Unit 10
Unit 10
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Concept of Power in International Relations
10.2.1 Types of Power: ‘Hard’ and ‘Soft’ Power
10.2.2 Global, Regional and Sub-regional Powers
10.3 Polarity in International System
10.3.1 Unipolar System
10.3.2 Bipolar System
10.3.3 Multipolar System
10.4 Post-Cold War Period and the Emergence of New Centres of Power
10.4.1 China
10.4.2 Russia
10.4.3 India
10.4.4 BRICS
10.4.5 European Union
10.5 Let Us Sum Up
10.6 References
10.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
10.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit would enable you to understand:
Various definitions and discourses on the concept of Power in International
Relations
Types and levels of Power and the concept of Polarity in International system
and
Characteristics of emerging centres of Power
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Power in International Relations (IR) is related to the power of a state in terms of
influencing the actions and policies of other states. A state’s ability to influence
can be drawn from its socio-cultural, political, economic and military capabilities.
A powerful state can influence, control the political environment, events, issues
and interactions between the states at international level. A powerful state can
also resist, dominate, maintain status quo of any kind of consequences,
complications, implications for itself which may be the result of the interactions
between other states. Realists argue that the primary objective of a state in
international relations is to acquire that power, one, to influence the actions of
other states according to its wish; two, to resist any negative implications of
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Dr. Om Prasad Gadde, Dept. of Political Science, School of Social Sciences & Humanities,
132 Sikkim University
these interactions for itself; and finally, to successfully project its own power Emerging Centres of Power
and influence far and wide beyond its geographic region. Likewise, a regional
power is one who can make a difference to regional peace and stability on the
basis of its similar power capabilities. Based on the ability of states to influence
the actions and policies of other states, and the spheres of influence, powerful
states can be categorised into global powers, regional powers and sub-regional
powers. The nature of influence can be classified into ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ powers. If
the power is distributed among many states in international system it can be
called a multipolar system; and if there are only two states which can influence,
it is regarded as bipolar system. If there is only one hegemonic power which
dominates over the world, then it is a unipoar world.
There are basically two types of power, ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ which are used by the
great power to influence the behaviour of other states. What is ’hard’ power and
what is ‘soft’ power? Let us discuss and analyze.
‘Hard’ power: ‘Hard’ power is the capability to influence the behaviour and
actions of other states with the use, or threat of use, of military and economic
means. The exercise of ‘hard’ power is aggressive and coercive and is often used
to forcefully mend the policies of other states according to the interests of the
‘hard’ power. The results of exercise of ‘hard’ power are often immediate; or can
be seen in a very short time. A state’s emergence as a ‘hard’ power requires
economic development coupled with military might. It requires huge investments
in infrastructure, manufacturing, military, technological and innovation sectors
and a steady GDP growth rate. A ‘hard’ power effectively uses advances in these
sectors for its own national interest. The use of ‘hard’ power goes along with
risks both at economy and military fronts and a state which aspires to be a ‘hard’
power has to bear these risks. The premier example of a ‘hard’ power is United
States of America. Its intervention in Iraq in 1991 and 2003 and its ‘global war
on terrorism’ (GWOT) can be cited as illustrations of ‘hard’ power capability.
‘Hard’ power goes along with risks to the economy and the military; America is
engaged in its longest war in Afghanistan without a definite military or political
victory. Some countries like Japan and Germany can be called as economic
powers but not ‘hard’ powers because they lack the military ability and outreach
to influence other states like the United States.
‘Soft’ power: What does ‘soft’ power mean? In contrasts with ‘hard’ power
which is heavily relied on coercive methods, ‘soft’ power can influence other
states with the use of culture, movies, values, ethics, social, ethnic, linguistic,
historical and human relations. ‘Soft’ power can also use lobbying as a tool to
influence foreign policies of other states. Diaspora can play an important role in
this kind of influence. The ‘soft’ power concept was proposed by Joseph Nye
who argued that a country can achieve its interests by influencing the policies of
other countries through ‘soft’ tools like culture. Thus the ‘soft’ power depends
on its abilities to gain results through ‘soft’ tools and not ‘hard’ tools. Though the
‘soft’ power influence may not be as immediate and effective as ‘hard’ power, it
can nevertheless play an important role in shaping the public opinion and
developing a positive environment among the interacting states. The example of
a ‘soft’ power is India which has the ability to influence the policies, perceptions,
perspectives of other states through its historical and cultural background and a
wide diaspora. UN International Yoga Day, Bollywood, Indian philosophy and
diversity are deemed its ‘soft’ power. Football, Amazon rainforest etc. are the
134 ‘soft’ powers of Brazil. Canada is a ‘good’ international citizen; a trustworthy
‘mediator’ and a useful ‘go-between’ are its ‘soft’ power assets. US has immense Emerging Centres of Power
‘soft’ power – Hollywood, fashion, premier educational institutions and
universities, knowledge production and its research and development (R&D) in
the field of natural and human sciences etc.
