2a6992c2 en
2a6992c2 en
Corporate Governance
in MENA
BUILDING A FRAMEWORK FOR COMPETITIVENESS
AND GROWTH
Corporate Governance
in MENA
BUILDING A FRAMEWORK
FOR COMPETITIVENESS AND GROWTH
This work is published under the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. The
opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official
views of OECD member countries.
This document, as well as any data and any map included herein, are without prejudice
to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international
frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area.
Corporate Governance
ISSN 2077-6527 (print)
ISSN 2077-6535 (online)
Preface
The report draws upon extensive research, policy discussions at the international and
regional levels, and insights from national experts through focus groups. It contributes to
a growing body of OECD work aimed at fostering sound corporate governance in MENA
economies with the aim of furthering the region’s development and prosperity.
Foreword
discussed at a meeting of the Working Group held in Lisbon in July 2018. Each chapter
has since been revised based on feedback from regional experts.
The objective of this report is to share the rich reform experience emerging from the
MENA region and to serve as a useful tool for policy makers as well as other
stakeholders in search of good practice and effective policy instruments for implementing
their own national corporate governance reform efforts.
Acknowledgements
Corporate governance in MENA: Building a framework for competitiveness and growth is the
outcome of work conducted by the MENA-OECD Working Group on Corporate Governance,
under the auspices of the MENA-OECD Competitiveness Programme. The OECD is most
grateful to the Swedish International Development Co-operation Agency for their continued
support of this work.
The report was written under the guidance of Fianna Jurdant, Programme Leader, OECD.
The OECD would like to acknowledge the contributions of the following individuals and
organisations:
Chapter 2, “Facilitating access to finance and capital markets”, was developed by Aysegul Eksit.
The chapter benefits from the input of an expert thematic focus group composed of Khalid Al
Zaabi (Securities and Commodities Authority, UAE), Fadi Khalaf (Arab Federation of
Exchanges), Hamed Al Busaidi (Capital Market Authority of Oman), Nick Nadal (Hawkamah,
The Institute for Corporate Governance) and Hawkama El Djazair, Algeria.
Chapter 3, “Improving transparency and disclosure in MENA”, was developed by Aysegul Eksit.
The chapter benefits from the input of an expert focus group composed of Rainer Geiger (Finance
Watch), Shahad Abdulaziz Alissa (Capital Market Authority of Saudi Arabia), Bouchara El Falaki
(Autorité Marocaine du Marché des Capitaux) and Mohsen Adel (Egyptian Exchange).
Chapter 4, “Achieving gender balance in corporate leadership”, builds on desk research by Addie
Erwin. OECD research, drafting and editorial contributions were provided by Carla Meza and
Catriona Marshall, under the guidance of Fianna Jurdant (OECD, Directorate for Financial and
Enterprise Affairs). Valuable comments were provided by Nicola Ehlermann and Charlotte
Goemans (OECD Global Relations Secretariat), and the UAE Securities and Commodities
Authority. Policy options benefited from the input of an expert focus group composed of Lamia El
Bouanani (Moroccan Institute of Directors), Iman Al Damen (Jordan Forum for Business and
Professional Women), Yehia El Husseiny (International Finance Corporation) and Rasha El
Hassan (Rami Makhzoumi Corporate Governance Initiative), led by Catriona Marshall (OECD).
Chapter 5, “Enhancing governance of state-owned enterprises”, was prepared by Korin Kane
(OECD, Directorate for Financial and Enterprise Affairs), with oversight by Fianna Jurdant and
Hans Christiansen. Valuable comments were provided by Nicola Ehlermann (OECD Global
Relations Secretariat) and the UAE Securities and Commodities Authority. The chapter benefited
from contributions from an expert focus group composed of Samih Abdelaziz, Fatima Barnoussi,
Ahmed Belfahmi and Mustapha Boukhou (Ministry of Economy and Finance, Morocco);
Munqith Al Baker (Iraqi Institute for Economic Reform); Ali Harbi (Hawkamah El Djazair,
Algeria); Mohamed Hassouna (Ministry of Public Business Sector, Egypt); Nick Nadal and
Ashraf Gamal (Hawkamah Institute for Corporate Governance, UAE); and Shahzad Khan
(Mubadala, UAE).
The report was edited by Mary Bortin, and project co-ordination was provided by Katrina Baker
(OECD).
Table of contents
Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 3
Foreword ................................................................................................................................................ 5
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ 7
Abbreviations and acronyms .............................................................................................................. 13
Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................ 15
Chapter 1. Overview of corporate governance in MENA ............................................................... 17
1.1. Introduction................................................................................................................................. 18
1.2. Overall economic situation in MENA ........................................................................................ 18
1.3. Facilitating access to finance and capital markets ...................................................................... 20
1.4. Improving transparency and disclosure in MENA ..................................................................... 21
1.5. Achieving gender balance in corporate leadership ..................................................................... 22
1.6. Enhancing governance of state-owned enterprises ..................................................................... 23
Notes .................................................................................................................................................. 24
References.......................................................................................................................................... 24
Chapter 2. Access to finance and capital markets ............................................................................ 27
2.1. Introduction................................................................................................................................. 28
2.2. Why capital market development is vital in MENA ................................................................... 28
2.3. Corporate use of public equity markets ...................................................................................... 33
2.4. Stock exchanges in the region..................................................................................................... 37
2.5. Corporate use of bond markets ................................................................................................... 41
2.6. Corporate ownership structure .................................................................................................... 44
2.7. The way forward ......................................................................................................................... 46
Notes .................................................................................................................................................. 59
References.......................................................................................................................................... 60
Chapter 3. Improving transparency and disclosure in MENA ....................................................... 65
3.1. Introduction................................................................................................................................. 66
3.2. Corporate governance landscape in the MENA region .............................................................. 66
3.3. Transparency and disclosure: Key issues ................................................................................... 70
3.4. Disclosure of ownership ............................................................................................................. 79
3.5. Disclosure of related party transactions ...................................................................................... 83
3.6. Monitoring and enforcement of standards .................................................................................. 86
3.7. The way forward ......................................................................................................................... 87
Notes .................................................................................................................................................. 96
References.......................................................................................................................................... 96
Annex 3.A. Companies covered in the review of disclosure practices ............................................ 100
Annex 3.B. Definition of related party transactions in selected MENA economies ........................ 101
Tables
Table 1.1. Key economic indicators for the MENA region, 2000-2017 ............................................... 19
Table 2.1. Main characteristics of MENA stock exchanges, 2017 ........................................................ 38
Table 2.2. Market capitalisation by sector in selected MENA exchanges, 2016 (%) ........................... 40
Table 2.3. MENA corporate bond markets, 2014.................................................................................. 42
Table 2.4. Corporate bond market development in MENA .................................................................. 43
Table 2.5. Policy options for improving access to capital markets ....................................................... 48
Table 3.1. Corporate governance codes in MENA ................................................................................ 67
Table 3.2. Strength of auditing and accounting standards, 2018 (1-7) .................................................. 74
Table 3.3. Extent of corporate transparency index, 2019 ...................................................................... 74
Table 3.4. Information disclosed by 15 of the largest MENA companies ............................................ 76
Table 3.5. Information least disclosed by 15 of the largest MENA companies .................................... 78
Table 3.6. Disclosure obligations of substantial shareholders ............................................................... 81
Table 3.7. Disclosure obligations of directors ....................................................................................... 82
Table 3.8. Policy options for improving transparency and disclosure .................................................. 90
Table 4.1. MENA constitutional provisions on equality and non-discrimination ............................... 110
Table 4.2. National vs. non-national women working in selected GCC countries .............................. 113
Table 4.3. Market capitalisation and voting women board members by MENA exchange ................ 116
Table 4.4. Women on MENA audit, nomination and remuneration committees (%) ......................... 117
Table 4.5. Selected MENA initiatives to increase gender balance in corporate leadership ................ 125
Table 4.6. Policy options for promoting gender balance in corporate leadership ............................... 127
Table 5.1. Overview of state ownership arrangements in MENA....................................................... 145
Table 5.2. Decentralised state ownership arrangements in Iraq .......................................................... 146
Table 5.3. State-owned companies among MENA’s 100 largest listed companies, 2017 .................. 154
Table 5.4. Saudi Public Investment Fund listed shareholdings ........................................................... 160
Table 5.5. Publicly available data on state-owned enterprises in MENA ........................................... 163
Table 5.6. Aggregate value and performance of SOEs in Sweden ...................................................... 165
Table 5.7. Example of company-specific reporting: Sweden’s postal service .................................... 166
Table 5.8. Policy options to inform effective state ownership reforms ............................................... 169
Figures
Boxes
Executive Summary
potential of the region’s economies. Steps that can help build capital market
growth include: preparing a national action plan; enhancing the monitoring
capacity and accountability of securities regulators; improving market based
financing alternatives; and developing the investor base, including by relaxing
foreign ownership limits.
Benefit from international good practices on transparency and disclosure to
improve the effectiveness of the region’s corporate governance frameworks.
Analysis of MENA’s corporate transparency practices highlights two areas of
concern: disclosure of beneficial ownership and of related party transactions.
Steps that can boost investor confidence include: strengthened disclosure rules on
ultimate beneficial ownership, related party transactions and remuneration of
board members; effective supervision and enforcement of corporate disclosure
rules; inclusion of corporate governance reporting in annual reports; and
promotion of shareholder engagement.
Emphasise the importance of including gender diversity in policy frameworks
as a first step towards facilitating gender balance in corporate leadership. Analysis
of the participation of women in corporate decision-making roles in MENA
shows that constitutional measures on non-discrimination against women have not
yet translated into company practices. Steps that can promote women’s
participation in corporate leadership roles include: introducing targeted measures
to encourage gender balance; combining national goals with company strategies;
and providing training and mentoring to shift values.
Gather and disclose information on state-owned enterprises to strengthen
accountability and help improve their performance. Analysis shows that the
exercise of state ownership in most MENA economies remains dispersed across
the public administration, with ministries often simultaneously holding ownership
and regulatory roles. Steps that can enhance the contribution of SOEs to economic
development include: harmonising their corporate governance and disclosure
standards; clearly defining their financial and non-financial objectives; collecting
data on their performance; and preparing aggregate reports on their operations to
strengthen accountability.
1.1. Introduction
The MENA region is economically diverse despite its common language and shared
history. Gross domestic product (GDP) per capita varies widely, from high levels in the
Gulf countries, with their wealth of natural resources and relatively small populations, to
lower levels in other areas of the region. In 2017, for example, Qatar’s GDP per capita
was 110 times that of Yemen.
The region’s overall GDP was USD 2.37 trillion in 2017, representing only 3% of global
GDP (Figure 1.1) (IMF, 2018). The total population stood at 353 million in 2017, ranging
from under 1 million in Djibouti to 97 million in Egypt (World Bank, 2018).
Djibouti
Yemen
Bahrain
Tunisia
Jordan
Lebanon
Oman
Morocco
Kuwait
Qatar
Algeria
Iraq
Egypt
United Arab Emirates
Saudi Arabia
0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800
Over the past decade, oil exporters have benefitted from high oil prices and used the
proceeds to modernise infrastructure and create employment (Fasano-Filho and
Iqbal, 2003). In 2014, oil accounted for more than 60% of total exports in oil-exporting
MENA economies, with the exception of UAE (IMF, 2016a). As a result, economic
linkages among countries in the region mean that non-oil-exporting MENA economies
also benefitted from oil revenues. This benefit came in the form of investments from oil-
exporting economies and had knock on effects on a range of activities including tourism,
which in turn bolstered the labour market.
However, the sharp fall in oil prices in late 2014 resulted in deteriorated economic
conditions, leading to higher fiscal deficits (Table 1.1).
Table 1.1. Key economic indicators for the MENA region, 2000-2017
Note: The indicators group Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania,
Morocco, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, UAE and Yemen, as well as
Somalia and Sudan.
Source: IMF Middle East and Central Asia Regional Economic Outlook.
Good corporate governance helps decrease capital costs and supports access to capital for
corporations (OECD, 2015a). Although MENA economies are at different stages of
capital market development, common features can be identified in the region.
Access to finance is a constraint on the development of the private sector, especially for
small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and growth companies1, due to the region’s
high concentration of banking intermediation, high collateral requirements, limited
sectoral diversification and high share of big companies in capital markets.
MENA banking systems dominate the region’s economic landscape, with bank deposits
in 2015 accounting for 80% of GDP in the region, compared with a global average of
50% (World Bank GFDD, 2018).
The average private sector credit-to-GDP ratio in the region is comparable with peer
economies, with the exception of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) economies. In
those economies, average banking intermediation, as measured by private sector credit to
GDP, was 54% for 2011-2015, substantially below peer countries (78% for high-income
economies).
The size of MENA stock markets, at 1.42% of world market capitalisation in 2017, is
very low considering that the region contributes 3% to global GDP. However, stock
market capitalisation varies widely among MENA economies, from 78% of GDP in Qatar
and 66% in Saudi Arabia to 22% in Tunisia and 19% in Egypt. As of 2017, equity
markets in MENA (excluding Djibouti, Libya, Mauritania and Yemen) had 1 456 listed
companies, with a market capitalisation of USD 1 128 billion.
Deep and efficient capital markets could help to improve access to corporate finance.
Studies suggest that there is a positive link between strong corporate governance and
capital market development. A better corporate governance framework promotes deeper,
more liquid and more efficient capital markets (IMF, 2016b).
There is also evidence that company-level corporate governance quality can enhance both
a company’s ability to access finance and its financial performance (Haque et al., 2008;
IMF, 2016b), and that companies with better governance have higher market valuation
(Cheung et al., 2014).
The Hawkamah/S&P Pan Arab ESG Index, which tracks the top 50 listed companies in
11 MENA markets that have superior performance according to environmental, social
and governance (ESG) factors, has outperformed the pan Arab S&P Index since its
launch in 2011. This result suggests that investors have taken corporate governance
practices into account when deciding where to invest. A large number of MENA
companies are also listed abroad, where they are generally subject to higher disclosure
standards (GOVERN, 2016).
A sound corporate governance framework facilitates capital market development over
time. Investors need assurance that their rights will be protected when they invest in
capital markets. Similarly, companies will not be willing to use capital markets without
clear responsibilities defined by the rule of law (OECD, 2015c).
This report finds that MENA’s capital markets do not reflect the potential of the region’s
economies. In addition to the factors noted above, the total value of growth company
initial public offerings (IPOs) and low sectoral diversification in equity markets suggest
that a limited number of companies have access to capital markets.
Definitions of related party transactions have improved, but requirements on the method
and timing of disclosure vary across the region, and many MENA economies have not
adopted thresholds for disclosure and shareholder approval.
In order to strengthen the effectiveness of their corporate governance frameworks,
MENA economies should continue their reform efforts with respect to transparency and
disclosure based on international standards and good practices.
Policy makers and companies should strive to ensure full and proper disclosure of
ownership and related party transactions, effective supervision and enforcement of
disclosure regulations, and greater shareholder engagement through stronger protection of
minority investors’ rights. The desirable mix of legislation and voluntary codes should be
defined according to each economy’s distinctive features.
Complementing the efforts of policy makers, companies can take immediate action to
improve their disclosure practices. In order to attract investors to the region, company
websites need to be updated regularly, with more reports made available online in
English, including corporate governance reports.
Such efforts can lead to greater investor confidence, stronger market reputation and fluid
access to finance, thus contributing to the overall growth and development of the region’s
economies and companies.
Advancing gender balance at corporate decision-making levels has become a goal for
companies around the world. Increasing gender balance in corporate leadership roles is a
priority for OECD countries, and most have initiated policies to promote gender balance
on company boards and in senior management.
There is strong impetus for MENA economies to embrace initiatives that empower and
promote women in the corporate sphere. Women’s leadership is increasingly seen as a
cornerstone for building competitive, value-creating companies and, by extension,
resilient, inclusive economies.
The introduction of measures that aim to promote greater gender balance has helped
MENA economies to align constitutional guarantees of equality and equal opportunity
with international commitments. However, not all MENA economies have seen results in
corporate practice, and closing the gender gap in corporate decision-making roles remains
a challenge in the region.
This report finds that corporate governance codes in MENA economies rarely include
gender diversity; that the region lacks targeted measures to encourage gender balance in
corporate leadership; and that company and securities laws generally do not mandate the
disclosure of board composition and senior management by gender.
Moreover, MENA legal frameworks and social norms, including family codes, play a role
in driving gender gaps in the labour market, including at the corporate leadership level.
Galvanising change will require increased engagement between MENA governments and
the private sector to develop an environment conducive to greater gender balance on
boards and in top-level executive positions.
The G20/OECD Principles of Corporate Governance encourage countries to pursue a
range of policies and initiatives to enhance gender diversity on boards and in senior
through greater transparency could inform improvements in state ownership practices and
ultimately help to ensure that SOEs operate efficiently, transparently and on a level
playing field with private companies. Furthermore, and although many MENA
governments have taken measures in recent years to improve state ownership and
governance practices, the report finds that there is scope for further professionalisation of
state ownership practices. This could be supported by the development of harmonised
corporate governance standards applicable to all SOEs.
The OECD Guidelines on Corporate Governance of State-Owned Enterprises, presented
in Chapter 5, provide a blueprint for ensuring that SOEs operate efficiently, transparently
and on a level playing field with private enterprises. As MENA governments consider
undertaking policy and legislative reforms to improve the corporate governance of SOEs,
this document can serve as a guidepost.
Notes
1
In the OECD capital market series work, ‘growth companies’ are classified as those with an IPO
size of less than USD 100 million, combined with the Eurostat-OECD (2007) definition which
describes growth companies as those with an average turnover or employee growth greater than
20% per annum over a period of three years.
References
Amico, A. (2014), "Corporate Governance Enforcement in the Middle East and North Africa: Evidence
and Priorities", OECD Corporate Governance Working Papers, No. 15, OECD Publishing, Paris,
https://doi.org/10.1787/5jxws6scxg7c-en.
Barth, M.E., Y. Konchitchki and W.R. Landsman (2013), “Cost of Capital and Earnings Transparency”,
Journal of Accounting & Economics, Vol. 55/2-3, pp. 206-224, Rochester, NY.
Cheung, Y-L. et al. (2014), “Corporate Governance and Firm Valuation in Asian Emerging Markets”, in
Boubaker S. and D. Nguyen (eds.), Corporate Governance in Emerging Markets: Theories, Practices
and Cases, Springer Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg.
Fasano-Filho, U. and Z. Iqbal (2003), “GCC Countries: From Oil Dependence to Diversification”, IMF
Working Papers, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC.
GOVERN (2016), What Role for Institutional Investors in Corporate Governance in the Middle East and
North Africa?, The Economic and Corporate Governance Centre, Paris.
Haque, F., T.G. Arun and C. Kirkpatrick (2008), “Corporate Governance and Capital Markets: A
Conceptual Framework”, Corporate Ownership and Control, Vol. 5/2, pp. 264-276, Virtus Interpress,
Sumy, Ukraine.
IMF (2018), IMF World Economic Outlook Database (accessed April 2018).
IMF (2016a), “Economic Diversification in Oil-Exporting Arab Countries”, Report to Annual Meeting of
Arab Ministers of Finance, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC.
IMF (2016b), “Corporate Governance, Investor Protection, and Financial Stability in Emerging
Markets”, IMF Global Financial Stability Report, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC.
Leuz, C. and P.D. Wysocki (2016), “The Economics of Disclosure and Financial Reporting Regulation:
Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research”, ECGI Working Paper Series in Law, European
Corporate Governance Institute, Brussels.
OECD (2017a), 2013 OECD Recommendation of the Council on Gender Equality in Education,
Employment and Entrepreneurship, OECD Publishing, Paris,
https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264279391-en.
OECD (2017b), Report on the Implementation of the OECD Gender Recommendations, Prepared for the
Meeting of the OECD Council at Ministerial Level, Paris, www.oecd.org/mcm/documents/C-MIN-
2017-7-EN.pdf.
OECD (2015a), G20/OECD Principles of Corporate Governance, OECD Publishing, Paris,
https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264236882-en.
OECD (2015b), OECD Guidelines on Corporate Governance of State-Owned Enterprises, OECD
Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264244160-en.
OECD (2015c), Growth Companies, Access to Capital Markets and Corporate Governance, OECD
report to G20 finance ministers and Central Bank governors, September 2015,
www.oecd.org/g20/topics/framework-strong-sustainable-balanced-growth/OECD-Growth-
Companies-Access-to-Capital-Markets-and-Corporate-Governance.pdf.
UnctadStat (2017), Foreign Direct Investment: Inward and Outward Flows and Stocks, annual, 1970-
2016 (database), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Geneva.
World Bank (2018), World Bank Open Data (database, accessed on 28 November 2018).
World Bank GFDD (2018), World Bank Global Financial Development Database.
