
States (i.e., those who arrived after the Im?
although there are certainly notable excep?
migration and Naturalization Services Act of
tions, a lack of systematic analytic comparison
1965) (Carnes & Yang 2004, Diaz-Stevens
and synthesis. In this review, we show that,
2003, Diaz-Stevens & Stevens-Arroyo 1998,
in these studies, local religious organizations
Ebaugh 2003, Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000b,
Haddad et al. 2003, Leonard et al. 2005,started and/or attended by immigrants are the
main unit of analysis rather than either more
Levitt 2005, Min & Kim 2002, Warner 1998,
macro religious institutions or other social in?
Warner & Wittner 1998, Yoo 1996). This area
stitutions such as cities, families, workplaces,
of research was slow to develop because of
health-care organizations or more micro con?
skepticism about religion among social sci?
entists, because of data limitations, and be? texts focused on individuals' experiences out?
cause few scholars are themselves first- side or of religious gatherings. A "lived reli?
gion" approach that focuses on immigrants'
second-generation immigrants, among other
stories and experiences in a range of social
factors (Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000b). The ma?
spheres is relatively new to this area of re?
jority of this research has been case studies of
search. Also in existing research, independent
individual religious groups and organizations.
variables such as demographics, immigration
We selectively synthesize and review these
status, geographic contexts of exit and recep?
studies to chart patterns in current thinking
tion, and the presence or absence of coeth
and to identify blind spots to be addressed
nics in receiving contexts are rarely systemat?
in future research. This article complements
ically considered as factors that influence the
a similar review published in the American
shape of immigrants' religious beliefs, prac?
Sociological Review by Yang & Ebaugh
(2001b). tices, and affiliations (for exceptions, see Van

We focus here primarily on published Tubergen 2006, Yang & Ebaugh 2001a). Sim?
ilarly, only recently has religion been carefully
research by sociologists (rather than by
considered as an independent variable that in?
historians or religious studies scholars) about
fluences factors such as immigrant economic
religion and the experiences of post-1965
immigrants to the United States. The work mobility or civic and political participation
of Handlin (1951), Herberg (1955), Gordon (Ebaugh & Pipes 2001, Jones-Correa & Leal
(1964), and others laid the foundation for this
2001).
line of research by considering the influence
Until recently, detailed survey data
about post-1965 immigrants that included

3 6o Cadge ? Ecklund

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 information about religion were limited gious beliefs, practices, and organizations of
to a very small number of cases in surveys second-generation immigrants. We conclude
such as the National Survey of Religious by outlining several ways to enrich theoretical
Identification/American Religious Identifi? thinking in future research, with particular at?
cation Survey and those conducted by the tention to the ways post-1965 immigrants are
National Opinion Research Center, which situated within and changing American reli?
did not allow for detailed analysis of immi? gious institutions and social institutions more
grant populations (Kosmin & Lachman 1993, broadly.
Numrich 2000, Warner & Wittner 1998).
The recent pilot and first wave ofthe New Im?
CHANGING AMERICAN
migrant Survey (NIS), a nationally represen?
RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS
tative survey of post-196 5 legal immigrants to
the United States, includes several questions Before 1990, relatively few sociologists
about religion that are just now allowing for thought about religious beliefs, practices,
analytic comparisons previously not possible. or organizations in the lives of post-196 5
Conducted in 1996, the pilot survey revealed immigrants (for important exceptions,
that two-thirds of post-1965 immigrants are see Haddad & Lummis 1987, Kim 1981,
Christian and 42% are Catholic (Jasso et al. Shin & Park 1988). Those who did study
2003). Such results confirm the work of other immigrant religious organizations earlier
scholars, who argue that new immigrants are focused primarily on the functional roles
increasing the racial and ethnic diversity of of these organizations, for example, how
American Christianity as well as bringing they provided social services to members
larger numbers of adherents of non-Christian (Kashima 1977, Mohl & Betten 1981) and
religions (Smith & Kim 2005, Warner 2005; how they facilitated or impeded immigrants'
see also http://nis.princeton.edu for the assimilation and acculturation (Barton 1975;
data from the New Immigrant Survey, which Janowitz 1966; Kayal 1973; Mol 1961, 1971;
is public access). More than four times as Russo 1969; Tomasi 1970). These scholars,
many immigrants (17%) as native-born like Herberg and Handlin, also paid atten?
Americans (4%) report religious affiliations tion to how religion influenced the lives of
that are non-Judeo Christian. Not all im? different generations of immigrants. Herberg
migrants are religious, however, with 15% (1955) argued that after the first generation,
reporting no religion, compared with 12% of immigrants would abandon their native lan?
the native born (Jasso et al. 2003). Additional guages and ethnic traditions while retaining
analyses suggest religious patterns related their religions, using religion as a way of
to visa status, marriage partners, religious melting into America's triple melting pot of
service attendance, and other issues to be Protestants, Catholics, and Jews. Subsequent
further investigated using the full NIS (Cadge research in a range of historical contexts has
& Ecklund 2006; Jasso et al. 2000, 2003). shown that the relationship between religion
The remainder of this article is divided and ethnicity is considerably more complex
into four sections. First, we briefly review among immigrants in each generation, as dis?
existing case studies focused largely on im? cussed in detail below (Gans 1994, Hammond
migrants' religious gathering places. Second, & Warner 1993, Hirschman 2004, Smith
we consider how religion contributes to iden? 1978, Warner 1993, Yang 1999b).
tity formation for immigrants, with particu? Around 1990, sociologists began to con?
lar attention to ethnic and gender identities. duct research about the religious lives of post
Third, we focus on research about religion 1965 immigrants. This work first empha?
and civic and political participation among sized religiously based migration patterns to
immigrants. Fourth, we consider the reli the United States and then focused almost

