(eBook PDF) Sociology in Our Times: The

Essentials 11th Edition pdf download

https://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-sociology-in-our-times-
the-essentials-11th-edition/

Download more ebook from https://ebooksecure.com

We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit ebooksecure.com
to discover even more!

Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials 11th Edition by

Diana Kendall (eBook PDF)

http://ebooksecure.com/product/sociology-in-our-times-the-
essentials-11th-edition-by-diana-kendall-ebook-pdf/

(eBook PDF) Sociology in Our Times 11th Edition by

Diana Kendall

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-sociology-in-our-
times-11th-edition-by-diana-kendall/

(Original PDF) Sociology in Our Times 7th Canadian

Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/original-pdf-sociology-in-our-
times-7th-canadian-edition/

(eBook PDF) Sociology in Our Times 10th Edition by

Diana Kendall

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-sociology-in-our-
times-10th-edition-by-diana-kendall/
(eBook PDF) Sociology: The Essentials 10th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-sociology-the-
essentials-10th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Sociology: The Core, 11th edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-sociology-the-core-11th-
edition/

(eBook PDF) Our Social World: Introduction to Sociology

6th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-our-social-world-
introduction-to-sociology-6th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Our Social World: Introduction to Sociology

7th Edition

http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-our-social-world-
introduction-to-sociology-7th-edition/

Our Social World: Introduction to Sociology 6th Edition

(eBook PDF)

http://ebooksecure.com/product/our-social-world-introduction-to-
sociology-6th-edition-ebook-pdf/
 Sociology
In Our Times
the essentials 11E

Diana Kendall

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 Tönnies: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft 110 CHAPTER REVIEW 122
Social Structure and Homelessness 110 Key Terms 123
Social Interaction: The Microlevel Perspective 111 Questions for Critical Thinking 123
Social Interaction and Meaning 111 Answers to Sociology Quiz 124
The Social Construction of Reality 113
Ethnomethodology 114 Features
Dramaturgical Analysis 114 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Twenty-five Years
The Sociology of Emotions 116 of Dumpster Diving for Dinner 96
Nonverbal Communication 118 ■ Sociology & Social Policy: What’s Going on in

Looking Ahead: Social Change, Social Structure, “Paradise”?—Homeless Rights Versus Public Space 112
and Interaction in the Future 121 ■ You Can Make a Difference: Offering a Helping Hand
to Homeless People 120

5 Groups and Organizations 126

Social Groups 128 Socially Sustainable

Groups, Aggregates, and Categories 129 Organizations 146
Types of Groups 130 Globalization,
The Purpose of Groups: Multiple Perspectives 132 Technology,
Group Characteristics and Dynamics 132 and “Smart
Group Size 132 Working” 147
Group Leadership 133 CHAPTER REVIEW 149
Group Conformity 134 Key Terms 150
Groupthink 137 Questions for Critical Thinking 150
Formal Organizations in Global Perspective 138 Answers to Sociology Quiz 151
Types of Formal Organizations 138
Features
Bureaucracies 140
Problems of Bureaucracies 142 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Social Media
Bureaucracy and Oligarchy 143 and the Classroom 128
■ Sociology & Social Policy: Technological and Social
Alternative Forms of Organization 145
Humanizing Bureaucracy 145 Change in the Workplace: BYOD? 144
Organizational Structure in Japan, ■ You Can Make a Difference: Can Facebook, Twitter,
Russia, and India 145 and Other Social Media Make You a Better, More Helpful
Person? 147
Looking Ahead: Social Change and Organizations
in the Future 146

6 Deviance and Crime 152

What Is Deviance? 154 Approaches Focusing

Who Defines Deviance? 156 on the Interaction
What Is Social Control? 157 of Race, Class, and
Functionalist Perspectives on Deviance 157 Gender 162
What Causes Deviance, and Why Is It Functional Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Deviance 163
for Society? 157 Differential Association Theory and Differential
Strain Theory: Goals and Means to Achieve Them 158 Reinforcement Theory 163
Opportunity Theory: Access to Illegitimate Rational Choice Theory 163
Opportunities 159 Control Theory: Social Bonding 164
Conflict Perspectives on Deviance 160 Labeling Theory 164
Deviance and Power Relations 161 Postmodernist Perspectives on Deviance 166
Deviance and Capitalism 161 Crime Classifications and Statistics 167
Feminist Approaches 161 How the Law Classifies Crime 167

Contents ■ vii

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 Other Crime Categories 168 CHAPTER REVIEW 185
Crime Statistics 172 Key Terms 186
Terrorism and Crime 173 Questions for Critical Thinking 187
Street Crimes and Criminals 174 Answers to Sociology Quiz 187
Crime Victims 176
The Criminal Justice System 177 Features
The Police 177 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: The Carnage
The Courts 178 Continues 154
Punishment and Corrections 180 ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: A Wider Perspective
The Death Penalty 181 on Gangs: Look and Listen Around the World! 160
Looking Ahead: Deviance and Crime in the Future 182 ■ Sociology & Social Policy: The Long War Over Gun
The Future of Transnational Crime and the Global Control 183
Criminal Economy 184

PART 3 Social Inequality

Class and Stratification

7 in the United States 188
What Is Social Stratification? 191 Solving the Poverty
Systems of Stratification 192 Problem 212
Slavery 192 Sociological Explanations
The Caste System 193 of Social Inequality
The Class System 195 in the United States 213
Classical Perspectives on Social Class 195 Functionalist Perspectives 213
Karl Marx: Relationship to the Means Conflict Perspectives 213
of Production 195 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 214
Max Weber: Wealth, Prestige, and Power 196 Looking Ahead: U.S. Stratification in the Future 215
Contemporary Sociological Models of the U.S. Class CHAPTER REVIEW 217
Structure 198 Key Terms 218
The Weberian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 198 Questions for Critical Thinking 218
The Marxian Model of the U.S. Class Structure 201 Answers to Sociology Quiz 219
Inequality in the United States 204
Distribution of Income and Wealth 204 Features
Consequences of Inequality 207 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: The Power of Class 190
■ Sociology in Global Perspective: A Day in Your Life:
Poverty in the United States 209
Who Are the Poor? 210 How Are You Touched by Modern Slavery? 194
Economic and Structural Sources of Poverty 211 ■ You Can Make a Difference: Students Helping Others
Through Campus Kitchen 216

8 Global Stratification 220

Wealth and Poverty in Global Perspective 222 Classification of Economies

Problems in Studying Global Inequality 223 by Income 225
The “Three Worlds” Approach 223 Low-Income
The Levels of Development Approach 224 Economies 225
Middle-Income
Economies 226

viii ■ Contents

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 High-Income Economies 226 The New International Division of Labor Theory 238
Measuring Global Wealth and Poverty 227 Looking Ahead: Global Inequality in the Future 239
Absolute, Relative, and Subjective Poverty 227 CHAPTER REVIEW 241
The Gini Coefficient and Global Quality-of-Life Key Terms 242
Issues 227
Questions for Critical Thinking 242
Global Poverty and Human Development Issues 228 Answers to Sociology Quiz 243
Life Expectancy 229
Health 229 Features
Education and Literacy 231 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Leaving the Snare
A Multidimensional Measure of Poverty 232 of Poverty 222
Persistent Gaps in Human Development 233 ■ Sociology & Social Policy: Fighting Poverty Through
Theories of Global Inequality 234 Global Goals for Sustainable Development 230
Development and Modernization Theory 234 ■ You Can Make a Difference: Global Networking
Dependency Theory 235 to Reduce World Hunger and Poverty 240
World Systems Theory 236

9 Race and Ethnicity 244

Race and Ethnicity 247 Latinos/as (Hispanic

Comparing Race and Ethnicity 248 Americans) 271
The Social Significance of Race and Ethnicity 249 Middle Eastern
Racial Classifications and the Meaning of Race 249 Americans 273
Dominant and Subordinate Groups 250 Looking Ahead: The
Prejudice 250 Future of Global Racial and Ethnic Inequality 275
Stereotypes 250 Worldwide Racial and Ethnic Struggles 275
Racism 252 Growing Racial and Ethnic Diversity
Theories of Prejudice 253 in the United States 275
Sociological Perspectives on Race and Ethnic CHAPTER REVIEW 277
Relations 256 Key Terms 278
Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 256 Questions for Critical Thinking 278
Functionalist Perspectives 257 Answers to Sociology Quiz 279
Conflict Perspectives 258
An Alternative Perspective: Critical Race Theory 260 Features
Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 261 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Race and Moral Imagination:
Native Americans and Alaska Natives 261 From Selma to Ferguson and Back 246
White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (British ■ Sociology & Social Policy: Racist Hate Speech
Americans) 263 on Campus Versus the First Amendment Right
African Americans 264 to Freedom of Speech 252
White Ethnic Americans 267 ■ You Can Make a Difference: Working for Racial
Asian Americans 268 and Gender Harmony on College Campuses 276

10 Sex, Gender, and Sexuality 280

Sex: The Biological Dimension 284 Gender Stratification

Intersex and Transgender Persons 284 in Historical and
Sexual Orientation 286 Contemporary
Discrimination Based on Sexual Orientation 287 Perspective 292
Gender: The Cultural Dimension 289 Hunting and Gathering
The Social Significance of Gender 290 Societies 292
Sexism 292 Horticultural and Pastoral Societies 293
Agrarian Societies 293

Contents ■ ix

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 Industrial Societies 293 Conflict Perspectives 306
Postindustrial Societies 294 Feminist Perspectives 307
Gender and Socialization 295 Looking Ahead: Gender Issues in the Future 311
Parents and Gender Socialization 295 CHAPTER REVIEW 312
Peers and Gender Socialization 296 Key Terms 313
Teachers, Schools, and Gender Socialization 297 Questions for Critical Thinking 313
Sports and Gender Socialization 298
Answers to Sociology Quiz 313
Mass Media and Gender Socialization 299
Adult Gender Socialization 299 Features
Contemporary Gender Inequality 300 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: When Gender, Sexual
Gendered Division of Paid Work Orientation, and Weight Bias Collide 282
in the United States 300 ■ You Can Make a Difference: “Love Your Body”: Women’s
Pay Equity (Comparable Worth) 302 Activism on Campus and in the Community 308
Paid Work and Family Work 304 ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Women’s Body Size
Perspectives on Gender Stratification 305 and the Globalization of “Fat Stigma” 309
Functionalist and Neoclassical
Economic Perspectives 305

PART 4 Social Institutions

11 Families and Intimate

Relationships 316
Families in Global Perspective 318 Single-Parent
Family Structure and Characteristics 320 Households 336
Marriage Patterns 322 Two-Parent
Patterns of Descent and Inheritance 322 Households 336
Power and Authority in Families 323 Remaining Single 337
Residential Patterns 323 Transitions and Problems in Families 337
Theoretical Perspectives on Family 324 Family Violence 338
Functionalist Perspectives 324 Children in Foster Care 338
Conflict and Feminist Perspectives 324 Divorce 339
Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives 325 Remarriage 339
Postmodernist Perspectives 325 Looking Ahead: Family Issues in the Future 342
Developing Intimate Relationships and Establishing CHAPTER REVIEW 342
Families 326 Key Terms 344
Love and Intimacy 326 Questions for Critical Thinking 344
Cohabitation and Domestic Partnerships 328
Answers to Sociology Quiz 344
Marriage 329
Same-Sex Marriages 329 Features
Housework and Child-Care Responsibilities 331 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Diverse Family Landscapes
Child-Related Family Issues and Parenting 332 in the Twenty-first Century 318
Deciding to Have Children 332 ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Wombs-for-Rent:
Adoption 334 Commercial Surrogacy in India 333
Teenage Childbearing 334

x ■ Contents

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 12 Education and Religion 346

An Overview of Education and Religion 348 Conflict Perspectives

Sociological Perspectives on Education 349 on Religion 368
Functionalist Perspectives on Education 350 Symbolic Interactionist
Conflict Perspectives on Education 351 Perspectives
Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives on Religion 370
on Education 355 Rational Choice Perspectives on Religion 371
Postmodernist Perspectives 355 Types of Religious Organizations 373
Problems in Elementary and Secondary Schools 356 Ecclesia 373
Unequal Funding of Public Schools 356 Churches, Denominations, and Sects 373
School Dropouts 357 Cults (New Religious Movements) 374
Racial Segregation and Resegregation 358 Trends in Religion in the United States 375
Competition for Public Schools 359 The Secularization Debate 375
School Safety and Violence at All Levels 360 The Rise of Religious Fundamentalism 376
Opportunities and Challenges in Colleges Looking Ahead: Education and Religion
and Universities 361 in the Future 376
Community Colleges 361 CHAPTER REVIEW 379
Four-Year Colleges and Universities 362 Key Terms 380
The High Cost of a College Education 362 Questions for Critical Thinking 380
Racial and Ethnic Differences in Enrollment 363 Answers to Sociology Quiz 381
Religion in Historical Perspective 364
Features
Religion and the Meaning of Life 364
Religion and Scientific Explanations 367 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: An Ongoing Debate 348
■ Sociology & Social Policy: Prayer on the Public School
Sociological Perspectives on Religion 367
Functionalist Perspectives on Religion 367 Football Field: The Issue of Separation of Church
and State 368

13 Politics and the Economy

in Global Perspective 382
Politics, Power, and Authority 385 Capitalism 401
Power and Authority 386 Socialism 405
Ideal Types of Authority 386 Mixed Economies 405
Political Systems in Global Perspective 388 Work in the Contemporary
Monarchy 388 United States 407
Authoritarianism 389 Professions 407
Totalitarianism 389 Other Occupations 408
Democracy 390 Contingent Work 408
Perspectives on Power and Political Systems 390 The Underground (Informal) Economy 408
Functionalist Perspectives: The Pluralist Model 390 Unemployment 410
Conflict Perspectives: Elite Models 393 Labor Unions and Worker Activism 411
Employment Opportunities
The U.S. Political System 394 for Persons with a Disability 411
Political Parties and Elections 394
Discontent with the Current Political Looking Ahead: Politics and the Global Economy
System and Parties 394 in the Future 412
Political Participation and Voter Apathy 396 CHAPTER REVIEW 414
Governmental Bureaucracy 398 Key Terms 415
Economic Systems in Global Perspective 400 Questions for Critical Thinking 416
Preindustrial, Industrial, Answers to Sociology Quiz 416
and Postindustrial Economies 400
Contents ■ xi

