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 Chapter 10
America’s Economic Revolution

Multiple-Choice Questions
1. Between 1820 and 1840, the population of the United States
A. rapidly grew, in part due to improved public health.
B. saw the proportion of enslaved blacks to free whites increase.
C. increased at a slower rate than the populations of Europe.
D. remained relatively constant.
E. grew in spite of a very low birth rate in America.
Answer: A
Page: 255
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

2. Between 1800 and 1830, immigration to the United States

A. was the most significant factor in the nation’s population growth.
B. consisted mostly of people from southern Europe.
C. was at its peak for the century.
D. consisted mostly of people from Germany and Russia.
E. was not a significant contributor to the national population.
Answer: E
Page: 256
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

3. In 1860, the percentage of the population in free states living in towns (places of 2,500
people or more) or cities (8,000 or more) was
A. 7 percent.
B. 13 percent.
C. 26 percent.
D. 39 percent.
E. 42 percent.
Answer: C
Page: 256
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
4. In 1860, the percentage of the population in the South living in towns (places of 2,500 or
more) or cities (8,000 or more) was
A. 5 percent.
B. 10 percent.
C. 15 percent.
D. 20 percent.
E. 33 percent.
Answer: B
Page: 257
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

5. Which city did NOT owe its growth to the Great Lakes?
A. Milwaukee
B. Chicago
C. Cleveland
D. Cincinnati
E. Buffalo
Answer: D
Page: 257
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

6. Between 1840 and 1860, the overwhelming majority of immigrants who arrived in the United
States came from
A. Italy and Russia.
B. Ireland and Germany.
C. England and Russia.
D. England and Ireland.
E. Ireland and Italy.
Answer: B
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

7. The great majority of Irish immigrants settled in the

A. rural North.
B. western territories.
C. southern cities.
D. rural South.
E. eastern cities
Answer: E
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
8. Before 1860, compared to Irish immigrants, German immigrants to the United States
A. generally arrived with more money.
B. were less likely to migrate with entire families.
C. were more likely to remain in eastern cities.
D. came in greater numbers.
E. generally moved on to the Southeast.
Answer: A
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

9. Prior to 1860, hostility among native-born Americans toward immigrants was spurred, in
part, by
A. the refusal by immigrants to adapt to American culture.
B. fears of political radicalism.
C. the ability of immigrants to command high wages.
D. concerns that immigrants generally did not participate in politics.
E. the effect they had on the falling price of African slaves.
Answer: B
Page: 259, 262
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

10. The “Know-Nothing” movement was partially directed at reducing the influence of
A. Catholics.
B. abolitionists.
C. Democrats.
D. Jews.
E. free blacks.
Answer: A
Page: 262
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

11. After 1852, the “Know-Nothings” created a new political organization called the
A. Copperheads.
B. Republican Party.
C. Nativist Party.
D. Libertarian Party.
E. American Party.
Answer: E
Page: 262
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
12. Which of the following is true of the differences between canal and turnpike transportation?
A. Canal transportation was generally developed before turnpike transportation.
B. Canal construction was less expensive than turnpike construction.
C. Canal boats could haul vastly larger loads than could turnpike transports.
D. State governments gave little financial support to canal transportation.
E. Pennsylvania was the first to finance canal construction.
Answer: C
Page: 264
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

13. The Erie Canal was

A. limited to flat land.
B. built entirely by private investors.
C. built without either locks or gates.
D. a tremendous financial success.
E. a great boon to the growth of Philadelphia.
Answer: D
Page: 265
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

14. In the 1820s and 1830s, railroads

A. played a relatively small role in the nation’s transportation system.
B. standardized both the gauge of tracks and timetables.
C. saw their greatest development in the southern slave states.
D. became the dominant form of transportation in the nation.
E. had not yet been constructed in America.
Answer: A
Page: 265
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