ivww.annualreviews.org ? Immigration and Religion 361

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 exclusively on "congregations"1 or the "local and ethnographic data, they describe differ?
face-to-face religious assemblies" where im? ences between parish congregations in which
migrants gather (Warner & Wittner 1998). participants live in the geographic area and
Scholars argued that "de facto Congregation? niche congregations that draw from a broader
alism" or the process of "adopting a congre? metropolitan area through strong social net?
gational form in organizational structure and works (Ebaugh et al. 2000). Ebaugh & Chafetz
ritual" is one of the central processes that (2000c) also define two ideal-type congrega?
"contribute to the transformation of immi? tions they call the congregational structure
grant religion in the contemporary United model and the community center model to
States" (Yang & Ebaugh 2001b, p. 270; see further chart organizational variation. They
also Bankston & Zhou 2000; Warner 1993, find that these two ideal types capture largely
2000). Studies of individual congregations be? unrelated aspects of immigrants' religious or?
gan in the 1990s with collaborative projects ganizations and that no clear patterns by re?
led by Warner and Wittner and through a ligious tradition, ethnicity, membership size,
series of projects funded by the Pew Chari? socioeconomic status, or local availability of
table Trusts about religion and immigration secular groups emerge.
in the gateway cities of Houston, Chicago, Within individual religious centers, schol?
Los Angeles, Miami, New York City, San ars have also paid attention to internal di?
Francisco, and Washington, DC (Ebaugh & versity based on ethnicity, language, region
Chafetz 2000b, Miller et al. 2001, Warner & of origin, and even religious tradition. Some
Wittner 1998). centers maintain what Yang has called a
Subsequent books and articles based on tenacious unity, whereas others divide often
these and other studies clearly show how through schism (Badr 2000; George 2003;
important religion and religious organiza? Numrich 1996; Yang 1998, 2000b). Many in?
tions are in the lives of many immigrants. clude newcomers, individuals outside of their
The majority of studies described facets of religious or ethnic group, either in their usual
the founding, structure, and internal opera? gatherings or in separate gatherings that some
tion of these gatherings. Researchers pointed scholars call parallel congregations. Language
out that immigrant religions in the United differences are often a key dividing line, with
States often operate through a professional? some worship centers deciding to have sep?
ized clergy, increased reliance on lay lead? arate services in different languages and oth?
ership, and voluntary membership and have ers struggling to maintain single language ser?
changed rituals and worship styles compared vices (Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000a). In some
with those in immigrants' nations of origin cases, such as at a Ghanaian Pentecostal
(Yang & Ebaugh 2001b). This scholarship church in Chicago, centers decide to use the
stresses the similarities between rather than English language in services rather than tradi?
differences among immigrant religious cen? tional languages because they want to include
ters in various traditions and locales. Ebaugh, more people as part of their commitment to
O'Brien, and Chafetz are three ofthe few so? evangelism (Stevens 2004).
ciologists to think systematically about varia? The ways immigrants' religious organiza?
tion among different organizations. By com? tions facilitate their adaptation in the United
bining GIS (geographic information systems) States remains a central theme in recent stud?
ies. Historically, religious centers were viewed
as conservative organizations that preserved
1 We recognize the Christian connotation in use ofthe term ethnic customs, language, and group solidar?
"congregation." This is the term used in much ofthe liter?
ity and as adaptive organizations that helped
ature on immigration and religion, however, so we employ
the term when it is an appropriate reference to a specific immigrants adjust to their new environments
scholar's work.
(Mullins 1987). Within the literature, there