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Features ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Lopsided Job Market
■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Thanking the Media for Their in China: A Mismatch Between Workers and Jobs 406
Role in Politics and the Economy in a Free Society 384 ■ You Can Make a Difference: Keeping an Eye
on the Media 412

14 Health, Health Care,

and Disability 418
Health in Global Perspective 421 A Postmodernist
Health in the United States 424 Perspective:
Social Epidemiology 424 The Clinical
Health Effects of Disasters 426 Gaze 446
Lifestyle Factors 428 Mental Disorders 447
Health Care in the United States 433 The Treatment of Mental Illness 447
The Rise of Scientific Medicine Disability 449
and Professionalism 433 Sociological Perspectives on Disability 450
Medicine Today 434
Looking Ahead: Health Care in the Future 451
Paying for Medical Care in the United States 435
Paying for Medical Care in Other Nations 439 CHAPTER REVIEW 452
Social Implications of Advanced Key Terms 454
Medical Technology 441 Questions for Critical Thinking 454
Holistic Medicine and Alternative Medicine 442 Answers to Sociology Quiz 454
Sociological Perspectives on Health and Medicine 443 Features
A Functionalist Perspective: The Sick Role 443
■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Medicine as a Social
A Conflict Perspective: Inequalities in Health
Institution 420
and Health Care 444
A Symbolic Interactionist Perspective: The Social ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Medical Crises in the
Construction of Illness 445 Aftermath of Disasters: From Oklahoma to Nepal 426

PART 5 Social Dynamics and Social Change

15 Population and Urbanization 456

Demography: The Study of Population 458 Industrial Cities 470

Fertility 460 Postindustrial
Mortality 460 Cities 471
Migration 461 Perspectives on
Population Composition 464 Urbanization and the
Population Growth in Global Context 464 Growth of Cities 471
The Malthusian Perspective 464 Functionalist Perspectives: Ecological Models 472
The Marxist Perspective 467 Conflict Perspectives: Political Economy Models 474
The Neo-Malthusian Perspective 467 Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives: The Experience
Demographic Transition Theory 467 of City Life 475
Other Perspectives on Population Change 468 Problems in Global Cities 477
A Brief Glimpse at International Migration Theories 468 Urban Problems in the United States 479
Urbanization in Global Perspective 469 Divided Interests: Cities and Suburbs 480
Emergence and Evolution of the City 470 The Continuing Fiscal Crises of the Cities 481
Preindustrial Cities 470

xii ■ Contents

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Rural Community Issues in the United States 481 Features
Looking Ahead: Population and Urbanization ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: The Immigration
in the Future 483 Debate 458
CHAPTER REVIEW 484 ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Problems That

Key Terms 485 People Like to Ignore: Global Diaspora and the Migrant
Questions for Critical Thinking 485
Crisis 466
Answers to Sociology Quiz 486

16 Collective Behavior, Social

Movements, and Social Change 488
Collective Behavior 491 Population and
Conditions for Collective Behavior 492 Change 509
Dynamics of Collective Behavior 493 Technology and
Distinctions Regarding Collective Behavior 493 Change 509
Types of Crowd Behavior 493 Social Institutions and
Explanations of Crowd Behavior 495 Change 510
Mass Behavior 496 A Few Final Thoughts 511
Social Movements 499 CHAPTER REVIEW 511
Types of Social Movements 500 Key Terms 512
Stages in Social Movements 501 Questions for Critical Thinking 513
Social Movement Theories 502 Answers to Sociology Quiz 513
Relative Deprivation Theory 502
Features
Value-Added Theory 502
Resource Mobilization Theory 503 ■ Sociology & Everyday Life: Collective Behavior
Social Constructionist Theory: Frame Analysis 503 and Environmental Issues 490
Political Opportunity Theory 505 ■ Sociology in Global Perspective: Old Environmental
New Social Movement Theory 506 Pollution with New Social Pressures in China 504
Looking Ahead: Social Change in the Future 507
The Physical Environment and Change 508

Glossary 515
References 523
Name Index 539
Subject Index 545

Contents ■ xiii

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
FEATURES

Sociology & Everyday Life

The Sociology of Suicide Trends Today 4

Spreading Culture Through Food Trucks? 38
Class Attendance in Higher Education 66
Twenty-five Years of Dumpster Diving for Dinner 96
Social Media and the Classroom 128
The Carnage Continues 154
The Power of Class 190
Leaving the Snare of Poverty 222
Race and Moral Imagination: From Selma to Ferguson and Back 246
When Gender, Sexual Orientation, and Weight Bias Collide 282
Diverse Family Landscapes in the Twenty-first Century 318
An Ongoing Debate 348
Thanking the Media for Their Role in Politics and the Economy in a Free Society 384
Medicine as a Social Institution 420
The Immigration Debate 458
Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues 490

Sociology in Global Perspective

Durkheim’s Classical Study of Suicide Applied to Twenty-First-Century

Young People in India 7
What Do Cultural Norms Say About Drinking Behavior? 49
Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Socialization 84
A Wider Perspective on Gangs: Look and Listen Around the World! 160
A Day in Your Life: How Are You Touched by Modern Slavery? 194
Women’s Body Size and the Globalization of “Fat Stigma” 309
Wombs-for-Rent: Commercial Surrogacy in India 333
Lopsided Job Market in China: A Mismatch Between Workers and Jobs 406
Medical Crises in the Aftermath of Disasters: From Oklahoma to Nepal 426
Problems That People Like to Ignore: Global Diaspora and the Migrant Crisis 466
Old Environmental Pollution with New Social Pressures in China 504

xv

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Sociology & Social Policy

Establishing Policies to Help Prevent Military Suicides 25

What’s Going on in “Paradise”?—Homeless Rights Versus Public Space 112
Technological and Social Change in the Workplace: BYOD? 144
The Long War Over Gun Control 183
Fighting Poverty Through Global Goals for Sustainable Development 230
Racist Hate Speech on Campus Versus the First Amendment Right
to Freedom of Speech 252
Prayer on the Public School Football Field: The Issue of Separation of Church
and State 368

You Can Make a Difference

Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along: Having Lunch Together 61

What Stresses Out College Students and What to Do About It? 89
Offering a Helping Hand to Homeless People 120
Can Facebook, Twitter, and Other Social Media Make You a Better, More Helpful
Person? 147
Students Helping Others Through Campus Kitchen 216
Global Networking to Reduce World Hunger and Poverty 240
Working for Racial and Gender Harmony on College Campuses 276
“Love Your Body”: Women’s Activism on Campus and in the Community 308
Keeping an Eye on the Media 412

xvi ■ Features

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
PREFACE

Welcome to the eleventh edition of Sociology in Our Times: As with previous editions, the eleventh edition of
The Essentials! This best-selling text has been extensively Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials highlights the rel-
used for more than two decades in college and university evance of sociology to help students connect with the
classrooms across the United States, Canada, and other subject and the full spectrum of topics and issues that it
nations. However, Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials encompasses. It achieves this connection by providing
continues to live up to its name, remaining highly current a meaningful, concrete context within which to learn.
and relevant to today’s students and professors and re- Specifically, it presents the stories—the lived experiences—
flecting the latest available data and new insights on what of real individuals and the social issues they face while
is going on in our nation and world from a sociological discussing a diverse array of classical and contemporary
perspective. theories and examining interesting and relevant research.
The eleventh edition focuses on social change and ways The first-person commentaries that begin each chapter in
in which media, particularly social media, and various “Sociology & Everyday Life” show students how sociology
other forms of technology inevitably bring about new ways can help them understand the important questions and
of living, interacting with others, or doing some activity or social issues that not only these other individuals face but
task. For example, the cover of the eleventh edition por- that they themselves may face as well.
trays a 250-acre nature park called Gardens by the Bay, cre- Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials includes the best
ated from reclaimed land located in the heart of Singapore. work of classical and established contemporary sociolo-
Designed to raise the quality of life by enhancing greenery gists, and it weaves an inclusive treatment of all people—
and flora in the city and creating an urban outdoor recre- across lines of race/ethnicity, class, gender, age, ability/
ation space, the park is also fitted with environmental tech- disability, and other social attributes—into the examina-
nologies to harness solar energy, while the world’s largest tion of sociology in all chapters. It does not water down
glasshouse is designed to collect rainwater for use in irriga- the treatment of sociology for students! Sociology in Our
tion and fountain displays. Times: The Essentials provides students with the most rel-
Like previous editions, the eleventh edition highlights evant information about sociological thinking and helps
topics ranging from popular culture icons and social net- them to consider contemporary social issues through the
working to far-more-serious issues of our times, such as the lens of diversity. While guiding students to appreciate how
social effects of massive natural and human disasters, gun sociology can help them better understand the world, this
violence, political unrest, terrorism, war, and the individ- text also encourages them to see themselves as members
ual and social consequences of problems such as growing of their communities and shows them what can be done in
inequality between the wealthiest and the poorest people responding to social issues. As a result, students learn how
and nations, persistent unemployment, migration con- sociology is not only a collection of concepts and theories
cerns worldwide, and other persistent issues and problems. but also a field that can make a difference in their lives,
The second decade of the twenty-first century offers their communities, and the world at large.
unprecedented challenges and opportunities for each
of us as individuals and for our larger society and world.
In the United States, we can no longer take for granted What’s New to the Eleventh Edition?
the peace and economic prosperity that many—but far
from all—people were able to enjoy in previous decades. The eleventh edition builds on the best of previous edi-
However, even as some things change, others remain the tions but places more emphasis on social change and so-
same, and among the things that have not changed are the cial problems, while offering new insights, learning tools,
significance of education and the profound importance of and opportunities to apply the content of each chapter
understanding how and why people act the way they do. to relevant sociological issues and major concerns of the
It is also important to analyze how societies grapple with twenty-first century. As it is my goal to make each edition
issues such as economic hardship and the threat of terror- better than the previous one, I have revised all the chapters
ist attacks and war, and to gain a better understanding of to reflect the latest in sociological theory and research, and
why many of us seek stability in our social institutions— have updated examples throughout. Additionally, all statis-
including family, religion, education, government, and tics, such as data relating to crime, demographics, health,
media—even if we believe that some of these institutions and the economy, are the latest available at the time of this
might benefit from certain changes. writing.

xvii

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
 To make the text easier to read and to study for exams, I CHAPTER 2: Culture
have removed the “Sociology Works!” and “Media Framing” ■ Revised and updated opening lived experience about
boxes and have incorporated some of the most important the relationship between food and cultural diversity
information into the text itself. In addition, the feature ■ Deleted “Census Profiles”
titled “Sociology and Social Policy” has been given more ■ Updated Figure 2.11: “Heterogeneity of U.S. Society”
emphasis in this edition because of its relevance to cur- using data on religious affiliation, household income,
rent events. This box focuses on important social issues and racial and ethnic distribution available from the
(such as the high rate of suicide in the military, the right of U.S. Census Bureau
homeless people to occupy public spaces, and the extent ■ Updated examples in “Popular Culture” to relate better
to which employers should be able to spy on employees) to to contemporary students
provide a systematic examination of how social policy and ■ Deleted “Sociology in Media” and expanded section on
law may bring about social change or impede it. Numerous culture in the future
new topics have also been added in “Sociology in Global ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” and moved some of its
Perspective,” such as “Problems That People Like to Ignore: information into “You Can Make a Difference”: “Schools
Global Diaspora and the Migrant Crisis” in Chapter 15, as Laboratories for Getting Along”
“Population and Urbanization.”
To assist your students in learning about sociology CHAPTER 3: Socialization
and reflecting their knowledge on tests, I have continued ■ Added new opening lived experience on class atten-
to revise the learning objectives at the beginning of each dance in higher education
chapter, provide integrated learning objective (LO) icons ■ Updated and redesigned Figure 3.4: “Types of Maltreat-
throughout the chapter, and offer students a study guide at ment Among Children Under Age 18”
the end of each chapter. The learning objectives have been ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!”
carefully conceived to help the reader focus on the most ■ Deleted “Sociology and Media”
crucial concepts of the chapter. ■ Revised and updated “Sociology in Global Perspective”:
“Open Doors: Study Abroad and Global Socialization”
■ Added new discussion on effects of social isolation and
Changes by Chapter loneliness, particularly among older adults
■ Added new final section—“Looking Ahead: Socializa-
CHAPTER 1: The Sociological Perspective tion, Social Change, and Your Future”—which discusses
and Research Process the different experiences of digital natives and digital
■ Updated chapter-opening lived experience to show immigrants and how this distinction affects the social-
continued linkages among social media, bullying, and ization process, particularly in higher education
suicide regarding young people in the United States
■ Updated “Sociology & Everyday Life” quiz: “How Much CHAPTER 4: Social Structure and Interaction
Do You Know About Suicide?” in Everyday Life
■ Added new Figure 1.3: “Using Our Global Sociological ■ Updated opening lived experience to include newer ex-
Imagination to Understand Suicide” ample of the ethics of dumpster diving for people who
■ Added discussion of the contemporary relevance of are not poor or homeless
Auguste Comte’s focus on science in terms of this em- ■ Updated Figure 4.4: “Causes of Family Homelessness in
phasis relating to sociology being a STEM discipline 25 Cities”
■ Revised and updated “Understanding Statistical Data ■ Deleted “Homelessness in the Media”
Presentations” to provide the latest available data for ■ Revised data in “Who Are the Homeless?”
students ■ Deleted “Census Profiles”
■ Updated Table 1.1, “Rates (per 100,000 U.S. Population) ■ Revised and updated “Sociology and Social Policy,”
for Homicide, Suicide, and Firearm-Related Deaths of adding new subtitle: “What’s Going on in ‘Paradise’?—
Youths Ages 15–19, by Gender, 2014” Homeless Rights Versus Public Space”
■ Revised and updated “Sociology and Social Policy”: ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!”
“Establishing Policies to Help Prevent Military Suicides” ■ Added new “You Can Make a Difference”: “Offering a
■ Updated Figure 1.14: “National Suicide Statistics at a Helping Hand to Homeless People”
Glance”
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” and incorporated its CHAPTER 5: Groups and Organizations
contents into “Sociology in Global Perspective” to ■ Deleted “Community in the Media” and moved some of
emphasize the relevance of Durkheim’s theory in the information into the text
contemporary India ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” and moved some of the
■ Deleted “Census Profiles” information into the discussion of ingroups and
■ Deleted “Sociology in the Media” outgroups