15. Which of the following statements regarding American railroads in the 1850s is FALSE?
A. Railroads helped weaken the connection between the Northwest and the South.
B. Most railroad “trunk lines” were reduced or eliminated.
C. Long distance rail lines weakened the dependence of the West on the Mississippi River.
D. Chicago was the railroad center of the West.
E. Private investors provided nearly all the capital for rail development.
Answer: E
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
16. During the 1840s, advances in journalism included all of the following EXCEPT the
A. creation of a national cooperative news-gathering organization.
B. technological means to reproduce photographs in newsprint.
C. invention of the steam cylinder rotary press.
D. introduction of the telegraph system.
E. dramatic growth of mass-circulation newspapers.
Answer: B
Page: 267
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

17. Before the 1830s, American corporations could be chartered only by

A. an act of Congress.
B. presidential executive order.
C. state legislatures.
D. a public vote.
E. a state governor.
Answer: C
Page: 268
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

18. In the 1830s, limited liability laws were developed in the United States, which
A. protected the stockholders’ full investment in a company.
B. restricted the amount of capital a corporation could possess.
C. prevented a corporation from being dominated by a small group of stockholders.
D. protected corporations from liability lawsuits.
E. meant stockholders could not be charged with losses greater than their investment.
Answer: E
Page: 268
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

19. By 1860, factories in the United States

A. were concentrated in the Northeast.
B. produced goods whose total value greatly exceeded the nation’s agricultural output.
C. employed one-third of the nation’s manufacturing labor force.
D. were concentrated in the Northeast and employed one-third of the nation’s manufacturing
labor force.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: A
Page: 269
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

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No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
20. Before 1860, the development of machine tools by the United States government resulted in
the
A. turret lathe.
B. universal milling machine.
C. precision grinder.
D. turret lathe, universal milling machine, and precision grinder.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: D
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

21. By 1860, the energy for industrialization in the United States increasingly came from
A. water.
B. kerosene.
C. coal.
D. gasoline.
E. wood.
Answer: C
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

22. Most American industry remained wedded to the most traditional source of power, which
was
A. water.
B. kerosene.
C. coal.
D. gasoline.
E. wood.
Answer: A
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

23. In the 1820s and 1830s, the labor force for factory work in the United States
A. saw many skilled urban artisans move into factory jobs.
B. consisted mostly of European immigrants.
C. was reduced by dramatic improvements in agricultural production.
D. consisted mostly of European immigrants, saw many skilled urban artisans move into factory
jobs, and ultimately was reduced by dramatic improvements in agricultural production.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: E
Page: 270-271
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
24. American factory workers in early nineteenth-century textile mills largely consisted of
A. families and rural, single women.
B. single men.
C. unskilled urban workers.
D. young immigrants.
E. slaves.
Answer: A
Page: 270-271
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

25. When the Lowell factory system began,

A. craftsmen were part of the production system.
B. workers were fairly well paid and lived in supervised dormitories.
C. workers had few benefits outside of a set wage scale.
D. the workday ended when production quotas were met.
E. workers rarely stopped working in the mills until retirement.
Answer: B
Page: 271
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

26. As the factory system progressed into the 1840s,

A. wages rose, while working hours increased to ten hours.
B. female workers staged a successful strike for better living conditions.
C. the owners increasingly used immigrants as their labor force.
D. a paternalistic management system was developed.
E. many mill girls moved into management roles in the factory system.
Answer: C
Page: 276
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

27. In the 1840s, the dominant immigrant group in New England textile mills was the
A. Irish.
B. Germans.
C. English.
D. Italians.
E. Chinese.
Answer: A
Page: 278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

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28. As the immigrant labor force in New England textile mills grew in the 1840s,
A. the workday grew shorter and wages declined.
B. payment by piece rates replaced a daily wage.
C. women and children were more likely to earn more than men.
D. safety conditions began to improve.
E. the workday grew longer and wages increased.
Answer: B
Page: 277
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

29. The republican vision in the United States included the tradition of the
A. skilled artisan.
B. yeoman farmer.
C. industrial entrepreneur.
D. skilled artisan and the yeoman farmer.
E. yeoman farmer and the industrial entrepreneur.
Answer: D
Page: 277
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