Access to finance and capital markets is essential for growth and economic
competitiveness. This chapter investigates MENA capital markets in order to identify
common priorities for achieving progress, consistent with the G20/OECD Principles of
Corporate Governance. It provides an overview of MENA’s capital markets and goes on
to explore factors limiting access to finance, comparing the situation in the region with
global trends when possible. The chapter explores how MENA’s companies use public
equity financing and corporate bond markets, reviews the structure of its stock exchanges
and examines the region’s corporate ownership structure, including concentrated
ownership and limits on foreign investors. It concludes with a summary of key challenges
to growth in the region, followed by policy options for deepening capital markets and
enabling growth companies to obtain finance from them.
2.1. Introduction
MENA economies face the challenges of sometimes sluggish economic growth, limited
economic diversification and high unemployment, especially among youth and women. A
major issue in attempting to address these challenges is limited access to finance.
Restricted access to capital markets hampers the development of growth companies, the
main drivers of job creation, innovation and productivity.
The region’s share of new entrepreneurs and high-performance enterprises is comparable
to that of other emerging economies (OECD/IDRC, 2013). But MENA’s growth
companies seem to face higher barriers in their quest for financial resources than larger
companies able to offer physical assets as collateral. In an environment constrained by the
funding capacity of banks and higher government budget deficits, capital market
development and market-based finance can be a viable alternative for growth companies.
Better corporate governance is essential in this regard.
This chapter aims to identify the key challenges faced by MENA companies with respect
to access to capital markets. Where possible, developments in MENA’s capital markets
are compared with global trends. The chapter begins with an overview of financial market
developments in the region. It moves on to explore the use of public equity financing and
bond markets by MENA companies, initial public offerings (IPOs) by growth companies,
and the region’s stock exchanges. It examines the region’s corporate ownership structure,
including concentrated ownership and limits on foreign investors. It also touches on
banking sector development, which is critical to improving the financial infrastructure of
MENA companies. The chapter concludes by offering policy options for improving
access to finance.
While the chapter covers all 18 MENA economies under review in this report,
insufficient data has led to the assessment of fewer issues in some of them.
While founders, family and friends are generally the leading funding channel at the start-
up stage of a company, the funding alternatives should be broadened along the business
lifecycle. In particular for growth companies, which are defined as companies with an
average turnover or employee growth greater than 20% per annum over a period of three
years (Eurostat-OECD, 2007), financing is crucial to transition from a small/medium to a
large company. However, entrepreneurs in MENA identify lack of access to sources of
capital funding as a major constraint (Figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1. Firms identifying access to finance as a major constraint, 2011-17 (%)
60%
53.3
30% 27.7
25.95
23.9
20%
10%
0%
Palestinian Iraq Yemen Jordan Lebanon Morocco Egypt Tunisia
Authority
120%
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
Note: Bank concentration ratio measures the assets of the three largest commercial banks as a share of total
commercial banking assets.
Source: WB Global Financial Development Database (2017).
Increased competition in the financial sector would help to ensure better access to
financing, which can be especially difficult to obtain for SMEs and growth companies.
When countries have deep stock markets and other non-bank financial intermediaries,
they generally tend to host more competitive banking sectors. A comparison of market
capitalisation in MENA economies with that of other countries indicates that there is
room for further growth (Figure 2.3).
Egypt 10%
Turkey 20%
Tunisia 20%
Palestinian Authority 25%
Lebanon 26%
Poland 30%
Mexico 34%
Oman 35%
Brazil 42%
Morocco 57%
Bahrain 61%
United Arab Emirates 61%
Jordan 64%
China 65%
Saudi Arabia 69%
Chile 86%
Qatar 102%
Malaysia 121%
United States 147%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 120% 140% 160%
The depth of financial institutions represented by the average ratio of private credit to
GDP varies widely across countries in the region. For example, the average private credit
to GDP ratio for the 2011-2015 period is 7% in Iraq compared to 88% in Lebanon, a 13-
fold difference (World Bank GFDD). Although the region experienced both the negative
effects of the 2008 financial crisis and economic and political instability after 2011, credit
to GDP ratios have generally rebounded. However, this is not the case in Egypt (43% in
2007, 15% in 2015) or Jordan (85% in 2007, 68% in 2015).
Credit to the private sector has also slowed due to reduced deposit growth as a result of
lower oil prices (IMF, 2017a). The decrease in private credit has limited financial
alternatives for the private sector, which relies on a bank-dominated financial system. The
total credit gap for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) in MENA is
estimated at USD 260-320 billion, which means that a 300% increase in outstanding SME
credit is required to close this gap (Stein et al., 2013). In view of the evidence regarding
the difficulties faced by companies in securing loans, it can be inferred that the financing
gap is also large for growth companies.
Insights into private-sector lending in the region emerge from a MENA enterprise survey
conducted in 2013-2014 by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
European Investment Bank, and World Bank Group (EBRD et al., 2016). The survey
covered more than 6 000 private firms in the manufacturing and services sectors in eight
MENA economies: Djibouti, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestinian Authority,
Tunisia and Yemen. It found that credits are concentrated and that most of the companies,
especially SMEs, consider themselves as deprived of bank credit.
Another study supports this conclusion (Rocha, Arvai and Farazi, 2011). In the MENA
economies that are not in the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), credit concentration
ratios – the ratio of the top 20 exposures to total loans – are among the highest in the
world. In 2010, the top 20 exposures accounted for more than half of total loans in the
economy, implying that credit is channelled to a small number of large companies,
leaving the bulk of firms with little or no access to credit.
Furthermore, the requirements set by public banks in many MENA economies favour
state enterprises and large industrial firms, meaning that SMEs and growth companies
have difficulty accessing capital. A study by Bhattacharya and Wolde (2010) found that
MENA jurisdictions were quite successful in mobilising financial resources, but relatively
less efficient in allocating them.
There are also high collateral requirements in MENA economies, though not necessarily
more so than in other developing countries (Figure 2.4). Those requirements mean that
young and small firms may have insufficient assets to qualify for finance.
300%
250%
200%
150%
100%
50%
0%
Yemen Egypt Tunisia Djibouti Lebanon Algeria Morocco Iraq Palestinian Jordan Turkey Chile Mexico Poland
(2013) (2013) (2013) (2013) (2013) (2007) (2013) (2011) Authority (2013) (2013) (2010) (2010) (2012)
(2013)
loans, which have a finite life span. Second, equity capital is patient and returns are not
guaranteed. The shareholder will be paid only after all other stakeholders, such as
employees, suppliers, tax authorities and creditors have been paid. Unlike other capital
providers, shareholders will be the first to bear the cost of adverse business performance.
In contrast, debt lenders have a priority claim on a company’s assets in case of default.
Third, since equity only receives residual profits in the form of dividends, equity capital
is typically more suited to finance risk than other forms of capital, which yield a strictly
defined return regardless of a company’s operating performance.
The permanent, patient, and risk-willing nature of equity capital means that supply and
access to equity is not only important for the company. Availability of enough long-term
capital is of systemic importance to the very structure and long-term dynamics of an
economy’s corporate sector. Importantly, the availability of equity allows for a gradual
shift in a country’s industrial structure towards more future oriented, innovative,
knowledge-based and human-capital intensive enterprises.
A study examining the effects of financial development in MENA indicates that a
reduction of constraints on access to finance – from the MENA average to the world
average – could lead to an increase in real per capita GDP growth in the region
(Bhattacharya and Wolde, 2010). Evidence that financial stability and efficiency are
linked to growth also emerges from a study by Naceur et al. (2017). The authors conclude
that the effect of finance depends on a jurisdiction’s income level, policy regime and
institutional quality.
Research into how companies that issue in capital markets evolve compared to non-
issuers, meanwhile, found that issuers of equity, bonds and syndicated loans in the Arab
region were larger and grew faster than non-issuers (Lorente et al., 2017a).
60 54 14.0
13.2
50 12.0
11.1
10.0
40
8.0
29
30 26
25 24
6.0
20 18
15 14 14 4.0
3.1 11
2.7 2.9
10 2.2 2.0
2.1 2.0
1.2
0.8
0 0.0
2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Source: Adapted from EY MENA IPO reports and the websites of stock exchanges.
10
10
18
5
Source: Adapted from EY MENA IPO reports and the websites of stock exchanges.
SAUDI ARABIA
EGYPT MOROCCO
OMAN TUNISIA
BAHRAIN QATAR
UAE ALGERIA
IRAQ
0.06 0.004
5.02
8.84
1.04
0.02
0.19
0.48 0.49
1.40
Source: Adapted from EY MENA IPO reports and the websites of stock exchanges.
Figure 2.8 displays the size of IPOs in MENA’s non-financial sector. The IPOs of MENA
growth companies rebounded in 2017, possibly due to an increase in small IPOs in the
Saudi market. After the launch of the Nomu-Parallel Market on the Saudi Stock
Exchange, the capital raised in 2017 totalled 169 USD million, representing 37% of total
MENA growth company IPO proceeds.
4 000 40%
3 500 35%
3 000 30%
2 500 25%
2 000 20%
1 500 15%
1 000 10%
500 5%
0 0%
2014 2015 2016 2017
Source: Adapted from EY MENA IPO reports and the websites of stock exchanges.
11%
15%
13%
14%
14%
Source: Adapted from EY MENA IPO reports and the websites of stock exchanges. Economic sectors are
based on the Thomson Reuters Business Classification.
The situation in MENA differs greatly from advanced economies, where high technology
and healthcare accounted for 40% of all equity raised through growth company IPOs
from 2000 to 2014. This is in line with research showing that equity markets are
especially suitable for growth companies in future-oriented industries with relatively high
risk (OECD, 2015a). Conversely, the share of IPOs in technology, telecommunications
and healthcare industries is quite low in MENA.
A recent working paper found that secondary equity offerings have grown at a faster rate
than IPOs in Arab jurisdictions over the 1991-2014 period (Ismail, Cortina Lorente and
Schmukler, 2017a).3 The study was based on a dataset including 138 091 companies and
719 242 security issuances. It showed that the share of IPOs in total equity proceeds
decreased from 55% (1991-98) to 26% (2007-14). The jurisdictions with the highest
proportions of secondary equity issuances were Kuwait (95%), Egypt (92%) and Qatar
(88%). The share of secondary equity offerings was less than 60% in Morocco, Saudi
Arabia, Tunisia and UAE.
MENA’s stock exchanges date back to the late 19th century, when the Egyptian exchange
was established. Since the 1980s, the establishment of stock exchanges has accelerated in
the region. However, despite the global process of demutualisation and privatisation in
recent decades, most of the region’s exchanges are still state owned or organised as public
institutions (Figure 2.10).
6%
6%
6%
41%
12%
17%
12%
Note: The countries included are Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt EGX, Egypt NILEX, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, UAE DIFC, UAE Federal.
Source: OECD (2019), OECD Survey of Corporate Governance Frameworks in the Middle East and North
Africa 2019, www.oecd.org/corporate/oecd-survey-of-corporate-governance-frameworks-in-mena.htm.
The Palestine Securities Exchange and the Dubai Financial Market are the region’s only
stock exchanges with the status of a public listed company, but Kuwait and Saudi Arabia
are making structural changes. The Boursa Kuwait, a private entity, was set up in 2014 to
develop the Kuwait Stock Exchange, and in October 2016 it was granted an official
license to own the exchange. An IPO for Tadawul, the Saudi exchange, originally
planned for 2018, is now expected in 2019, according to news reports.
Table 2.1 displays key characteristics of MENA’s stock exchanges in 2017. Total market
capitalisation was USD 1.128 billion, or 1.42% of global market capitalisation. Given that
MENA’s GDP represents 3% of global GDP, the region’s market size does not reflect its
potential.
Note: Countries marked with an asterisk (*) belong to the Arab Federation of Exchange. Market capitalisation
of listed domestic companies (percentage of GDP) has been calculated manually using WB World
Development Indicators.
Source: WB World Development Indicators (2018); IMF World Economic Outlook Database (2018).
Market capitalisation varies greatly among MENA exchanges. The Saudi Stock Exchange
has the largest market capitalisation, at USD 451 billion, which represents approximately
40% of the total MENA market at the end of 2017. While market capitalisation is also
high in other GCC countries, it is very low in several jurisdictions in the region.
The market capitalisation to GDP ratio declined severely in almost all economies after the
2008 financial crisis, but the global average has returned almost to its 2007 level (114%
in 2007, 99% in 2016). Recovery has been generally slow in MENA jurisdictions,
perhaps due to the region’s exposure to external and internal shocks, especially after
2011. Stock market capitalisation in most jurisdictions declined significantly following
the global financial crisis and, apart from the UAE, has not yet caught up with pre-crisis
levels. Declines were most severe in non-GCC jurisdictions (Figure 2.11).
The number of companies listed on MENA stock exchanges increased dramatically after
1998, partly as a consequence of privatisation programmes across the region, and the vast
majority of these companies were listed in Egypt. The total number of listed companies
for the region stood at 1 844 in 2000, of which 1 057 were in Egypt. However, the
number of companies on the Egyptian Exchange decreased drastically in 2017, when
untraded companies were delisted.
As of 2017, the number of companies listed on MENA stock exchanges totalled 1 350,
ranging from five in Algeria to 254 in Egypt (Figure 2.12). Although the Saudi stock
exchange is the region’s largest in terms of market capitalisation, more companies are
listed in both Egypt (254) and Jordan (194) than in Saudi Arabia (188).
2007 2016
160%
140%
120%
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%
MENA GCC MENA Non GCC World Europe & Central Asia East Asia & Pacific Latin America &
Caribbean
Source: WB World Development Indicators Database (2017); Rocha, Arvai and Farazi (2011).
2 000
1 844
1 800
1 600 1 451
1 350
1 400
1 200 1 078 1 096
1 000
769
800
600
400
200
0
Total MENA MENA except Egypt
Note: The countries included are Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Jordan, Oman, Palestinian
Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and UAE.
Source: WB Global Financial Development Database (2017), IMF and stock exchange websites.
Market concentration ratios in terms of market capitalisation and trading volume vary
within the region4 (WB GFDD, 2017). High ratios imply that liquidity is limited, with
access more difficult for new companies. Market capitalisation in MENA is dominated by
financial and infrastructure firms (Table 2.2). The limited sectoral diversification may
affect market development and limit investment opportunities.
Table 2.2. Market capitalisation by sector in selected MENA exchanges, 2016 (%)
Petrochemical
Banks and financial services Telecom and information technology Other
industries
Saudi Arabia 29 25 10 36
UAE DFM 44 1 9 46
Qatar 47 4 7 42
Kuwait 57 1 11 31
Morocco 40 4 21 35
Egypt 36 5 12 47
Specialised SME markets or tiers have been introduced in the MENA region. Egypt’s
Nilex (2007) was the region’s first dedicated SME market, while the Nomu Parallel
Market in Saudi Arabia (2017) is the most recent. Tunisia, Dubai and Qatar also have
SME tiers.
Two exchanges in the region have introduced the London Stock Exchange Group’s
ELITE business development programme for fast growing companies. The Casablanca
Stock Exchange launched the programme in April 2016, and 24 Moroccan companies
have enrolled, from sectors including technology, construction and household goods.
ELITE has since partnered with the Saudi SME Authority to initiate business support and
a capital raising programme.
MENA stock exchanges have also started to invest heavily in financial technology. An
example is the Dubai Financial Market’s ambitious Smart Borse initiative, launched in
2014. It includes eIPO, a smart IPO platform that allows investors to participate in IPOs
electronically; an iVESTOR card that allows secure payment for transactions; and a
smartphone application that lets investors track their stock portfolios. These services had
80 000 users at the end of 2017 (Dubai - MENA Herald, 2017).
Several MENA markets are still classified as “frontier markets” by the MSCI, an index
provider widely accepted as a benchmark,5 but the situation is evolving. Compared to
developed and emerging markets, frontier markets typically have limitations for foreign
investors in their regulatory and operational environments.
As of 2018, the MSCI classified Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon and Oman as frontier
markets; only Egypt, Qatar and UAE were included in the MSCI Emerging Market Index.
The Saudi Arabian and Palestinian markets had Standalone Indices, enabling foreign
investors to follow them more closely.
However, the MSCI has announced that the MSCI Saudi Arabia Index will be included in
the Emerging Markets Index as of June 2019, and that Kuwait will be reviewed in 2019
for possible reclassification as an emerging market. The decision on Saudi Arabia
followed reforms by the country in areas including the (T+2) execution rule, short selling
and delivery versus payment rules. Inclusion on the MSCI Emerging Markets Index is
likely to increase institutional investors’ interest.
Ongoing capital market development in the region requires better corporate governance
and more transparency, which are key to attracting listing and liquidity (OECD, 2012).
MENA stock exchanges have been supporting good corporate governance by adopting
and enforcing higher listing and disclosure standards, providing transparency about listed
companies, facilitating the exercise of shareholder rights and conducting public
awareness activities about corporate governance. However, there is room for
improvement in this area (Chapter 3).
The small size of the MENA corporate bond market suggests that corporate bonds have
the potential to become a more prominent alternative source of financing for growth
companies. Corporate bond issuance also encourages companies to improve disclosure
and transparency, which is in line with good corporate governance. The development of
this market can be used as a policy tool to address the financial needs of growth
companies, given their importance and the constraints they face in accessing financing.
Issuing corporate bonds thus helps growth companies to access public equity markets.
Note: Size shows total amount outstanding in USD billion and is based on the definition of the BIS, domestic
versus international outstanding. A dash (-) indicates that data for the variable is not reported by IOSCO.
Source: Tendulkar (2015), Corporate Bond Markets: An Emerging Markets Perspective.
Corporate bond issuance as a percentage of GDP has generally been increasing in the
region since the onset of the financial crisis (Figure 2.13). The exceptions are Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and Lebanon. Although Saudi Arabia has been one of the fastest growing
domestic corporate bond markets (60% globally for the 2005-14 period), its corporate
bond issuance as a percentage of GDP decreased over 2007-14 compared to 2000-06.
2000-2006 2007-2014
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
Note: 0 values are displayed for Morocco and Tunisia (2000-06) and Jordan and Tunisia (2007-14).
Source: Adapted from Tendulkar (2015), Corporate Bond Markets: An Emerging Markets Perspective.
The total size of corporate bond markets as a percentage of GDP remains small, however,
relative to the size of the MENA economies. Under a classification system for domestic
corporate bond markets presented in a recent working report (Tendulkar, 2015), United
Arab Emirates was categorised in 2014 as a medium-sized market (USD 30-100 billion),
Saudi Arabia as a developing market (USD 10-30 billion) and Morocco and Tunisia as
micro markets (less than USD 1 billion). The region had no established market (greater
than USD 100 billion), and Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar were classified as absent markets.
Table 2.4 presents further information from the working report.
Note: Growth is delineated as follows, based on the compounded annual growth rate: Equal or greater than
20% (fast), 10-19% (medium), 1-9% (slow), less than 1% stalled/negative). Depth is classified as a
percentage of GDP as follows: equal to or greater than 100% (very deep), 50-99% (deep), 20-49%
(moderate), 5-19% (shallow), less than 5% (very shallow). The percentage of domestic corporate bond market
size versus international corporate bond size is based on the 2014 amount outstanding.
Source: Tendulkar (2015), Corporate Bond Markets: An Emerging Markets Perspective.
The recent study of Arab companies cited above found that bond activity remains low in
Arab jurisdictions compared to international levels, even though bond issuances have
increased (Ismail, Cortina Lorente and Schmukler, 2017a). It also suggests that Arab non-
financial companies6 issued the world’s longest-term corporate bonds (11.5 years) during
the period. This may be due to the large share of corporate bond issuances for
infrastructure financing by large Arab companies operating in the transportation,
electricity and gas sectors.
Perhaps because of the large share of infrastructure bonds, the median issue size in Arab
countries (USD 200 million) is much higher than in other regions (USD 44 million in
Asia, USD 97 million in G7). This indicates that corporate bonds in the region are being
issued by large firms. A separate study confirms this, finding that corporate bond issuers
in the region tend to be vastly larger than equity issuers (Cortina Lorente, Ismail and
Schmukler, 2017b). Over 2003-11, the median equity issuer had assets of around
USD 240 million, while the median bond issuer’s assets were USD 10.4 billion.
Other characteristics of MENA corporate bond markets include the following:
MENA companies generally use international markets rather than domestic
markets. Saudi Arabia and Egypt are the region’s only countries with large
domestic corporate bond markets comparable to international markets.
Issuer concentration is high, which can make it difficult for growth companies to
access the corporate bond market. When the issuances of the top 10 issuers in
each market are measured against total issuance in that market, concentration is
100% in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco and Oman for the 2010-14
period (Tendulkar, 2015). UAE stands out as the region’s only market with a
relatively low issuer concentration (59%).