xviii ■ PreFaCe

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
■ Substantially revised and updated “Sociology and CHAPTER 8: Global Stratification
Social Policy,” changing the subtitle to “Technological ■ Revised and updated information in the “Sociology &
and Social Change in the Workplace: BYOD?” Everyday Life” quiz: “How Much Do You Know About
■ Renamed and updated final section: “Looking Ahead: Global Wealth and Poverty?”
Social Change and Organizations in the Future” ■ Replaced Figure 8.1 with “Wealth and Population by
■ Added new “You Can Make a Difference”: “Can Face- Region, 2015”
book, Twitter, and Other Social Media Make You a Bet- ■ Updated “Classification of Economies by Income”
ter, More Helpful Person?” ■ Revised Figure 8.3 (map of “High-, Middle-, and Low-
Income Economies in Global Perspective”)
CHAPTER 6: Deviance and Crime
■ Deleted “Framing Child Labor Issues in the Media”
■ Added new opening lived experience about President ■ Revised and updated “Global Poverty and Human
Obama’s exasperation with the lack of gun control in Development Issues” section
light of the San Bernardino, California, mass shooting ■ Updated Figure 8.6: “Indicators of Human
and all the other shootings that have recently occurred Development”
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” and moved some of the ■ Revised and updated “Sociology and Social Policy” to
content into discussion about deviance include new United Nations goals for 2016–2030
■ Updated discussion and examples, where possible, ■ Updated information on maquiladora plants
throughout crime theories section ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” and incorporated some of
■ Updated crime statistics throughout chapter the information into the main body of the text
■ Revised and updated all figures pertaining to crime ■ Added new “You Can Make a Difference”: “Global Net-
statistics working to Reduce World Hunger and Poverty”
■ Deleted “Framing Violent Crime in the Media” ■ Revised and updated “Looking Ahead: Global Inequal-
■ Updated discussion about terrorism and crime to ity in the Future”
include recent violence in France and Dallas, Texas
■ Updated statistics on the U.S. criminal justice system CHAPTER 9: Race and Ethnicity
■ Added new “Sociology in Global Perspective”: “A Wider
■ Added new opening lived experience about Selma,
Perspective on Gangs: Look and Listen Around the Alabama, fifty years after the civil rights march and
World!” to include newer research and global examples about recent problems in Ferguson, Missouri, involv-
■ Updated “Sociology and Social Policy,” now subtitled
ing racism and abusive policing directed at African
“The Long War Over Gun Control” Americans
■ Revised and expanded section on Internet crime
■ Updated data in the “Sociology & Everyday Life” quiz:
“How Much Do You Know About Race, Ethnicity, and
CHAPTER 7: Class and Stratification
Sports?”
in the United States
■ Updated data and other information on all racial and
■ Updated statistics on income, poverty, health insur- ethnic categories
ance, and other issues pertaining to inequality through- ■ Added new “Sociology and Social Policy”: “Racist Hate
out the chapter. Speech on Campus Versus First Amendment Right to
■ Updated models and figures of the U.S. class structure Freedom of Speech”
■ Revised Figure 7.12: “Distribution of Pretax Income in ■ Deleted “Census Profiles”
the United States, 2014” ■ Deleted “Sociology in Global Perspective”
■ Revised Figure 7.13: “Mean Household Income in the ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!”
United States” ■ Deleted “Sociology in the Media”
■ Revised Figure 7.15: “Racial Divide in Net Worth, 2013” ■ Added new information on Cuban Americans regarding
■ Revised Figure 7.16: “Rate of Uninsurance by Household changing relations with the United States
Income, 2014” ■ Updated information on Middle Eastern Americans in
■ Deleted map: “Percentage of People in Poverty in the light of recent terrorist attacks
Past 12 Months by State” ■ Changed final section to “Looking Ahead: The Future of
■ Revised Figure 7.18: “U.S. Poverty Rates by Age, Global Racial and Ethnic Inequality”
1959–2014”
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” CHAPTER 10: Sex, Gender, and Sexuality
■ Added new Figure 7.19: “Poverty Rates by Age and Sex,
■ Added new “Sociology & Everyday Life” opening lived
2014” experience on gender, sexual orientation, and weight
■ Added “You Can Make a Difference”: “Students Helping
issues
Others Through Campus Kitchen” ■ Added new “Sociology & Everyday Life” quiz: “How
■ Expanded and renamed final section: “Looking Ahead:
Much Do You Know About Gender, Sexual Orientation,
U.S. Stratification in the Future” and Weight Bias?”

PreFaCe ■ xix

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
■ Revised and updated discussion of LGBTQ issues, ■ Updated “Sociology and Social Policy” box to reflect
including changes to the “Intersex and Transgender Per- increasing complications relating to church–state
sons” section and new material on the North Carolina separation issues
“bathroom law” relating to transgender persons ■ Deleted “Top 24 U.S. Denominations That Self-Identify
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” as Christian”
■ Deleted “Census Profiles” ■ Updated Figure 12.19: “U.S. Religious Traditions’ Membership”
■ Updated section on gender and socialization ■ Revised and updated “Looking Ahead: Education and
■ Expanded discussion of mass media and gender social- Religion in the Future”
ization to include more on social media
■ Deleted “Framing Gender in the Media” CHAPTER 13: Politics and the Economy
■ Revised and updated “Contemporary Gender Inequal- in Global Perspective
ity,” particularly “Gendered Division of Paid Work in the ■ Added new opening lived experience with President
United States” Obama addressing journalists and explaining the im-
■ Updated Figure 10.11: “The Wage Gap, 2015” portance of the media in a free society
■ Updated Figure 10.12: “Women’s Wages as a Percentage ■ Deleted “Sociology Works!”
of Men’s in Each Racial–Ethnic Category” ■ Revised and updated discussion of the U.S. political
■ Updated map shown in Figure 10.13: “Women’s Earn- process and political parties
ings as a Percentage of Men’s Earnings by State, the ■ Updated “Discontent with the Current Political System
District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico, 2014” and Parties” to include the primaries in the 2016 presi-
■ Added new “Sociology in Global Perspective”: “Women’s dential race
Body Size and the Globalization of ‘Fat Stigma’ ” ■ Deleted discussion of the Tea Party and the Green Party
■ Added new “You Can Make a Difference”: “ ‘Love Your Body’: to focus instead on current disagreements within the
Women’s Activism on Campus and in the Community” Republican and Democratic parties
■ Revised and updated Figure 13.10: “The ‘Typical’ Fed-
CHAPTER 11: Families and Intimate Relationships eral Civilian Employee”
■ Revised chapter opening lived experience and updated ■ Deleted “Census Profiles”
the “Sociology & Everyday Life” quiz ■ Updated Table 13.1: “Revenues of the World’s 20 Largest
■ Revised statistics on families throughout chapter Public and Private Corporations (2014)”
■ Added new section: “The Contemporary Family— ■ Updated Table 13.2: “The Music Industry’s Big Three”
Family Diversity in the Twenty-first Century” ■ Updated Figure 13.13: “The General Motors Board of
■ Deleted “Census Profiles” Directors”
■ Updated data on cohabitation and domestic ■ Added new “Sociology in Global Perspective”:
partnerships “Lopsided Job Market in China: A Mismatch
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” Between Workers and Jobs”
■ Updated “Sociology in Global Perspective”: ■ Revised and updated discussion of unemployment with
“Wombs-for-Rent: Commercial Surrogacy in India” latest available data
■ Revised Figure 11.10: “U.S. Birth Rates per 1,000 ■ Updated information on labor unions and worker activism
Females Ages 15–19, by Race/Ethnicity, 1990–2014” ■ Added new “You Can Make a Difference”: “Keeping an
■ Deleted “Teen Pregnancy in the Media” Eye on the Media”
■ Revised “Looking Ahead: Family Issues in the Future” ■ Revised “Looking Ahead: Politics and the Global
Economy in the Future”
CHAPTER 12: Education and Religion
■ Updated statistics for education and religion through- CHAPTER 14: Health, Health Care, and Disability
out the chapter ■ Updated information and statistics on illness and
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” health care throughout chapter
■ Added “Postmodern Theory” in education section ■ Deleted “Health Issues in the Media”
■ Updated Figure 12.7: “Percentage Distribution of Total ■ Updated discussion on medicinal and recreational use
Public Elementary–Secondary School System Revenue, of marijuana and changes in state laws pertaining to
2014–2015” illegal drug use
■ Revised and updated Figure 12.8: “Status Dropout Rates ■ Updated Figure 14.8: “Chlamydia—Rates by Age and
for 16- to 24-Year-Olds, by Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Sex, United States, 2014”
Region” ■ Updated Figure 14.9: “Prevalence of Self-Reported Adult
■ Updated discussion of school safety and violence Obesity in the United States, 2014”
■ Deleted “Census Profiles” and incorporated “Educa- ■ Revised and updated information on the Affordable
tional Achievement of Persons Ages 25 and Over” into Care Act and its implementation
the text ■ Updated statistics on private health insurance

xx ■ PreFaCe

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
■ Redesigned and updated Figure 14.13: “Uninsured research. This chapter provides a thorough description of
Children Under 19 Years of Age by Household Income, both quantitative and qualitative methods of sociological
Poverty Status, Age, Race, Race and Hispanic Origin, research, and shows how these approaches have been used
and Nativity, 2014” from the era of Emile Durkheim to the present to study
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” social concerns such as suicide. In Chapter 2 culture is
■ Revised discussion on mental disorders and mental spotlighted as either a stabilizing force or a force that can
illness, and renamed section generate discord, conflict, and even violence in societies.
■ Deleted “Census Profiles” Cultural diversity is discussed as a contemporary issue, and
■ Updated “Looking Ahead: Health Care in the Future” unique coverage is given to popular culture and leisure and
to divergent perspectives on popular culture. Chapter 3
CHAPTER 15: Population and Urbanization looks at the positive and negative aspects of socialization,
■ Revised Figure 15.1: “Growth in the World’s Population, including a lived experience of learning the socialization
2015” cues of medical school. This chapter presents an innova-
■ Updated statistics on fertility, mortality, and migration tive analysis of gender and racial–ethnic socialization, and
■ Deleted “Sociology in the Media” issues associated with recent immigration.
■ Added new “Sociology in Global Perspective”: “Prob- Part 2 examines social groups and social control.
lems That People Like to Ignore: Global Diaspora and Chapter 4 applies the sociological imagination to an exam-
the Migrant Crisis” ination of society, social structure, and social interaction,
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” using homelessness as a sustained example of the dynamic
■ Updated Figure 15.14: “The World’s Fifteen Largest interplay of structure and interaction in society. Unique to
Agglomerations” this chapter are discussions of the sociology of emotions
■ Revised and updated “Looking Ahead: Population and and of personal space as viewed through the lenses of race,
Urbanization in the Future” class, gender, and age.
Chapter 5 analyzes groups and organizations, including
CHAPTER 16: Collective Behavior, Social innovative forms of social organization and ways in which
Movements, and Social Change organizational structures may differentially affect people
■ Added new opening lived experience that focuses on based on race, class, gender, and age. Chapter 6 examines how
divestment demands by college students and others as deviance and crime emerge in societies, using diverse theo-
a way to deal with environmental issues retical approaches to describe the nature of deviance, crime,
■ Revised Table 16.1: “Top 15 Policy Priorities of the U.S. and the criminal justice system. Key issues are dramatized for
Public, 2015” students through an analysis of recent mass shootings and the
■ Revised discussion of revolutionary movements to consequences of violence on individuals and society.
include more on movements based on international Part 3 focuses on social differences and social inequal-
terrorist groups such as ISIS (ISIL) ity, looking at issues of class, race/ethnicity, and sex/gen-
■ Deleted “Sociology Works!” der, while also touching on issues relating to social inequal-
■ Revised and updated “Looking Ahead: Social Change in ity based on age. Chapter 7 focuses on class and stratifica-
the Future” tion in the United States, analyzing the causes and conse-
quences of inequality and poverty, including a discussion
of the ideology and accessibility of the American Dream.
Overview of the Text’s Contents Chapter 8 addresses the issue of global stratification and
examines differences in wealth and poverty in rich and
Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, eleventh edition, poor nations around the world. Explanations for these dif-
contains sixteen high-interest, up-to-date, clearly orga- ferences are discussed.
nized chapters to introduce students to the best of socio- The focus of Chapter 9 is race and ethnicity, includ-
logical thinking. The length of the text makes full coverage ing an illustration of the historical relationship (or lack of
of the book possible in the time typically allocated to the it) between sports and upward mobility by persons from
introductory course so that all students are purchasing a diverse racial–ethnic groups. A thorough analysis of preju-
book that their instructors will have the time and desire to dice, discrimination, theoretical perspectives, and the expe-
cover in its entirety. riences of diverse racial and ethnic groups is presented,
Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials is divided into five along with global racial and ethnic issues. Chapter 10
parts. examines sex, gender, and sexuality, with special emphasis
Part 1 establishes the foundation for studying society on gender stratification in historical perspective. Linkages
and social life. Chapter 1 introduces students to the socio- between gender socialization and contemporary gender
logical imagination and traces the development of sociolog- inequality are described and illustrated by lived experi-
ical thinking. The chapter sets forth the major theoretical ences and perspectives on body image.
perspectives used by sociologists in analyzing compelling Part 4 offers a systematic discussion of social institu-
social issues and shows students how sociologists conduct tions, building students’ awareness of the importance of