Global Power: A global power exerts its influence at a global level; and is also
called by others as global power. A more commonly used expression is the ‘great’
power for these global powers. A great power possesses both ‘hard’ and ‘soft’
powers to influence other states in their domestic as well as foreign policy
decisions. Paul Kennedy (1987) argues that historically power of a ‘great’ power
cannot be compared on a single parameter. It depends on the political environment
of that period; and, further, the power can be measured in terms of the power of
other states. The characteristics of a ‘great’ power include the resources
availability, economic strength and military ability for a sustained campaign.
Kenneth Waltz opines that it is through mutual understanding that states decide
on who are the ‘great’ powers of a period (Waltz 1979, 131). Martin Wight in his
book Power Politics published in 1978, argues that a ‘great’ power is the one
with the ability to create, define and monopolise the international conflict. Though
Wight used the word ‘dominant power’ instead of ‘great’ power, his ‘dominant’
power does not deny the existence of other powers in the international system.
Regional Power: A regional power will have all the characteristics of a great
power, but confined to a particular region. It plays a very dominant role in
determining the issues of the region, guiding the economic activities of states,
playing a vital role in the intra-regional trade and security etc. It would have a
major share in regional production, population, skilled workforce, technological
advancements and investments. A regional power would also have a significant
influence on the cultural aspects of other states and will have all the ‘soft’ power
qualities. Thus the basic characteristics of a regional power includes: economic
indicators such as the major share in regional GDP, per capita income, per capita
production, per capita expenditure and regional trade. Military indicators include
modern and well-equipped armed forces which can reach out to major parts of
the region, ability to conduct wars, influence the internal security of neighbouring
countries in the region, and majority share in the military expenditure. Political 135
Developments in International indicators are like the ability to influence the internal political environment of
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other states, a stable domestic political environment, ability to lead and guide in
the regional policy matters, and ability to determine the inter-regional networks,
connectivities, contacts etc. A regional power can also play role of a cultural
hegemon in the sense that its own culture, media, social relations, outlook, music
and movies can play a dominant role in socio-cultural aspects of other states in
the region. In this sense its own diaspora plays a crucial role at socio-cultural
levels and also as a pressure group at political level. Analysts often describe
India and Brazil as examples of dominant regional powers.
Sub-regional Power: A sub-regional power can exercise its influence over its
neighbouring countries and at a relatively smaller regional level. It would have
its say in determining the sub-regional issues, can guide its neighbours in their
foreign policy options, dominates the trade and investments, posses much larger
military strength and enjoys relatively better political environment. A sub-regional
power aspires to be a major player at regional level and seeks to become a regional
player. The examples of sub-regions are Middle East, South Asia, East Asia,
Central Asia, East Africa, West Africa, South America, Central America and the
Caribbean region, etc.
The powers at the various levels work towards sustaining their position and as
well as to improve their position. For example, a great power would work to
sustain its position at global level, for which it adopts various strategies ranging
from providing assistance to imposing sanctions in order to make the countries
at global level to fall in line with its approaches and interests. Similarly the
regional power aspires to be a global power and a sub-regional power seeks to
achieve the position of a regional power. The position of these powers at various
levels depends on the political and other environments of that particular period.
A power of a particular time may not be enjoying the same position at later
periods of time; and thus there can be no permanent power hierarchy in
international system.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Discuss characteristics of various ‘types’ and ‘levels’ of powers in the
international system.
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Based on the above discussion and description, one finds that the post-Cold War
period has witnessed the emergence of new centres of power. These centres range
from nation-states to association of states to non-state actors. However there is
no conceptual clarity about the category called the ‘emerging power’. Taking
into account parametres like economic development, military capability, political
stability and cultural strength, BRICS countries of Brazil, Russia, India, China
and South Africa are generally described as ‘emerging’ powers or ‘emerging’
economies. Others such as Mexico, Indonesia etc. are not far behind being
similarly described. European Union as a single economic community is an
emerging centre of power; it is a member of G-20 and also finds representation
at various other multilateral platforms. Others, such as Japan, Germany, France,
UK remain as great powers in their own domain. US continued to be described
as the sole superpower or global hegemon.
10.4.1 China
China is world’s most populous country with an estimated population of about
1.4 billion and with an area of about 9,600,000 square kilometres; it is one of the
world’s biggest countries. According to World Economic Outlook published by
International Monetary Fund, it’s GDP is about 14 thousand billion US dollars
which is about 16 percent of world’s GDP. China adopted centrally planned and
closed economy along Marxist-Leninist-Maoist philosophy. During the rule of
various leaders like Deng Xiaoping’s since the 1980s, reforms were introduced
which slowly and steadily transformed China’s economy. Soon after, it became
an investment hub for manufacturing and infrastructure sectors. The
manufacturing sector grew phenomenally; so much so that China began to be
described as the ‘global factory’ of cheap and affordable manufactures for rest of
the world. Its economy is highly export competitive; and share of exports in the
GDP is quite high.