In addition to conventional bonds, MENA companies issue sukuk (Islamic
bonds). In 2017, the sukuk issuances of GCC countries raised a total of
USD 4.61 billion, representing around 29% of global corporate sukuk volume
(IFSB, 2018).
Several MENA jurisdictions are acting to accelerate procedures and reduce the cost of
issuing bonds. Saudi Arabia has adopted new corporate bond regulations to shorten
procedures; Kuwait, Oman and UAE have updated their sukuk regulations (Zawya,
2016); and Egypt has introduced new regulations under which credit rating is not required
in the case of private placements (Gramon, 2016). Some MENA jurisdictions are also
moving to modernise bankruptcy regimes (Reuters, 2017).
institutional investor base and where the average value of retail trades in 2016 was just
10% of the value of total trades. The figure for 2016 was 30% on the Bahrain Stock
Exchange, 40% on the Kuwait Stock Exchange, 51% on the Qatar Stock Exchange and
83% on Saudi Arabia’s Tadawul. As for the Moroccan financial centre, institutional
investors accounted for 90% of the total value traded in 2016.
A large and diversified investor base is crucial for capital market development
since it ensures liquidity and stable demand. Institutional investors can have a
positive impact on corporate governance by monitoring company practices and
engaging with company management. Yet the region’s institutional investor base
is small and its markets are dominated by retail investors, which may not be
conducive to the long-term growth of companies.
Restrictions on foreign ownership are a key obstacle to greater foreign interest in
investing in the region. Other obstacles include MENA’s small market size and
ownership structures.
Efforts by policy makers to address these challenges would need to address three main
target areas in which there are indications of market imperfections, or where MENA
capital markets may be underperforming their potential.
First, distortions in the allocation of bank credits must be avoided. This relates
particularly to an apparent preference given to SOE borrowers as well as certain large
well-connected incumbent companies.
Second, family owned companies and other SMEs should be better incentivised to raise
equity finance. This includes taking measures to establish or improve the attractiveness of
SME equity market segments. Some countries may also want to review elements of their
national legislation, including concerning the tax treatment of debt and equity. The
apparent reluctance of family firms to disclose information could be addressed both via
less onerous reporting requirements on small listed companies, and by requiring larger
unlisted family companies to raise their disclosure requirements.
Third, an overriding priority is measures to increase the overall attractiveness of being
listed in equity markets in the MENA region. Some options for further action to raise
market liquidity, transparency, investor protection and market infrastructure are reviewed
in the following section.
Figure 2.14. Main policy areas for better access to capital markets
Enhance
capacity of key
institutions
Enhance a Diversify
sound financial sources of
ecosystem finance
Develop strategies
for capital market
growth
Establish
Develop the public markets
investor base for growth
companies
Address issuer
side factors
These key policy options are summarised in Table 2.5 and developed below. Not all
recommendations apply to every country; the policy options must be tailored to each
MENA economy’s specific circumstances and needs.
However, the recommendations as a whole are intended to ensure the deepening of
capital markets and to enable growth companies to obtain finance from them. If possible,
therefore, they should be implemented in a holistic manner under a comprehensive reform
programme suited to each economy’s needs.
Saudi Arabia has recently accelerated efforts to facilitate investment and strengthen the
role of capital markets as a funding channel. In April 2017, the country’s Council of
Economic and Development Affairs (CEDA) launched a Financial Sector Development
Programme in line with Saudi Vision 2030, a comprehensive plan to diversify the
economy.
The programme seeks to create a thriving financial sector in order to support economic
development by stimulating savings, finance and investment. It is underpinned by three
main pillars:
enabling financial institutions to support private sector growth
developing an advanced capital market
promoting and enabling financial planning.
The programme, which was designed to comply with international standards of financial
stability, aims to increase the country’s financial assets to GDP ratio, the share of capital
market assets and the share of SME financing at banks. It also envisions a digital
transformation as the country moves towards a cashless society.
The programme defines the responsibilities of all related institutions, including the
Capital Markets Authority; the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Commerce and
Investment, and Ministry of Economy and Planning; the Public Investment Fund; and the
Monetary Agency. Efforts are co-ordinated among relevant stakeholders and progress is
monitored.
Source: www.vision2030.gov.sa/en/FSDP
Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Qatar have already introduced national programmes aimed at
developing capital markets. Saudi Arabia’s Financial Sector Development Programme
offers a good-practice example that may be of interest to other jurisdictions in the region
(Box 2.1).
Initiatives taken by countries outside the region could also prove interesting to MENA
policy makers as they seek to deepen capital markets. For example, the European Union’s
capital market union aims to increase the access of smaller growth companies to capital
markets. Measures range from introducing simpler disclosure rules for small companies
to creating pan-European institutional investors specialising in long-term investment,
particularly in SMEs.
The EU has also introduced corporate governance initiatives that aim to strengthening
shareholders’ rights and that encourage long-term shareholder engagement in listed
companies. The EU Shareholder Rights Directive was amended in 2017 for this purpose.
Monitoring these developments and understanding alternative policy options can help
MENA policy makers to build their own models. Existing international organisations,
such as the Union of Arab Securities Authorities (UASA) and Union of Arab Stock
Exchanges, can play an active role in information and experience sharing.
However, MENA policy makers also need to consider their domestic and regional
circumstances in order to develop suitable policy options. For example, state-owned stock
exchanges in MENA jurisdictions generally face different challenges than demutualised
stock exchanges in setting standards; monitoring; and enforcing listing and corporate
governance rules. Assigning such stock exchanges central roles for the regulation and
monitoring of members could support overall market development efforts and ease the
burden on securities regulators.
Similarly, sovereign investors, as the biggest investor category in the MENA region,
could assume a strong role in supporting capital market investment in growth companies
or influencing a company’s corporate governance practices. Finally, Islamic capital
markets can play a vital role in growth company financing. The importance of Islamic
finance has been recognised by MENA authorities, and several countries have accelerated
their efforts to develop this market. For example, United Arab Emirates has taken
initiatives aimed at promoting Dubai as the capital of the global Islamic economy.
Policy makers must also lay the groundwork for an effective corporate governance
framework. This framework determines which corporations are allowed to access public
markets and the terms upon which savers are able to invest in a corporation (Çelik and
Isaksson, 2017).
Investors need assurance that their rights are protected when they convert their savings
into investments. Capital market investors also need detailed, up-to-date information in
order to evaluate investment opportunities in the market and to monitor the use of their
investments. Companies may also be unwilling to use capital markets without clear
responsibilities defined by the rule of law (OECD, 2015a).
Policy makers must be committed to establishing a regulatory environment that is flexible
and attractive enough to enable any company, including growth companies, to tap into
capital markets, while at the same time enhancing investor confidence.
Their programmes should also address identified weaknesses in corporate governance
practices and regulation in MENA jurisdictions. These weaknesses, which are discussed
in detail in Chapter 3, involve disclosure and transparency, board independence and
oversight.
Capacity building programmes are also being conducted in the region for the staff of
regulatory authorities. One such programme was launched by the UASA in the second
half of 2017.
In order to increase investor confidence, the competent authorities must have adequate
powers, resources and institutional capacity to supervise the market and enforce capital
market rules effectively. It is essential that the authorities be operationally and financially
independent, and also accountable.
International co-operation can help strengthen the institutional capacity of securities
regulators. Twelve MENA jurisdictions (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait,
Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and UAE) are currently
members of the International Organisation of Securities Commissions (IOSCO), while
only two (Egypt and UAE) are members of the International Forum of International Audit
Regulators (IFIAR). Active involvement and participation in these organisations, which
work on setting standards in capital markets, would improve regulation quality and
facilitate experience sharing and co-operation among countries.
In addition to equity markets, special bond markets for unlisted SMEs can be designed.
Different markets across Europe target corporate bonds issued by smaller companies
(mini bonds). They include the London Stock Exchange's Order Book for Retail Bonds,
the Stuttgart Bond Market, B and C segments at Euronext, Alternext in France, Mercato
Alternativo de Rent Fija in Spain and ExtraMOT PRO in Italy.
These examples can provide useful insights for MENA policy makers. It should be noted,
however, that developing a parallel market is complex and that not all special markets are
successful. Information asymmetry, high listing and maintenance costs, compliance costs,
lack of awareness, low levels of liquidity and high monitoring costs are commonly
mentioned as brakes on the success of these markets.
Focusing on growth companies could be useful in establishing a specialised market.
Several studies note that public equity financing is appropriate for high growth,
innovative companies (OECD, 2015b; Harwood and Konidaris, 2015).
Methods used by policy makers around the world to address these challenges include:
applying more flexible listing conditions, relaxing disclosure requirements, lowering
admission costs and requiring a key adviser and/or liquidity provider. However, there are
no magic bullets for ensuring a positive outcome. Each jurisdiction should consider how
to design measures guaranteeing investor protection without creating barriers restraining
market conditions.
Certain methods, even if not in widespread global use, could correspond to the market
characteristics of a particular economy. For example, instead of implementing lower
disclosure standards for younger growth companies, policy makers could consider
creating a special segment in stock exchanges for companies that implement higher
corporate governance standards.
Several stock exchanges, such as the London Premium Market or Brazil’s Nova Mercado,
have taken this approach. Adopting higher corporate governance standards may
strengthen investor demand for growth company shares, which are normally perceived as
high risk. It may also encourage other companies to improve their corporate governance
practices.
MENA policy makers could also consider reviewing portfolio limitations of institutional
investors to assess whether relaxing limits on capital market investments could encourage
more active institutional investor representation in corporate management. New
regulations could possibly be adopted to allow institutional investors to invest in certain
types of companies, such as younger high-growth companies.
Finally, sovereign wealth funds, the largest institutional investor category in the MENA
region, have the potential to contribute to the improvement of capital markets and
corporate governance practices. Capital market investments by sovereign wealth funds
could therefore be encouraged. Investments by sovereign wealth funds in growth
companies could be increased through programmes that are devised with the stock
exchange and other relevant authorities, such as Ireland’s IPO-ready.
Sovereign wealth funds around the world use different methods to influence the corporate
governance practices of investee companies. Norges Bank Investment Management, for
example, formulates expectations in terms of good governance and board accountability,
and publishes guidelines on voting policy. Companies are monitored, and those found to
be unfit – on issues including environmental damage, sustainability and violations of
human rights – are excluded from its investment portfolio. MENA sovereign wealth funds
that adopt such methods could favour the development of good governance.
Sovereign investors could also make a significant contribution on their own initiative by
implementing good governance practices. They have the potential to reduce possible
political pressure and improve accountability by increasing board effectiveness,
publishing governance and voting policies, monitoring investee companies and adopting
strong internal control and risk management processes. This is important for sustainable
value creation and sound capital market development.
While local institutional investors are evolving in the region, foreign investors could
contribute to competition, shareholder engagement and the transfer of know-how as well
as liquidity and price discovery in the market. As noted above, several MENA economies
have already started to relax foreign ownership limits, and with greater liberalisation the
level of foreign investors will probably increase. Efforts to liberalise foreign investment
in capital markets should be continued.
This seems to be relevant for MENA markets. According to a study conducted in 2015
for the largest GCC markets (Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE), analyst coverage as a
percentage of all stocks traded in securities exchanges ranges from 8.1% in Kuwait to
49.7% in Saudi Arabia (Marmore, 2015). This suggests low levels within the region. A
closer look reveals that analyst coverage for large-cap companies is considerably higher,
ranging from 64% to 100%, and that the ratio drops significantly for small-cap
companies, ranging from 3% to 28%. Furthermore, in Egypt, 73% of all listed companies
have no analyst coverage and only 20 companies are followed by five or more analysts
(GOVERN, 2016). The greater availability of research and public information for large-
cap companies may play into differences in analyst coverage.
Initiatives taken by other countries to increase analyst coverage could be instructive for
MENA. For example, Euronext has adopted a fee scheme that introduces lower trading
costs for brokers who meet certain criteria with respect to trading volumes and equity
research coverage. EnterNext, a Euronext subsidiary that supports SMEs, set up a
partnership with the Morningstar investment research company to provide analysis on the
330 small and midcap tech companies listed on Euronext markets.
In further examples, an independent research company produces one or two reports per
year for companies listed on the SME platform of India’s BSE market, with the cost of
the research covered by the country’s Investor Protection Fund. And an initiative by
Spain’s Alternative Stock Market and the Spanish Institute of Financial Analysts aims to
increase the market visibility of listed companies (Arce, López and Sanjuán, 2011).
Notes
1
The bank deposits to GDP ratio is especially high in Lebanon (247%). Excluding Lebanon, the
ratio is 66.41 %.
2
General IPO activity in MENA is provided for the 2008-17 period. Detailed IPO analysis for the
region covering the years 2014-2017 is based on the annual reports of stock exchanges and
Ernst & Young’s MENA IPO reports. IPO data excludes real estate investment trusts, investment
funds and unit/trust offerings.
3
The paper focuses on 12 Arab countries, namely Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and UAE.
4
Value traded excluding top 10 traded companies to total value traded is between 25-59 %, market
capitalisation excluding top 10 companies to total market capitalisation is between 21-71%.
5
Rating agencies and index providers classifying markets include MSCI, S&P, Dow Jones, FTSE
and Russell. Rating agencies and index providers classify markets as developed, emerging and
frontier markets based on different parameters (such as size, liquidity, market accessibility). Less
advanced capital markets from emerging markets are classified as frontier markets.
6
The study includes dataset of companies from Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon,
Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates.
7
This difference may be in part due to the importance placed on infrastructure and the institutional
and legal structure in bond market development owing to the limited return on bonds compared to
equity, which presents the possibility of unlimited return (Laeven, 2014).
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3.1. Introduction
Transparency and disclosure are a key part of the corporate governance framework
necessary for promoting private-sector development in the MENA region.
Without relevant and timely dissemination of information to the market, investors cannot
properly evaluate opportunities and risks. Companies need sound financial information in
order to make business decisions, and shareholders need accurate and timely disclosure to
monitor the company’s management. Disclosure is also fundamental to facilitating access
to finance, and this is particularly important for growth companies. Given that investors
look at corporate governance frameworks and practices in making their investment
decisions, countries with better transparency are in a better position to attract finance.
MENA economies have endeavoured to improve their corporate governance structures,
yet gaps remain in terms of transparency and disclosure regulations and practice. Foreign
investors have cited the quality of disclosure practices in the region as one of their main
concerns (Crescent Enterprises, 2016).
This chapter aims to identify the key challenges faced by MENA economies with respect
to disclosure and transparency. It examines the region’s corporate governance landscape,
including legal framework, role of regulators and stock exchanges, ownership structure
and business culture. It reviews international disclosure standards, as well as initiatives to
enhance transparency after the 2008 global financial crisis. It then addresses the
challenges facing the MENA region, with a focus on two areas: beneficial ownership and
related party transactions. The chapter concludes with a discussion of policy options for
improving transparency and disclosure in MENA in order to foster economic growth.
A country’s corporate governance landscape impacts the effectiveness of its policies and
regulations. This landscape includes the legal framework for corporate governance, the role of
regulators and stock exchanges, company ownership structure and the predominant business
culture. A review of this landscape in MENA economies can help to determine the extent to
which challenges in these areas affect transparency and disclosure.
Implementation of corporate governance codes varies across MENA. Bahrain and Egypt
use the comply-or-explain approach, which provides flexibility for companies to decide
not to implement certain of the recommendations. Egypt has also incorporated mandatory
governance requirements into the Egyptian Exchange listing rules. Jordan, Oman, Qatar
and UAE Federal impose binding requirements, while Kuwait, Palestinian Authority,
Saudi Arabia and UAE Dubai International Financial Centre (DIFC) take a mixed
approach. Algeria, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen have opted for voluntary
implementation (Table 3.1).
Note: This table includes information provided by MENA jurisdictions in May 2018. Information was
provided for 15 of 18 jurisdictions covered in this chapter.
Source: OECD (2019), OECD Survey of Corporate Governance Frameworks in the Middle East and North
Africa 2019, www.oecd.org/corporate/oecd-survey-of-corporate-governance-frameworks-in-mena.htm.
Egypt’s stock exchange (EGX) has made considerable efforts to boost the transparency of
listed companies. Listing rules include disclosure requirements (financial reporting,
corporate actions, material events, shareholding structure, board of directors and general
assembly meetings), the obligation to have an independent audit committee and rules on
related party transactions. The Electronic Disclosure System, which enables listed
companies to send their disclosures to EGX electronically, was introduced in 2015.
These rules have affected the number of companies listed on EGX. The Egyptian
Exchange, the first in the MENA region, was established in the late 19th century. The
number of listed companies increased sharply after the 1990s, partly due to significant
privatisation, but has since decreased dramatically, from 1 075 in 2000 to 254 in 2017
(WB, WFE). This is because companies that were untraded and/or not complying with
listing rules were delisted. Despite the large number of delistings, EGX remained the
largest MENA stock exchange in terms of number of listed companies as of 2017.
The EGX has also worked to promote greater transparency of ESG information. After
joining the UN’s SSE initiative in 2009, it launched its S&P EGX ESG index in 2010 and
the EGX Model Guidance for Reporting on ESG Performance and SDGs in 2016.
Source: EGX, UN Sustainable Stock Exchange Initiative.
Private institutions focusing on corporate governance have also been established in the
region. The first was the Egyptian Institute of Directors, established in 2003 to promote
corporate governance. Hawkamah, The Institute for Corporate Governance was
established in Dubai in 2006 to help companies to develop globally recognised corporate
governance frameworks. Institutes of directors or corporate governance centres have
since been established in seven countries,2 while regional institutions, such as the Union
of Arab Securities Authorities (UASA) and the Arab Federation of Exchanges, also have
activities aimed at enhancing corporate governance in the MENA region.
These institutions have been actively involved in promoting corporate governance
activities through research, conferences, training and advisory services. In 2011,
Hawkamah launched the first MENA-wide ESG Index in co-operation with Standard &
Poor’s in order to encourage MENA listed companies to pursue sustainable business
practices. The Index covers the 50 companies scoring highest on ESG commitment from
the 150 biggest companies in Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and UAE. In July 2017, the UASA issued a guideline for
listed companies in Arab financial markets aimed at reducing the obstacles faced by Arab
countries in applying the rules of governance. Also in 2017, the Governance Centre at
Alfaisal University’s College of Business launched a Corporate Governance Index to
monitor and promote good governance practices among corporations doing business in
Saudi Arabia. These activities are important since the results of corporate governance
reforms depend on public-private co-operation and high-level awareness of best practices.
Morocco offers a good example of strong public-private co-operation to build
commitment for corporate governance reforms. A National Corporate Governance
Commission was established in 2007, led jointly by the Ministry of Economic and
General Affairs (public sector) and the General Confederation of Moroccan Enterprises
(private sector). The commission issued a National Code of Corporate Governance in
2008, and the Moroccan Institute of Directors was established in 2009 (OECD, 2012).
International co-operation can strengthen countries’ efforts to adopt and implement best
practices. Currently, securities regulators of 12 MENA economies3 are ordinary members
of the International Organisation of Securities Commissions (IOSCO). However, only
two (UAE and Egypt) are members of the International Forum of Independent Audit
Regulators (IFIAR). Participation in international dialogue is especially useful for the
exchange of experiences, improving institutional capacity and implementing effective
enforcement for securities markets.
A country’s legal system (common law or civil law) affects disclosure levels. Most
MENA jurisdictions follow a civil code, while research indicates that disclosure levels are
substantially higher in common-law markets.
A country’s historical/economic relations with other countries can also play a role. A
study of the annual reports of 216 companies from 13 MENA economies (Othman and
Zeghal, 2010) found that disclosure levels were higher in countries with privileged
economic ties to Anglo-America (Egypt, Jordan, the Gulf Co-operation Council
countries) than in those with ties to Continental Europe (Tunisia, Morocco, Lebanon).
stock exchanges (IFRS Foundation, 2018). Similarly, 128 countries are using or in the
process of adopting the International Standards on Auditing (ISA) (IAASB, 2018).
Improvements in the standards have a direct impact on global capital markets by
increasing transparency and cross-border comparability.
A major European Union initiative was the 2012 European Company Law and Corporate
Governance Action Plan, which stresses the transparency of listed companies. Recent EU
legislation also covers disclosure of directors’ remuneration; audit quality; non-financial
(ESG) reporting; shareholders’ rights; and disclosure requirements for companies’ issuers.
In the United States, an initiative to update and modernise the disclosure requirements of
listed companies was introduced in 2013. In 2017, the Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC) proposed amendments to eliminate redundant, overlapping, outdated
or superseded provisions in light of changes in the information environment, and the
Public Company Accounting Oversight Board adopted a new auditing standard to provide
additional information to investors.
To enable sustainable finance and promote responsible investment, greater attention is
being paid to disclosure on environmental and social matters. The 2015 edition of the
Principles encourages companies to disclose non-financial information relating to
business ethics, the environment and, where material to the company, social issues and
human rights. Disclosure of non-financial information on environmental and social issues
has started to become obligatory for large companies in many countries.