PreFaCe ■ xxi

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
these foundational elements of society and showing how Unparalleled Coverage of and Attention
a problem in one often has a significant influence on oth- to Diversity
ers. Families and intimate relationships are explored in
Chapter 11, which includes both U.S. and global perspec- From its first edition, I have striven to integrate diversity
tives on family relationships, a view of families throughout in numerous ways throughout this book. The individu-
the life course, and a discussion of diversity in contempo- als portrayed and discussed in each chapter accurately
rary U.S. families. Education and religion are presented in mirror the diversity in society itself. As a result, this text
Chapter 12, which highlights important sociological theo- speaks to a wide variety of students and captures their in-
ries pertaining to these social institutions and integrates terest by taking into account their concerns and perspec-
the theme of the influence of religion on education and tives. Moreover, the research used includes the best work
life. In the process, the chapter highlights issues of race, of classical and established contemporary sociologists—
class, and gender inequalities in current U.S. education. including many white women and people of color—and
The chapter also provides a thorough discussion of religion it weaves an inclusive treatment of all people into the ex-
in global perspective, including a survey of world religions amination of sociology in all chapters. Therefore, this text
and an analysis of how religious beliefs affect other aspects helps students consider the significance of the interlocking
of social life. Current trends in U.S. religion are explored, nature of individuals’ class, race, and gender (and, increas-
including various sociological explanations of why people ingly, age) in all aspects of social life.
look to religion to find purpose and meaning in life.
Chapter 13 discusses the intertwining nature of politics, Personal Narratives That Highlight Issues
economy, and media in global perspective, highlighting the
international context in which contemporary political and
and Serve as Chapter-Length Examples
economic systems operate. The chapter emphasizes the Authentic first-person commentaries appear in the
part that social media are increasingly playing in politics “Sociology & Everyday Life” features that open each chap-
and the economy throughout the world. ter and personalize the issue that unifies the chapter’s
Chapter 14 analyzes health, health care, and disability coverage. These lived experiences provide opportunities
from both U.S. and global perspectives. Among the topics for students to examine social life beyond their own expe-
included are social epidemiology, lifestyle factors influenc- riences and for instructors to systematically incorporate
ing health and illness, health care organization in the United into lectures and discussions an array of interesting and
States and other nations, social implications of advanced relevant topics that help demonstrate to students the value
medical technology, and holistic and alternative medicine. of applying sociology to their everyday lives. New topics
This chapter is unique in that it contains a thorough dis- include “Class Attendance in Higher Education,” “When
cussion of the sociological perspectives on disability and of Gender, Sexual Orientation, and Weight Bias Collide,” and
social inequalities based on disability. The Affordable Care “Collective Behavior and Environmental Issues.”
Act and its ramifications are explored in detail.
Part 5 surveys social dynamics and social change. Focus on the Relationship Between
Chapter 15 examines population and urbanization, look-
ing at demography, global population change, and the pro-
Sociology and Everyday Life
cess and consequences of urbanization. Special attention Each chapter has a brief quiz in the opening “Sociology &
is given to race- and class-based segregation in urban areas Everyday Life” feature that relates the sociological perspec-
and the crisis in health care in central cities. Chapter 16 tive to the pressing social issues presented in the vignette.
concludes the text with an innovative analysis of collective (Answers are provided at the end of the chapter.)
behavior, social movements, and social change. The need
for persistence in social movements, such as the continuing
Emphasis on the Importance
work of environmental activists over the past sixty years, is
used as an example to help students grasp the importance of a Global Perspective
of collective behavior and social movements in producing The global implications of all topics are examined
social change. throughout each chapter and in the “Sociology in Global
Perspective” features, which highlight our interconnected
world and reveal how the sociological imagination extends
Distinctive, Classroom-Tested Features beyond national borders.

The following special features are specifically designed to

demonstrate the relevance of sociology in our lives, as well
Emphasis on Social and Global Change
as to support students’ learning. As the preceding over- The eleventh edition also strives to relate the importance
view of the book’s contents shows, these features appear of social and global change in its many forms and how this
throughout the text, some in every chapter and others in change affects not only our everyday lives but also our com-
selected chapters. munities and the entire nation and world.

xxii ■ PreFaCe

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Applying the Sociological Imagination sociology course. Instructors personalize the experience
to Social Policy by customizing the presentation of these learning tools
to their students, even seamlessly introducing their own
The “Sociology and Social Policy” features in selected chap- content into the Learning Path via apps that integrate into
ters help students understand the connection between law the MindTap platform. Learn more at www.cengage.com
and social policy issues in society. /mindtap.
MindTap for Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times: The
Focus on Making a Difference Essentials, eleventh edition, is easy to use and saves instruc-
tors time by allowing them to do the following:
Designed to help students learn how to become involved
in their communities, the “You Can Make a Difference” ■ Seamlessly deliver appropriate content and technol-
features look at ways in which students can address, on ogy assets from a number of providers to students, as
a personal level, social issues and problems raised by the needed.
chapter themes. ■ Break course content down into movable objects to
promote personalization, encourage interactivity, and
Effective Study Aids ensure student engagement.
■ Customize the course—from tools to text—and make
In addition to basic reading and study aids such as learning adjustments “on the fly,” making it possible to inter-
objectives, key terms, and a running glossary, Sociology in twine breaking news into your lessons and incorporate
Our Times includes the following pedagogical aids to aid today’s teachable moments.
students’ mastery of the course’s content: ■ Bring interactivity into learning through the integration
of multimedia assets (apps from Cengage Learning and
■ Concept Quick Review. These tables categorize and
other providers) and numerous in-context exercises
contrast the major theories or perspectives on the spe-
and supplements: Student engagement will increase,
cific topics presented in a chapter.
leading to better outcomes.
■ Questions for Critical Thinking. Each chapter con-
■ Track students’ use, activities, and comprehension in
cludes with a set of questions to encourage students
real time, which provides opportunities for early inter-
to reflect on important issues, to develop their own
vention to influence progress and outcomes. Grades are
critical-thinking skills, and to highlight how ideas pre-
visible and archived so students and instructors always
sented in one chapter often build on those developed
have access to current standings in the class.
previously.
■ Assess knowledge throughout each section: after read-
■ Feature-Concluding Reflect & Analyze Questions.
ings and in activities, homework, and quizzes.
From activating prior knowledge related to concepts
■ Automatically grade homework and quizzes.
and themes to highlighting main ideas and reinforcing
diverse perspectives, this text’s questions encourage CourseReader for Sociology CourseReader for Sociology
students to reflect on issues and to analyze content allows you to create a fully customized online reader in
rather than to simply memorize and recall course minutes. You can access a rich collection of thousands of
content. primary and secondary sources, readings, and audio and
■ End-of-Chapter Summaries in Question-and- video selections from multiple disciplines. Each selec-
Answer Format. Chapter summaries provide a built-in tion includes a descriptive introduction that puts it into
review for students by reexamining material covered context, and every selection is further supported by both
in the chapter in an easy-to-read question-and-answer critical-thinking and multiple-choice questions designed
format to review, highlight, and reinforce the most im- to reinforce key points. This easy-to-use solution allows
portant concepts and issues discussed in each chapter. you to select exactly the content you need for your courses,
and it is loaded with convenient pedagogical features, such
as highlighting, printing, note taking, and downloadable
Comprehensive Supplements Package MP3 audio files for each reading. You have the freedom to
assign and customize individualized content at an afford-
Products for Blended and Online Courses able price. CourseReader is the perfect complement to any
class.
MindTap™: The Personal Learning Experience MindTap
Sociology for Kendall’s Sociology in Our Times: The
Resources for Customizing Your Textbook
Essentials, eleventh edition, from Cengage Learning, rep-
resents a new approach to a highly personalized, online Cengage Learning is pleased to offer three modules that help
learning platform. A fully online learning solution, MindTap you tailor Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, eleventh edi-
combines all of a student’s learning tools—readings, multi- tion, to your course. In addition, you can choose to add your
media, activities, and assessments—into a “Learning own materials or reorganize the table of contents. Work with
Path” that guides the student through the introduction to your local Cengage Learning consultant to find out more.

PreFaCe ■ xxiii

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Careers in Sociology Module Written by leading true/false questions for each chapter of the text, along with
author Joan Ferrante, Northern Kentucky University, the an answer key and text references for each question. Each
Careers in Sociology module offers the most extensive and multiple-choice item has the question type (fact, concept,
useful information on careers that is available. This mod- or application) indicated. Also included are short-answer
ule provides six career tracks, each of which has a “featured and essay questions for each chapter. The author of the Test
employer,” a job description, and a letter of recommenda- Bank has also keyed each test question to its related learn-
tion (written by a professor for a sociology student) or ap- ing objective for the chapter.
plication (written by a sociology student). The module also
includes résumé-building tips on how to make the most out Online PowerPoint® Slides Helping you make your lec-
of being a sociology major and offers specific course sug- tures more engaging while effectively reaching your more
gestions along with the transferable skills gained by taking visually oriented students, these Microsoft® PowerPoint®
these courses. As part of Cengage Learning’s Add-a-Module slides outline the chapters of the main text in classroom-
Program, Careers in Sociology can be purchased separately, ready presentations that include tables, selected figures,
bundled, or customized with any of our introductory texts. image-based “Consider This” questions, and a “Quick Quiz.”
The PowerPoint slides are updated to reflect the content
Sociology of Sports Module The Sociology of Sports and organization of the new edition of the text.
module, authored by Jerry M. Lewis, Kent State University,
examines why sociologists are interested in sports, mass The Sociology Video Library Volumes I–IV These
media and sports, popular culture and sports (including DVDs drive home the relevance of course topics through
feature-length films on sports), sports and religion, drugs short, provocative clips of current and historical events.
and sports, and violence and sports. As part of Cengage Perfect for enriching lectures and engaging students in
Learning’s Add-a-Module Program, Sociology of Sports can discussion, many of the segments on these volumes have
be purchased separately, bundled, or customized with any been gathered from BBC Motion Gallery. Ask your Cengage
of our introductory texts. Learning representative for a list of contents.

Rural Sociology Module The Rural Sociology mod- AIDS in Africa Expand your students’ global perspec-
ule, authored by Carol A. Jenkins, Glendale Community tive on HIV/AIDS with this award-winning documentary
College–Arizona, presents the realities of life in rural series on DVD, which focuses on controlling HIV/AIDS in
America. Many people imagine a rural America character- southern Africa. Films focus on caregivers in the faith com-
ized by farming, similar cultures, and close-knit communi- munity; how young people share messages of hope through
ties. However, rural Americans and rural communities are song and dance; the relationship of HIV/AIDS to gender,
extremely diverse—demographically, culturally, socially, poverty, stigma, education, and justice; and the story of two
economically, and environmentally. The module presents HIV-positive women helping others.
these characteristics of rural life in a comprehensive and
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero
accessible format for introductory sociology students. As
This is a flexible online system that allows you to do the
part of Cengage Learning’s Add-a-Module program, Rural
following:
Sociology can be purchased separately, bundled, or custom-
ized with any of our introductory sociology texts. ■ Import, edit, and manipulate test bank content from
the Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials test bank or
Teaching Aids for Instructors elsewhere, including your own favorite test questions
■ Create multiple test versions in an instant
A broad array of teaching aids is available to make course ■ Deliver tests from your LMS, your classroom, or wher-
planning faster and easier, giving you more time to focus on ever you want
your students. All of these resources can be accessed with a
single account. Go to login.cengage.com to log in.

Online Instructor’s Resource Manual This text’s On- Acknowledgments

line Instructor’s Resource Manual is designed to maximize
the effectiveness of your course preparation. Beginning Sociology in Our Times: The Essentials, eleventh edition,
with a list of “What’s New in Each Chapter” and the Key would not have been possible without the insightful cri-
Terms, it offers chapter outlines correlated to student tiques of these colleagues, who have reviewed some or all
learning objectives, creative lecture and teaching ideas, an of this text and its supplements or responded to a detailed
extensive chapter outline with learning objectives correlat- survey. I extend my profound thanks to each one for engag-
ed to headings, student active learning activities, Internet ing with me in the revision process.
activities, and video suggestions. Glenn Audrey, Hinds Community College
Cari Beecher, College of Du Page
Online Test Bank The eleventh edition’s test bank con- Margaret Choka, Pellissippi State Community College
sists of revised and updated multiple-choice questions and Rohan de Silva, Milwaukee Area Technical College

xxiv ■ PreFaCe

Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-202
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
Here, it may be observed, we have a strong confirmation of the
explanation already given of the custom of killing the god, both
periodically and occasionally. The Mother of the Maize was allowed,
as a rule, to live through a year, that being the period during which
her strength might reasonably be supposed to last unimpaired; but
on any symptom of her strength failing she was put to death and a
fresh and vigorous Mother of the Maize took her place, lest the
maize which depended on her for its existence should languish and
decay.

Hardly less clearly does the same train of thought come out in the
harvest customs formerly observed by the Zapotecs of Mexico. At
harvest the priests, attended by the nobles and people, went in
procession to the maize fields, where they picked out the largest and
finest sheaf. This they took with great ceremony to the town or
village, and placed it in the temple upon an altar adorned with wild
flowers. After sacrificing to the harvest god, the priests carefully
wrapt up the sheaf in fine linen and kept it till seed-time. Then the
priests and nobles met again at the temple, one of them bringing
the skin of a wild beast, elaborately ornamented, in which the linen
cloth containing the sheaf was enveloped. The sheaf was then
carried once more in procession to the field from which it had been
taken. Here a small cavity or subterranean chamber had been
prepared, in which the precious sheaf was deposited, wrapt in its
various envelopes. After sacrifice had been offered to the gods of
the fields for an abundant crop, the chamber was closed and
covered over with earth. Immediately thereafter the sowing began.
Finally, when the time of harvest drew near, the buried sheaf was
solemnly disinterred by the [pg 353] priests, who distributed the
grain to all who asked for it. The packets of grain so distributed were
carefully preserved as talismans till the harvest.1180 In these
ceremonies, which continued to be annually celebrated long after
the Spanish conquest, the intention of keeping the finest sheaf
buried in the maize field from seed-time to harvest was undoubtedly
to quicken the growth of the maize.
In the Punjaub, to the east of the Jumna, when the cotton boles
begin to burst, it is usual “to select the largest plant in the field, and
having sprinkled it with butter-milk and rice-water, it is bound all
over with pieces of cotton, taken from the other plants of the field.
This selected plant is called Sirdar, or Bhogaldaí, i.e. mother-cotton,
from bhogla, a name sometimes given to a large cotton-pod, and daí
(for daiya) a mother, and after salutations are made to it, prayers
are offered that the other plants may resemble it in the richness of
their produce.”1181