China also hosts largest number of armed forces, spends second highest amount
on its military defence after the USA; and has emerged as a military power in the
Asian region. In order to play a key role in adjacent regions, it is expanding its
military presence. The claims on islands in South China Sea, its military base in
Djibouti in the horn of Africa, increased naval presence in Indian Ocean are the
examples of its effort for military outreach. China has adopted ‘String of Pearls’
strategy in Indian Ocean. By building ports, which bear strategic importance,
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Developments in International China wants to have effective control over the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). ‘String
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of Pearls’ extends from Chinese ports to Sudan Port in northern Africa, linking
Strait of Mandeb, the Strait of Malacca, Strait of Hormuz and Strait of Lombok.
As part of this strategy, it built strategic ports in Pakistan (Gwadar Port), Sri
Lanka (Hambantota), container shipping facility at Chittagong in Bangladesh,
Marao Atoll in the Maldives, and Somalia. These ports are being developed for
commercial, communication and strategic purposes.
10.4.2 Russia
After the end of Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union, Russia faced enormous
political and economic problems. It is the largest country in the world, spread in
about 17 million square kilometres, which accounts about 16 percent of
geographical area of the world across Asia and Europe. Russia is rich in natural
resources, and hosts about 30% of all the world’s natural resources with an
estimated value of about 75 trillion US dollars. Russia also owns second largest
armed forces in the world and largest nuclear weapons. According to SIPRI, it is
the fourth biggest military spenders in the world. It spends about 5.5 percent of
its GDP on armed forces. Russia is second biggest arms exporter after the USA.
It takes about 22 per cent of share in global arms exports. Russia is 11th largest
economy in the world and the second largest oil exporter after Saudi Arabia. It
accounts for about 11 per cent of global oil exports. Russia has the reserves of
about 175 billion tonnes of coal and produces 5th largest amount of coal in the
world. Many neighbouring regions including Europe import huge quantities of
natural gas from Russia. Russia has its military presence in many Central Asian
Republics like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and former Soviet allies like
Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Moldova. It has direct involvement in Syrian conflict
and took over Crimea from Ukraine.
10.4.3 India
India is the second most populated country in the world and also hosts highest
number of young population which can also be called as human capital. Census
of India 2011 recorded that India has about 30 per cent of working population in
its total population, which amounts to about 36 crores. According to IMF
estimates, it’s GDP is about 2.96 thousand billion US dollars which is
approximately 3.36 percent of world’s GDP. India adopted liberal economic
policies since 1991 and since then it is one of the fastest growing economies in
the world. India also receives highest amount of remittances from its overseas
working population. In 2018 it received about 68 billion US dollars as remittances.
India is a nuclear weapons power. It has the fourth largest strength of armed
forces in the world; and according to SIPRI spends about 2.5 percent of its GDP
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on armed forces. India is the largest importer of arms in the world. In between Emerging Centres of Power
2008 to 2017 the imports increased by 24 per cent. Russia is the largest exporter
of arms to India which accounts for about 62 per cent of its total imports followed
by USA and Israel. India imports about 12 per cent of total global arms imports.
As an emerging economy, India depends a lot on the safety and security of Sea
Lanes of Communications (SLOCs). A peaceful and rule based freedom of
navigation is necessary for its economic growth and security, in particular energy
secuirty. In strategic perspective, India is in the process of establishing patrolling,
surveillance radar systems in Madagascar, Maldives, Mauritius, a naval base in
Seychelles to protect its trade and strategic interests. It has close military relations
with Bhutan and Sri Lanka. It also initiated collaborations with Japan for the
Asia Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) aimed at forging strategic partnership to
connect Asian and African countries with development projects. In 2017 India
along with USA, Japan and Australia became part of Quadrilateral Security
Dialogue to address its concerns in Indian Ocean. India also launched ‘Act East’
Policy (erstwhile Look East Policy) to forge strong economic, trade and security
relations with neighbouring South East Asian countries. All these initiatives and
strengths make India an emerging power in Asia.
10.4.4 BRICS
In 2009 first ever summit meeting of the four fastest growing economies of that
time came took place in Yekaterinburg in Russia. The imperative of their coming
together was to push for a multipolar world order, reform of the international
governance mechanisms and institutions including the UN, IMF and World Bank,
and to make globalization a transparent, just and development-oriented process.
South Africa joined the BRIC grouping in 2011 making it BRICS - Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa. BRICS countries account for about 40 per cent of
global population, have a combined contribution of about 23% of the global
GDP and GDP in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms of around 32%. Fast
growing economies, the grouping maintains, despite slowdowns of recent years,
high growth rate – on average about 5 per cent.