Arabia, Tunisia and UAE. Its findings highlight the impact of efforts by MENA
authorities and listed companies in the area.
In order to limit administrative burdens on smaller companies, and in line with the
Principles, proportional disclosure requirements have been adopted in specialised SME
markets in the MENA region. For example, for companies listing on Saudi Arabia’s
Tadawul Parallel market (the region’s newest SME market), disclosure standards of
annual reports are indicative rather than mandatory, and the deadline for publishing
financial statements is more lenient than the deadline of the main market.
Qatar 2
Libya 3
Algeria 3.3
Jordan 3.7
Yemen 4.3
Egypt 4.7
Iraq 4.7
Lebanon 5
MENA Region Average 5.2
Oman 5.3
Latin America and Caribbean 5.4
Bahrain 5.7
East Asia and the Pacific 5.7
Palestinian Authority 5.7
Tunisia 6
Kuwait 6
Morocco 6
Europe and Central Asia 6.2
South Asia 6.4
OECD 6.5
Saudi Arabia 7.3
United Arab Emirates 7.7
Djibouti 8.7
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
The 2019 rankings, displayed in Figures 3.1 and 3.2, show that the MENA region
performs less well than other regions in both aspects of “protecting minority investors”.
However, scores vary widely across the region. The GCC countries (except Qatar)
perform generally better than other regional averages in this area. Djibouti is the MENA
economy with the most notable improvement in the 2019 rankings, while Saudi Arabia
receives a high score of 8.7 out of 10 points for the shareholder governance index. In both
indexes, certain MENA economies outperform some OECD countries.
Saudi Arabia now ranks 7th globally in terms of protecting minority investors. The World
Bank reports that Saudi Arabia strengthened protections by “providing clear rules for the
liability of directors and increasing the role of shareholders in major decisions” (Box 3.2).
The Saudi authorities have pushed for better corporate governance since the
establishment of the Capital Markets Authority (CMA) in 2003. New measures to
regulate disclosure and strengthen transparency have been adopted recently in line with
Saudi Vision 2030, a comprehensive plan to diversify the economy. They include
requirements for:
annual disclosure of remuneration policies, and mechanisms for determining such
remuneration
annual disclosure of cash and in-kind benefits to each board member in exchange
for any executive, technical, managerial or advisory work or positions
disclosure of related party transactions or arrangements equal to or greater than
1% of the gross revenues of the issuer
disclosure of changes in the composition of the directors or CEO of the issuer
disclosure of the entering into or unexpected termination of any material contract.
In addition, corporate governance regulations were updated in 2017, becoming more
comprehensive, with 85% of the code’s provisions now binding.
Source: CMA representative, “Transparency and Disclosure in the Saudi Capital Market”, 2017 meeting of
the MENA-OECD Working Group on Corporate Governance.
The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report assesses the quality of
accounting and auditing standards (Table 3.2). In its Strength of Auditing and Accounting
Standards Index for 2017-2018, Qatar and Bahrain are ranked globally as 25th and 29th
respectively and lead the MENA region with scores of 5.6 and 5.4 on a scale of 1-7.
Table 3.2. Strength of auditing and accounting standards, 2018 (1-7)
Country Score
Qatar 5.6
Bahrain 5.4
Saudi Arabia 5.3
UAE 5.2
Oman 5.2
Morocco 5.1
Jordan 5.0
Egypt 4.7
Kuwait 4.4
Lebanon 4.3
Tunisia 4.3
Algeria 3.4
Yemen 2.6
Mauritania 2.2
Source: World Economic Forum, Global Competitiveness Report 2018.
The audit report is the main tool for auditors to communicate with shareholders, and its
disclosure is crucial to achieve the intended benefits of auditing. In line with the IOSCO
Principles for Periodic Disclosure by Listed Entities, global good practices indicates that
company annual reports should contain an audit report for the period.
Source: Company annual reports and company websites. See full list of companies reviewed in Annex 3.A
A detailed survey of RPTs among MENA economies, conducted in 2014 by the UASA
and the OECD, found that ex-post disclosure of RPTs is required in MENA economies in
line with global practice, but that immediate reporting was less common in MENA
markets (OECD-UASA, 2014). However, the OECD’s 2017 survey on corporate
governance frameworks in MENA indicates that disclosure requirements on RPTs have
been strengthened in the region since 2014.
This analysis may not reflect the full picture across the region, as it is based on companies
in just five MENA economies and on disclosures from one year only. There is also
extensive literature indicating that disclosure is stronger among larger than smaller
companies, since the former are more visible and subject to more intensive monitoring by
different stakeholders, such as governments, investors and analysts. But although further
research is needed, the results provide an indication of general trends.
The review suggests two key areas where disclosure could be strengthened: ownership
and related party transactions. These areas are deeply interconnected, since disclosure of
ownership provides market participants with updated information on who may exert
influence on the company, and thus helps them to monitor related party transactions.
Practices in MENA
Disclosure of beneficial ownership stakes representing 5% or more of capital, the
common international threshold, is mandatory in only half of the MENA economies
under review: Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia
and UAE (WB Doing Business, 2018). Other MENA markets, such as Iraq and the
Palestinian Authority, require disclosure of ownership above 10%,
In all MENA economies where a disclosure obligation exists, the issue is regulated by
securities law and regulations including listing rules. Substantial shareholders, directors
and listed companies in many MENA economies are required to disclose beneficial
ownership, in line with global practice, although the rules vary (Table 3.6).
Source: The web pages of the capital markets authority except where otherwise indicated.
Source: The web pages of the capital markets authority except where otherwise indicated.
Disclosure thresholds can apply to all shares of a listed company, to the voting shares or
to both. The former approach is used by most MENA economies, while in Morocco the
disclosing threshold refers to capital or voting rights. Regulations in some economies,
including Kuwait, take voting rights into account indirectly.
Disclosure requirements often apply to de facto as well as de jure beneficial owners.
Among MENA economies, regulations regarding de facto ownership are most detailed in
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Under Saudi regulations, for instance, the total number of
shares or convertible debt instruments held by a single person include: securities held
directly by the person; those held by a relative of or a company controlled by the person;
and those held by any other persons who have agreed to act in concert with the person.
Requirements on the timing of disclosure by shareholders also vary among MENA
economies. In the case of significant acquisitions in a listed company, the United Arab
Emirates and Bahrain require immediate disclosure. In other economies, the mandated
period for disclosure varies between 24 hours and 10 days.
Company directors and senior officers must disclose beneficial ownership information in
many MENA economies, although the requirements differ across the region (Table 3.7).
In Kuwait and UAE, directors are required to disclose their interests regardless of their
shareholding percentage. In some countries, directors must disclose their trading to the
securities regulator but do not have to make a public disclosure.
Listed companies in the region are often required to disclose the names of their major
shareholders in prospectuses, listing documents and annual and other periodic reports. In
some economies, such as Kuwait, listed companies are also required at the beginning of
each year to disclose the names of shareholders whose shares represent 5% or more in
their capital, as well as any changes occurring to this percentage.
According to Hawkamah’s ESG reports (2012, 2017), the largest listed MENA
companies are improving their transparency on ownership. Of the region’s 50 largest and
most liquid companies, 88% disclosed their largest shareholder in 2017, compared to
fewer than 40% in 2007. However, other analyses point to persistent challenges in the
region concerning the identification of ultimate beneficial owners (Cigna, Djuric and
Sigheartau, 2017; Cigna and Meziou, 2017b; GOVERN, 2016; Santos, 2015).
As a member of the G20, Saudi Arabia was included in a 2015 study by Transparency
International of strengths and weaknesses in the beneficial ownership transparency
frameworks of the G20 member countries. The analysis found Saudi Arabia’s framework
to be of average strength, with the country’s beneficial ownership definition fully
compliant with the Principles on Beneficial Ownership Transparency. But it also found
Saudi Arabia to be non-compliant on identifying and mitigating risks like money
laundering, and only partially compliant on other principles, such as acquiring and
accessing beneficial ownership information.
This section focuses on transactions involving the movement of resources between a company
and its major shareholders or other related parties, either directly or indirectly. Such related
party transactions can take a variety of forms, including: transactions involving the sale or
purchase of goods, property or assets; provision or receipt of services or leases; transfer of
intangible items; provision, receipt or guarantee of financial services; assumption of financial
or operating obligations; purchase of equity or debt; or establishment of joint ventures (OECD
and UASA, 2014). Although executive compensation can also be considered a related party
transaction, it is excluded in this discussion.
The Principles state that “disclosure should include, but not be limited to, material
information on related party transactions”. The OECD methodology for implementing the
Principles specifies essential criteria for the disclosure of RPTs:
Disclosure should be required at least annually in respect of routine and/or less
significant transactions.
In transactions that are subject to shareholder approval, sufficient time should be
provided after disclosure to minority shareholders to enable them to make an
informed decision.
In other related party transactions that have a material impact on the price or value
of the company but do not require shareholder approval, disclosure, in sufficient
detail to enable minority shareholders to express concerns before the transaction
is implemented, should be required.
These issues are addressed by regulations around the world. Periodic disclosure of RPTs
is required under international accounting and auditing standards; immediate disclosure
of certain RPTs is also a common global practice. An IOSCO review in 2015 found that
timely disclosure of material RPTs was required in 26 of the 37 jurisdictions surveyed.
Another legal tool commonly used by policy makers is disclosure of policy on RPTs.
UNCTAD (2011) reports that disclosure of the decision-making process for approving
transactions with related parties is required in 92% of 25 emerging markets from the
MSCI Emerging Markets Index.
Practices in MENA
The concentrated ownership structure of MENA economies gives grounds for concern
about the protection of minority rights and the possibility of abusive RPTs. A review of
disclosure practices of the 50 largest listed companies in the MENA region found that the
RPTs of only 20% of companies covered by the S&P/Hawkamah ESG Pan Arab Index
were conducted on market terms (Hawkamah, 2012; Hawkamah, 2017).
An OECD-UASA study found that while ex-post disclosure of RPTs is generally required
in MENA economies, immediate reporting is less common. The 2014 study found that
12 of the 15 jurisdictions reviewed did not have materiality requirements for the disclosure
of RPTs (the exceptions were Jordan, Iraq and the Palestinian Authority), and that no
materiality conditions for approval and disclosure had been introduced by UASA member
authorities (OECD and UASA, 2014).
Based on the survey findings, the OECD and the UASA made the following
recommendations on the disclosure of RPTs:
To capture transactions that present a risk of abuse, the legal definition of “related
parties” should be made clearly and consistently in law and regulations, and
should be substantially similar to international good practices summarised in
International Accounting Standards (IAS) and OECD recommendations.
Material RPTs should be disclosed in interim, quarterly or annual company
reports, including their terms and the approval process. Ongoing reporting of
RPTs to the regulator, shareholders and other relevant parties should be improved.
Regulators should urge companies to develop and make public a policy to monitor
RPTs that makes clear which RPTs are prohibited and which are accepted, as well as
the circumstances in which they can be considered as acceptable.
Effective monitoring and enforcement are crucial to ensure that sound corporate
governance rules are applied by companies. Monitoring and enforcement can be public
(provided by securities regulators) and/or private (provided by activist shareholders,
institutional investors and minority investor groups). Public enforcement can involve the
imposition of sanctions for breach of laws and dishonest behaviour (OECD, 2013).
Figure 3.3. Main policy areas for improving transparency and disclosure
Effective
supervision and
enforcement
International
standards and best
practice
While such efforts may be costly and time consuming, they can lead to greater
investor confidence, stronger market reputations and fluid access to finance, thus
contributing to the overall growth and development of the MENA economies and
companies.
Complementing the efforts of policy makers, companies can take immediate action to
improve their disclosure practices. In order to attract investors to the region, it is
important for company websites to be updated regularly and for more reports,
including corporate governance reports, to be made easily available online in English.
Key policy options for corporate governance disclosure are summarised in Table 3.8
and developed below. Not all recommendations apply to every country; policy
options must be tailored to each MENA economy’s specific circumstances and needs.
MENA authorities should continue to work towards full convergence with international
standards and best practices. The key international benchmarks are the Principles,
International Financial Reporting Standards, International Standards on Auditing and the
IOSCOs Objectives and Principles of Securities Regulation.
Adoption of international standards plays an important role in helping investors decide
how and where to invest. As institutional investors have started to request not only
financial information but also non-financial information, policy makers should monitor
the evolution of international developments on environmental, social and governance
disclosure as well. International best practice recommendations can be found in the
OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and the Global Reporting Initiative.
Shareholder engagement
Investors need to play an active role in supporting better corporate governance practices.
In the MENA region, however, concentrated ownership, the dominance of retail investors
and the small base of institutional investors have led to low shareholder engagement.
UAE: A new regulation requires all companies listed on UAE exchanges to establish and
develop an investment relations function starting from 2016. Under this regulation:
All listed companies must appoint an acting Investor Relations Officer with both
Arabic and English language capability.
Websites of listed companies must incorporate IR-related disclosures including
contact details, financial reports, minutes of general meetings and any other
information relevant to shareholders.
The Investor Relations section of the website should include all information or
statements already disclosed to markets, regulators and investors, along with any
statements on changes in the company or shareholders' rights.
Listed companies must publish investor presentations showing their financial
position, strategy and outlook at least once a year.
Qatar: The Qatar Stock Exchange launched an Investor Relations Excellence Programme
in 2015. The programme surveyed experts in the domestic and international investment
community to recognise best practices in investor relations. The programme also featured
a detailed ranking of corporate investor relations websites.
Source: www.meira.me Qatar Stock Exchange website.
Box 3.4. The Omani regime for disclosure of related party transactions
Under Oman’s Corporate Governance Code, all related party transactions must be
approved by the general meeting prior to execution. The notice to the meeting must
include:
name of the beneficiary related party
nature of the transaction, terms and conditions, and rationale
value of the transaction
period of completion of the transaction
any other data related to the transaction
an independent valuation in case of purchase or disposal of assets.
The notice must include a note explaining the opinions of the audit committee and the
board regarding the proposed transaction, and an undertaking to bear responsibility for
the related party executing the transaction as per the agreement.
Source: Oman Corporate Governance Code.
Finally, qualification and independence in the accounting and auditing sector must be
ensured. For the disclosure system to be effective, it is crucial that financial statements be
prepared in accordance with IFRS. Periodic disclosure of related party transactions, along
with opinions of auditors and accountants, should be encouraged.
Notes
1
Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Tunisia,
Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.
2
Algerian Corporate Governance Center, Jordan Institute of Directors (2012), Lebanese Institute
of Directors (2011), Moroccan Institute of Directors (2009), Oman Center for Corporate
Governance and Sustainability (2015), Saudi Governance Center (2017) and Tunisian Institute for
Corporate Governance (2009).
3
Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates.
4
Close to 40% of the shares of the region’s 600 largest listed firms are held by the state. These
600 firms, in Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Morocco,
Qatar, Turkey, Tunisia and UAE, account for 97% MENA’s market capitalisation.
5
To view the World Bank’s methodology on this topic, see
www.doingbusiness.org/en/methodology/protecting-minority-investors.
6
The Saudi Arabia Capital Market Authority, on 26/3/2018, announced that the remuneration of
senior executives mentioned in sub-paragraph (b) of paragraph (4) of Article 93 of the Corporate
Governance Regulations is to be disclosed collectively. Companies Law also set maximum limits
on remuneration in Saudi Arabia.
7
Agency costs are a type of internal business cost that must be paid to an agent acting on behalf of
a principal. These costs arise because of core problems, such as conflicts of interest, and an agency
costs can include any expense that is associated with managing the relationship and resolving
differing priorities between key parties in the business.
8
Lebanon, Morocco, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and the UAE DIFC.
9
To access the guide, go to: www.oecd.org/daf/ca/corporategovernanceprinciples/43626507.pdf.
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Company name Country of exchange Exchange name NAICS international Company market
industry name capitalisation
(USD as of 31/12/
2016)
Saudi Basic Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Petrochemical 73 182 436 215
Industries Corporation Exchange Manufacturing
SJSC
Emirates United Arab Emirates Abu Dhabi Securities Wired 44 527 312 835
Telecommunications Exchange Telecommunications
Group Co PJSC Carriers
Qatar National Bank Qatar Qatar Exchange Commercial Banking 37 569 520 556
SAQ
Al Rajhi Banking & Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Commercial Banking 27 302 912 310
Investment Exchange
Corporation SJSC
Saudi Electricity Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Electric Power 24 891 108 773
Company SJSC Exchange Generation
National Commercial Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Commercial Banking 22 722 423 725
Bank SJSC Exchange
Industries Qatar QSC Qatar Qatar Exchange Petrochemical 19 523 096 781
Manufacturing
Almarai Co SJSC Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Dairy Product (except 14 609 826 974
Exchange Frozen)
Manufacturing
DP World Ltd United Arab Emirates Nasdaq Dubai Marine Cargo 14 533 300 000
Handling
First Abu Dhabi Bank United Arab Emirates Abu Dhabi Sec. Exch. Commercial Banking 14 295 843 494
PJSC
Emirates NBD Bank United Arab Emirates Dubai Financial Commercial Banking 12 850 433 673
PJSC Market
Maroc Telecom Morocco Casablanca Stock Wired 12 318 091 403
Exchange Telecommunications
Carriers
Saudi Arabian Mining Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Other Non-metallic 12 149 258 092
Co SJSC Exchange Mineral Mining and
Quarrying
National Bank of Kuwait Kuwait Stock Commercial Banking 11 993 915 909
Kuwait SAKP Exchange
Kingdom Holding Co Saudi Arabia Saudi Stock Hotels (except Casino 11 810 671 400
Exchange Hotels) and Motels
Related parties: a) substantial shareholders of the company; b) board members of the company Corporate Governance
or any of its affiliates and their relatives; c) senior executives of the company or any of its affiliates Regulations
and their relatives; d) board members and senior executives of substantial shareholders of the
company; e) entities, other than companies, owned by a board member or any senior executive
or their relatives; f) companies in which a board member or a senior executive or any of their
relatives is a partner; g) companies in which a board member or a senior executive or any of their
relatives is a member of its board of directors or is one of its senior executives; h) joint stock
companies in which a member of the board or a senior executive or any of their relatives owns
(5%) or more, subject to the provisions of paragraph d) of this definition; i) companies in which a
board member or a senior executive or any of their relatives has influence on their decisions even
if only by giving advice or guidance; j) any person whose advice or guidance influences the
decisions of the company, the board and the senior executives; k) holding companies or affiliates.
Advice or guidance that is provided on a professional basis by a person licensed to provide such
advice shall be excluded from the provisions of paragraphs i) and j) of this definition.
UAE DIFC A person is a related party of a listed company if that person: DFSA Market Rules
i) is, or was within the 12 months before the date of the related party transaction: a) a director or a
person involved in the senior management of the reporting entity or a member of its group; b) an
associate of a person referred to [above]; or
ii) owns, or has owned within 12 months before the date of the related party transaction, voting
securities carrying more than 5% of the voting rights attaching to all the voting securities of either
the reporting entity or a member of its group; or
iii) is, or was within the 12 months before the date of the related party transaction, a person
exercising or having the ability to exercise significant influence over the reporting entity or an
associate of such a person.
Notes: The definitions provided in the table are taken directly from the English translations of the
relevant country regulations.
Zreik (2009), “Related party transactions under Lebanese law (with comparative references to the UAE
Law)”.
Source: The web pages of MENA securities regulators, except where otherwise indicated.
4.1. Introduction
Closing the gender gap in corporate decision-making roles remains a challenge, yet there
is strong impetus for MENA economies to embrace initiatives that empower and promote
women in the corporate sphere. Women’s leadership and talent are increasingly seen as
cornerstones for building competitive, value-creating companies and, by extension,
resilient, inclusive economies.
During the last decade, MENA economies have responded to a shifting global and
regional landscape by embarking on an era of transformation characterised by economic
diversification and reform. In particular, citizens have called for governance reforms and
an inclusive society with social and economic opportunities for all. As such, increased
access for women to corporate leadership is an extension of a much larger debate within
the region on women’s participation in economic life and society in general.
OECD research shows that progress in the MENA region on gender balance in the
workplace and women’s increased participation in corporate leadership roles has been
slower than in other regions, but is still on par with global trends. However, data on
women’s participation in corporate life in MENA is limited, due in part to lack of
publicly available information and the scarcity of research on this topic in the region. This
complicates efforts to design and implement policies for increasing women’s access to
corporate leadership roles.
This chapter aims to identify the challenges facing MENA economies with respect to
achieving gender balance in corporate leadership. It highlights why increased female
participation in corporate leadership is important for the region, including its positive
impact on company performance, stressing the need for better data to inform policy
design. The chapter then explores the challenges women in MENA face in accessing
corporate leadership positions and presents examples of good practices in OECD and
MENA economies. It concludes with policy options that were developed in discussion
with experts involved in driving change in MENA.