If the reader still feels any doubts as to the original meaning of the
harvest customs practised by our peasantry, these doubts may be
dispelled by comparing the harvest customs of the Dyaks of Borneo.
At harvest the Dyaks of Northern Borneo have a special feast, the
object of which is “to secure the soul of the rice, which if not so
detained, the produce of their farms would speedily rot and decay.”
The mode of securing the soul of the rice varies in different tribes.
Sometimes the priest catches it, in the form of a few grains of rice,
in a white cloth. Sometimes a large shed is erected outside the
village, and near it [pg 354] is reared a high and spacious altar. The
corner-posts of the altar are lofty bamboos with leafy tops, from one
of which there hangs a long narrow streamer of white cloth. Here
gaily-dressed men and women dance with slow and solemn steps.
Suddenly the elders and priests rush at the white streamer, seize the
end of it, and begin dancing and swaying to and fro, amid a burst of
wild music and the yells of the spectators. An elder leaps on the
altar and shakes the bamboos violently, whereupon small stones,
bunches of hair and grains of rice fall at the feet of the dancers and
are carefully picked up by attendants. These grains of rice are the
soul of the rice. At sowing-time some of this soul of the rice is
planted with the other seeds, “and is thus propagated and
communicated.”1182 The same need of securing the soul of the rice, if
the crop is to thrive, is keenly felt by the Karens of Burma. When a
rice-field does not flourish, they suppose that the soul (kelah) of the
rice is in some way detained from the rice. If the soul cannot be
called back, the crop will fail. The following formula is used in
recalling the kelah (soul) of the rice: “O come, rice-kelah, come!
Come to the field. Come to the rice. With seed of each gender,
come. Come from the river Kho, come from the river Kaw; from the
place where they meet, come. Come from the West, come from the
East. From the throat of the bird, from the maw of the ape, from the
throat of the elephant. Come from the sources of rivers and their
mouths. Come from the country of the Shan and Burman. From the
distant kingdoms come. From all granaries come. O rice-kelah, come
to the [pg 355] rice.”1183 Again, the European custom of representing
the corn-spirit in the double form of bride and bridegroom1184 is
paralleled by a custom observed at the rice-harvest in Java. Before
the reapers begin to cut the rice, the priest or sorcerer picks out a
number of ears of rice, which are tied together, smeared with
ointment, and adorned with flowers. Thus decked out, the ears are
called the padi-pëngantèn, that is, the Rice-bride and the Rice-
bridegroom; their wedding feast is celebrated, and the cutting of the
rice begins immediately afterwards. Later on, when the rice is being
got in, a bridal chamber is partitioned off in the barn, and furnished
with a new mat, a lamp, and all kinds of toilet articles. Sheaves of
rice, to represent the wedding guests, are placed beside the Rice-
bride and the Rice-bridegroom. Not till this has been done may the
whole harvest be housed in the barn. And for the first forty days
after the rice has been housed, no one may enter the barn, for fear
of disturbing the newly-wedded pair.1185

Compared with the Corn-mother of Germany and the harvest Maiden

of Balquhidder, the Demeter and Proserpine of Greece are late
products of religious growth. But, as Aryans, the Greeks must at one
time or another have observed harvest customs like those which are
still practised by Celts, Teutons, and Slavs, and which, far beyond
the limits of the Aryan world, have been practised by the Incas of
Peru, the Dyaks of Borneo, and the Malays of Java—a sufficient
proof that the ideas on which these customs rest are not confined to
any one race, but naturally suggest themselves [pg 356] to all
untutored peoples engaged in agriculture. It is probable, therefore,
that Demeter and Proserpine, those stately and beautiful figures of
Greek mythology, grew out of the same simple beliefs and practices
which still prevail among our modern peasantry, and that they were
represented by rude dolls made out of the yellow sheaves on many a
harvest-field long before their breathing images were wrought in
bronze and marble by the master hands of Phidias and Praxiteles. A
reminiscence of that olden time—a scent, so to say, of the harvest-
field—lingered to the last in the title of the Maiden (Kore) by which
Proserpine was commonly known. Thus if the prototype of Demeter
is the Corn-mother of Germany, the prototype of Proserpine is the
harvest Maiden, which, autumn after autumn, is still made from the
last sheaf on the Braes of Balquhidder. Indeed if we knew more
about the peasant-farmers of ancient Greece we should probably
find that even in classical times they continued annually to fashion
their Corn-mothers (Demeters) and Maidens (Proserpines) out of the
ripe corn on the harvest fields. But unfortunately the Demeter and
Proserpine whom we know are the denizens of towns, the majestic
inhabitants of lordly temples; it was for such divinities alone that the
refined writers of antiquity had eyes; the rude rites performed by
rustics amongst the corn were beneath their notice. Even if they
noticed them, they probably never dreamed of any connection
between the puppet of corn-stalks on the sunny stubble-field and
the marble divinity in the shady coolness of the temple. Still the
writings even of these town-bred and cultured persons afford us an
occasional glimpse of a Demeter as rude as the rudest that a remote
German village [pg 357] can show. Thus the story that Iasion begat
a child Plutus (“wealth,” “abundance”) by Demeter on a thrice-
ploughed field,1186 may be compared with the West Prussian custom
of the mock birth of a child on the harvest field.1187 In this Prussian
custom the pretended mother represents the Corn-mother
(Žytniamatka); the pretended child represents the Corn-baby, and
the whole ceremony is a charm to ensure a crop next year.1188 There
are other folk-customs, observed both in spring and at harvest, with
which the legend of the begetting of the child Plutus is probably still
more intimately connected. Their general purport is to impart fertility
to the fields by performing, or at least mimicking, upon them the
process of procreation.1189 Another glimpse of the savage under the
civilised Demeter will be afforded farther on, when we come to deal
with another aspect of these agricultural divinities.

The reader may have observed that in modern folk-customs the

corn-spirit is generally represented either by a Corn-mother (Old
Woman, etc.) or by a Maiden (Corn-baby, etc.), not both by a Corn-
mother [pg 358] and by a Maiden. Why then did the Greeks
represent the corn both as a mother and a daughter? In the Breton
custom the mother-sheaf—a large figure made out of the last sheaf
with a small corn-doll inside of it—clearly represents both the Corn-
mother and the Corn-daughter, the latter still unborn.1190 Again, in
the Prussian custom just described, the woman who plays the part
of Corn-mother represents the ripe corn; the child appears to
represent next year's corn, which may be regarded, naturally
enough, as the child of this year's corn, since it is from the seed of
this year's harvest that next year's corn will spring. Demeter would
thus be the ripe corn of this year; Proserpine the seed-corn taken
from it and sown in autumn, to reappear in spring. The descent of
Proserpine into the lower world1191 would thus be a mythical
expression for the sowing of the seed; her reappearance in spring1192
would express the sprouting of the young corn. Thus the Proserpine
of this year becomes the Demeter of the next, and this may very
well have been the original form of the myth. But when with the
advance of religious thought the corn came to be personified, no
longer as a being that went through the whole cycle of birth,
growth, reproduction, and death within a year, but as an immortal
goddess, consistency requires that one of the two personifications,
the mother or the daughter, should be sacrificed. But the double
conception of the corn as mother and daughter was too old and too
[pg 359] deeply rooted in the popular mind to be eradicated by
logic, and so room had to be found in the reformed myth both for
mother and daughter. This was done by assigning to Proserpine the
rôle of the corn sown in autumn and sprouting in spring, while
Demeter was left to play the somewhat vague and ill-defined part of
mother of the corn, who laments its annual disappearance
underground, and rejoices over its reappearance in spring. Thus
instead of a regular succession of divine beings, each living a year
and then giving birth to her successor, the reformed myth exhibits
the conception of two divine and immortal beings, one of whom
annually disappears into and reappears from the ground, while the
other has little to do but to weep and rejoice at the appropriate
times.

This explanation of the double personification of the corn in Greek

myth assumes that both personifications (Demeter and Proserpine)
are original. But if we assume that the Greek myth started with a
single personification, the after-growth of a second personification
may perhaps be explained as follows. On looking over the peasant
harvest customs which have been passed under review, it may be
noticed that they involve two distinct conceptions of the corn-spirit.
For whereas in some of the customs the corn-spirit is treated as
immanent in the corn, in others it is regarded as external to it. Thus
when a particular sheaf is called by the name of the corn-spirit, and
is dressed in clothes and treated with reverence,1193 the corn-spirit is
clearly regarded as immanent in the corn. But when the corn-spirit is
said to make [pg 360] the corn grow by passing through it, or to
blight the corn of those against whom she has a grudge,1194 she is
clearly conceived as quite separate from, though exercising power
over, the corn. Conceived in the latter way the corn-spirit is in a fair
way to become a deity of the corn, if she has not become so already.
Of these two conceptions, that of the corn-spirit as immanent in the
corn is doubtless the older, since the view of nature as animated by
indwelling spirits appears to have generally preceded the view of it
as controlled by deities external to it; to put it shortly, animism
precedes deism. In the harvest customs of our European peasantry
the conception of the corn-spirit as immanent appears to be the
prevalent one; the conception of it as external occurs rather as an
exception. In Greek mythology, on the other hand, Demeter is
distinctly conceived in the latter way; she is the deity of the corn
rather than the spirit immanent in it.1195 The process of thought
which seems to be chiefly instrumental in producing the transition
from the one mode of conception to the other is anthropomorphism,
or the gradual investment of the immanent spirits with more and
more of the attributes of humanity. As men emerge from savagery
the tendency to anthropomorphise or humanise their divinities gains
strength; and the more anthropomorphic these become, the wider is
the breach which severs them from those natural objects of which
they were at first merely the animating spirits or souls. But in the
progress upwards from savagery, men of the same generation do
not march abreast; and though the anthropomorphic gods may
satisfy the religious wants [pg 361] of more advanced individuals,
the more backward members of the community will cling by
preference to the older animistic notions. Now when the spirit of any
natural object (as the corn) has been invested with human qualities,
detached from the object, and converted into a deity controlling it,
the object itself is, by the withdrawal of its spirit, left inanimate, it
becomes, so to say, a spiritual vacuum. But the popular fancy,
intolerant of such a vacuum, in other words, unable to conceive
anything as inanimate, immediately creates a fresh mythical being,
with which it peoples the vacant object. Thus the same natural
object is now represented in mythology by two separate beings;
first, by the old spirit now separated from it and raised to the rank of
a deity; second, by the new spirit, freshly created by the popular
fancy to supply the place vacated by the old spirit on its elevation to
a higher sphere. The problem for mythology now is, having got two
separate personifications of the same object, what to do with them?
How are their relations to each other to be adjusted, and room
found for both in the mythological system? When the old spirit or
new deity is conceived as creating or producing the object in
question, the problem is easily solved. Since the object is believed to
be produced by the old spirit, and animated by the new one, the
latter, as the soul of the object, must also owe its existence to the
former; thus the old spirit will stand to the new one as producer to
produced, that is (in mythology), as parent to child, and if both
spirits are conceived as female, their relation will be that of mother
and daughter. In this way, starting from a single personification of
the corn as female, mythology might in time reach a double
personification of it as mother and daughter. It would be very rash
[pg 362] to affirm that this was the way in which the myth of
Demeter and Proserpine actually took shape; but it seems a
legitimate conjecture that the reduplication of deities, of which
Demeter and Proserpine furnish an example, may sometimes have
arisen in the way indicated. For example, among the pairs of deities
whom we have been considering, it has been shown that there are
grounds for regarding both Isis and her companion god Osiris as
personifications of the corn.1196 On the hypothesis just suggested,
Isis would be the old corn-spirit, and Osiris would be the newer one,
whose relationship to the old spirit was variously explained as that of
brother, husband, and son;1197 for of course mythology would always
be free to account for the coexistence of the two divinities in more
ways than one. Further, this hypothesis offers at least a possible
explanation of the relation of Virbius to the Arician Diana. The latter,
as we have seen,1198 was a tree-goddess; and if, as I have
conjectured, the Flamen Virbialis was no other than the priest of
Nemi himself, that is, the King of the Wood, Virbius must also have
been a tree-spirit. On the present hypothesis he was the newer tree-
spirit, whose relation to the old tree-spirit (Diana) was explained by
representing him as her favourite or lover. It must not, however, be
forgotten that this proposed explanation of such pairs of deities as
Demeter and Proserpine, Isis and Osiris, Diana and Virbius, is purely
conjectural, and is only given for what it is worth.

[pg 363]
§ 9.—Lityerses.

In the preceding pages an attempt has been made to show that in

the Corn-mother and harvest Maiden of Northern Europe we have
the prototypes of Demeter and Proserpine. But an essential feature
is still wanting to complete the resemblance. A leading incident in
the Greek myth is the death and resurrection of Proserpine; it is this
incident which, coupled with the nature of the goddess as a deity of
vegetation, links the myth with the cults of Adonis, Attis, Osiris, and
Dionysus; and it is in virtue of this incident that the myth is
considered in this chapter. It remains, therefore, to see whether the
conception of the annual death and resurrection of a god, which
figures so prominently in these great Greek and Oriental worships,
has not also its origin in the rustic rites observed by reapers and
vine-dressers amongst the corn-shocks and the vines.

Our general ignorance of the popular superstitions and customs of

the ancients has already been confessed. But the obscurity which
thus hangs over the first beginnings of ancient religion is fortunately
dissipated to some extent in the present case. The worships of
Osiris, Adonis, and Attis had their respective seats, as we have seen,
in Egypt, Syria, and Phrygia; and in each of these countries certain
harvest and vintage customs are known to have been observed, the
resemblance of which to each other and to the national rites struck
the ancients themselves, and, compared with the harvest customs of
modern peasants and barbarians, seem to throw some light on the
origin of the rites in question.