362 Cadge ? Ecklund

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 is evidence of centers serving all these func? society" (p. 1455). Similarly, Ecklund (2006)
tions (for example, Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000b, argues that some groups of second-generation
Hurh & Kim 1990, Kim & Kim 2001, Min immigrants are bringing a broader focus on
1992, Warner & Wittner 1998). Many stud? race and ethnicity to the religious institution
ies illustrate the range of formal and infor? of American evangelicalism. To understand
mal social services immigrants have access to fully how immigrants participate in local re?
through local religious organizations upon ar? ligious life in the United States, it is essen?
riving in the United States (Campion 2003, tial to understand how their organizations are
Ebaugh & Pipes 2001, Menjivar 2001, Min shaped and institutionally embedded in their
1992). Churches in New York's Chinatown, existing, nonimmigrant and larger denomina?
for example, provide housing, food, employ? tional and religious bodies.
ment, and a safe haven to Chinese recently ar?
rived from the Fuzhou region of China (Guest
IDENTITY FORMATION:
2003). In addition to direct assistance, reli?
gious centers also foster networks that often
ETHNIC, RELIGIOUS, AND
GENDER IDENTITIES
lead to mortgages, housing, jobs, and business
opportunities that facilitate social and eco? Individual and group identity formation, or
nomic adaptation (Bankston 1997, Bankston the ways individuals think of themselves and
& Zhou 2000, Kwon 1997, Kwon et al. 1997, their relationships to groups of others (Cerulo
Zhou et al. 2002). 1997), is a central theme in research about
religion and immigration. Scholars of reli?
Despite the sustained attention to religious
centers, sociologists have devoted relatively gion and immigration have deepened and ex?
little attention to the relationship between in?
panded the literature on identities by showing
dividual centers and their broader religious how identities are many-sided, fluid (shaped
institutional contexts. Some research suggests
by historical and social contexts), and overlap?
that the shape of more macro-level religious ping (Ajrouch 2004). Some scholars have sug?
institutions, such as denominations, may in? gested that religious identities become more
fluence whether and how centers schism salient for immigrants in the United States
(George 2003, Shin & Park 1988). Addition? than in their nations of origin because of the
ally, Yang & Ebaugh (2001b) argue that some role religions have in preserving ethnic iden?
immigrant centers actually come together to tities, although there is only indirect evidence
create broader regional and international re? for this. For example, in a study of two Hindu
ligious organizations similar to Protestant Indian religious groups, Kurien (1998) shows
denominations. The way this happens in dif? how Hinduism helps a group of Indian immi?
ferent traditions and its impact have not grants ease the transition between being In?
been investigated, however (Yang & Ebaugh dian and being American by enabling them to
2001b). Immigrant and second-generation "assert pride in their Hindu Indian heritage
centers, for example Latino Catholic parishes, [as a way] of claiming a position for them?
are also having a profound effect on the shape selves at the American multicultural table"
and direction of their broader religious tra? (P- 37).
ditions in the United States (Cadena 1998; Scholars have pushed understanding of re?
Lawson 1998, 1999; Levitt 2002). Through ligious identity beyond being either achieved
an analysis of the National Catholic Bishops or ascribed to show that identities for im?
Conference of the United States, Mooney migrants, even those who are part of the
(2006) argues that immigration is changing same religion, might have aspects of both.
the shape of the Catholic church and has be? For example, Cadge & Davidman (2006) ex?
come a strategic issue on which the "Catholic amine the narratives of religiosity among
church has reasserted its prophetic voice in third-generation Jews and first-generation

www.annualreviews.org ? Immigration and Religion 363

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 Thai Buddhists and demonstrate that the con? that preserving ethnic traditions and customs
tent of religious identities in these groups is a main function of those religious centers.
have both achieved and ascribed aspects. This Min's later study of Indian Hindus and Korean
is an important finding in light of the fact Christians additionally shows how religious
that both of these religious traditions have organizations help both groups preserve their
a strongly inherited component (Cadge & ethnic traditions by making religious and eth?
Davidman 2006). The work of some authors nic rituals synonymous and combining ethnic
also reflects the theme that agency is an im? and religious rituals. Min argues that Korean
portant part of creating religious identities Christians have an easier time using their reli?
(Ng 2002; Yang 1999a,b). For example, on the gion to preserve ethnicity compared with In?
basis of evidence of the conversion process dian Hindus because of the more organiza?
for members of a Chinese immigrant church, tionally based nature of Korean Christianity
Ng (2002) argues that the process of convert? (Min 2003, 2005). In work on Latina women,
ing to a mainstream religion in the United Pe?a & Frehill (1998) similarly show that
States involves Chinese immigrants' develop? women who are more embedded culturally in
ing their own appropriations of cultural cat? the Latino ethnic community place a higher
egories, symbols, and practices even though importance on their religiosity. Although they
they are converting to Christianity, an institu? used additional measures of religiosity beyond
tionally accepted religion in the United States. church attendance, the study population was
And in his work, Yang (1999b, 2000a) shows generated through a snowball sample start?
through ethnographic research among Chi? ing with respondent recruiters who were in?
nese immigrant churches that religious and volved in parishes. Although this type of work
ethnic identities are not an either/or matter provides nuanced information about the con?
of assimilation or cultural retention. Rather, nection between religion and ethnic identi?
identities for Chinese are best described as ties, such research designs (that examine con?
adhesive, allowing for both selective assimi? structions of ethnicity among people who are
lation and selective preservation of ethnicity already part of religious organizations) may
in the process of negotiating what it means to be more likely to assume a priori that reli?
be Christian, American, and Chinese. gion and ethnicity will be connected (Pe?a
Most of these studies measure religion in & Frehill 1998). Future studies on the con?
terms of participation in religious organiza? nection between religion and ethnicity might
tions and the influence this has on ethnic compare the development of ethnic identities
oriented and gender-based identities and on among religious and nonreligious people as
the relationship between religious, ethnic, and well as differences between people who are
gender identities in religious settings. Immi? highly and less religious, to further uncover
grants may use religion as part of identity con? relationships.
struction in multiple ways. Religion can be Further, little research compares differ?
used primarily to construct a religious iden? ences in identity construction between reli?
tity, to facilitate development or retention of gious and nonreligious immigrants. In an ex?
an ethnic identity, or some combination of ception to this, Carnes (2004) shows through
these depending on the context or ethnic re? a study of Chinese immigrants in New York
sources of a particular religious gathering. City's Chinatown that those who are religious
Most of the current religion and immigra? are more likely than the nonreligious to fuse
tion literature focuses on the ways immigrant religious and ethnic identities. Carnes's work
religious organizations help to reinforce and is also unique in his focus on the elderly, many
maintain ethnicity (Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000b, of whom are not able to travel to regular reli?
Warner & Wittner 1998). Min's (1992) study gious services, which enables him to concep?
of first-generation Korean churches shows tualize religiosity based on rituals that occur