4.2. The case for gender balance in economic and corporate life
Increasing gender balance in corporate decision-making roles has been a priority for
OECD countries. Most have initiated policies to promote gender balance on company
boards and in senior management (OECD, 2017b). Advancing the gender balance at
decision-making levels has also become a goal for many companies globally that wish to
capitalise on female talent and bring about gains for both the company and the overall
economy.
The G20/OECD Principles of Corporate Governance1 acknowledge that diversity in the
boardroom is integral to sound corporate governance, and a key component of this is
gender diversity. Likewise, the 2013 OECD Recommendation on Gender Equality in
Education, Employment and Entrepreneurship recommends increasing the representation
of women in decision-making positions across the public and private sector, as well as
eliminating gender wage gaps and other discriminatory factors (Annex 4.A).
Nevertheless, and despite the efforts of many economies worldwide to promote women’s
empowerment, gender gaps persist in all areas of social and economic life, and in
economies at all levels of development.
Women’s labour force participation rates have moved closer to men’s over the past few
decades, but in every country women are still less likely than men to engage in paid work.
When women do work, they are more likely to work part-time, are less likely to become
managers or to be entrepreneurs, and they earn less than men. Globally, the median
full-time female worker earns 15% less than her male counterpart on average
(Figure 4.1).
Female: average annual earnings (USD) Male: average annual earnings (USD)
25 000
20 000
15 000
10 000
5 000
0
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Women in the MENA region remain an untapped resource for the economy. While
women represent around 49% of the region’s total population, their participation in the
labour force is significantly lower (World Bank, Gender Statistics, 2017).
The average female labour force participation rate for OECD countries is 51%. In
contrast, only 16% of women participate in the labour force in Jordan and Algeria, and
just 25-32% participate in Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. At the same time, men’s
labour force participation in these six MENA economies reached 70% or more in 2014,
only slightly below other emerging economies (WDI, 2017).
Women are also underrepresented in public sector management and in politics, holding
on average only 17% of seats in national parliaments in MENA economies. Gender gaps
are largest in private sector employment and entrepreneurship.
Gender equality is a fundamental driver for more inclusive and equitable societies, in
particular women’s economic empowerment through economic participation as
employees or entrepreneurs. Closing the gender gap in labour force participation by 2025
could add USD 12 trillion (26%) to global GDP (OECD, 2017c). However, recent
progress has been slow; research on current trends in 106 economies signals that it will
take 100 years to close the global gender gap. In the MENA region, estimates suggest this
could take as long as 157 years, given current trends (WEF, 2017).
protect the interest of all stakeholders and act in consequence. “Groupthink” is more
likely to occur among homogeneous groups lacking diversity in areas related to gender,
nationality, age and educational backgrounds.
Bringing the experience and perspective of women to the table enhances the decision-
making process, helping to avoid groupthink and contributing to better conflict resolution
(Bernardi, 2009). Research conducted in 2015 by Morgan Stanley Capital International’s
Environmental, Social and Governance arm (MSCI ESG) found that “companies lacking
board diversity tend to suffer more governance-related controversies than average” and
have “higher environmental, social and governance risk management ratings and
strategies across virtually all risk issues” (Lee et al., 2015).
Studies show a positive impact of increased female participation in corporate leadership
in several ways. Gender diversity on boards and within senior management improves
employee retention and company reputation by utilising available talent pools more
effectively (MSCI, 2016; Catalyst, 2017a; Hunt et al., 2015). Moreover, boards with three
or more women correlate with improved decision-making; can help steer the hiring and
promotion of women in a company; and show that women’s leadership is valued
(Thwing-Eastman et al., 2016; Lee et al., 2015). The trickle-down effect of fostering a
stronger gender diversity framework at all levels is crucial to the retention of female
talent and employee engagement.
Gender-balanced leadership provides the diversity in thinking, ideas and knowledge that
are needed to mitigate risks and strategise in an age of rapid digital advancements, big
data analytics, artificial intelligence and the internet. A diverse board is less likely to
come to swift consensus and can examine a problem from more angles to reach well-
thought out decisions (GMI, 2013). Women with board-level experience who were
interviewed in the United Arab Emirates said that boards needed women because they
brought a transformational leadership style, better teamwork and a reduction in
aggressive culture, and that women were less prone than men to take risky and unethical
ventures, going instead for steady growth and improvements (Hawkamah Institute, 2013).
Although causation is not fully established, a growing body of research suggests that
firms with strong female leadership enjoy better financial results. MSCI ESG research
found that companies with more women on their boards have higher results on same-year
return on equity (ROE) and earnings per share (Thwing-Eastman et al., 2016). ROE for
global companies with strong female leadership was 2.7% higher than for those without
(Thwing-Eastman et al., 2016; Lee et al., 2015). The 2016 Credit Suisse Gender 3000
report, which covers 3 400 companies, found that companies with at least one female
director had generated a compound excess return per annum of 3.5% for investors over
the previous decade. Companies where more than 15% of senior managers were women
had profitability more than 50% higher than companies with fewer than 10% female
senior managers (Credit Suisse, 2016).
Recent studies in the MENA region also provide financial arguments for supporting
gender diversity on boards and in senior management. Research in Jordan by the
International Finance Corporation (IFC) showed a positive correlation between, on the
one hand, gender diversity in the boardroom and senior decision-making positions, and
on the other, higher returns on assets and equity (IFC, 2015) (Box 4.1). A 2013 study
conducted by the Moroccan Institute of Directors across 500 large enterprises, including
75 listed companies, found that average turnover at state-owned companies with women
on boards was higher by 5 billion MAD (Moroccan dirham; USD 533.6 million) than at
those without.
In 2015, the International Finance Corporation conducted a study of the impact of gender
diversity on the economic performance of 237 listed companies in Jordan, of which 52
had a woman on the board of directors.
The study recorded a correlation between the financial performance of companies and
gender diversity in the boardroom and in senior decision-making positions, although there
was no evidence of causation.
The average return on assets in 2012 was three times higher in companies with women on
their boards (3.03) than in those without female participation (0.99), and companies with
women on boards had an average return on equity (17.51) almost double the ROE of
companies without (9.83). In 2011, 2010 and 2009 the data showed similar results.
From a corporate governance perspective, the results also showed that companies with
increased gender diversity in the boardroom experienced a greater improvement in the
implementation of good corporate governance practices than those without.
Source: IFC (2015), Gender Diversity in Jordan: Research on the Impact of Gender Diversity on the
Economic Performance of Companies in Jordan,
www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/e93318004a0d7ff195cfb7e54d141794/IFC_Jordan_Gender_Report_Sep_201
5.pdf?MOD=AJPERES.
Yet when it comes to corporate board composition and senior management, constitutional
measures and ratification of CEDAW have not yet translated into company practices in
MENA economies.
In making the case for improved company practices, the Office of the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights states that “the private sector creates and defines jobs,
produces growth, sets parameters of income distribution and affects the social and
environmental conditions of the communities in which they function. Women’s equal
access to business leadership is essential both for women’s empowerment and for their
ability to affect economic policy making which determines the quality of life for women
and men, their children and communities.”
Closing the gender gap in economic participation is a work in progress throughout the
world, but it is especially challenging in the MENA region. This section considers
women’s labour force participation and representation in senior management, first across
the OECD and then in MENA economies.
Most OECD countries have initiated policies to promote gender balance on boards and in
senior management. As of 2016, nine OECD countries had introduced gender quotas for
the board of publicly listed and/or state-owned enterprises. Other countries have taken an
approach involving voluntary targets, corporate governance codes and/or disclosure rules.
Yet a recent OECD study highlights a continued gender imbalance in corporate
leadership and concludes that the glass ceiling remains intact. Women make up only
about one-third of managers in OECD countries (Figure 4.2). They are also far less likely
than men to become chief executive officers (CEOs), sit on boards of private companies
or hold public leadership positions, although government quotas – and, to a lesser degree,
targets – have led to relatively quick changes in the share of private and public leadership
positions held by women in some countries (OECD, 2017b).
Figure 4.2. Women in management and the labour force in OECD countries (%)
Female share of managerial employment (↘) Female share of the labour force
50
40
30
20
10
Note: All ages, 2015 or latest year. The female share of managerial employment is the female share of the
employed who hold jobs classified in International Standard Classification of Occupations 1968 (ISCO 68)
major group 2 (administrative and managerial workers) for Colombia; in ISCO 88 category 1 (legislators,
senior officials and managers) for Canada, Chile, India, Indonesia and the United States; in ISCO 08
category 1 (managers) for all other countries except China, which uses the National Occupation
Classification. Data for Colombia and India refer to 15-64 year-olds only.
Data for China refer to 2010, for India to 2011-12, for Indonesia and the United States to 2013, and for
Australia, Brazil, Canada and South Africa to 2014.
Source: OECD Employment Database, www.oecd.org/employment/emp/onlineoecdemploymentdatabase.htm; ILO
(2016), ILOSTAT database, www.ilo.org/ilostat; census data for China; and OECD Secretariat calculations
based on the Gran Encuesta Integrada de Hogares for Colombia and on the National Sample Survey for India.
Beyond the OECD, global progress in increasing the number of women on boards and in
senior management has also been slow. Findings from three reports are presented below.
MSCI World Index Research covering 4 218 companies found that 16% of
corporate board members were women in 2016, up from 12% in 2014, and that
19% of company directorships were held by women in 2016, up from 18% in
2015.
An analysis by Deloitte covering 64 countries and nearly 7 000 companies found
that women held 15% of board seats in 2017, up from 12% two years earlier.
The 2017 Credit Suisse Gender 3000 Survey reviewed gender balance in senior
management across 3 400 companies and found that the global average for
women’s participation had barely improved, growing to 14% in 2016 from 13%
in 2014.
Source: Eastman (2017), Deloitte (2017a), Credit Suisse (2016).
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Although the causes of low female labour force participation vary across MENA
economies, the relationship between legal frameworks and social norms plays a role in
driving gender gaps in the labour market (OECD, 2017c). Restrictive family law
provisions impact job choices for women and influence employers’ behaviour in hiring
and promoting. Social norms and attitudes – informed by gender-based labour regulations
including parental benefits, retirement provisions and income taxes – also play an
important role in labour market decisions.
These factors have led to a large share of women working in low-wage positions, often
with a high level of informality, without access to social protection and pension
provisions. Women in MENA economies tend to work in traditionally female roles such
as teaching, social services and nursing, with career choices often based on “societal
pressures of what are deemed to be respectable occupations” (Momani, 2016). Women’s
employability, as shaped by educational attainments, also plays a role.
The labour force participation rate of women in Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC)
economies3 tends to be much higher than in other MENA economies, due in large part to
the considerable number of foreign workers (OECD, 2017b; Young, 2016).
Disaggregated data show that the overall percentage of non-national women working far
exceeds that of national women in GCC countries (Table 4.2).
Table 4.2. National vs. non-national women working in selected GCC countries
Note: Data availability differs for each country, therefore time periods vary.
Source: Young (2016) “Women's Labour Force Participation Across the GCC”, www.agsiw.org/wp-
content/uploads/2016/12/Young_Womens-Labor_ONLINE-4.pdf.
Female labour force participation in MENA is often lower in the private sector than in the
public sector. Women in MENA economies state that they prefer to work in the public
sector, citing better working conditions and benefits (OECD, 2017b, 2017d, 2014). This
preference may also be driven by societal pressure to undertake work deemed respectable
for women. Public sector work, which ends early in the day and provides substantial time
off and “oversight by fellow nationals”, is more acceptable to husbands and family than a
private sector job with an uncertain environment, potential work travel and longer work
hours (Momani, 2016).
Reaching positions of senior responsibility is also challenging for women in the region
both because of their high drop-out rate from the labour force at a young age and because
of early retirement. The share of total public and private sector executive leadership
positions held by women was 15% in Tunisia and 10% in Egypt in 2012, 13% in
Morocco in 2008, and 5% in Jordan and 5% in Algeria in 2004 (ILO database quoted by
OECD, 2017c).
To boost female labour force participation, countries can take measures, including laws
that mandate equal pay for equal work and labour codes that ensure non-discrimination in
hiring. However, the majority of MENA economies do not yet have laws on these two
key issues. As of 2018, only Algeria, Morocco and UAE had legislation on equal pay for
equal work, while Bahrain, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia and UAE had laws to prevent
gender-based discrimination in hiring. And even when laws are on the books, challenges
remain in their implementation.
Figure 4.4. MENA listed companies with women on the board of directors (%)
Source: Shareholder Rights (2016), “Women Representation on Boards of Directors on MENA Exchanges”.
https://euromenafunds.com/Women-On-Board-Report-2016.pdf.
The Shareholder Rights research found that women’s participation on boards can
fluctuate by sector. The number of companies with female board members was highest in
pharmaceuticals (29%) and education (27%), and lowest in the media (0%), chemicals
(4%) and food and agriculture (10%).
The 2016 study only pertains to publicly listed companies, and therefore the number of
firms varies across countries. Disaggregated data across sectors and company types –
listed, unlisted, family owned, etc. – are needed to better evaluate women’s standing in
corporate leadership and hone in on problem areas. For example, data on the participation
of women on boards and in senior management within unlisted enterprises would be
useful for purposes of comparison.
12%
10%
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
MASI ASE NASDAQ Dubai EGX DFMGI ADX TASI
Note: The following exchanges are covered: ADX 20 (UAE); ASE 20 (Jordan); DFMGI/NASDAQ Dubai 23
(UAE); EGX 30 (Egypt); MASI 20 (Morocco); and TASI 30 (Saudi Arabia).
Source: OECD secretariat analysis (2018), based on data collected by Ethics & Boards Governance Analytics.
Women are underrepresented in board chair positions across the six stock exchanges.
Only two companies in Morocco and one each in Jordan and Egypt disclose that they
have a women chair.
The survey also looked at women’s representation on boards by sector. The education
sector was found to be strongest, with 24%. Mining, retail distribution and food and
beverages followed, with 19-20%. However, no women were present on boards in the
industrial, cigarettes, automotive and construction sectors (Figure 4.6).
Figure 4.6. Voting women board members in MENA listed companies by sector (%)
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Source: OECD secretariat analysis (2018), based on data collected by Ethics & Boards Governance Analytics.
Given the unique challenges facing women across economies, market capitalisation of
companies appears to have little impact on the number of women board members across
the 142 companies (Table 4.3). Companies surveyed in Saudi Arabia have an average
market capitalisation of USD 14 billion, yet only 7% have women board members. In
contrast, companies surveyed in Morocco have an average market capitalisation of just
under USD 4 billion, yet 70% have at least one woman on the board.
Table 4.3. Market capitalisation and voting women board members by MENA exchange
Note: UAE’s DFMGI and Nasdaq Dubai have been grouped to account for the jurisdiction (this differs from
separate values in Figure 4.5).
Source: OECD secretariat analysis (2018), based on data collected by Ethics & Boards Governance Analytics.
Board committees are important to oversee some of the core management functions of the
company. Of the 44 companies disclosing women board members, women are better
represented on audit committees (7%) than on remuneration (4%) or nomination (4%)
committees (Table 4.4).
Table 4.4. Women on MENA audit, nomination and remuneration committees (%)
to organise work and family life. Often men are not only socially perceived as responsible
for providing for their families financially, but they are legally bound to do so. In turn,
women are expected to maintain the household, rear children, and care for sick, disabled
or ageing relatives (OECD, 2017c).
In addition, customary laws, which are often not favourable to gender equality and
women’s empowerment, continue to exist in parallel with statutory laws. Even when the
right legal frameworks are in place, their enforcement and implementation remains a
challenge (OECD, 2017c).
OECD research based on SIGI indicates that the economic cost of gender-based
discrimination in social institutions is immense worldwide, including in MENA
(Box 4.3).
Studies show that women in the MENA region are held back by a variety of social, legal
and institutional barriers (Deloitte, 2017b). They face significant constraints: the double
burden of work and domestic responsibilities; expectations that women will not work;
lack of female role models; and lack of opportunities to network. Moreover, recruiting
and promotion systems can be based on lateral career paths that do not consider potential
career breaks, notably for women who take maternity leave. In board selection in
particular, woman suffer from the slow turnover of board seats, non-transparent board
selection criteria, lack of female role models and informal board appointments based on
networks.
Networking can be especially challenging for women in the MENA region. In some
economies, women cannot participate in men-only social gatherings such as majlis or
diwaniya, where men “informally exchange information and expand their professional
networks” (McKinsey, 2014).
Restrictive laws can have an impact on women’s advancement in their careers. Labour
codes in some MENA economies restrict women’s activities at night and in hazardous
work (OECD, 2017c). There are also limitations on the freedom of movement, such as
women’s ability to travel for business without a male companion. In Saudi Arabia,
companies are required to invest in creating separate spaces for women and men, which
can be a disincentive for hiring women (McKinsey, 2014).
Women account for a disproportionate share of unpaid care work. Women globally spend
more than three times more time on unpaid care work than men do; in the MENA region,
this rises to more than five times as many hours on unpaid care work for women than men
(McKinsey, 2017).Women also often lack family-friendly and work/life balance policies
such as part-time or flex-time arrangements.
Labour codes in Jordan6, Morocco7, Egypt8 and Libya9 require private-sector employers
to provide childcare facilities on site when they employ more than a specific number of
women. In Jordan, a private-sector employer with 20 or more married women employees
must provide childcare facilities if the women collectively have at least ten children under
the age of four. The minimum number of women employees for mandatory provision of
childcare facilities is 50 in Morocco and Libya, and 100 in Egypt (OECD, 2017c). In
practice, the obligation of private-sector employers to provide parental leave and
childcare for female employees exerts a negative influence on women’s recruitment and
on the payment of salaries equal to men’s.
A further barrier to women is that gaining the credentials needed to rise to the top of a
company’s board or serve in a management position requires expertise and the
development of certain skills over time. Entrepreneurship can be a springboard for
attaining leadership roles in corporations or a seat on the board. However, levels are low
in MENA. On average, 3% of firms in MENA have majority female ownership,
compared to 13% in Europe and Central Asia, 20% in Latin America and the Caribbean,
and 29% in East Asia and Pacific (World Bank Enterprise Survey, 2018).
There have been valuable studies in the region analysing women’s perceptions of barriers
to corporate leadership roles. A survey of 160 companies in the United Arab Emirates,
conducted by the Hawkamah Institute in 2016, asked respondents about cultural elements
perceived to have the greatest impact on gender parity. The respondents cited maternity,
work/life balance, stereotypes about housewives and working mothers, and lack of self-
confidence. The study also indicated that women often sacrifice their careers to support
their families (Hawkamah Institute, 2016).
The IFC study of gender diversity in Jordan (cited above) found that a mix of
underrepresentation, cultural influences and legal issues act as barriers for women to
reach leadership roles. It is also interesting to note that Jordan’s current corporate
governance regulations require directors to have a certain level of shareholding to be
nominated, which means that only women with shares can be directors. Alternatively,
women can be nominated as directors on behalf of corporate shareholders; however, in
this case, they need to be in senior positions (IFC, 2015).
In a 2015 survey conducted by the Pearl Initiative in GCC countries, just 27% of female
respondents agreed that the leadership in their organisation was committed to having
women in senior roles, and only 25% believed that they were treated equally in the
workplace. A further 80% believed that gender bias had negatively impacted their career
progression. And though 62% aspired to move into management roles, only 45% believed
that this would be feasible given current policies.
Research by McKinsey in 2014, using a survey of female managers in GCC countries,
suggested that the main constraints contributing to low female representation in corporate
leadership included:
family and social expectations of women causing a double burden
conscious and unconscious biases against women in leadership (by both men and women)
infrastructure gaps such as HR capacities and transport services for daily commuting
limited networking opportunities and lack of targeted leadership programmes for women.
Policies to increase women’s access and participation on corporate boards and in senior
management positions can be driven by governments, regulators and companies
themselves, with measures adapted to specific contexts (by sector, country, etc.). Policies
can include quotas; reporting requirements; targets; voluntary disclosure by companies of
gender composition or gender equality policies; increasing the size of a board; and
actively recruiting qualified women to replace outgoing male board members.
European countries have seen women’s representation on boards double, triple or more
since the adoption of quota laws. In Germany, for example, a 2014 law introduced a
quota of 30% with a deadline of 2016; women’s representation on boards increased from
16% in 2011 to 33% in 2018 (DIW Economic Bulletin, 2013). The results of Italy’s 2011
quota law were even more striking: women’s representation on boards jumped from 3%
in 2009 to more than 35% in 2018 (CONSOB, 2011).