[pg 364]
It has been already mentioned, on the authority of Diodorus, that in
ancient Egypt the reapers were wont to lament over the first sheaf
cut, invoking Isis as the goddess to whom they owed the discovery
of corn.1199 To the plaintive song or cry sung or uttered by Egyptian
reapers the Greeks gave the name of Maneros, and explained the
name by a story that Maneros, the only son of the first Egyptian
king, invented agriculture, and, dying an untimely death, was thus
lamented by the people.1200 It appears, however, that the name
Maneros is due to a misunderstanding of the formula mââ-ne-hra,
“come thou back,” which has been discovered in various Egyptian
writings, for example in the dirge of Isis in the Book of the Dead.1201
Hence we may suppose that the cry mââ-ne-hra was chanted by the
reapers over the cut corn as a dirge for the death of the corn-spirit
(Isis or Osiris) and a prayer for its return. As the cry was raised over
the first ears reaped, it would seem that the corn-spirit was believed
by the Egyptians to be present in the first corn cut and to die under
the sickle. We have seen that in Java the first ears of rice are taken
to represent the Corn-bride and the Corn-bridegroom.1202 In parts of
Russia the first sheaf is treated much in the same way that the last
sheaf is treated elsewhere. It is reaped by the mistress herself, taken
home and set in the place of honour near the holy pictures;
afterwards it is threshed separately, and some of its grain is mixed
with the next year's seed-corn.1203

[pg 365]
In Phoenicia and Western Asia a plaintive song, like that chanted by
the Egyptian corn-reapers, was sung at the vintage and probably (to
judge by analogy) also at harvest. This Phoenician song was called
by the Greeks Linus or Ailinus and explained, like Maneros, as a
lament for the death of a youth named Linus.1204 According to one
story Linus was brought up by a shepherd, but torn to pieces by his
dogs.1205 But, like Maneros, the name Linus or Ailinus appears to
have originated in a verbal misunderstanding, and to be nothing
more than the cry ai lanu, that is “woe to us,” which the Phoenicians
probably uttered in mourning for Adonis;1206 at least Sappho seems
to have regarded Adonis and Linus as equivalent.1207

In Bithynia a like mournful ditty, called Bormus or Borimus, was

chanted by Mariandynian reapers. Bormus was said to have been a
handsome youth, the son of King Upias or of a wealthy and
distinguished man. One summer day, watching the reapers at work
in his fields, he went to fetch them a drink of water and was never
heard of more. So the reapers sought for him, calling him in plaintive
strains, which they continued to use ever afterwards.1208

In Phrygia the corresponding song, sung by harvesters both at

reaping and at threshing, was called Lityerses. According to one
story, Lityerses was a bastard son of Midas, King of Phrygia. He used
to reap the corn, and had an enormous appetite. When a stranger
happened to enter the corn-field or to pass [pg 366] by it, Lityerses
gave him plenty to eat and drink, then took him to the corn-fields on
the banks of the Maeander and compelled him to reap along with
him. Lastly, he used to wrap the stranger in a sheaf, cut off his head
with a sickle, and carry away his body, wrapt in the corn stalks. But
at last he was himself slain by Hercules, who threw his body into the
river.1209 As Hercules was probably reported to have slain Lityerses in
the same way that Lityerses slew others (as Theseus treated Sinis
and Sciron), we may infer that Lityerses used to throw the bodies of
his victims into the river. According to another version of the story,
Lityerses, a son of Midas, used to challenge people to a reaping
match with him, and if he vanquished them he used to thrash them;
but one day he met with a stronger reaper, who slew him.1210

There are some grounds for supposing that in these stories of

Lityerses we have the description of a Phrygian harvest custom in
accordance with which certain persons, especially strangers passing
the harvest field, were regularly regarded as embodiments of the
corn-spirit and as such were seized by the reapers, wrapt in
sheaves, and beheaded, their bodies, bound up in the corn-stalks,
being afterwards thrown into water as a rain-charm. The grounds for
this supposition are, first, the resemblance of the Lityerses story to
the harvest customs of European peasantry, and, second, the fact
that human beings have been commonly killed by savage races to
promote the fertility of the fields. We [pg 367] will examine these
grounds successively, beginning with the former.
In comparing the story with the harvest customs of Europe,1211 three
points deserve special attention, namely: I. the reaping match and
the binding of persons in the sheaves; II. the killing of the corn-spirit
or his representatives; III. the treatment of visitors to the harvest-
field or of strangers passing it.

I. In regard to the first head, we have seen that in modern Europe

the person who cuts or binds or threshes the last sheaf is often
exposed to rough treatment at the hands of his fellow-labourers. For
example, he is bound up in the last sheaf, and, thus encased, is
carried or carted about, beaten, drenched with water, thrown on a
dunghill, etc. Or, if he is spared this horseplay, he is at least the
subject of ridicule or is believed destined to suffer some misfortune
in the course of the year. Hence the harvesters are naturally
reluctant to give the last cut at reaping or the last stroke at
threshing or to bind the last sheaf, and towards the close of the
work this reluctance produces an emulation among the labourers,
each striving to finish his task as fast as possible, in order that he
may escape the invidious distinction of being last.1212 For example, in
the neighbourhood of Danzig, when the winter corn is cut and
mostly bound up in sheaves, the portion which still remains to be
bound is divided amongst the women binders, each of whom [pg
368] receives a swath of equal length to bind. A crowd of reapers,
children, and idlers gathers round to witness the contest, and at the
word, “Seize the Old Man,” the women fall to work, all binding their
allotted swaths as hard as they can. The spectators watch them
narrowly, and the woman who cannot keep pace with the rest and
consequently binds the last sheaf has to carry the Old Man (that is,
the last sheaf made up in the form of a man) to the farmhouse and
deliver it to the farmer with the words, “Here I bring you the Old
Man.” At the supper which follows, the Old Man is placed at the table
and receives an abundant portion of food which, as he cannot eat it,
falls to the share of the woman who carried him. Afterwards the Old
Man is placed in the yard and all the people dance round him. Or the
woman who bound the last sheaf dances for a good while with the
Old Man, while the rest form a ring round them; afterwards they all,
one after the other, dance a single round with him. Further, the
woman who bound the last sheaf goes herself by the name of the
Old Man till the next harvest, and is often mocked with the cry,
“Here comes the Old Man.”1213 At Aschbach, Bavaria, when the
reaping is nearly finished, the reapers say, “Now we will drive out
the Old Man.” Each of them sets himself to reap a patch of corn and
reaps as fast as he can; he who cuts the last handful or the last stalk
is greeted by the rest with an exulting cry, “You have the Old Man.”
Sometimes a black mask is fastened on the reaper's face and he is
dressed in woman's clothes; or if the reaper is a woman, she is
dressed in man's clothes; a dance follows. At the supper the Old
Man gets twice as large a portion of food as the others. At threshing,
the proceedings are the same; [pg 369] the person who gives the
last stroke is said to have the Old Man.1214

These examples illustrate the contests in reaping, threshing, and

binding which take place amongst the harvesters, on account of
their unwillingness to suffer the ridicule and personal inconvenience
attaching to the individual who happens to finish his work last. It will
be remembered that the person who is last at reaping, binding, or
threshing, is regarded as the representative of the corn-spirit,1215
and this idea is more fully expressed by binding him or her in corn-
stalks. The latter custom has been already illustrated, but a few
more instances may be added. At Kloxin, near Stettin, the harvesters
call out to the woman who binds the last sheaf, “You have the Old
Man, and must keep him.” The Old Man is a great bundle of corn
decked with flowers and ribbons, and fashioned into a rude
semblance of the human form. It is fastened on a rake or strapped
on a horse, and brought with music to the village. In delivering the
Old Man to the farmer, the woman says—

“Here, dear Sir, is the Old Man.

He can stay no longer on the field,
He can hide himself no longer,
He must come into the village.
 Ladies and gentlemen, pray be so kind
As to give the Old Man a present.”

Forty or fifty years ago the custom was to tie up the woman herself
in pease-straw, and bring her with music to the farmhouse, where
the harvesters danced with her till the pease-straw fell off.1216 In
other villages round Stettin, when the last harvest-waggon is being
loaded, there is a regular race amongst the women, [pg 370] each
striving not to be last. For she who places the last sheaf on the
waggon is called the Old Man, and is completely swathed in corn-
stalks; she is also decked with flowers, and flowers and a helmet of
straw are placed on her head. In solemn procession she carries the
harvest-crown to the squire, over whose head she holds it while she
utters a string of good wishes. At the dance which follows, the Old
Man has the right to choose his (or rather her) partner; it is an
honour to dance with him.1217 At Blankenfelde, in the district of
Potsdam, the woman who binds the last sheaf at the rye-harvest is
saluted with the cry, “You have the Old Man.” A woman is then tied
up in the last sheaf in such a way that only her head is left free; her
hair also is covered with a cap made of rye-stalks, adorned with
ribbons and flowers. She is called the Harvest-man, and must keep
dancing in front of the last harvest-waggon till it reaches the squire's
house, where she receives a present, and is released from her
envelope of corn.1218 At Gommern, near Magdeburg, the reaper who
cuts the last ears of corn is often wrapt up in corn-stalks so
completely that it is hard to see whether there is a man in the
bundle or not. Thus wrapt up he is taken by another stalwart reaper
on his back, and carried round the field amid the joyous cries of the
harvesters.1219 At Neuhausen, near Merseburg, the person who binds
the last sheaf is wrapt in ears of oats and saluted as the Oats-man,
whereupon the others dance round him.1220 At Brie, Isle de France,
the farmer himself is tied up in the first sheaf.1221 At the harvest-
home at Udvarhely, Transylvania, a person is encased in [pg 371]
corn-stalks, and wears on his head a crown made out of the last
ears cut. On reaching the village he is soused with water over and
over.1222 At Dingelstedt, in the district of Erfurt, about fifty years ago
it was the custom to tie up a man in the last sheaf. He was called
the Old Man, and was brought home on the last waggon, amid
huzzas and music. On reaching the farmyard he was rolled round the
barn and drenched with water.1223 At Nördlingen, Bavaria, the man
who gives the last stroke at threshing is wrapt in straw and rolled on
the threshing-floor.1224 In some parts of Oberpfalz, Bavaria, he is said
to “get the Old Man,” is wrapt in straw, and carried to a neighbour
who has not yet finished his threshing.1225 In Thüringen a sausage is
stuck in the last sheaf at threshing, and thrown, with the sheaf, on
the threshing-floor. It is called the Barrenwurst or Banzenwurst, and
is eaten by all the threshers. After they have eaten it a man is
encased in pease-straw, and thus attired is led through the
village.1226

“In all these cases the idea is that the spirit of the corn—the Old
Man of vegetation—is driven out of the corn last cut or last threshed,
and lives in the barn during the winter. At sowing-time he goes out
again to the fields to resume his activity as animating force among
the sprouting corn.”1227

Much the same ideas are attached to the last corn in India; for we
are told that in the Central Provinces, “when the reaping is nearly
done, about a bisvá, say a rood of land, of corn is left standing in
the cultivator's [pg 372] last field, and the reapers rest a little. Then
they rush at this bisvá, tear it up, and cast it into the air, shouting
victory to Omkár Maháráj or Jhámájí, or Rámjí Dás, etc., according
to their respective possessions. A sheaf is made up of this corn, tied
to a bamboo, and stuck up in the last harvest cart, and carried home
in triumph. It is fastened up in the threshing-floor to a tree, or to the
cattle-shed, where its services are essential in averting the evil-
eye.”1228

II. Passing to the second point of comparison between the Lityerses

story and European harvest customs, we have now to see that in the
latter the corn-spirit is often believed to be killed at reaping or
threshing. In the Romsdal and other parts of Norway, when the
haymaking is over, the people say that “the Old Hay-man has been
killed.” In some parts of Bavaria the man who gives the last stroke at
threshing is said to have killed the Corn-man, the Oats-man, or the
Wheat-man, according to the crop.1229 In the Canton of Tillot, in
Lothringen, at threshing the last corn the men keep time with their
flails, calling out as they thresh, “We are killing the Old Woman! We
are killing the Old Woman!” If there is an old woman in the house
she is warned to save herself, or she will be struck dead.1230 In
Lithuania, near Ragnit, the last handful of corn is left standing by
itself, with the words, “The Old Woman (Boba) is sitting in there.”
Then a young reaper whets his scythe, and, with a strong sweep,
cuts down the handful. It is now said of him that “He has cut off the
Boba's head;” and he receives a gratuity from the farmer and a
jugful of [pg 373] water over his head from the farmer's wife.1231
According to another account, every Lithuanian reaper makes haste
to finish his task; for the Old Rye-woman lives in the last stalks, and
whoever cuts the last stalks kills the Old Rye-woman, and by killing
her he brings trouble on himself.1232 In Wilkischken (district of Tilsit)
the man who cuts the last corn goes by the name of “The killer of
the Rye-woman.”1233 In Lithuania, again, the corn-spirit is believed to
be killed at threshing as well as at reaping. When only a single pile
of corn remains to be threshed, all the threshers suddenly step back
a few paces, as if at the word of command. Then they fall to work
plying their flails with the utmost rapidity and vehemence, till they
come to the last bundle. Upon this they fling themselves with almost
frantic fury, straining every nerve, and raining blows on it till the
word “Halt!” rings out sharply from the leader. The man whose flail is
the last to fall after the command to stop has been given is
immediately surrounded by all the rest, crying out that “He has
struck the Old Rye-woman dead.” He has to expiate the deed by
treating them to brandy; and, like the man who cuts the last corn,
he is known as “The killer of the Old Rye-woman.”1234 Sometimes in
Lithuania the slain corn-spirit was represented by a puppet. Thus a
female figure was made out of corn-stalks, dressed in clothes, and
placed on the threshing-floor, under the heap of corn which was to
be threshed last. Whoever thereafter gave the last stroke at
threshing “struck the Old Woman dead.”1235 We have already had
examples of burning the figure which represents the corn-spirit.1236
Sometimes, [pg 374] again, the corn-spirit is represented by a man,
who lies down under the last corn; it is threshed upon his body, and
the people say that “the Old Man is being beaten to death.”1237 We
have already seen that sometimes the farmer's wife is thrust,
together with the last sheaf, under the threshing-machine, as if to
thresh her, and that afterwards a pretence is made of winnowing
her.1238 At Volders, in the Tyrol, husks of corn are stuck behind the
neck of the man who gives the last stroke at threshing, and he is
throttled with a straw garland. If he is tall, it is believed that the
corn will be tall next year. Then he is tied on a bundle and flung into
the river.1239 In Carinthia, the thresher who gave the last stroke, and
the person who untied the last sheaf on the threshing-floor, are
bound hand and foot with straw bands, and crowns of straw are
placed on their heads. Then they are tied, face to face, on a sledge,
dragged through the village, and flung into a brook.1240 The custom
of throwing the representative of the corn-spirit into a stream, like
that of drenching him with water, is, as usual, a rain-charm.1241

III. Thus far the representatives of the corn-spirit have generally

been the man or woman who cuts, binds, or threshes the last corn.
We now come to the cases in which the corn-spirit is represented
either by a stranger passing the harvest-field (as in the Lityerses
tale), or by a visitor entering it for the first time. All over Germany it
is customary for the reapers or threshers to lay hold of passing
strangers and bind them with a rope made of corn-stalks, till [pg
375] they pay a forfeit; and when the farmer himself or one of his
guests enters the field or the threshing-floor for the first time, he is
treated in the same way. Sometimes the rope is only tied round his
arm or his feet or his neck.1242 But sometimes he is regularly
swathed in corn. Thus at Solör in Norway, whoever enters the field,
be he the master or a stranger, is tied up in a sheaf and must pay a
ransom. In the neighbourhood of Soest, when the farmer visits the
flax-pullers for the first time, he is completely enveloped in flax.
Passers-by are also surrounded by the women, tied up in flax, and
compelled to stand brandy.1243 At Nördlingen strangers are caught
with straw ropes and tied up in a sheaf till they pay a forfeit. At Brie,
Isle de France, when any one who does not belong to the farm
passes by the harvest-field, the reapers give chase. If they catch
him, they bind him in a sheaf and bite him, one after the other, in
the forehead, crying “You shall carry the key of the field.”1244 “To
have the key” is an expression used by harvesters elsewhere in the
sense of to cut or bind or thresh the last sheaf;1245 hence, it is
equivalent to the phrases “You have the Old Man,” “You are the [pg
376] Old Man,” which are addressed to the cutter, binder, or thresher
of the last sheaf. Therefore, when a stranger, as at Brie, is tied up in
a sheaf and told that he will “carry the key of the field,” it is as much
as to say that he is the Old Man, that is, an embodiment of the corn-
spirit.