364 Cadge ? Ecklund

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 outside as well as inside of religious organiza? selves inside and outside of religious organi?
tions (Carnes 2004). zations and creatively adapt to their new po?
In the few studies that do examine how sitions in religious organizations (Abusharaf
religious and ethnic identities relate to one 1998, Cadge 2004). Chen's (2005) ethno?
another outside of specifically religious con? graphic work in a Taiwanese Buddhist tem?
texts, scholars of religion and immigration ple and a Taiwanese evangelical Christian
show that a religious identity may be man? church, for example, shows in detail that both
ifest differently based on social and histori? environments offer a space for women to
cal contexts and that religious identities may construct a distinct sense of self as separate
change over time as immigrants and their chil? from the family. Other research shows that
dren adapt to different facets of U.S. culture. how Korean Buddhists use religion to under?
For example, through participant observation stand the relationship to the homeland hap?
and interviews with Muslim university stu? pens, in part, in gendered ways, with men
dents Peek (2005) explains post-9/11 changes asserting an identity through religious activ?
in how Muslim students viewed their religious ities that construct distinctively male spaces
identities. in the temple in response to the degrad?
In addition to religion and ethnicity, ing aspects of the male immigrant experience
scholars of religion and immigration have (Suh 2003). Research on second-generation
considered the role of gender in identity Korean Americans further reveals that reli?
construction and maintenance in religious or? gion, race, ethnicity, and gender operate dif?
ganizations and individuals' lives. This work ferently depending on the social relation?
too, suffers from an overfocus on how gender ships in which these identities are played out.
is constructed within religious organizations, Korean Americans negotiate the place of gen?
rather than the various ways that religion and der, religion, and ethnicity in relationship to
gender might intersect outside of specifically members of the larger U.S. society, to first
religious settings. For example, through ex? generation Koreans, and to other members
amining an Indian immigrant church, George of the second generation (Park 2001). Other
(1998) shows how religion sometimes acts as research examines specifically how members
an empowering resource for women, taking of the second generation have views of gen?
less patriarchal forms in organizations in the der that influence their commitment to their
United States than in immigrants' countries of religion in the face of more egalitarian ideas
origin. At the same time, religion is contested than their parents had (Alumkal 1999, Yang
space over which Indian Christians try to re? 2004). There are few studies that examine
tain traditional cultural characteristics in the the way religion and gender intersect more
face of a more liberal American Christianity broadly outside of particular religious orga?
(George 1998). Ebaugh & Chafetz (1999) ar? nizations. In one study that could serve as
gue that, in the 13 religious organizations an example of this kind of research, Huis
studied in Houston, women reproduce tradi? man & Hondagneu-Sotelo (2005) show how
tional ethnic culture but also have increased the religion-related dress practices of Bosnian
access to high-status positions in their congre? Muslim refugee women act as a way to reg?
gations to the degree that men are not able or ularly enact gender. Studying gender inside
willing to fill them. Men tend to be interested religious organizations is the place to be?
in these positions in direct proportion to the gin an agenda examining how immigrants
amount of social status they lose in the pro? view the intersection of gender and religion.
cess of migration (Ebaugh & Chafetz 1999, A broader lens will go outward to take ac?
George 1998). count also of how religion and gender in?
Numerous other examples show how tersect in diverse contexts outside religious
women create new religious spaces for them organizations.