Economic and financial cooperation among the member countries is the most
important activity of BRICS. For this purpose formation of New Development
Bank (NDB) or BRICS bank with an objective of financing infrastructure projects
and sustainable development in developing countries, and creation of Contingent
Reserves Arrangement (CRA) to assist countries during the situations of instability
in the balance of payments were initiated. These initiatives are seen as an
alternative arrangement to Western dominated World Bank and IMF. Both these
institutions are evidence of growing financial multipolarity and diffusion of
financial power away from the ‘West’ to the ‘Rest’. BRICS also provides platform
for the non-OECD countries to discuss global issues and negotiate actions
independent of existing global institutions. However it is not a political alliance
or a military pact; hence, BRICS is not a direct challenge to the US hegemony.
In a multipolarised world, BRICS can only be seen as another pole.
Individual countries within BRICS like Brazil, Russia, India and China have
their own strategic and national interests. There are also differences and disputes
among them; for example, India-China border dispute. India and China are
competing with each other on many issues in the region. Russia is seen as a
direct threat to Western interests. These countries have very different strategic 141
Developments in International interests and their national agendas are, most of time, competing with one another.
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BRICS is also an asymmetrical grouping; China is far bigger an economy than
rest of the BRICS combined. The other four BRICS also depend heavily on
trade with China and look for investment from China.
The end of Cold War marked end of bipolar system in International Relations
and paved the way for competition among aspiring states to emerge as independent
power centres. The phenomenon of globalisation opened gates for transfer of
investments, capital, and technology among states; and gave rise to a new strategic
outlook which focussed on greater economic and commercial exchanges based
on the principles of free trade. Accordingly competition among countries to
play a key role and to take a leadership position in regional and global matters to
enhance their respective national interests increased. The new opportunities
provided by the post-Cold War period gave rise to emergence of new centres of
power. ‘Emerging’ powers and ‘emerging’ economies came onto the global and
regional stages with leadership claims; European Union became an economic
and technological powerhouse, essential for an orderly global economic and
trade system. China raced to become the second largest economy with great
technological capability in Artificial Intelligence (AI), robotics, internet of things
etc. These emerging and rising powers seek power in the traditional meaning of
power – which is dominated by the military, economic and political power. The
new centres of power also possess ‘soft’ power resources and skills to play a role
in international relations. Thus, states like China, Russia, India and groupings
like BRICS and EU are significant centres of power of the post-Cold War world.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What do you mean by emerging centres of power?
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Emerging Centres of Power
10.5 LET US SUMUP
The above discussion has provided a conceptual understanding of Power in
International Relations; the capabilities and roles expected of a powerful state.
The Unit also discussed and described characteristics, types and levels of Power
in international system. It also discussed the developments of the post-Cold War
power; and the opportunities provided by these developments to the states which
aspired to become a power in their own right under the existing system. The Unit
has identified, based on the prevailing conditions, few states as emerging centres
of power. The states like China, Russia, India and collaborative arrangements
like BRICS and EU as emerging centres of power. Of course, as international
power dynamics continue to change, some new members could as well be added
to the list of emerging power centres.
10.6 REFERENCES
Chellaney, Brahma. (2010). Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India and
Japan. Noida: Harper Business Publications.
Dahl, Robert. (1957). The Concept of Power. New York: Bobbs-Merrill.
Gilpin, Robert. (1981). War and Change in International Politics. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Guttman, Robert J. (2011). Europe in the New Century: Visions of an Emerging
Superpower. Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kennedy, Paul. (1987). The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change
and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, New York: Vintage Books.
Keohane, Robert O; Joseph S Nye. (1977). Power and Interdependence: World
Politics in Transition. Boston : Little Brown.
Leonard, Mark. (2005). Why Europe Will Run the 21st Century. London: Fourth
Estate.
Margenthau, Hans J & Kenneth W Thomson. Politics Among Nations: The
Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Mc Graw Hill
Mearsheimer, John. (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York:
W.W. Norton & Company.
Moneteiro, Nuno P. Unrest assured: Why Unipolarity is not peaceful, International
Security. Vol 36 (3). Pp 9-40.
Nye Jr, Joseph. (2004). Soft Power: The Means To Success In World Politics.
Cambridge: Perseus Books.
Nye, Joseph. (1990). Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power.
New York: Basic Books.
Reid, T. R.. (2005). The United States of Europe: The New Superpower and the
End of American Supremacy. London: Penguin Books.
Waltz, Kenneth N. (1993).The Emerging Structure of International Politics, in
International Security. Vol. 18 (2), p. 50.
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Developments in International Waltz, Kenneth. N. (1979). Theory of international politics. Reading, Mass:
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Wight, Martin. (1978). Power Politics. London: Continuum.
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