Policies that combine targets with strong monitoring and accountability mechanisms have
proven effective (OECD, 2017b). European countries lead the charge in terms of the
overall participation of women on boards. The five top performers globally are OECD
members: Norway, France, Sweden, Italy and Finland, all of which have implemented
mandatory quotas. In North America, where board diversity is advancing slowly,
advocates have preferred investor pressure and voluntary initiatives over regulation.
Disclosure driven policies, like those of North America, can be ineffective without the market
dynamics needed to drive desired changes, such as investor and shareholder activism
(Kamalnaath and Peddada, 2012). Investors have been the most active proponents of greater
gender diversity on boards in the United States where quotas remain unpopular and regulators
and legislators have been slow to demand change (Deloitte, 2017).
The assets of institutional investors have more than doubled since 2000, reaching
USD 84 trillion in OECD countries in 2017 (OECD, 2018). Shareholder activism can
therefore help galvanise change. Companies such as State Street and Blackrock have
taken steps to promote greater board diversity. Blackrock notably voted against the re-
election of directors at more than 400 companies that failed to encourage diversity. 10 The
results can be good for business. In a 2014 study, Credit Suisse found that companies
where at least 15% of senior managers were women had profitability more than 50%
higher those where fewer than 10% of senior managers were women (Credit
Suisse, 2016).
In the United Kingdom, a combination of policy initiatives has helped to increase the share of
women in corporate leadership. For example, a requirement for mandatory reporting on gender
pay gaps has named and shamed companies that do not promote pay transparency and has
forced disclosure. Measures for flexible working arrangements and reduced childcare costs,
including a new tax-free childcare scheme, have fared well in combination (OECD, 2017b).
Corporate governance codes have become a popular method of improving corporate
governance in OECD countries. Australia and the UK use comply-or-explain mechanisms
in their codes to encourage greater gender balance on boards. In Australia, the presence of
women on corporate boards has increased from 8% on the ASX 200 index in 2010, when
code recommendations were introduced, to 23% in February 2016 (Clarke et al., 2016). In
the UK, the corporate governance code was updated in 2018; it now requires companies
to report on the gender balance of senior management in their annual reports and to
provide details of company practices to encourage greater diversity on boards.
A selection of policies, programmes and good practices in OECD countries is presented
in Annex 4.B.
The region’s only country formally to mandate a quota is United Arab Emirates, where
state-owned enterprises are required to have at least one woman on their boards (Deloitte,
2017a). In the Pearl Initiative’s 2015 survey in GCC countries, only 24% of respondents
supported the use of quotas.
Business leaders in GCC countries interviewed in a Deloitte study in 2017 had similar
views. Though some were in favour of quotas, others said that quotas or targets should
not be used because: they involve reverse discrimination; men are hostile to them; they
lead to tokenism; market forces will correct gender balance; and alternate routes should
be explored first (Deloitte, 2017b). Respondents felt that issues such as oil prices and
geopolitics should take priority over fostering gender diversity in corporate leadership.
While similar arguments have been made elsewhere, countries that have introduced
quotas “have seen more immediate increases in the number of women on boards, while
those that have taken a softer approach, using disclosure or targets, have seen a more
gradual increase over time” (OECD, 2017b).
Cultural norms in MENA may be hindering the acceptance of quotas and targets in the
corporate world, where, as in the political realm, a patronage-like system is not
uncommon. Given this similarity, it is worth considering the use of measures taken to
increase women’s representation in political decision-making bodies that might render
similar results in corporate leadership. Such lessons from the public sector could help
guide policies for the private sector.
In order to strengthen women’s participation in political bodies, some MENA
jurisdictions have adopted quotas or special electoral measures. These steps have
increased the number of women in parliaments and on local councils in countries
including Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia.
Moreover, the overall number of women who are elected outside the quota system
grows with each election, giving credence to the notion that quotas are a first step to
greater women’s participation.
Similarly, MENA economies could use quotas or targets to increase the number of
women on corporate boards and in senior management. The quotas can be a temporary
measure implemented until goals have been met and social norms have evolved to allow
for more equal representation in decision making.
Prior to the harder-line step of implementing quotas, MENA companies and economies
may take other measures, such as disclosure-driven policies, to increase women’s
representation in corporate leadership. However, as companies in the region commonly
have a controlling shareholder (either family or government), disclosure-driven policies
could be less potent in advancing change without a willingness on the part of controlling
shareholders to promote women in leadership.
It is important to note that an increase of women on boards may not directly translate into
an increase in women’s participation in executive positions. While quotas have boosted
the number of women on boards in many economies, the gains have not been reflected
below board level (OECD, 2017b).
A 2016 survey by the Hawkamah, The Institute for Corporate Governance of companies
in UAE asked respondents what methods they thought would be most useful for
achieving gender diversity on boards and in top management. Respondents suggested:
targeted training and development programmes
Box 4.4. Dell EMEA’s Men Advocating for Real Change campaign
An initiative called Men Advocating for Real Change (MARC) has developed
in-company training at all levels to tackle gender inequality in the workplace. The aim is
to sharpen awareness of the societal and cultural influences behind unconscious gender
biases. Participants, including both men and women, attend intensive workshops on
subjects like “exploring gender role conditioning and its link to leadership”.
The MARC programme has been used by Dell EMEA to train more than 2 000 staff
across 21 economies, including Egypt, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE. After
receiving training, 82% of participants said that MARC had changed the way they think
and behave, and 68% reported that they had seen a change in their leaders’ behaviour.
Dell EMEA has committed to training 100% of their executive-level staff by 2020 and
would like all staff to take e-learning on unconscious bias.
MARC is an initiative of Catalyst, a global non-profit organisation working with
companies to build workplaces that work for women.
Source: Presentation at the OECD on 9 March 2018 by Stéphane Reboud, VP at Dell EMEA; Catalyst,
www.catalyst.org/events/marc-men-advocating-real-change-engaging-men-change-agents.
Table 4.5. Selected MENA initiatives to increase gender balance in corporate leadership
Country Level
Egypt’s National Global Compact & Corporate Social Responsibility Centre, in collaboration with the American University in Cairo and
the IFC, developed a “Women on Boards” initiative to improve the gender balance on corporate boards through awareness raising,
networking, coaching, facilitation, direct training for certification and lobbying for legislative and policy reform. The programme has a
Corporate Governance Module for “providing a general understanding of corporate governance concepts, board structure and
Egypt responsibilities as well as basic understanding of financial statements, internal planning, family business governance, etc.” and a
Leadership Module for “developing leadership identity, practicing leadership skills and managing vision and voice”. The initiative also
works on sensitising male board members to gender issues and to qualifying women within and outside of the corporate mainstream
to be appointed to boards.
The UAE Gender Balance Council, established in 2015, is a federal entity responsible for developing and implementing the UAE’s
gender balance agenda. Its overall objectives are to enhance women’s participation and achieve gender balance across all sectors,
and to promote the UAE’s status as a benchmark for gender balance legislation. Notable measures include: i) the launch of a Gender
Balance Index for the government sector that can be emulated by the private sector; ii) the creation, with the OECD, of a UAE Gender
Balance Guide to provide organisations and companies with guidance on creating a gender sensitive work environment and
increasing women’s participation in upper echelons of power; and iii) an awards system for organisations and companies that reach
milestones in fostering greater gender balance. Additionally, the UAE launched the National Strategy for Empowerment of Emirati
United Arab Women for 2015-2021.
Emirates
The Securities and Commodities Authority UAE recently signed an MOU with the Gender Balance Council to reach the UAE's target
of 20% female participation in the corporate boardrooms of listed companies by 2020.
The Dubai Women Establishment’s Woman in Boards Initiative, in collaboration with Hawkamah and the Mudara Institute of Directors,
aims to: identify barriers restricting women’s participation at senior executive levels; advocate changes to remove barriers; increase
awareness on gender diversity in local and regional boardrooms; train women leaders for taking on board roles; and mentor the next
generation of women leaders.
Regional Level
Hawkamah,
The Institute The Hawkamah Institute supports “institution building, corporate sector reform, good governance, financial market development,
for investment and growth in the region”. Created to advance corporate governance reform, the institute has conducted studies on
Corporate gender diversity on boards and in senior management.
Governance
The Pearl Initiative, developed in co-operation with the UN’s Office for Partnerships, groups nearly 50 partner companies in a
regionally focused network of business leaders “committed to driving joint action, exhibiting positive leadership and sharing knowledge
The Pearl and experience” in order to work towards higher standards in areas such as corporate governance, anti-corruption, codes of conduct,
Initiative integrity and reporting. Core activities include regional research-based insight reports, business dialogue forums and university
programmes, with gender-diverse leadership considered a core tenant of corporate governance.
The 30% A chapter of the 30% Club was established in the GCC in 2015 to support a business-led approach to increasing women’s
Club participation in corporate life at all levels.
Company Level
The Saudi e-portal Glowork matches women with jobs by creating opportunities in sectors previously inaccessible to women. It aims
Glowork to bring more than half a million women into the MENA workforce in the next five years and to leverage the talent of highly educated
women to strengthen the region’s workforce.
The Saudi national oil company Saudi Aramco has set up two programmes to address a problem with the retention of female talent.
Women in Business, which targets younger people starting their careers, teaches basic soft skills to build young women’s confidence,
Saudi ensure their contributions are noticed and allow them to navigate the waters of a male-dominated business world. Women in
Aramco Leadership, for senior employees, combines self-awareness diagnostics, guided discussions, lectures, and interactive exercises
(McKinsey & Co., 2014). Since the programme began, the number of women leaders has risen from three to 84. In April 2018, Saudi
Aramco appointed the first woman, Lynn Laverty Elsenhans, to the board.
Key findings
Increasing the representation of women in corporate leadership roles is a cornerstone of
the inclusive economic growth needed to boost the competitiveness of the MENA region.
Evidence demonstrates that increasing the gender balance in corporate leadership brings
benefits to both companies and economies. Not undertaking measures to ensure this
would be a missed opportunity.
MENA has made progress in improving gender balance at the workplace. However,
despite differences among jurisdictions, the region faces common challenges in terms of
increasing women’s representation in corporate leadership. Key findings include the
following:
Corporate governance codes in MENA economies rarely endorse gender diversity
Constitutional measures in MENA on non-discrimination against women have not
yet translated into company practices, and representation of women on company
boards remains modest
Company and securities laws generally neither acknowledge the importance of
gender diversity nor mandate the disclosure of board composition and senior
management by gender
The region lacks targeted measures, such as quotas, to encourage gender balance
in corporate leadership
Assessing women’s actual participation in corporate leadership is a challenge due
to limited disclosure and a lack of reliable data
MENA legal frameworks and social norms, including family codes, play a role in
driving gender gaps in the labour market
Networking can be especially challenging for women in the MENA region.
Policy options
Removing the barriers to entry and retaining female talent in corporate leadership
requires efforts at multiple levels, including broader societal and cultural change.
A group of interrelated policy reform areas can be proposed to address the challenges
facing MENA economies in terms improving gender balance in corporate leadership
(Figure 4.7).
These possible strategies and actions for governments and companies in the MENA
region are summarised in Table 4.6 and developed below. As not all policy options apply
to every country, they should be tailored to each MENA economy’s specific
circumstances and needs.
Figure 4.7. Main policy areas to promote gender balance in corporate leadership
Combine
Create a conducive measurable
cultural national goals with
environment company
strategies
Promoting gender
balance in
corporate
leadership
Facilitate networks
and provide
Improve data
support for women
collection and use
in the corporate
world
Table 4.6. Policy options for promoting gender balance in corporate leadership
Scorecards and regular Gender Impact Assessments, such as EDGE certification15, can be
used to assess a company’s governance practices, show progress over time and compare
different companies and groups of companies within or across economies. These
measures are especially effective in ensuring the implementation of family-friendly and
work/life balance policies such as flex-time, teleworking, paternity and/or parental leave.
They also provide support for models that allow for paid or unpaid leave for life-cycle
needs (emergency family needs, childcare, etc.) and that do not penalise employees in
their career progression. In this regard, rewarding and acknowledging performance and
workable methods used by companies to reach gender targets is complementary.
Data fortify an evidence-based approach for informing policy by identifying bottlenecks
that hinder progress and by monitoring the effectiveness of initiatives over time. Despite
commonalities among MENA economies on corporate makeup and private sector
operation, each country has its particularities. Sharing good practices and comparing
approaches is therefore essential to success and a timesaver for those companies and
economies that adopt already tested practices.
It is important to highlight two elements when analysing data on women in the workforce
in MENA economies. First, the population and employment figures can be skewed due to
the high number of expatriate male workers that impact the equal weighting between men
and women. Second, lack of disaggregated data makes it difficult to decipher the cause of
increased female participation in the workforce in the case that government policies are
aimed at increasing the total numbers employed in both the public and private sectors
(Kemp et al 2015). Therefore, better quality sectoral data is needed on the composition of
company boards and senior management as well as measures to increase gender balance
in corporate leadership in the MENA region.
within and across companies, sectors and regions are effective in driving real change,
especially in economies with stricter societal norms and biases.
Coalitions and compacts can boost the implementation of core government policies and
provide upwards and downwards mentoring to shift values. They help to create “gender
champions” throughout companies and sectors that advocate for the gender-balance
agenda and to ensure that targets are met. They also create networks for women in
business.
Global examples are the 30% Club, launched in the UK in 2010 with a goal of achieving
a minimum of 30% women on FTSE-100 boards. The compact has helped to accelerate
progress: female representation on FTSE-100 boards increased to 27.9% after the
initiative, from 12.5% previously. Signatories include the CEOs and chairs of some of
England’s most prominent companies.
A similar initiative in the United States is Paradigm for Parity, a coalition of businesses
dedicated to addressing the leadership gender gap in corporate America. The coalition has
set a target for companies to achieve 30% female board seats by 2030. Its more than 60
signatories range from product and services industries to advertising, food processing,
finance and mining. In 2017, the Women’s Forum of New York recognised 19 Paradigm
for Parity member companies as Corporate Champions for having at least 25% of board
seats held by women.
Notes
1
The revised G20/OECD Principles of Corporate Governance provide a non-binding reference for
policy makers to build effective corporate governance processes:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264236882-en.
2
OECD-wide includes South Africa, India, Colombia, People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong
China, Brazil and Indonesia in addition to the 35 OECD member countries.
3
The Gulf Co-operation Council groups Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE.
4
Data collection and research provided by Ethics & Boards Governance Analytics, information as
of 23 May 2018.
5
The expression “the glass ceiling” first appeared in the Wall Street Journal in 1986 in article
entitled “Breaking the Glass Ceiling: Can Women Reach the Top of America's Largest
Corporations?” (Economist, 2009) and is defined by Merriam-Webster as “an intangible barrier
within a hierarchy that prevents women or minorities from obtaining upper-level positions.” The
term "sticky floor" is used to describe a discriminatory employment pattern that keeps a certain
group of people at the bottom of the job scale. See “Women and the Labyrinth of Leadership”, by
Alice Eagly and Linda L. Carlin in the Harvard Business Review, published in the September 2007
Issue, https://hbr.org/2007/09/women-and-the-labyrinth-of-leadership.
6
Article 72 of the 1996 Labour Law
7
Article 162 of the 2003 Labour Law.
8
Article 96 of the 2003 Labour Law.
9
Article 26 of 2010 Labour Relations Law.
10
Wall Street Journal, February 2018: www.wsj.com/articles/blackrock-companies-should-have-
at-least-two-female-directors-1517598407.
11
The 2012 Jordanian Corporate Governance Code covers private shareholding, limited liability,
and non-listed public shareholding companies.
12
Original French text: 2008 Code Marocain de Bonnes Practiques de Gouvernance d’Entreprise,
section 3.4.1. Composition de l’organe de gouvernance: “La composition de l’organe de
gouvernance est essentielle pour lui permettre de remplir au mieux son rôle. Il doit être composé
de membres intègres, compétents, informés, impliqués, apportant une diversité (formation,
parcours professionnel, équilibre hommes-femmes, âge, nationalités, …) de nature à susciter de
vrais débats et à éviter la recherche systématique du consensus.”
13
Applies only to companies listed in markets regulated by the Qatar Financial Markets Authority.
14
Policy makers, representatives of stock exchanges, not-for-profit organisations, insolvency
profession and business leaders from the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, including
Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, the Palestinian
National Authority, Tunisia, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Yemen and the United Arab Emirates,
gathered with international and regional experts on the occasion of the 5th Regional Annual
Corporate Governance Conference organised by the Hawkamah Institute for Corporate
Governance, the OECD and the Oman Capital Markets Authority and endorsed the Muscat
Declaration.
15
The Economic Dividends for Gender Equality (EDGE) Certification is a global assessment
methodology and business certification standard for gender equality. EDGE Certification has been
designed to help organizations not only create an optimal workplace for women and men, but also
benefit from it. EDGE Certification is currently working with nearly 200 organizations, in 50
countries and 23 industries.
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Country Selected policies and good practices for increasing gender balance in corporate leadership
Australia The Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) recommends that listed companies establish and disclose board diversity
policies. In 2015, the Australian Institute of Company Directors (AICD) announced a voluntary target of 30% for all
boards (Deloitte 2017a). The AICD began a mentoring programme for women in 2010 where female aspirants sign up
to a “Mastering the Boardroom” course or an “International Company Director’s Course” to make them board ready
(Kamalnaath and Peddada, 2012). Successful candidates are paired with a mentor who works with them for one year
and places them on public company boards after the programme. The participation of women on boards for ASX 200
companies has more than doubled since these changes, from 11% in 2010 to 25.1% in 2016 (Catalyst, 2017c). In the
largest listed companies, women’s participation is even higher – at 29.1% on ASX20 company boards, 27.4% on
ASX50 company boards, and 25.7% on ASX100 company boards (Deloitte, 2017a).
France France enforces a mandatory quota of 40% for both genders on boards of companies whose shares are traded on a
regulated market and for companies (listed or not) whose revenues or total assets exceed EUR 50 million and employ
at least 500 people for three consecutive years. This increased the previous quota of 20% set by France’s National
Assembly in 2010. The changes were ushered in under the 2014 Gender Equality Law, effective 1 January 2017,
which amended France’s Code of Commerce (Article L225-18-1). As of 1 January 2020, the same conditions will apply
for companies that employ at least 250 people. If a company’s board of directors is composed of eight members or
fewer, the difference between the number of directors of each gender may not exceed two. Any appointment made in
contravention is considered null and void. Fines are applicable for non-compliance, and director appointments not in
line with the law can result in the withholding of all director fees until there is a resolution (Deloitte, 2016). As of March
2017, women filled 40% of seats on CAC40 boards, 42% on SBF120 boards, 34% at all companies covered by the
regulation and 37% at France’s largest listed companies (Deloitte, 2017a).
Germany A 2015 law affecting around 110 companies required the introduction of a fixed women’s quota of 30% on non-
executive supervisory boards in Germany as of 1 January 2016. The law also introduced a “flexi-quota” for smaller
firms, affecting around 3 000 companies, requiring them to set their own targets for women on executive and
supervisory boards and for senior management (Hans Böckler Stiftung, 2015). Women’s participation in supervisory
board posts hovered at around 10% between 2005-2010; an expectation that mandatory targets would be set led
companies to appoint more women, and the share of women supervisory board members in a sample of 160 public
traded companies rose to 22% by 2016, although this was still short of the target (Rayasam, 2016). No fines exist for
non-compliance. Instead, larger companies must keep a relevant board seat empty until it is filled by a woman, and
smaller companies cannot set a quota less than their current status quo (Hans Böckler Stiftung, 2015). Women
represent 19.5% of board members in Germany (Deloitte, 2017a).
Italy Italy has significantly increased women’s participation on boards of directors in recent years. Quotas require that
women make up at least 33% of board members at listed companies; the percentage of women on boards doubled
from 15% in 2013 to 30% in 2016 (OECD, 2017b). The government has also made efforts to support families with
childcare through a voucher system. Improving access to childcare should help more women enter the workforce given
that Italian women do more than three-quarters of all unpaid work in the home, such as care for dependents
(OECD, 2017b).
Country Selected policies and good practices for increasing gender balance in corporate leadership
Japan In 2015 the Japanese Diet passed the Act of Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace.
The law requires companies with more than 300 employees to collect and analyse data on women’s participation in the
workforce, including the ratio of women in management. The law further requires these companies to formulate and
make public an action plan to close gender gaps, including numerical targets, and to disclose gender-related statistics
to the public (Abe, Javorcik and Kodama, 2016). Companies with fewer than 300 employees are not formally required
to comply but are encouraged to do so (Sanford, 2015). The presence of a single female director has corresponded to
a higher percentage of women in middle and senior management and new females hires in Japan (Thwing-Eastman et
al., 2016). Japan’s Gender Equality Bureau statistics show that women make up 6.2% of managerial positions and
3.4% of executive level positions in private corporations (2017).