www.annualreviews.org ? Immigration and Religion 365

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 RELIGIOUS LIVES AND CIVIC other immigrant religious organizations, ar?
PARTICIPATION FOR guing that religious organizations might pro?
IMMIGRANTS vide social service resources, such as help with
learning the English language and help study?
In addition to questions about identity forma?
ing for the U.S. citizenship exam (Ebaugh
tion, a small number of scholars are beginning
& Chafetz 2000b). Scholars have also exam?
to investigate religion and civic life among
ined whether religious identity and participa?
post-196 5 immigrants (Chen 2003, Ecklund
tion facilitate attaining U.S. citizenship (Lien
2006). Civic life describes the ways post-1965
2004). In a study of Asian Americans living
immigrants and their families view their re?
in the five metropolitan areas with the high?
sponsibility to participate in American soci?
est numbers of immigrants, Lien (2004) shows
ety. Civic actions are generally voluntary, not
that Catholic immigrants have the highest rate
aimed at reaping an economic profit, and are
of citizenship attainment.
often concerned with improving some version
A second aspect of civic life is re?
of the common good. Scholars of late nine?
lated to participatory political incorporation.
teenth and early twentieth century European
Lien (2004) also finds that, among Asian
immigration saw religious participation as a
Americans, a group that according to the 2000
centrally important part of developing identi?
Census accounted for over 40% of immigra?
ties as American citizens. High levels of cul?
tion between 1990 and 1999, those who are
tural and religious assimilation were expected
religiously involved are more likely to vote.
to foster large-scale inclusion into the net?
Researchers who study religion and immi?
works and institutions of American society, in?
gration are beginning to compare religious
cluding adaptation to mainstream American
and nonreligious immigrants in terms of civic
civic life (Gordon 1964). Among post-1965
and political participation. One study finds
immigrants, scholars have only begun to ex?
that in a city that is religious and conserva?
amine how religion influences the ways in
tive, even nonreligious Latinos find ways to
which civic life for new immigrants is con?
be involved and integrated into local com?
structed. This work has focused mainly on
munity civic life (Cavalcanti & Schleef 2005).
political incorporation and on whether or not
Among immigrants and their children, there
religion provides resources that help immi?
is also evidence that religious identities some?
grants gain citizenship or vote. A small set of
studies also examines the extent to which im? times overlap with racial and ethnic identities
to form new types of political coalitions. For
migrant religious organizations provide social
services, with a main focus on social services example, researchers are finding that Latinos
who are either conservative Protestants or tra?
to other immigrants. A few studies have also
ditional Catholics are defying the traditional
given attention to the cultural construction of
liberal/conservative allegiances and are more
various civic identities for immigrants.
like black Christians in their commitment to
The first part of developing an identity as a
economic liberalism in tandem with a conser?
citizen is actually becoming a citizen. Gaining
vative social/moral perspective (Espinosa et al.
citizenship involves navigating the application
2003, Leal et al. 2005).
process, language barriers, and other imped?
Religion and politics often have different
iments to gaining legal status as an American
connections in the United States than in coun?
citizen. There is resource variation among im?
tries of origin, leading immigrants to differ?
migrants, and some researchers are studying
ent understandings of their relationships. For
how religious organizations link immigrants
example, a study of Hindu and Muslim immi?
together in ways that help them through this
grants in the United States concluded that the
process. Researchers have examined this pro?
cess in the Korean church (Min 1992) and relationship between religion and politics de?
pends both on the kinds of political resources

366 Cadge ? Ecklund

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 an immigrant brings to the United States and differences between specific religious ideolo?
on the context into which the immigrant re? gies might influence the connection between
ligion is received (Kurien 2001). The nation religion and community service. Chen (2002)
of origin often continues to have an influence shows that a Taiwanese Buddhist temple and
on U.S. religion and politics via the transna? a Taiwanese evangelical religious organiza?
tional ties that religion facilitates between tion differ significantly in their framework
U.S. immigrants and those in their sending for and practice of public engagement, with
nations (Levitt 2002). Once immigrants do the Buddhist temple focusing much more on
gain access to the American political system community service compared with the evan?
through forms of participation such as citi? gelical congregation.
zenship, voting, and campaign participation, Fourth, in addition to focusing on citi?
religion also fosters specific ideological alle? zenship status, voting, and community ser?
giances among existing U.S. political factions vice, a small number of recent scholars con?
(Lien 2004). Many current scholars further sider the cultural aspects of civic identities or
argue that involvements in religious organiza? the extent to which immigrants view them?
tions lead people to be more involved in their selves as part of the United States. Some re?
ethnic and nonethnic communities as well search suggests that as immigrants become
as in their home countries (Klineberg 2004, more American they may also become more
Yang 1999b). Congregations themselves also religious, a process that may influence the
evolve over time in ways that influence immi? development of a civic identity (Chen 2002,
grants' levels of engagement (Mullins 1987). 2003). Religions that are closely tied to the
A third aspect, beyond macro political par? national identity of a country of origin may
ticipation, is the ability of religious organiza? contribute to the creation of a civic identity
tions to provide participating individuals with as "other" in the mainstream United States,
as Rajagopal (2000) argues about the devel?
motives for volunteering, as well as with con?
nections to local forms of community ser? opment of Hindu nationalism in the United
vice that may or may not be sponsored by States (see also Kurien 2003). The contribu?
a particular religious organization (Wuthnow tion of religion to the development of civic
1999). Most of the research on religion and identities not only differs between religions
community volunteerism among immigrants but, as Ecklund (2005a, 2006) shows, between
has focused almost entirely on the extent to organizations within the same religion. Im?
which immigrant congregations provide so? migrants also use religion to renegotiate dif?
cial services for immigrants, particularly those ferent categories of race and ethnicity, which
in their congregations (Ebaugh & Chafetz have implications for how they view their roles
2000b, Min 1992). Some research shows that as American citizens (Ecklund 2005b). Re?
immigrant congregations have a difficult time searchers such as Mattson (2003) have begun
providing organizationally sponsored volun? to take the content of religion seriously as it
teer activities (Cnaan 1997, Ebaugh & Pipes relates to the civic sphere, looking at how ide?
2001). Religion also has the ability to pro? ologies espoused by different religions might
vide a moral narrative for helping others out? be used to justify different civic identities and
side an individual's own religious or ethnic practices. Mattson (2003) examines some of
communities (Ecklund 2006). Scholars of re? the various ways that Islam is used to define
ligion and immigration are just beginning to different nationalism paradigms in relation?
ask whether and how the religious organi? ship to the United States.
zations of first- and second-generation im? Fifth, researchers are just beginning to ex?
migrants extend beyond the boundaries of amine the possibilities of religion to act as a
the immigrant community. In particular, re? resource for political mobilization. For ex?
searchers are starting to take into account how ample, research by Menjivar (2003) shows