30. The rise of the American factory system

A. complemented the nation’s traditional republican ideals.
B. resulted in a rise in the status of skilled artisans among consumers.
C. saw the government act to maintain the trades of skilled artisans.
D. led some northerners to advocate repealing abolition.
E. led to the creation of skilled workingmen’s craft societies.
Answer: E
Page: 277
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

31. The early union movement among skilled artisans

A. was weakened by the Panic of 1837.
B. was generally supported by state governments.
C. attempted to create one collective national trade union.
D. welcomed working women as members.
E. was strengthened by the influx of immigrant laborers.
Answer: A
Page: 278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

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No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
32. The Massachusetts court case of Commonwealth v. Hunt (1842) declared that
A. labor unions were lawful organizations.
B. labor strikes were illegal.
C. child labor laws were unconstitutional.
D. minimum wage laws were a restraint on trade.
E. unions must admit working women as members.
Answer: A
Page: 2878
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

33. All the following factors inhibited the growth of labor unions EXCEPT
A. the large number of immigrant workers.
B. the political strength of industrial capitalists.
C. ethnic divisions among workers.
D. the question of whether to include women members.
E. a lack of labor union size sufficient to stage successful strikes.
Answer: D
Page: 278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

34. The commercial and industrial growth in the United States prior to 1860 resulted in
A. increasing disparities in income between the rich and poor.
B. a significant rise in income for nearly all Americans.
C. decreasing disparities in income between the rich and poor.
D. a significant decrease in income for nearly all Americans.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: A
Page: 279
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

35. Prior to 1860, American urban society

A. considered the conspicuous display of wealth to be poor social behavior.
B. saw wealthy people move toward the outer edges of cities.
C. included a substantial number of destitute poor.
D. saw Irish immigrants have fewer rights than free blacks.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: C
Page: 280
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
36. In most parts of the North, before the Civil War, free blacks could
A. vote.
B. attend public schools.
C. use public services available to whites.
D. compete for menial jobs.
E. All these answers are correct.
Answer: D
Page: 280
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

37. Prior to 1860, class conflict in the United States

A. increased as most of the working class dropped down the economic ladder.
B. increased as the size of the middle class decreased.
C. was limited by a high degree of mobility within the working class.
D. decreased as immigration diversified society.
E. increased as a result of geographical mobility.
Answer: C
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

38. Prior to 1860, the fastest-growing segment in American society was the
A. slaves.
B. very poor.
C. middle class.
D. well-to-do.
E. very rich.
Answer: C
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

39. The growth of commerce and industry allowed more Americans the chance to become
prosperous without
A. a professional education.
B. producing a product or service.
C. owning land.
D. capital.
E. marrying.
Answer: C
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
40. Before 1860, American middle-class families
A. were typically renters.
B. rarely employed servants.
C. usually saw women holding part-time employment outside of the home.
D. became the most influential cultural form of urban America.
E. had to cook their meals over an open hearth.
Answer: D
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

41. Prior to 1860, perhaps the most significant invention for middle-class American homes was
the
A. cast-iron stove.
B. air conditioner.
C. icebox.
D. electric iron.
E. telegraph.
Answer: A
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

42. Early American Victorian homes were characterized by

A. spare and simple designs that emphasized natural light.
B. dark colors, and rooms crowded with heavy furniture.
C. small rooms, and a reduction in total living space.
D. all members of a family sharing one bedroom.
E. a lack of parlors and dining rooms.
Answer: B
Page: 282
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

43. Compared to 1800, in 1860 urban American families

A. had a rising birth rate.
B. were less likely to see their children leave home in search of work.
C. were less likely to see income earners work outside the home.
D. had a declining birth rate.
E. None of these answers is correct.
Answer: D
Page: 282
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
44. By 1860, as a result of the social expectations expressed in the “cult of domesticity,”
A. unmarried women were generally excluded from all income-earning activities.
B. women became increasingly isolated from the public world.
C. middle-class wives were given no special role in the family.
D. women who read books or magazines were likely to be criticized.
E. women increasingly became seen as contributors to the family economy.
Answer: B
Page: 286
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