Norway Norway was the first country to introduce a quota for women on company boards. The quota of 40% was introduced in
2005 via the Norwegian Public Limited Liability Companies Act, which covers public limited companies, state and
municipality owned companies, and co-operative companies. Companies that do not comply are delisted (Shareholder
Rights, 2016). Norwegian boards are close to gender parity, with 46.7% of board seats held by women, an increase of
seven percentage points since 2013; women represent 41% of board members at the largest listed companies
(Deloitte, 2017a).
United Kingdom In 2010, the 30% Club was launched in the UK with a target of increasing the proportion of women on FTSE-100
boards to 30% by 2015 without using mandatory quotas. In 2016, it expanded its 30% target to FTSE-350 boards
(currently at 24.1%) and to senior management of FTSE-100 companies by 2020. This initiative has led to a doubling
of female directors on FTSE-100 boards, from 12.5% in 2010 to 26.6% in 2016. Its success has led to the launch of
30% clubs in Australia, Canada, GCC countries, Hong Kong, Ireland, Italy, Malaysia, Southern Africa, Turkey and the
United States. Women currently hold 22.8% of all board seats in the UK (Deloitte, 2017a).
5.1. Introduction
State-owned enterprises are prone to governance risks that can hamper their performance
and distort the competitive landscape. For example, if state ownership responsibilities are
not clearly assigned within the public administration, SOEs can be subject to vague or
frequently changing corporate objectives, leading to underperformance. Or, if a state
body is simultaneously responsible for exercising ownership rights in a state company
and regulating the competitive market in which it operates, this can create conflicting
objectives and ultimately lead to decision making in the interest of a single enterprise at
the expense of market efficiency and competitiveness.
Many SOE governance issues are furthermore exacerbated by insufficient transparency
on their operations, making it difficult to measure – and make the state and corporate
boards accountable for – their performance.
These factors create challenges for policy makers as they seek to ensure that the state-
owned enterprises in their jurisdiction generate the maximum benefit both for the
economy and for society at large.
Since the SOE Guidelines were first developed in 2005, state ownership reforms around
the world – including in many MENA economies – have generally brought national
practices closer to their aspirational standards. Examples of global trends in state
ownership reforms include:
the elaboration of ownership policies clarifying the state’s financial and non-
financial performance expectations for SOEs
steps to subject all SOEs to high standards of corporate governance and disclosure
legislative and institutional reforms to ensure that SOEs are subject to the same
laws and regulations, including those bearing on competition, as private
enterprises.
These and other global trends in state ownership reforms over the past decade have often
occurred in tandem with increased transparency on the characteristics, objectives and
performance of SOEs.
In countries with the most advanced transparency practices, the state reports to the
general public – considered the ultimate shareholders of SOEs – on the operations and
performance of the SOE portfolio through annual aggregate reports. Such strengthened
disclosure practices have increased accountability by state shareholders, corporate
directors and senior management for the performance and efficiency of SOEs.
These and other international experiences can be instructive for governments around the
world, including in the MENA region, as they continue their efforts to optimise the
contribution of SOEs to economies and societies.
State-owned enterprises in the MENA region operate across a wide range of sectors,
including the primary sector, electricity and gas, telecoms, postal services, other utilities,
finance and transportation. Several MENA governments also own companies outside
these more traditional sectors for state ownership, for example in manufacturing and
property development. Many SOEs operate with a mix of commercial and public policy
goals, which are not always well-defined or disclosed.
SOEs also often operate natural monopolies, where a single-firm market is considered
the most economically efficient arrangement. In many cases this is because it is
considered more cost effective for the state to operate a monopoly than to regulate a
privately owned firm. It follows that privatisation is not always the most economically
optimal option and that SOEs, if well-governed and efficient, can usefully contribute
alongside private enterprises to well-functioning economies and societies. If, however,
the state does decide to privatise an SOE, then strengthening its corporate governance
and performance can increase fiscal revenues from the sale.
The region’s SOEs are not a particularly dominant feature of the global marketplace, yet
two of them are among the world’s 500 largest companies: Emirates Group in the United
Arab Emirates and SABIC in Saudi Arabia.1 By all accounts, Saudi Aramco should also
be included in this list, but presumably is not because its revenues, on which the
classification is based, are not made public.
State ownership arrangements are decentralised in most MENA economies, with
responsibilities dispersed among numerous institutions. Only one MENA economy,
Morocco, has a central co-ordination body. Other countries have taken steps towards
centralisation by transferring a portfolio of large or strategically important SOEs to a
state holding company or sovereign wealth fund. A number of the region’s governments
are in the process of undertaking state ownership reforms, ranging from institutional
changes to the establishment of dedicated corporate governance guidelines for SOEs.
This section provides an overview of current state ownership arrangements in MENA
and compares with global trends.
Decentralised ownership
State ownership responsibilities appear to be undertaken primarily by line ministries in
the majority of MENA economies (Table 5.1).2 Ownership responsibilities are
understood to comprise voting on corporate policy on behalf of the state shareholder,
appointing board members and setting SOEs’ objectives.
The line ministries are in many cases also responsible for market regulation and/or
sectoral development policy. Previous OECD research indicates that independent sectoral
regulators are not common in the region, with notable exceptions in the telecoms,
transportation and electricity sectors, where steps have been taken to introduce
competition in previously monopolised markets (OECD, 2013). The banking sector also
stands apart, with a longer history of sector-specific regulation.
Source: Online review by OECD Secretariat of publicly available information on the state ownership
arrangements of known SOEs in the region, as of April 2018.
The Ministry of Economy and Finance represents the state as shareholder in Morocco.
One of its key functions is the appointment of state representatives to the boards of SOEs.
These representatives are generally appointed from the ministry’s Department of Public
Enterprises and Privatisation, but they can also be appointed from: the ministry’s Budget
Department, notably if the SOE receives state subsidies; the Department of Treasury and
External Financing if the SOE is a public financial institution; or a combination of these
departments.
The main state ownership functions mandated to individual departments within the
Ministry of Economy and Finance can be summarised as follows:
Department of Public Enterprises and Privatisation
examining projects related to the establishment of SOEs or to proposed changes
in the level of state participation in existing SOEs
participating in the management of the state portfolio, including decision making
on measures that would affect the structure, profitability and investments of SOEs
examining SOE investment projects, including their financing modalities, with a
view to ensuring profitability
evaluating SOE performance and, for this purpose, developing an economic,
financial and social data bank on the public sector
monitoring the work of SOE boards of directors and the implementation of their
decisions within SOEs
preparing a general plan for transferring SOEs to the private sector and
undertaking tasks related to their effective transfer.
General Treasury of the Kingdom
ensuring the preservation of the securities of the state.
Budget Department
releasing the funds necessary for creating SOEs, increasing the state’s equity
capital in existing SOEs or investing state or SOE equity in private companies.
Morocco can thus be considered to employ a state ownership model falling somewhere
between the decentralised model, but with some degree of central co-ordination, and the
dual model, in which one central ministry, usually the Ministry of Finance (in the case of
Morocco, the Ministry of Economy and Finance), shares the exercise of state ownership
rights with sectoral line ministries. At the time of writing, Morocco was in the early
stages of a significant state ownership reform process, which is discussed in the section
below on general ownership and governance reforms.
example requiring the separation of management and ownership functions, the issuance of
articles of foundation, the establishment of boards of directors and the prevention of abusive
related party transactions and conflicts of interest (Hassouna, 2018).
The use of state holding companies as a means of improving the corporate governance
and performance of SOEs is not necessarily the most suitable option for all economies in
the MENA region – or indeed, in some cases, even an economically feasible option.
Whether the state holding company approach would be transferable to lower income and
less resource-rich economies in the region is perhaps a topic for debate and further
investigation.
Elements of good practice for testing SOE reforms within a small portfolio of SOEs –
including through the state holding company approach, but also through transfers of
strategically important SOEs to more centralised oversight structures – could perhaps be
useful for MENA policy makers seeking to introduce improved governance practices
within SOEs.
including through reform of financial control and an update of the SOE governance
code, and to strengthen SOE accounting practices (Box 5.4).4
In November 2015, Tunisia’s government adopted general principles and a strategy for
restructuring state-owned enterprises. The strategy calls for global governance reforms,
including the consolidation of supervisory institutions, improved internal governance,
increased social dialogue and financial restructuring.
The strategy aims to increase the competitiveness of SOEs, improve their financial
situation and ensure their medium-term viability through restructuring. This restructuring
would involve new governance arrangements to allow state-owned companies to operate
without undue government interference.
The strategy includes the creation of a new body, the Agency for the Supervision and
Coordination of Management of Public Enterprises, to oversee the reforms under the
authority of the Finance Ministry, and the establishment of a public-private fund to
restructure public enterprises operating in competitive sectors.
Source: Tunisian Government, Programme National des Réformes Majeures 2016-2020.
Table 5.3. State-owned companies among MENA’s 100 largest listed companies, 2017
Rank in Market
100 largest Company Country Sector capitalisation
listed companies (USD billion)
1 Saudi Basic Industries Corporation (SABIC) Saudi Arabia Industrial 93.9
2 Qatar National Bank Qatar Banks and Financial Services 39.3
4 National Commercial Bank Saudi Arabia Banks and Financial Services 37.8
5 Saudi Electricity Saudi Arabia Utilities and Energy 23.3
7 Etisalat UAE Telecommunication 37.7
8 Emirates NBD UAE Banks and Financial Services 15
9 Saudi Telecom Saudi Arabia Telecommunication 44.1
12 Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank UAE Banks and Financial Services 9.4
14 DP World UAE Logistics 18.3
15 Riyad Bank* Saudi Arabia Banks and Financial Services 11.8
16 Kuwait Finance House Kuwait Banks and Financial Services 10.9
18 Dubai Islamic Bank* UAE Banks and Financial Services 8.3
27 Ooredoo Qatar Telecommunication 5.8
29 Saudi Arabian Mining (Ma’aden) Saudi Arabia Industrials 17.3
32 Zain Kuwait Telecommunication 5.4
34 Industries Qatar Qatar Industrials 18
35 Alinma Bank* Saudi Arabia Banks and Financial Services 8.2
41 Du UAE Telecommunication 6.4
43 TAQA UAE Industrials 2
45 Aldar Properties* UAE Real Estate and Construction 4.5
47 Union National Bank UAE Banks and Financial Services 2.8
61 Barwa* Qatar Real Estate and Construction 3.7
63 Omantel Oman Telecommunication 1.5
64 Arab Banking Corporation Bahrain Banks and Financial Services 0.982
65 Qatar Electricity and Water Qatar Utilities and Energy 5.9
66 Aluminum Bahrain Bahrain Industrials 2.3
68 RAKBANK UAE Banks and Financial Services 2
70 Housing Bank Jordan Banks and Financial Services 3.7
74 Mobily (Etihad Etisalat Company)* Saudi Arabia Telecommunication 3.8
75 Nakilat (Qatar Gas Transport Company) Qatar Transportation 2.1
84 Mesaieed Qatar Industrials 5.1
85 Ahli Bank Qatar Banks and Financial Services 1.8
88 National Bank of Bahrain Bahrain Banks and Financial Services 2.3
91 Emaar The Economic City Saudi Arabia Real estate and Construction 3
92 Bank of Bahrain and Kuwait (BBK) Bahrain Banks and Financial Services 1.3
97 National Bank of Fujairah UAE Banks and Financial Services 1.1
Note: Compiled by identifying those companies on the Forbes list of 100 largest companies in the Arab
world in which the state is: i) the ultimate beneficiary owner of a majority (over 50%) of the shares, as
reported by the FactSet database; or ii) the largest individual shareholder despite holding a minority
stake, thus exercising effective control. Companies listed by FactSet as minority state-owned but
identified by other sources as majority state-owned or controlled are identified by an asterisk (*).
Source: FactSet and Forbes (2018), Top 100 Listed Companies in the Arab World 2018,
www.forbesmiddleeast.com/en/list/top-100-listed-companies-in-the-arab-world-2018/.
Source: Adapted from OECD (2018), Ownership and Governance of State-Owned Enterprises: A
Compendium of National Practices, www.oecd.org/corporate/ownership-and-governance-of-state-owned-
enterprises-a-compendium-of-national-practices.htm.
A key tenet of the OECD’s SOE Guidelines is that “the exercise of state ownership rights
should be centralised in a single ownership entity, or, if this is not possible, carried out by
a co-ordinating body”. Centralising state ownership, rather than dispersing ownership
across the state administration, is considered good practice for a number of reasons:
It can help to separate state ownership and regulatory functions.
It can facilitate the development and consistent implementation of a state
ownership policy.
It can help to promote greater efficiency within the public administration.
Separating state ownership and regulatory functions is of particular importance when
SOEs operate in competitive markets, to avoid situations where line ministries are tasked
with the conflicting objectives of maintaining fair competition in a given sector and
ensuring the commercial success of the SOEs under their purview.
A state ownership policy generally outlines the rationales for state ownership, the
performance objectives of individual SOEs and the role of state actors in implementing
the ownership policy. When the state is transparent about its objectives as an owner, this
can strengthen its accountability for achieving those objectives. The development of a
state ownership policy does not require full centralisation of the state ownership function,
but it does need a degree of consensus across ministries to ensure its consistent
implementation. This can be facilitated by centralisation.
A central entity can also support efficiency in the exercise of state ownership functions
such as setting objectives for SOEs, monitoring their performance and nominating board
members. Gains in efficiency are achieved by housing pools of experts within the central
entity, with competencies in areas such as accounting and financial reporting. Such
efficiency gains are particularly present in a context of shrinking SOE portfolios, when it
no longer makes sense for several ministries to exercise ownership responsibilities
separately over a very small number of enterprises.
While centralisation of state ownership is generally considered good practice, it often
occurs after other priority state ownership reforms have been implemented, such as
corporatising large SOEs operating in competitive sectors or relinquishing state
ownership in certain sectors or enterprises.
Countries seeking to centralise state ownership might consider first establishing a high-
level co-ordination body. When state ownership is dispersed (and full centralisation is
not yet feasible), this can be an effective means of harmonising ownership functions such
as board nominations and of monitoring SOEs’ compliance with corporate governance
standards. It can also be an intermediate step when full centralisation is either not feasible
or not warranted, for example if the state’s portfolio of enterprises is so large that
centralising their oversight in one ministry would be burdensome and inefficient.
Box 5.6 provides an example from Lithuania of the establishment of a state ownership
co-ordination and monitoring body in the context of decentralised state ownership
arrangements. For further reference, the 2018 report Ownership and Governance of
State-Owned Enterprises: A Compendium of National Practices provides additional
details on the basic tasks undertaken by state ownership co-ordinating bodies in India,
Israel, Lithuania and Latvia (OECD, 2018).
Strategic state-owned enterprises in MENA are present in nearly all economic sectors.
They can be found in the network industries (electricity and gas, telecoms and
transportation), and in the primary sectors, finance, manufacturing and real estate. No
internationally comparable dataset on national state-owned enterprises in the MENA
region exists, making it difficult to undertake cross-country or cross-regional
comparisons. The sections that follow highlight what we know about the SOE landscape
in the MENA region, both as a whole and in select MENA economies for which SOE
data is available. However, owing to limitations in the scope of data and differences in the
criteria used to define what constitutes an SOE, the information presented in this section
cannot be used to undertake comparisons. The data is presented mainly to illustrate the
degree of quantitative information available on SOEs and to highlight general trends in
their sectoral distribution in the MENA region.
Other activities, 5%
Real estate, 4% Primary sectors, 14%
Transportation, 16%
Manufacturing, 13%
Other utilities, 6%
Note: The graphic portrays the sectoral distribution of strategic SOEs, by number of enterprises, in the
following MENA economies: Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco,
Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, UAE and Yemen. The sectoral classification of enterprises
has been updated to align with the methodology used in the OECD’s recurrent SOE dataset.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on “Strategic state-owned enterprises in the MENA
region” in OECD (2013), State-Owned Enterprises in the Middle East and North Africa: Engines of
Development and Competitiveness? http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264202979-en.
The illustration in Figure 5.2 is subjective, since the identification of strategic SOEs
was based on authors’ judgement and did not rely on any size or revenue thresholds.
Although the OECD inventory focuses only on large, known SOEs and includes no
information other than their sector of operation, it provides the most comprehensive
overview available of national SOE sectors in the MENA region. As such, it could
serve as a point of departure for future in-depth research on the characteristics of
these strategic SOEs, for example on their corporate forms, number of employees and
valuation. (An adapted version of the OECD’s inventory of strategic SOEs in MENA
can be viewed in Annex 5.A.)
Separately, the Moroccan state’s annual report on SOEs provides an overview of
their sectoral distribution, offering a useful illustration of the characteristics of
Morocco’s state ownership portfolio (Figure 5.3). The figures include both “public
enterprises” (SOEs) and “public establishments”, such as the National Employment
Bureau and the country’s pension fund. According to the report, 24% of the country’s
SOEs operate in the health, education and training sectors; 19% in habitat, urbanism
and territorial development; 15% in agriculture and fisheries; and 13% in natural
resources (water, energy and mining).
Other, 13%
Infrastructure and
transportation, 6%
Note: By number of enterprises. The data on Moroccan SOEs uses a different sectoral classification than that
used for the MENA regional overview in Figure 5.2.
Source: Ministry of Economy and Finance of Morocco (2018), Projet de Loi de Finances pour l’année
budgétaire 2018: Rapport sur les établissements et entreprises publics,
www.chambredesrepresentants.ma/fr/system/files/documents/depp_fr.pdf.
It bears mentioning that many entities included in Morocco’s figures serve primarily as
vehicles for implementing public service or public policy objectives and do not undertake
predominantly commercial or competitive activities in the marketplace.
Market value
Company name Percentage state ownership
(USD million)
Electricity and Saudi Electricity Company 81.2% 17 455
gas
National Gas and Industrialisation 10.9% 509
Company
Finance National Commercial Bank 54.3% 27 243
Samba Financial Group 38.0% 12 443
Company for Co-operative Insurance 23.8% 2 113
Riyadh Bank 21.8% 9 936
National Agricultural Development 20.0% 659
Company
Saudi Investment Bank 17.3% 2 987
Alinma Bank 10.7% 5 908
Saudi Industrial Development Group 10.7% 1 657
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on data collected for OECD (2017), The Size and Sectoral
Distribution of State-Owned Enterprises, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264280663-en.
Figure 5.4. Sectoral distribution of SOEs in the OECD area, 2015 (by value)
30%
25% 24%
25%
22%
20%
15%
10% 8% 7%
5% 4%
5% 4%
1%
0%
Finance Transportation Electricity and Other utilities Primary sectors Real estate Other activities Telecoms Manufacturing
gas
Source: OECD (2017), The Size and Sectoral Distribution of State-Owned Enterprises, OECD, Paris,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264280663-en.
Comparing the sectoral distribution of OECD-area SOEs with that of the Saudi Public
Investment Fund yields additional insights (). The Saudi fund was chosen for the
comparison primarily because its offers a relatively large universe of companies for
which corporate valuation figures are publicly available, while there is a scarcity of
corporate valuation data for SOEs in most MENA economies.
Figure 5.5. Sectoral distribution of SOEs held by the Saudi investment fund, 2015 (by value)
50%
45% 43%
40%
35%
30%
26%
25%
19%
20%
15%
10% 7%
5% 2% 1% 1% 1%
0%
Manufacturing Telecoms Finance Primary sectors Transportation Other activities Electricity and gas Real estate
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on data on the Saudi Public Investment Fund’s portfolio,
collected for OECD (2017), The Size and Sectoral Distribution of State-Owned Enterprises,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264280663-en.
The most marked difference between OECD-area SOEs and the portfolio of the Saudi
Public Investment Fund is the predominance of manufacturing SOEs in the Public
Investment Fund’s portfolio. Since the fund’s portfolio only includes the state’s non-oil
assets (and is therefore not representative of the entire SOE sector in Saudi Arabia), this
difference merely suggests a preference for subjecting manufacturing SOEs to the market
pressures and disclosure requirements of stock-exchange listing.
geographical location. Many SOEs cited in the inventory perform primarily non-
commercial functions, for example the investment promotion agency, and are
presumably included because they are legally incorporated as public establishments
(Presidency of the Government, Republic of Tunisia, 2018).
In Iraq, data on the financial relationships among the country’s largest SOEs, state banks
and the central government in 2014-15 has been published on the government’s website
as part of a World Bank-supported project. According to the publicly available dataset,
Iraq’s SOE Restructuring Committee manages a centralised database on SOEs’ financial
and non-financial information based on reporting by individual enterprises, as required
by Decree 446 of 2015 (Republic of Iraq, 2018).