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 how a Catholic church encourages Salvado thirds of those attend a Korean congregation
ran immigrants to work collectively to trans? (Min & Kim 2005).
form their communities, whereas evangelical Other researchers view immigrant reli?
Christian churches attended by Salvadorans gious communities as places where the second
place more stress on individual salvation. And generation is present, negotiates their rela?
Hondagneu-Sotelo and colleagues (2004) find tionship with the first generation, and gathers
that religious and nonreligious individuals use cultural and social capital that leads to eco?
moral forms of Mexican Catholicism when nomic and educational success (Bankston &
engaged in political protest along the United Zhou 1995,1996). Although some researchers
States/Mexico border. A growing research have echoed the sentiments of religious lead?
agenda on immigrant religion and civic life ers that there may be a movement away from
would continue to take seriously the vari? religion in the second generation, what those
ous ways immigrant religious organizations who study Asian communities have called the
might mobilize around particular political "silent exodus" (Chai 2001), there are few na?
agendas as well as the ways that immigrants tional survey data about these issues. In a rare
and their children might use religion as mo? exception to the above, Hunt (1998) uses data
tivation to join specific political groups and from an analysis from the 1984 National Alco?
protests. hol Survey to show that Latinos in the second
and third generations are more likely to switch
from Catholicism to Protestantism.
Like scholarship on immigrant religion
RELIGION AND THE SECOND
overall, most research on religion among
GENERATION
members ofthe second generation is based on
A growing number of studies focus on the re?studies of religious centers. Researchers who
ligious lives of second-generation immigrantsstudy the involvement of second-generation
in the United States. Herberg (1955) argued
immigrants in immigrant congregations have
that second-generation immigrants would bedeveloped a series of arguments about the
less religious than their parents, and that by
protective effects religious communities have
the third generation individuals would returnin helping young second-generation immi?
to their religion as a way of distinguishing
grants adapt to American society. Banks ton
themselves from others. There are too few & Zhou (1995, 1996) argue that participa?
members among the third generation of post tion in an ethnic church provides children
1965 immigrants to have systematic researchwith protective social networks with coeth
nics, which facilitate adolescent success in
about their lives, and there is some disagree?
ment about religion in the lives of the sec?school and adaptation to American society.
ond generation. Researchers suggest that, forParticularly for youth who are at risk for what
some ethnic groups, members of the second the authors call "dangerous and destructive
generation may leave their immigrant reli?behavior," religious communities often serve
gious organizations (Chai 1998, Kwon et al.as beneficial locations of social, financial, and
2001). We have few systematic survey data,surrogate parental support (Cao 2005; Guest
2003, 2004). On the basis of research in a
however, about actual religious participation
among the immigrant second generation.New A York Chinatown church, Cao (2005) ar?
rare example is work by Min & Kim (2005),gues that, for working-class immigrant youth,
which shows through a small survey (n = 202)churches act as surrogate families that facili?
of Koreans in the New York City area thattate the process of moving from the working
about two-thirds of the adults surveyed who class to the middle class, enlarging Portes &
attended a Korean church as children partic?Rumbaut's (2001) argument about segmented
ipate in a church as adults. More than twoassimilation.

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 In addition to providing social services and Ajrouch (2004) shows how Arab American
protective benefits for members of the sec? high school students use gender relations and
ond generation, there are intangible resources religious teachings to create boundaries that
religious organizations provide for second distinguish them from both white as well as
generation immigrants to help them main? immigrant Americans.
tain an ethnic identity as well as construct A key part of developing racial and eth?
new racial and ethnic identities (Cha 2001, nic identities for members of the second gen?
Kurien 2005, Yang 1999a). Chong (1998) eration involves figuring out their relation?
finds that, for second-generation Koreans, the ship to the first generation. Most research
Korean church helps them retain ethnic iden? in this area has focused on how tensions be?
tity by legitimizing a core set of Korean val? tween the immigrant first generation and the
ues and making those values sacred through more Americanized second generation play
their identification with a conservative Chris? out in congregational contexts. On the basis
tian morality and worldview. Applying Smith'sof ethnographic research comparing second
(1998) theories of subcultural identities, Chai
generation Koreans and Chinese, Alumkal
(1998, 2001) argues that Korean churches (2003) argues that members of the second
provide a place for members of the second generation must continually legitimize be?
generation to successfully negotiate a reli? ing part of a religious tradition (evangelical
gious and ethnic identity that is distinctive Christianity) that is concerned with imparting
from the first generation. a religious message that is supposedly open
Another set of researchers examines the to anyone while worshipping in an ethnic
ways that ethnic religious organizations help specific context. He shows how members of
members of the second generation negotiate the second generation remain distinct from
wider American constructs of race and gen? their parents' generation while still worship?
der. For example, Busto (1996) argues that ping in an ethnic-specific context (Alumkal
participation in campus evangelical Christian 2003). Research on Indian Christians shows
organizations provides Asian Americans with that members ofthe second generation some?
cultural resources for reinforcing the im? times have different ideas about the content of
age of Asian Americans as model minori? their religion, with the first generation view?
ties. Drawing on a survey and interviews with ing Christianity according to ascribed reli?
members of Asian American congregations in gious and ethnic criteria and the second gen?
the Bay Area (both mainline and evangelical eration viewing Christianity according to the
churches), Jeung (2004, 2005) examines how more achieved and individualistic criteria they
Asian Americans organize religiously around perceive as evangelical (Kurien 2004). Other
a pan-ethnic identity as Asian. There is very research reveals differences by generation in
little research that deals with members of how individuals think about gender. In some
non-Christian religions. One exception is a immigrant religious communities, the second
study of a Hindu Student Council Chapter generation adopts a more conservative view
by Kurien (2005) that illustrates the complex? about gender than the first generation as a
ity of intersecting identities of race, ethnic? way of upholding a distinctive religious iden?
ity, and religion among this group of Hindu tity (Alumkal 1999, Yang 2004).
students; although they came to the group to
deal with the intersection of race and reli?
LOOKING FORWARD:
gion, the intersection of these same two iden?
DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE
tities also produced conflict. In a rare study
RESEARCH
of the connection between religion and eth?
nicity among second-generation people out? In the past 15 years, sociologists have de?
side the confines of a religious organization, veloped a richly textured body of research