Thus, like Lityerses, modern reapers lay hold of a passing stranger

and tie him up in a sheaf. It is not to be expected that they should
complete the parallel by cutting off his head; but if they do not take
such a strong step, their language and gestures are at least
indicative of a desire to do so. For instance, in Mecklenburg on the
first clay of reaping, if the master or mistress or a stranger enters
the field, or merely passes by it, all the mowers face towards him
and sharpen their scythes, clashing their whet-stones against them
in unison, as if they were making ready to mow. Then the woman
who leads the mowers steps up to him and ties a band round his left
arm. He must ransom himself by payment of a forfeit.1246 Near
Ratzeburg when the master or other person of mark enters the field
or passes by it, all the harvesters stop work and march towards him
in a body, the men with their scythes in front. On meeting him they
form up in line, men and women. The men stick the poles of their
scythes in the ground, as they do in whetting them; then they take
off their caps and hang them on the scythes, while their leader
stands forward and makes a speech. When he has done, they all
whet their scythes in measured time very loudly, after which they
put on their caps. Two of the women binders then come forward;
one of them ties the master or stranger (as the case may be) with
corn-ears [pg 377] or with a silken band; the other delivers a
rhyming address. The following are specimens of the speeches made
by the reaper on these occasions. In some parts of Pomerania every
passer-by is stopped, his way being barred with a corn-rope. The
reapers form a circle round him and sharpen their scythes, while
their leader says—

“The men are ready,

The scythes are bent,
The corn is great and small,
The gentleman must be mowed.”

Then the process of whetting the scythes is repeated.1247 At Ramin,

in the district of Stettin, the stranger, standing encircled by the
reapers, is thus addressed—

“We'll stroke the gentleman

With our naked sword,
Wherewith we shear meadows and fields.
We shear princes and lords.
Labourers are often athirst;
If the gentleman will stand beer and brandy
The joke will soon be over.
But, if our prayer he does not like,
The sword has a right to strike.”1248

That in these customs the whetting of the scythes is really meant as

a preliminary to mowing appears from the following variation of the
preceding customs. In the district of Lüneburg when any one enters
the harvest-field, he is asked whether he will engage a good fellow.
If he says yes, the harvesters mow some swaths, yelling and
screaming, and then ask him for drink-money.1249

On the threshing-floor strangers are also regarded as embodiments

of the corn-spirit, and are treated [pg 378] accordingly. At
Wiedingharde in Schleswig when a stranger comes to the threshing-
floor he is asked “Shall I teach you the flail-dance?” If he says yes,
they put the arms of the threshing-flail round his neck (as if he were
a sheaf of corn), and press them together so tightly that he is nearly
choked.1250 In some parishes of Wermland (Sweden) when a
stranger enters the threshing-floor where the threshers are at work,
they say that “they will teach him the threshing-song.” Then they
put a flail round his neck and a straw rope about his body. Also, as
we have seen, if a stranger woman enters the threshing-floor, the
threshers put a flail round her body and a wreath of corn-stalks
round her neck, and call out, “See the Corn-woman! See! that is how
the Corn-maiden looks!”1251

In these customs, observed both on the harvest-field and on the

threshing-floor, a passing stranger is regarded as a personification of
the corn, in other words, as the corn-spirit; and a show is made of
treating him like the corn by mowing, binding, and threshing him. If
the reader still doubts whether European peasants can really regard
a passing stranger in this light, the following custom should set their
doubts at rest. During the madder-harvest in the Dutch province of
Zealand a stranger passing by a field where the people are digging
the madder-roots will sometimes call out to them Koortspillers (a
term of reproach). Upon this, two of the fleetest runners [pg 379]
make after him, and, if they catch him, they bring him back to the
madder-field and bury him in the earth up to his middle at least,
jeering at him the while; then they ease nature before his face.1252
This last act is to be explained as follows. The spirit of the corn and
of other cultivated plants is sometimes conceived, not as immanent
in the plant, but as its owner; hence the cutting of the corn at
harvest, the digging of the roots, and the gathering of fruit from the
fruit-trees are each and all of them acts of spoliation, which strip him
of his property and reduce him to poverty. Hence he is often known
as “the Poor Man” or “the Poor Woman.” Thus in the neighbourhood
of Eisenach a small sheaf is sometimes left standing on the field for
“the Poor Old Woman.”1253 At Marksuhl, near Eisenach, the puppet
formed out of the last sheaf is itself called “the Poor Woman.” At [pg
380] Alt Lest in Silesia the man who binds the last sheaf is called the
Beggar-man.1254 In a village near Roeskilde, in Zealand (Denmark),
old-fashioned peasants sometimes make up the last sheaf into a
rude puppet, which is called the Rye-beggar.1255 In Southern
Schonen the sheaf which is bound last is called the Beggar; it is
made bigger than the rest and is sometimes dressed in clothes. In
the district of Olmütz the last sheaf is called the Beggar; it is given
to an old woman, who must carry it home, limping on one foot.1256
Thus when the corn-spirit is conceived as a being who is robbed of
his store and impoverished by the harvesters, it is natural that his
representative—the passing stranger—should upbraid them; and it is
equally natural that they should seek to disable him from pursuing
them and recapturing the stolen property. Now, it is an old
superstition that by easing nature on the spot where a robbery is
committed, the robbers secure themselves, for a certain time,
against interruption.1257 The fact, therefore, that the madder-diggers
resort to this proceeding in presence of the stranger proves that
they consider themselves robbers and him as the person robbed.
Regarded as such, he must be the natural owner of the madder-
roots; that is, their spirit or demon; and this conception is carried
out by burying him, like the madder-roots, in the ground.1258 The
Greeks, it may be observed, were quite familiar with the idea that a
passing stranger may be a god. Homer says that the gods in the
likeness of foreigners roam up and down cities.1259

[pg 381]
Thus in these harvest-customs of modern Europe the person who
cuts, binds, or threshes the last corn is treated as an embodiment of
the corn-spirit by being wrapt up in sheaves, killed in mimicry by
agricultural implements, and thrown into the water.1260 These
coincidences with the Lityerses story seem to prove that the latter is
a genuine description of an old Phrygian harvest-custom. But since
in the modern parallels the killing of the personal representative of
the corn-spirit is necessarily omitted or at most enacted only in
mimicry, it is necessary to show that in rude society human beings
have been commonly killed as an agricultural ceremony to promote
the fertility of the fields. The following examples will make this plain.

The Indians of Guayaquil (Ecuador) used to sacrifice human blood

and the hearts of men when they sowed their fields.1261 At a Mexican
harvest-festival, when the first-fruits of the season were offered to
the sun, a criminal was placed between two immense stones,
balanced opposite each other, and was crushed by them as they fell
together. His remains were buried, and a feast and dance followed.
This sacrifice was known as “the meeting of the stones.”1262 Another
series of human sacrifices offered in Mexico to make the maize
thrive has been already referred to.1263 The Pawnees annually
sacrificed a human victim in spring when they sowed their fields.
The sacrifice was believed to have been enjoined on them by the
Morning Star, or by a certain bird which the Morning [pg 382] Star
had sent to them as its messenger. The bird was stuffed and
preserved as a powerful “medicine.” They thought that an omission
of this sacrifice would be followed by the total failure of the crops of
maize, beans, and pumpkins. The victim was a captive of either sex.
He was clad in the gayest and most costly attire, was fattened on
the choicest food, and carefully kept in ignorance of his doom. When
he was fat enough, they bound him to a cross in the presence of the
multitude, danced a solemn dance, then cleft his head with a
tomahawk and shot him with arrows. According to one trader, the
squaws then cut pieces of flesh from the victim's body, with which
they greased their hoes; but this was denied by another trader who
had been present at the ceremony. Immediately after the sacrifice
the people proceeded to plant their fields. A particular account has
been preserved of the sacrifice of a Sioux girl by the Pawnees in
April 1837 or 1838. The girl had been kept for six months and well
treated. Two days before the sacrifice she was led from wigwam to
wigwam, accompanied by the whole council of chiefs and warriors.
At each lodge she received a small billet of wood and a little paint,
which she handed to the warrior next to her. In this way she called
at every wigwam, receiving at each the same present of wood and
paint. On the 22d of April she was taken out to be sacrificed,
attended by the warriors, each of whom carried two pieces of wood
which he had received from her hands. She was burned for some
time over a slow fire, and then shot to death with arrows. The chief
sacrificer next tore out her heart and devoured it. While her flesh
was still warm it was cut in small pieces from the bones, put in little
baskets, and taken to a neighbouring cornfield. [pg 383] Here the
head chief took a piece of the flesh from a basket and squeezed a
drop of blood upon the newly-deposited grains of corn. His example
was followed by the rest, till all the seed had been sprinkled with the
blood; it was then covered up with earth.1264

A West African queen used to sacrifice a man and woman in the

month of March. They were killed with spades and hoes, and their
bodies buried in the middle of a field which had just been tilled.1265
At Lagos in Guinea it was the custom annually to impale a young girl
alive soon after the spring equinox in order to secure good crops.
Along with her were sacrificed sheep and goats, which, with yams,
heads of maize, and plantains, were hung on stakes on each side of
her. The victims were bred up for the purpose in the king's seraglio,
and their minds had been so powerfully wrought upon by the fetish
men that they went cheerfully to their fate.1266 A similar sacrifice is
still annually offered at Benin, Guinea.1267 The Marimos, a Bechuana
tribe, sacrifice a human being for the crops. The victim chosen is
generally a short, stout man. He is seized by violence or intoxicated
and taken to the fields, where he is killed amongst the wheat to
serve as “seed” (so they phrase it). After his blood has coagulated in
the sun it is burned along with the frontal bone, the flesh attached
to it, and the brain; [pg 384] the ashes are then scattered over the
ground to fertilise it. The rest of the body is eaten.1268
The Gonds of India, a Dravidian race, kidnapped Brahman boys, and
kept them as victims to be sacrificed on various occasions. At sowing
and reaping, after a triumphal procession, one of the lads was slain
by being punctured with a poisoned arrow. His blood was then
sprinkled over the ploughed field or the ripe crop, and his flesh was
devoured.1269

But the best known case of human sacrifices, systematically offered

to ensure good crops, is supplied by the Khonds or Kandhs, another
Dravidian race in Bengal. Our knowledge of them is derived from the
accounts written by British officers who, forty or fifty years ago,
were engaged in putting them down.1270 The sacrifices were offered
to the Earth Goddess, Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu, and were believed
to ensure good crops and immunity from all disease and accidents.
In particular, they were considered necessary in the cultivation of
turmeric, the Khonds arguing that the turmeric could not have a
deep red colour without the shedding of blood.1271 The victim or
Meriah was acceptable to the goddess only if he had been
purchased, or had been born a victim—that is, the son of a victim
father—or had been devoted as a child by his father or guardian.
Khonds in distress often sold their children for victims, “considering
the beatification of their souls certain, and their death, for the
benefit of mankind, the most honourable possible.” [pg 385] A man
of the Panua tribe was once seen to load a Khond with curses, and
finally to spit in his face, because the Khond had sold for a victim his
own child, whom the Panua had wished to marry. A party of Khonds,
who saw this, immediately pressed forward to comfort the seller of
his child, saying, “Your child has died that all the world may live, and
the Earth Goddess herself will wipe that spittle from your face.”1272
The victims were often kept for years before they were sacrificed.
Being regarded as consecrated beings, they were treated with
extreme affection, mingled with deference, and were welcomed
wherever they went. A Meriah youth, on attaining maturity, was
generally given a wife, who was herself usually a Meriah or victim;
and with her he received a portion of land and farm-stock. Their
offspring were also victims. Human sacrifices were offered to the
Earth Goddess by tribes, branches of tribes, or villages, both at
periodical festivals and on extraordinary occasions. The periodical
sacrifices were generally so arranged by tribes and divisions of tribes
that each head of a family was enabled, at least once a year, to
procure a shred of flesh for his fields, generally about the time when
his chief crop was laid down.1273

The mode of performing these tribal sacrifices was as follows. Ten or

twelve days before the sacrifice, the victim was devoted by cutting
off his hair, which, until then, was kept unshorn. Crowds of men and
women assembled to witness the sacrifice; none might be excluded,
since the sacrifice was declared to be “for all mankind.” It was
preceded by several days of wild revelry and gross [pg 386]
debauchery.1274 On the day before the sacrifice the victim, dressed in
a new garment, was led forth from the village in solemn procession,
with music and dancing, to the Meriah grove, which was a clump of
high forest trees standing a little way from the village and untouched
by the axe. In this grove the victim was tied to a post, which was
sometimes placed between two plants of the sankissar shrub. He
was then anointed with oil, ghee, and turmeric, and adorned with
flowers; and “a species of reverence, which it is not easy to
distinguish from adoration,” was paid to him throughout the day.1275
A great struggle now arose to obtain the smallest relic from his
person; a particle of the turmeric paste with which he was smeared,
or a drop of his spittle, was esteemed of sovereign virtue, especially
by the women. The crowd danced round the post to music, and,
addressing the earth, said, “O God, we offer this sacrifice to you;
give us good crops, seasons, and health.”1276