Estimated
Government institutions with state
Country Estimated number of SOEs number of
ownership responsibility
employees
Information Egypt 150 (partial portfolio) Not available Ministry of Investment holds
available approximately 150 SOEs. Information is
not available on SOEs held by the
Ministry of Defence, Ministry of
Transport or the military. The Egyptian
state also holds shares in 620 joint
ventures with privately owned
companies.
Iraq 157 479 100 Ten line ministries
Morocco 253, comprising 210 public 130 000 Ministry of Economy and Finance
establishments
(établissements publics) and
43 fully corporatised entities
(sociétés anonymes), which
have more than 400
subsidiaries
Saudi Arabia 24 (partial portfolio) 25 900 Public Investment Fund for this portfolio
(Public (end-2015). SOEs are also held by
Investment various line ministries, e.g. the Ministry
Fund) of Communications and Information
Technology.
Tunisia 104 117 400 14 line ministries, Presidency of the
Republic and Presidency of the
Government
No
Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar,
information
United Arab Emirates, Yemen.
available
Source: (OECD, 2017) for Saudi Arabia; (OECD, 2013) and (Hassouna, 2018) for Egypt;
(World Bank, 2014) for Tunisia; and questionnaire responses submitted by contributing institutions for Iraq
and Morocco.
Some basic information on the number of SOEs and their sectors of operation is also
publicly available Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Table 5.5 presents an overview of data on
national SOE landscapes in the five MENA economies where such data is publicly
available. This is not to say that there is a complete absence of information on SOEs in
the other MENA economies under review in this report. However, no efforts appear to
have been made for the central collection and publication of comprehensive quantitative
information on national SOE sectors in these countries.
No aggregate reporting, no
online inventory, 35%
Aggregate reporting on all
SOEs, 40%
Note: The graphic portrays the results of a review covering all 35 OECD member countries as well as
Argentina, Brazil, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, India, Indonesia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Malaysia,
Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia and South Africa and Viet Nam.
Source: OECD (2018), Ownership and Governance of State-Owned Enterprises: A Compendium of National
Practices, www.oecd.org/corporate/ownership-and-governance-of-state-owned-enterprises-a-compendium-
of-national-practices.htm.
Key indicators
Operating margin, % 1.4 0.9
Return on equity (average), % 3.2 2.1
Return on operating capital (average), % 5.4 2.9
Net debt/equity ratio, multiple 0.2 0.4
Equity/assets ratio, % 37.0 31.4
Gross investments, SEKm 1 200 1 846
Appropriation, SEKm 0 0
Dividend, SEKm 0 0
Average no. of employees 32 256 37 407
Employees, gender distribution (women/men), % 34/66 35/65
Management group, gender distribution (women/men), % 29/71 25/75
Board, gender distribution (women/men), % 38/62 38/62
Source: Government Offices of Sweden (2015), Annual Report State-Owned Enterprises 2015,
www.government.se/reports/2016/09/annual-report-state-owned-enterprises-2015/.
Sweden offers an example of good practice in aggregate reporting. An annual report on state
ownership is published by the Government Offices of Sweden and is available online in both
English and Swedish. The report includes extensive details on the state’s ownership policy
and practices and on the financial and non-financial performance of the state’s portfolio of
enterprises. Non-financial performance reporting includes information on the achievement of
public policy objectives and sustainability targets.
Table 5.6 reproduces a table in the Swedish report that discloses basic information on the
aggregate value and performance of the state’s entire SOE portfolio.
Sweden’s aggregate report also includes company-specific pages that reproduce annual
income statements and balance sheets and disclose information on the following:
significant events that occurred over the course of the year
Key findings
This chapter has shown that exercise of state ownership remains dispersed across the
public administration in the majority of MENA economies, with ministries in many cases
simultaneously exercising ownership and regulatory roles. This can lead to conflicting
objectives on the part of state actors.
As markets liberalise and are opened to greater competition with private companies, and
as SOEs become increasingly active in cross-border trade and investment, their
competitive conditions in home markets may lead to heightened concerns from abroad
about how this impacts the global level playing field.
Many MENA governments have taken steps to harmonise state ownership and
governance practices across ministries, for example through the development of SOE
governance codes. Others have transferred commercially oriented SOEs to holding
companies to subject them to more explicit financial performance targets. In a few
countries, state audit institutions have begun to play a more prominent role in
strengthening the accountability landscape for SOEs, by undertaking financial audits or,
less frequently, in-depth reviews of SOEs’ performance and governance.
Given the degree of decentralisation of state ownership arrangements in the MENA
region, there have been limited efforts to gather and publish centralised information on
SOEs’ characteristics and performance in individual economies. There is also scope for
clarifying and disclosing SOEs’ commercial and public policy objectives.
Establishing a clear overview of the state-owned enterprise landscape is a crucial starting
point for designing effective ownership reforms. Clarity regarding the nature of SOEs’
objectives is also necessary to monitor and improve their performance.
These key findings can be summarised as follows:
State ownership is predominantly decentralised in the MENA region. Line
ministries often simultaneously undertake state ownership and regulatory
functions, leading to conflicts of interest and inefficiencies.
There is scope for further professionalisation of state ownership practices, for
example through the development of ownership policies or, at least, harmonised
corporate governance standards applicable to all SOEs.
Lack of transparency on the objectives, performance, governance and regulation
of SOEs limits the scope for MENA governments to monitor, and ultimately
improve, SOE performance.
Policy options
A group of interrelated policy options can be proposed to address the challenges facing
MENA governments as they seek to improve the performance and practices of state-
owned enterprises (Figure 5.7).
Figure 5.7. Main policy areas for informed state ownership practices
Structured
information on
the SOE
landscape
Clarity on the
Aggregate
roles of state
reports on SOEs'
ownership,
operations and
regulatory and
performance
audit bodies
International
standards and best
practice
Harmonised Well-defined
governance performance
standards for objectives for
the SOE sector SOEs
Data on SOEs'
financial and
non-financial
performance
Possible avenues for future work emerged during the preparation of this report, many of
them suggested by members of the Focus Group on State Ownership in MENA.
Monitoring developments and sharing good practices
In order to strengthen the performance, efficiency and governance of SOEs, MENA
policy makers might consider taking the following steps:
Seek and share advice on policy, institutional and legislative reforms that are
necessary for successful implementation of a centralised state ownership model,
including advice on how to sequence the reforms.
Identify good practice for the use of holding companies to improve corporate
governance and performance in SOEs. This could involve examining how state
holding companies that manage special economic zones balance their regulatory
and commercial (developer) roles.
Monitor developments in the listing of shares of SOEs on stock exchanges and
share related good practices. This could build on previous work by the OECD that
examined the national experiences of China, India, New Zealand, Poland and
Turkey in this domain (OECD, 2016).
Examine the role of state audit institutions in strengthening accountability for
state ownership in the region. Issues to investigate could include state audit
institutions’ degree of independence, their mandate and whether they have the
resources for effective performance auditing of the SOE sector.
Strengthening data on SOEs in MENA economies
In order to facilitate reform through greater transparency and disclosure of data about
state ownership, MENA policy makers might consider taking the following steps:
Collect high-quality and comprehensive data on the value, employment and legal
forms of all SOEs. This could potentially be undertaken with the support of the
MENA-OECD Working Group on Corporate Governance.
Add interested MENA economies to the OECD’s recurrent data collection on the
size and sectoral composition of SOEs (OECD, 2017), once they have collected
the relevant data.
Gather data on the ownership levels, sectoral distribution and value of MENA
governments’ listed shareholdings to shed light on this form of state involvement
in the corporate economy.
Explore the role of MENA SOEs in cross-border trade and investment, for
example their export orientation and performance, and discuss policy concerns
related to the internationalisation of SOEs. This could be carried out in
collaboration with the MENA-OECD Working Group on Trade and Investment,
and could build on OECD work on the issue (OECD, 2016).
The policy options for reform of state ownership that are presented in this chapter are
necessarily broad in scope to maintain their applicability at the regional level. Building on
this, it could be fruitful to develop country-specific options for reform.
The OECD undertakes reviews of national state ownership practices upon request. The
reviews result in recommendations to align national practices more closely with the
standards of the OECD SOE Guidelines. Examples are available here:
www.oecd.org/daf/ca/oecd-soe-reviews.htm.
Notes
1
This is based on an identification of government-owned companies in the 2017 edition of the
Fortune 500 list of the world’s largest companies, http://fortune.com/global500/list/. Of those 500
companies, about 20% are state-owned, most of which are domiciled in China.
2
The conclusion that most MENA economies have decentralised state ownership arrangements is
based on author judgment, drawing on a non-exhaustive online review and identification of the
ministries overseeing large, known SOEs in individual MENA economies (e.g. national postal
services operators, telecoms companies, oil and gas companies and national airlines and railways).
3
The Working Group on Restructuring State-Owned Enterprises in Iraq developed a roadmap for
SOE restructuring with the support of several international organisations (UNDP, UNIDO, World
Bank, OECD). The roadmap was approved by the Iraqi Council of Ministers in 2010. It notably
included plans for the full corporatisation of SOEs, but ultimately did not achieve its intended
outcomes.
4
Information on Morocco’s draft legislative proposal on SOE governance and financial control,
which was under consideration by the government as of early 2018, is available in French at:
www.sgg.gov.ma/portals/0/AvantProjet/115/Avp_Loi_gouvernance_Fr.pdf.
5
For more information on the planned partial listed of Enppi and Egypt’s IPO programme, see:
www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-06-15/egypt-expects-to-raise-up-to-150-million-from-
enppi-share-sale.
6
To simplify, the figure does not include a fifth ownership model, the “twin track” system, which
is not very commonly employed. To this spectrum of state ownership models could be added a
sub-category of “centralised with exceptions”, to reflect situations where almost all SOEs are
overseen by a central ministry.
7
The sectoral distribution of strategic SOEs in 16 MENA economies is adapted from OECD
(2013). A number of companies have been reclassified into different sectors in an attempt to use
the sectoral classification of the OECD dataset on the size and sectoral distribution of SOEs, the
results of which were published in OECD (2017). Some enterprises were added in April 2018,
based on feedback from the Focus Group on State Ownership in MENA.
8
It is not possible to undertake a reliable comparison of the sectoral distribution of SOEs in the
MENA region and OECD countries, given the lack of comprehensive, comparable data on MENA
SOEs. In the absence of such data, this text highlights some general trends.
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and Competitiveness?, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264202979-en.
OECD (2012), Towards New Arrangements for State Ownership in the Middle East and North Africa,
OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264169111-en.
Presidency of the Government, Republic of Tunisia (2018), Presidency of the Government Portal:
Search engine on public enterprises, www.pm.gov.tn/pm/entreprise/listetablissement.php?lang=en
(accessed on 14 May 2018).
Presidency of the Government, Republic of Tunisia, Economic Analysis Council (2016), National
Programme of Major Reforms 2016-2020 (Programme National des Réformes Majeures 2016-2020),
www.leaders.com.tn/uploads/FCK_files/Programme%20National%20des%20Re%CC%81formes%2
0Majeures-
%20Les%20propositions%20du%20CAE%20%20(version%20provisoire%2000)%20(1)(1)(1).pdf.
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Algeria Manadjim El Asmidal Banque de Algérie Télécom Naftal Agence nationale Algérie Poste Entreprise
Djazair Entreprise Nationale l’Agriculture et Sonelgaz d’études et de Algérienne des Nationale des
Office National des Industries de du suivi de la Eaux Matériels de
des Aliments du l’Électroménager Développement réalisation des Travaux
Bétail Entreprise Nationale Rural investissements Publics
Sonatrech des Industries Banque ferroviaires
Électroniques Extérieure Entreprise
Société Nationale des d’Algérie Nationale de
Véhicules Industriels Banque Transport
Nationale Maritime de
d’Algérie Voyageurs
Crédit Société Nationale
Populaire des Transports
d’Algérie Ferroviaires
Bahrain Bahrain Lube Aluminium Bahrain Al Ahli United Bahrain Bafco Gulf Air Bahrain
Base Oil Gulf Petrochemical Bank Telecommunications Banagas Tourism
Company Industry Company National Bank Company Company
Bahrain National of Bahrain
Gas Expansion Securities and
Company Investment
Bapco Company
Tatweer
Petroleum
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Egypt Egyptian General Chemical Industries Bank of Nilesat Egyptian Electricity Egypt Air Egypt Post Misr Real Enppi
Petroleum Holding Company Alexandria Telecom Egypt Holding Company Egyptian National Holding Company Estate Assets (Engineering
Corporation Misr Spinning and Banque du Vodaphone Egypt GASCO (Egyptian Railways for Water and for the
Weaving Caire Natural Gas Suez Canal Wastewater Petroleum &
Banque Misr Company) Authority Process
Misr Insurance Industries)
Holding
Company
National Bank
of Egypt
Iraq Central Electronic Industrial National Iraq Telecommunica State Company for Iraq Public State State
Petroleum Company Insurance tons Electrical Industries Railways Organisation Organisation
Enterprise National Chemical Company Iraqi Broadcasting State Organisation for Iraqi Airways for Building for Roads and
Iraqi Cement and Plastic Company Rasheed Bank and Television Electricity State Company of Bridges
State Enterprise National Company for Establishment Iraq Ports
Iraqi National Oil Food Industries
Company
State Company
for Oil Projects
State
Establishment for
Oil Refining and
Gas Processing
State
Organisation for
Agricultural
Mechanisation
and Agricultural
Supplies
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Jordan Arab Potash Jordan Telecom NEPCO (National Royal Jordanian
Jordan Group Electric Power Airlines
Phosphates Company)
Mining Company
Kuwait Kuwait Petroleum Kuwait Cement Al Ahli Bank of Mobile Al Soor Fuel Kuwait Airlines
Company Kuwait Telecommunications Marketing Company Livestock
Gulf Bank Company (Zain) Transport and
Kuwait Finance National Mobile Trading Company
House Telecommunications
Company
Lebanon La Régie des Tabacs Intra Alpha Électricité du Liban Beirut, Tripoli, Four water Elyssar Casino du
et Tombacs Investment Ogero Sidon, and Tyre authorities Linord Liban
company ports Rashid
Middle East Karami
Airlines International
Fair
Sport City
Centre
Libya National Oil Gumhouria Afriqiyah Airways
Corporation Bank Libyan Airlines
Libyan Foreign
Bank
Wahda Bank
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Morocco Office Chérifien Crédit Agricole Maroc Telecom (The Office National Autoroutes du Poste Maroc Compagnie
des Phosphates du Maroc Société nationale de de l’Electricité, Maroc Office National de Générale
Office National Crédit radiodiffusion et de previously included in Office National l’Électricité et de Immobilière1
des Immobilier et télévision this category, was des Chemins de l’Eau Potable
Hydrocarbures et Hôtelier merged with the Fer
des mines Office National de Royal Air Maroc
l’Eau Potable in 2011
and is included in the
“other utilities”
category)
Oman Oman Oil Oman Cement Bank Dhofar Oman Electricity Holding Oman Air Oman Post
Company Company Bank Sohar Telecommunications Company
Oman Petroleum Raysut Cement National Bank Company Oman Gas Company
Development Company of Oman Oman LNG
ORPIC (Oman Oil
Refineries and
Petroleum
Industries
Company)
Qatar Qatar Petroleum Industries Qatar Al Khalij Qatar Telecom Qatar Electricity and Qatar Airways Q-Post Barwa Real Gulf
Commercial Water Company Estate International
Bank Qatargas Company Services
Masraf Al
Rayan
Qatar National
Bank
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Saudi Rabigh Refining National Al Khalij Saudi Telecom National Gas and Saudi Public Saudi Post Saudi Real
Arabia and Industrialisation Commercial Industrialisation Transport Estate
Petrochemical Company Bank Company Company Company
Company National Al Rajhi Bank Saudi Electricity Saudi Railways
Saudi Arabian Petrochemical Alinma Bank Company Organization
Mining Company Company Banque Saudi National Shipping
SABIC Francis Company of Saudi
Saudi Arabian Riyadh Bank Arabia
Fertilizer Company SABB
Saudi Industrial Samba
Investment Group Financial
Saudi International Group
Petrochemical Saudi
Company Investment
Saudi Kayan Bank
Petrochemical Company for
Company Co-operative
Southern Province Insurance
Cement Company
Yanbu National
Petrochemical
Company
Syria Al Furat Agriculture Syrian Telecom Chemins de Fer
Petroleum Co-operative Syriens
Company Bank Syrian Arab
Syrian Petroleum Commercial Airlines
Company Bank of Syria
Industrial Bank
Popular Credit
Bank
Real Estate
Bank
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
Tunisia Compagnie des El Fouladh (Société Banque de Tunisie Télécom Société Nationale de Compagnie des La Poste Société La Pharmacie
Phosphates de Tunisienne de Financement Distribution des Transports par Tunisienne Nationale Centrale de
Gafsa Sidérurgie) des Petites et Pétroles Pipelines au Office National de Immobilière Tunisie
Compagnie Groupe Chimique Moyennes Société Tunisienne Sahara l’Assainissement de Tunisie Société
Tunisienne de Tunisien Entreprises de l’Électricité et du Compagnie Société Nationale Générale
Forage Manufacture des Banque de Gaz Tunisienne de d’Exploitation et d’Entreprises
Entreprise Tabacs de Kairouan l’Habitat Société Tunisienne Navigation de Distribution de Matériel et
Tunisienne Régie des Alcools Banque de l’Électricité et du Société de des Eaux de Travaux
d’actitivés Régie Nationale des Nationale Gaz Transports des Société
Pétroliers Tabacs et des Agricole Hydrocarbures par Promosport
Office des Allumettes Compagnie Pipelines Société
Céréales Société des Ciments Tunisienne Société des Tunisienne
Office des Terres d’Oum El Kélil pour Transports de des Marchés
Domaniales Société des Ciments l’Assurance du Tunis de Gros
Société de Bézirte Commerce Société des
Tunisienne Société des Industries Extérieur Transports du
d’Aviculture Pharmaceutiques de Société Sahel
Société Tunisie Tunisienne Société des
Tunisienne des d’Assurances Travaux
Industries de et de Ferroviaires
Raffinages Réassurances Société Nationale
Société des Chemins de
Tunisienne de Fers Tunisiens
Banque Société Nationale
du Transport Inter-
Urbain
Tunis Air
Tunisie
Autoroutes
Other
Country Primary sectors Manufacturing Finance Telecoms Electricity and gas Transportation Other utilities Real estate
activities
United Abu Dhabi Abu Dhabi Ship Dubai Holding Emirates Integrated Abu Dhabi Water and Dubai Ports Emirates Post Emaar Arkan Building
Arab National Oil Building Company Abu Dhabi Telecommunications Electricity Company Dubai Public Properties Materials
Emirates Company Dubai Cable Commercial Etisalat Dubai Electricity and Transport Agency Nakheel Company
(includes Emarat (Emirates Company (Ducab) Bank Water Authority Emirates National
sub- General Dubai Aluminum Abu Dhabi Empower Energy Etihad Corporation
national Petroleum (Dubal) National Solutions4 Fly Dubai for Tourism
entities)2 Corporation) Emirates Aluminium Insurance Sharjah Electricity and Hotels
Roads and
Emirates National (Emal) Company and Water Authority Transport
Oil Company Commercial TAQA (Abu Dhabi Authority
Bank of Dubai National Energy Sharjah Transport
Dubai Islamic Company)
Bank
Emirates
Investment
Authority3
Emirates NBD
First Abu Dhabi
Bank
Mubadala
Investment
Company
Tamweel
Union National
Bank
Yemen General CAC Bank Teleyemen Yemen Public Yemenia Yemen Post
Company for Oil, Yemen Bank Electricity
Gas and Mineral for
Resources Reconstruction
and
Development
Notes: The sectoral classification of entities has been updated to align with the methodology used in the OECD’s recurrent SOE data collection exercise (OECD, 2017). For UAE, some enterprises held at the sub-national level of government (by individual states) are included in the
inventory of strategic SOEs, while for the other countries only enterprises held by the central level of government are included.
1
The Moroccan authorities report that the Compagnie Générale Immobilière is a medium-sized enterprise of no strategic importance operating in a highly competitive sector.
2
The sectoral classification of entities has been updated to align with the methodology used in the OECD’s recurrent SOE data collection exercise (OECD, 2017). For UAE, some enterprises held at the sub-national level of government (by individual states) are included in the
inventory of strategic SOEs, while for the other countries only enterprises held by the central level of government are included.
3
Emirates Investment Authority is the sovereign wealth fund of the United Arab Emirates and therefore could be classified as a state ownership entity, rather than as an SOE.
4
Empower provides cooling solutions to buildings and is owned jointly by the Dubai Electricity and Water Authority (DEWA) and the Dubai Technology and Media Free Zone (Tecom).
Source: Adapted from OECD (2013), State-Owned Enterprises in the Middle East and North Africa: Engines of Development and Competitiveness? http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264202979-en, with updates provided by Focus Group members as of May 2018.
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