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 about the religious lives of immigrants, pri? in the same city. These studies generally em?
marily through studies of their religious phasize similarities between rather than dif?
organizations. To understand more compre? ferences among organizations. Such a focus
hensively the range of ways religion influences means researchers rarely develop hypotheses
immigrants' lives, future studies will need to or theories that might explain possible varia?
continue focusing on tighter analytic compar? tion in, for example, the organizational form,
isons when studying religious organizations developmental process, social capital forma?
and on the many ways religion is important tion, demographic composition, or leadership
outside of these settings. Such approaches structures of organizations. Additional ana?
will result in an expansion of the topics and lytic leverage would be developed by paying
methodological strategies currently in use, in closer attention to variation and designing
more critical analysis of the ways religion is studies in ways that enable consideration of
conceptualized and measured, and in a more possible sources of that variation. Additional
holistic picture of immigrants' lived religious axes of comparison also need to be considered.
experiences. Rather than focusing on one city, for example,
Current studies of immigrants' religious comparisons across different U.S. cities be?
organizations, as evident in the reviewed re? tween immigrants from the same country who
search, focus on a single religious center or share a religious tradition can show how the
a series of centers in diverse religious tradi? contexts of reception shape immigrants' expe?
tions from different home countries located riences, as in the research about Salvardoran
and Guatemalan immigrants in San Francisco,
Washington, DC, and Phoenix conducted by
RELIGION AND TRANSNATIONALISM Menjivar (1999, 2000, 2003, 2006a,b). As im?
migrants increasingly move from large cities
In their Annual Review article "Transnational Migration Stud? to smaller ones, the range of metropolitan ar?
ies: The Longue Dur?e" (this volume), Levitt & Jaworsky eas studied also needs to be expanded to in?
(2007) demonstrate how religion is a key social arena of clude the new, smaller gateway cities.
transnationalism. Here, we highlight a few of their key points. Second, comparisons between people from
Participation in transnational religious organizations allows the same country who participate in different
migrants access to social capital in the new nation as well as religious traditions would show how immi?
the possibility of retaining social capital in their homelands. grants are shaped by those traditions in the
Migrants change the religious institutions of their destination United States, as evident in Chen's (2002)
countries (such as the changes brought to the U.S. Catholic study of Taiwanese immigrants who partic?
church by Latin American migrants coming to the United ipate in a Buddhist temple and an evan?
States) and export different forms of faith to their nations of gelical Christian church. Third, additional
origin. research that systematically considers immi?
In addition, global religious networks unite coreligion? grants' contexts of exit and reception can show
ists around the world. New religious structures are created how such contexts shape the religious gather?
by the migration process such as para Chinese Christian ings of immigrants in the United States, par?
churches that link individuals in Taiwan, Hong Kong, main? ticularly with regard to their status as eco?
land China, the United States, and Canada. Religion links nomic migrants or refugees, their movement
migrants through time, allowing them to remain a part of a from religious majority to minority status and
chain of memory with coreligionists from the past, present, vice versa, etc. (Douglas 2003, Fetzer 1998,
and future. New forms of transnational civil society are cre? Solberg 1992, Yang & Ebaugh 2001a, Zhou
ated as religion provides spaces to socialize the first and second et al. 2002). Examining such contexts might
generations into existing political structures, while at the same provide insight about the extent to which
time acting as a counterpoint to extremist political voices. immigrant congregations (and particularly
second-generation congregations) provide

