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Collected Literature Material 11

The documents discuss the impact of hate speech in Pakistani political discourse, highlighting its role in undermining democracy and fostering intolerance. They also address the challenges of implementing fundamental rights as per the 1973 Constitution, particularly for marginalized groups, and the media's dual role in exposing rights violations while facing censorship. Additionally, the analysis of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) reveals its function as a tool for state censorship, limiting media freedom and undermining journalistic independence.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
17 views3 pages

Collected Literature Material 11

The documents discuss the impact of hate speech in Pakistani political discourse, highlighting its role in undermining democracy and fostering intolerance. They also address the challenges of implementing fundamental rights as per the 1973 Constitution, particularly for marginalized groups, and the media's dual role in exposing rights violations while facing censorship. Additionally, the analysis of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) reveals its function as a tool for state censorship, limiting media freedom and undermining journalistic independence.

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Extracted Material 57:

1. "Hate speech in political discourse often undermines democratic values and societal
cohesion, further polarizing the electorate and eroding trust in democratic institutions"
(Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 32).
2. "The use of derogatory terms and inflammatory rhetoric by political leaders from major
parties, including PML-N, PPP, and PTI, contributes significantly to a culture of
intolerance and hostility" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 35).

3. "Social media has amplified the impact of hate speech, allowing political leaders and
their supporters to disseminate divisive rhetoric on a massive scale, further entrenching
political polarization" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 34).

4. "Religious and nationalist rhetoric frequently employed in Pakistani political discourse


not only targets specific groups but also fuels tensions that undermine the principles of
inclusivity and democracy" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 36).

5. "Critical Discourse Analysis reveals that the vocabulary used by political leaders serves
to dehumanize opponents and frame them as existential threats, perpetuating a cycle of
hostility and antagonism" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 38).

6. "Efforts to address hate speech in political discourse should include educational


campaigns, regulatory measures, and a focus on promoting constructive deliberation
among political leaders and their supporters" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 39).

7. "The intertwining of religious, nationalist, and populist discourses in Pakistani politics


creates a complex narrative that is difficult to counter without a concerted effort to
separate these elements from political debates" (Anam & Ahmed, 2024, p. 38).

Reference

Anam, I., & Ahmed, H. N. (2024). Hate Speech in Pakistani Politics: A Critical Discourse
Analysis. Journal of Academic Research for Humanities, 4(3), 31–41. https://jar.bwo-
researches.com/index.php/jarh/article/view/513

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Extracted Material 58:


1. "The constitution of Pakistan 1973 provides the people of Pakistan basic rights, such as
the right to life, right against slavery, right to freedom, right to education, right to
freedom of religion, and many others. Articles 8 to 28 detail the guarantees of
fundamental rights provision in Pakistan" (Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1233).
2. "Fundamental rights as enshrined in the Constitution of Pakistan often face
implementation challenges, particularly in the context of marginalized groups such as
women and children" (Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1232).

3. "Media is the mirror of society and plays a critical role in highlighting violations of
fundamental rights. However, it can also create fluttering and play a negative role
regarding sensitive issues" (Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1233).

4. "The constitutional guarantees under Article 19, which pertain to freedom of expression,
are limited by public order, decency, or morality. These restrictions often leave room for
subjective interpretations and potential misuse" (Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1234).

5. "Dictatorial regimes in Pakistan have historically provided greater coverage of


fundamental rights violations in media, as compared to democratic periods. This raises
questions about the consistency and impartiality of media practices under varying
political contexts" (Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1237).

6. "The role of media in creating awareness about rights has evolved, but its potential
remains hindered by societal taboos, lack of press freedom, and political pressures"
(Shakoor et al., 2019, p. 1240).

Reference

Shakoor, A., Khan, A. W., & Shabir, G. (2019). Awareness of Fundamental Rights of Women
and Children in Leading Pakistani English and Urdu Newspapers in Democratic and Dictatorial
Regimes (2002-2013). Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences, 39(4), 1231–1244.

………………………………………………………………………………………………………

Extracted Material 59:

1. "The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) was established in 2002
to regulate electronic media in the country. However, it has been widely criticized for
serving as a tool for state censorship, suppressing dissenting voices and limiting media
freedom" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p. 843).
2. "PEMRA's regulatory practices often invoke vague terms such as 'anti-state' or 'immoral
content,' granting the authority broad discretion that has been exploited for political
purposes, leading to arbitrary enforcement of media laws" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p. 844).

3. "The controversial actions of PEMRA, such as the suspension of Geo News in 2014 for
airing critical content against the military, highlight the agency's role in undermining
journalistic freedom and fostering a culture of self-censorship" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p.
850).

4. "Case studies reveal that PEMRA's interventions, such as the fining of ARY News in
2017 for airing 'anti-judiciary' content, have consistently targeted media outlets critical of
state institutions, stifling freedom of expression" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p. 850).

5. "Comparative analysis shows that media regulators in democratic societies often operate
independently of government influence, providing a stark contrast to PEMRA's close ties
to state power and its role in controlling media narratives" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p. 851).

6. "The regulatory framework underpinning PEMRA, including the PEMRA Ordinance


2002 and the Electronic Media Code of Conduct 2015, empowers the authority to
penalize broadcasters for content deemed offensive, but these laws lack clear definitions
and are prone to abuse" (Moroojo et al., 2024, p. 845).

7. "Recommendations for reforming PEMRA include clarifying legal definitions, ensuring


the independence of the regulatory body, and establishing safeguards to protect
journalists and media outlets from retaliatory actions by the state" (Moroojo et al., 2024,
p. 853).

8. "The analysis underscores that while media regulation is necessary to prevent harmful
content, PEMRA's practices in Pakistan have often prioritized state control over
democratic principles, undermining the role of media as a watchdog" (Moroojo et al.,
2024, p. 852).

Reference

Moroojo, M. Y., Madni, M. A., & Shabbir, T. (2024). Censorship vs. Freedom of Speech:
Analyzing the Role of PEMRA in Regulating Pakistani Media. International Research Journal
of Management and Social Sciences, 5(2), 843–853. Retrieved from IRJMSS.

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