On the last morning the orgies, which had been scarcely interrupted
during the night, were resumed, and continued till noon, when they
ceased, and the assembly proceeded to consummate the sacrifice.
The victim was again anointed with oil, and each person touched the
anointed part, and wiped the oil on his own head. In some places
the victim was then taken in procession round the village, from door
to door, where some plucked hair from his head, and others begged
for a drop of his spittle, with which they anointed their heads.1277 As
the victim might not be bound nor make any show of resistance, the
[pg 387] bones of his arms and, if necessary, his legs were broken;
but often this precaution was rendered unnecessary by stupefying
him with opium.1278 The mode of putting him to death varied in
different places. One of the commonest modes seems to have been
strangulation, or squeezing to death. The branch of a green tree was
cleft several feet down the middle; the victim's neck (in other places,
his chest) was inserted in the cleft, which the priest, aided by his
assistants, strove with all his force to close.1279 Then he wounded the
victim slightly with his axe, whereupon the crowd rushed at the
victim and cut the flesh from the bones, leaving the head and
bowels untouched. Sometimes he was cut up alive.1280 In Chinna
Kimedy he was dragged along the fields, surrounded by the crowd,
who, avoiding his head and intestines, hacked the flesh from his
body with their knives till he died.1281 Another very common mode of
sacrifice in the same district was to fasten the victim to the proboscis
of a wooden elephant, which revolved on a stout post, and, as it
whirled round, the crowd cut the flesh from the victim while life
remained. In some villages Major Campbell found as many as
fourteen of these wooden elephants, which had been used at
sacrifices.1282 In one district the victim was put to death slowly by
fire. A low stage was formed, sloping on either side like a roof; upon
it [pg 388] the victim was placed, his limbs wound round with cords
to confine his struggles. Fires were then lighted and hot brands
applied, to make him roll up and down the slopes of the stage as
long as possible; for the more tears he shed the more abundant
would be the supply of rain. Next day the body was cut to pieces.1283

The flesh cut from the victim was instantly taken home by the
persons who had been deputed by each village to bring it. To secure
its rapid arrival, it was sometimes forwarded by relays of men, and
conveyed with postal fleetness fifty or sixty miles.1284 In each village
all who stayed at home fasted rigidly until the flesh arrived. The
bearer deposited it in the place of public assembly, where it was
received by the priest and the heads of families. The priest divided it
into two portions, one of which he offered to the Earth Goddess by
burying it in a hole in the ground with his back turned, and without
looking. Then each man added a little earth to bury it, and the priest
poured water on the spot from a hill gourd. The other portion of
flesh he divided into as many shares as there were heads of houses
present. Each head of a house rolled his shred of flesh in leaves, and
buried it in his favourite field, placing it in the earth behind his back
without looking.1285 In some places each man carried his portion of
flesh to the stream which watered his fields, and there hung it on a
pole.1286 For three days thereafter no house was swept; and, in one
district, strict silence was observed, no fire might be given out, no
wood cut, and no strangers received. [pg 389] The remains of the
human victim (namely, the head, bowels, and bones) were watched
by strong parties the night after the sacrifice; and next morning they
were burned, along with a whole sheep, on a funeral pile. The ashes
were scattered over the fields, laid as paste over the houses and
granaries, or mixed with the new corn to preserve it from insects.1287
Sometimes, however, the head and bones were buried, not burnt.1288
After the suppression of the human sacrifices, inferior victims were
substituted in some places; for instance, in the capital of Chinna
Kimedy a goat took the place of a human victim.1289

In these Khond sacrifices the Meriahs are represented by our

authorities as victims offered to propitiate the Earth Goddess. But
from the treatment of the victims both before and after death it
appears that the custom cannot be explained as merely a
propitiatory sacrifice. A part of the flesh certainly was offered to the
Earth Goddess, but the rest of the flesh was buried by each
householder in his fields, and the ashes of the other parts of the
body were scattered over the fields, laid as paste on the granaries,
or mixed with the new corn. These latter customs imply that to the
body of the Meriah there was ascribed a direct or intrinsic power of
making the crops to grow, quite independent of the indirect efficacy
which it might have as an offering to secure the good-will of the
deity. In other words, the flesh and ashes of the victim were
believed to be endowed with a magical or physical power of
fertilising the land. The same intrinsic power was ascribed to the
blood and tears of the Meriah, his blood causing the redness of the
turmeric and his tears [pg 390] producing rain; for it can hardly be
doubted that, originally at least, the tears were supposed to produce
rain, not merely to prognosticate it. Similarly the custom of pouring
water on the buried flesh of the Meriah was no doubt a rain-charm.
Again, intrinsic supernatural power as an attribute of the Meriah
appears in the sovereign virtue believed to reside in anything that
came from his person, as his hair or spittle. The ascription of such
power to the Meriah indicates that he was much more than a mere
man sacrificed to propitiate a deity. Once more, the extreme
reverence paid him points to the same conclusion. Major Campbell
speaks of the Meriah as “being regarded as something more than
mortal,”1290 and Major Macpherson says, “A species of reverence,
which it is not easy to distinguish from adoration, is paid to him.”1291
In short, the Meriah appears to have been regarded as divine. As
such, he may originally have represented the Earth deity or perhaps
a deity of vegetation; though in later times he came to be regarded
rather as a victim offered to a deity than as himself an incarnate
deity. This later view of the Meriah as a victim rather than a god may
perhaps have received undue emphasis from the European writers
who have described the Khond religion. Habituated to the later idea
of sacrifice as an offering made to a god for the purpose of
conciliating his favour, European observers are apt to interpret all
religious slaughter in this sense, and to suppose that wherever such
slaughter takes place, there must necessarily be a deity to whom the
slaughter is believed by the slayers to be acceptable. Thus their
preconceived ideas unconsciously colour and warp their descriptions
of savage rites.

[pg 391]
The same custom of killing the representative of a god, of which
strong traces appear in the Khond sacrifices, may perhaps be
detected in some of the other human sacrifices described above.
Thus the ashes of the slaughtered Marimo were scattered over the
fields; the blood of the Brahman lad was put on the crop and field;
and the blood of the Sioux girl was allowed to trickle on the seed.1292
Again, the identification of the victim with the corn, in other words,
the view that he is an embodiment or spirit of the corn, is brought
out in the pains which seem to be taken to secure a physical
correspondence between him and the natural object which he
embodies or represents. Thus the Mexicans killed young victims for
the young corn and old ones for the ripe corn; the Marimos sacrifice,
as “seed,” a short, fat man, the shortness of his stature
corresponding to that of the young corn, his fatness to the condition
which it is desired that the crops may attain; and the Pawnees
fattened their victims probably with the same view. Again, the
identification of the victim with the corn comes out in the African
custom of killing him with spades and hoes, and the Mexican custom
of grinding him, like corn, between two stones.

One more point in these savage customs deserves to be noted. The

Pawnee chief devoured the heart of the Sioux girl, and the Marimos
and Gonds ate the victim's flesh. If, as we suppose, the victim was
regarded as divine, it follows that in eating his flesh his worshippers
were partaking of the body of their god. To this point we shall return
later on.

The savage rites just described offer analogies to the harvest

customs of Europe. Thus the fertilising [pg 392] virtue ascribed to
the corn-spirit is shown equally in the savage custom of mixing the
victim's blood or ashes with the seed-corn and the European custom
of mixing the grain from the last sheaf with the young corn in
spring.1293 Again, the identification of the person with the corn
appears alike in the savage custom of adapting the age and stature
of the victim to the age and stature (actual or expected) of the crop;
in the Scotch and Styrian rules that when the corn-spirit is conceived
as the Maiden the last corn shall be cut by a young maiden, but
when it is conceived as the Corn-mother it shall be cut by an old
woman;1294 in the Lothringian warning given to old women to save
themselves when the Old Woman is being killed, that is, when the
last corn is being threshed;1295 and in the Tyrolese expectation that if
the man who gives the last stroke at threshing is tall, the next year's
corn will be tall also.1296 Further, the same identification is implied in
the savage custom of killing the representative of the corn-spirit with
hoes or spades or by grinding him between stones, and in the
European custom of pretending to kill him with the scythe or the
flail. Once more the Khond custom of pouring water on the buried
flesh of the victim is parallel to the European customs of pouring
water on the personal representative of the corn-spirit or plunging
him into a stream.1297 Both the Khond and the European customs are
rain-charms.

To return now to the Lityerses story. It has been shown that in rude
society human beings have been commonly killed to promote the
growth of the crops. There is therefore no improbability in the
supposition that they may once have been killed for a like purpose
[pg 393] in Phrygia and Europe; and when Phrygian legend and
European folk-custom, closely agreeing with each other, point to the
conclusion that men were so slain, we are bound, provisionally at
least, to accept the conclusion. Further, both the Lityerses story and
European harvest customs agree in indicating that the person slain
was slain as a representative of the corn-spirit, and this indication is
in harmony with the view which savages appear to take of the victim
slain to make the crops flourish. On the whole, then, we may fairly
suppose that both in Phrygia and in Europe the representative of the
corn-spirit was annually killed upon the harvest-field. Grounds have
been already shown for believing that similarly in Europe the
representative of the tree-spirit was annually slain. The proofs of
these two remarkable and closely analogous customs are entirely
independent of each other. Their coincidence seems to furnish fresh
presumption in favour of both.

To the question, how was the representative of the corn-spirit

chosen? one answer has been already given. Both the Lityerses story
and European folk-custom show that passing strangers were
regarded as manifestations of the corn-spirit escaping from the cut
or threshed corn, and as such were seized and slain. But this is not
the only answer which the evidence suggests. According to one
version of the Phrygian legend the victims of Lityerses were not
passing strangers but persons whom he had vanquished in a reaping
contest; and though it is not said that he killed, but only that he
thrashed them, we can hardly avoid supposing that in one version of
the story the vanquished reapers, like the strangers in the other
version, were said to have been wrapt up by Lityerses in corn-
sheaves and so beheaded. The [pg 394] supposition is
countenanced by European harvest-customs. We have seen that in
Europe there is sometimes a contest amongst the reapers to avoid
being last, and that the person who is vanquished in this
competition, that is, who cuts the last corn, is often roughly handled.
It is true we have not found that a pretence is made of killing him;
but on the other hand we have found that a pretence is made of
killing the man who gives the last stroke at threshing, that is, who is
vanquished in the threshing contest.1298 Now, since it is in the
character of representative of the corn-spirit that the thresher of the
last corn is slain in mimicry, and since the same representative
character attaches (as we have seen) to the cutter and binder as
well as to the thresher of the last corn, and since the same
repugnance is evinced by harvesters to be last in any one of these
labours, we may conjecture that a pretence has been commonly
made of killing the reaper and binder as well as the thresher of the
last corn, and that in ancient times this killing was actually carried
out. This conjecture is corroborated by the common superstition that
whoever cuts the last corn must die soon.1299 Sometimes it is
thought that the person who binds the last sheaf on the field will die
in the course of next year.1300 The reason for fixing on the reaper,
binder, or thresher of the last corn as the representative of the corn-
spirit may be this. The corn-spirit is supposed to lurk as long as he
can in the corn, retreating before the reapers, the binders, and the
threshers at their work. But when he is forcibly expelled from his
ultimate refuge in the last corn cut or the last sheaf bound or the
last grain threshed, he necessarily assumes some other form than
[pg 395] that of the corn-stalks which had hitherto been his
garments or body. And what form can the expelled corn-spirit
assume more naturally than that of the person who stands nearest
to the corn from which he (the corn-spirit) has just been expelled?
But the person in question is necessarily the reaper, binder, or
thresher of the last corn. He or she, therefore, is seized and treated
as the corn-spirit himself.

Thus the person who was killed on the harvest-field as the

representative of the corn-spirit may have been either a passing
stranger or the harvester who was last at reaping, binding, or
threshing. But there is a third possibility, to which ancient legend
and modern folk-custom alike point. Lityerses not only put strangers
to death; he was himself slain, and probably in the same way as he
had slain others, namely, by being wrapt in a corn-sheaf, beheaded,
and cast into the river; and it is implied that this happened to
Lityerses on his own land. Similarly in modern harvest-customs the
pretence of killing appears to be carried out quite as often on the
person of the master (farmer or squire) as on that of strangers.1301
Now when we remember that Lityerses was said to have been the
son of the King of Phrygia, and combine with this the tradition that
he was put to death, apparently as a representative of the corn-
spirit, we are led to conjecture that we have here another trace of
the custom of annually slaying one of those divine or priestly kings
who are known to have held ghostly sway in many parts of Western
Asia and particularly in Phrygia. The custom appears, as we have
seen,1302 to have been so far modified in places that the king's son
was slain in the king's stead. Of the custom thus [pg 396] modified
the story of Lityerses would therefore be a reminiscence.

Turning now to the relation of the Phrygian Lityerses to the Phrygian

Attis, it may be remembered that at Pessinus—the seat of a priestly
kingship—the high-priest appears to have been annually slain in the
character of Attis, a god of vegetation, and that Attis was described
by an ancient authority as “a reaped ear of corn.”1303 Thus Attis, as
an embodiment of the corn-spirit, annually slain in the person of his
Welcome to Our Bookstore - The Ultimate Destination for Book Lovers
Are you passionate about testbank and eager to explore new worlds of
knowledge? At our website, we offer a vast collection of books that
cater to every interest and age group. From classic literature to
specialized publications, self-help books, and children’s stories, we
have it all! Each book is a gateway to new adventures, helping you
expand your knowledge and nourish your soul
Experience Convenient and Enjoyable Book Shopping Our website is more
than just an online bookstore—it’s a bridge connecting readers to the
timeless values of culture and wisdom. With a sleek and user-friendly
interface and a smart search system, you can find your favorite books
quickly and easily. Enjoy special promotions, fast home delivery, and
a seamless shopping experience that saves you time and enhances your
love for reading.
Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and
personal growth!

ebooksecure.com