370 Cadge ? Ecklund

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 social services that extend beyond helping in both religious and secular organizations
those in their particular ethnic community. (Bruce 2006, Nawyn 2006). As in native
Some of these questions will be more eas? born populations, religion is often a factor
ily answered as future waves of data from in immigrants' health-care access and use,
the New Immigrant Survey, the largest sys? though this is rarely acknowledged in re?
tematic survey of immigrants, become avail? views about immigration and health (Kandula
able and as researchers perhaps begin to com? et al. 2004). Although some religious orga?
bine survey data and ethnographic studies of nizations foster traditional healing practices
religious centers. (Numrich 2004), others may influence in?
Finally, research about immigrants' reli? dividuals' health outcomes and/or foster in?
gious organizations will be more revealing if teractions with health-care institutions, but
it is situated in broader geographic and re? additional study is needed (Hurh & Kim
ligious contexts. Research by Cadge (2005), 1990). Anecdotal evidence suggests that some
hospitals and doctor's offices are increas?
for example, compares the religious organi?
zations and experiences of first-generation
ingly accommodating religion by creating
Theravada Buddhist immigrants and first Muslim prayer spaces, for example. Also,
generation native-born mostly white con? some religion-specific health-care organiza?
verts, pointing to places of convergence and tions such as the University Muslim Medical
divergence. More broadly, scholars have only Association in Los Angeles are beginning
begun to consider how the religious organi? (Miller et al. 2001). Although accounts are
zations in which immigrants participate inter? mainly journalistic at this point, religion also
act with broader social institutions and how clearly influences how many immigrants con?
religion influences individual immigrants' in? sult the mainstream medical community and
teractions with such institutions. At the level how they make decisions about health-care
of the state, for example, immigrants negoti? concerns (Barnes & Sered 2005, Fadiman
ate legal rules about organizational incorpo? 1998, Ong 1995).
ration, zoning, and tax status when they start Moreover, sociologists rarely consider
religious organizations (Breyer 1993). Such how religion influences the experiences
negotiations are also evident as organizations immigrants have in social spheres that are
and individual immigrants work with funeral not thought of as specifically religious, such
homes and burial grounds to make arrange? as workplaces, neighborhoods, local civic
ments that meet religious and state guidelines and political organizations, childcare centers,
(Badr 2000). Scholars are just beginning to recreational facilities, and other aspects of
consider how immigrant and nonimmigrant daily life in the United States. The kind
religious centers intersect with one another, as of "lived religion" or religion in daily life
in research by Wuthnow (2005) that consid? approach that such inquiries might require is
ers interactions and exchanges between con? more often utilized by religious studies schol?
gregations attended by both immigrants and ars and anthropologists (for example, Hall
nonimmigrants. 1997, Orsi 1996, Tweed 1997). Sociologists
In addition to studies of immigrants' reli? who have used this approach have looked
gious organizations, many more studies are at migration decisions and experiences; for
needed to understand how immigrants live example, Hagan & Ebaugh (2003) describe
and experience their religions outside of par? how religion influences all aspects of the
ticular religious contexts. A small but grow? migration of undocumented Mayans from
ing number of studies, for example, focus Guatemala, from the decision they make
on immigrants' interactions with social ser? to migrate to Houston to the preparation
vice organizations and the ways their reli? process, the journey, and the subsequent
gious experience is constructed and utilized arrival in the United States. Using such an

www.annualreviews.org ? Immigration and Religion 371

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 approach, Smith & Bender (2004) illustrate sacred is present and influential apart from
how South Asian Muslim taxi drivers in New formal religions and religious spaces.
York City pray while working, primarily by In the past 15 years, sociologists have
stopping in restaurants that have created moved from knowing very little about the re?
informal prayer spaces. Thinking more about ligious lives of immigrants to knowing a great
how religion influences immigrants' lives deal about their religious organizations. Such
in nonreligious spheres such as schools, work has produced rich insights into the va?
workplaces, and medical facilities is likely to rieties of ways immigrants practice their reli?
reveal not only the mixing and messiness of gions in the United States, as well as some of
religious experience, but the ways in which the commonalities across immigrant religious
nonimmigrants are involved in the migration organizations. Building on this research, fu?
process, the importance of transnational ture researchers have the potential to enrich
relations, and how immigrants who are not theoretical thinking at all levels of analysis by
involved in religious organizations experience combining the excellent empirical work that
religion, if at all, a topic about which almost has been conducted with new questions that
nothing is known. A religion in everyday life take into account a broader conceptualization
approach also raises questions about religion of religion to investigate how immigrants un?
as a conceptual category and facilitates derstand and use religion both inside and out?
broader analytic thinking about how the side specifically religious contexts.

FUTURE ISSUES
1. More research about individuals based on systematic survey data is needed to under?
stand how independent variables like demographics, immigration status, geographic
contexts of exit and reception, and the presence or absence of coethnics shape im?
migrants' religious beliefs. Analyses are also needed that examine how religion as an
independent variable influences immigrants1 economic mobility and civic and political
participation.
2. Additional analytic comparisons are needed to understand fully how immigrants de?
velop and participate in religious organizations (i.e., immigrants from one country
of origin in different U.S. cities, immigrants from the same country who practice
different religious traditions in the same city, comparisons between immigrant and
native-born people practicing the same religion, etc.).

3. Studies of immigrants' religious organizations need to be placed in broader social

contexts to understand how immigrants negotiate with other religious and secular
organizations in their midst
4. A lived religion approach is needed to understand fully the range of ways religion
influences immigrants' lives outside of their religious centers, for example at work, at
school, in health-care organizations, in social service organizations, etc.

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