45. All of the following statements regarding American leisure activities prior to 1860 are true
EXCEPT that
A. men gravitated to taverns for drinking, talking, and game-playing.
B. reading was a principle leisure activity among affluent Americans.
C. minstrel shows were increasingly popular.
D. popular tastes in public spectacle tended toward the bizarre and fantastic.
E. unpaid vacations were becoming common among the middle class.
Answer: E
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

46. In the 1840s, P. T. Barnum’s American Museum in New York showcased

A. nature and natural history.
B. American artists.
C. human oddities.
D. past American leaders and heroes.
E. European artists.
Answer: C
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

47. In 1860, the typical white male American of the Old Northwest (today’s Midwest) was
A. the owner of a family farm.
B. a marginal farmer.
C. a farmhand who did not own his own land.
D. an industrial worker.
E. an urban artisan.
Answer: A
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
48. For most American farmers, the 1840s and 1850s were a period of
A. economic decline, as more people moved to urban centers.
B. rising prosperity, due to increased world demand for farm products.
C. extreme economic highs and lows brought on by volatile changes in demand.
D. economic growth in the West but decline in the East.
E. increasing economic connections between the North and South.
Answer: B
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

49. The main staple crop of the Old Northwest (today’s Midwest) was
A. barley.
B. soy.
C. corn.
D. wheat.
E. cotton.
Answer: D
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

50. In the 1840s, John Deere introduced significant improvements to the

A. tractor.
B. thresher.
C. cotton gin.
D. reaper.
E. plow.
Answer: E
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

51. In the 1830s, Cyrus McCormick improved grain farming when he patented his
A. tractor.
B. thresher.
C. plow.
D. reaper.
E. mower.
Answer: D
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
52. Prior to 1860, the social institution that most bound together rural Americans was the
A. church.
B. tavern.
C. town hall.
D. grocery store.
E. schoolhouse.
Answer: A
Page: 290
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

True/False Questions
53. Immigration contributed little to the American population in the first three decades of the
nineteenth century.
Answer: True
Page: 256
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

54. Between 1840 and 1860, the South experienced a decline in its percentage of urban residents.
Answer: False
Page: 257
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

55. Much of the new pre-Civil War immigration went into the growing cities of the United
States.
Answer: True
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

56. The great majority of pre-Civil War immigrants came from Ireland and England.
Answer: False
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

57. Most of the pre-Civil War Irish and German immigrants who came to the United States did
so as families, as opposed to single men and women.
Answer: False
Page: 259
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
58. In the pre-Civil War period, turnpikes were regarded as an improvement over canals as a
means of transportation.
Answer: False
Page: 264
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

59. The Erie Canal was the greatest construction project Americans had ever undertaken.
Answer: True
Page: 264
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

60. Railroads played a relatively minor role in American transportation during the 1820s and
1830s.
Answer: True
Page: 265
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

61. The development of a railroad system weakened connections between the Northwest and the
South.
Answer: True
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

62. One of the first businesses to benefit from the telegraph was the railroads.
Answer: True
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

63. In 1844, Samuel Morse showed off his invention by telegraphing news of Zachary Taylor’s
nomination for the presidency over the wires from Baltimore to Washington.
Answer: False
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

64. Until the Civil War, newspapers relied on mail transported by train for the exchange of news.
Answer: False
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

65. By 1860, over half of the manufacturing establishments in the United States were located
west of the Mississippi River.
Answer: False
Page: 269
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
66. Many of the free blacks in the North were people who had been skilled crafts workers as
slaves and who bought or were given their freedom.
Answer: True
Page: 279
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

67. Given the rapid increase in population, recruiting a labor force was a fairly easy task in the
early years of the American factory system.
Answer: False
Page: 270
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

68. The need to supply the United States military helped spur new innovations in machine tools
and industry.
Answer: True
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

69. By 1860, the number of American inventions to receive patents reached nearly 2,000.
Answer: False
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

70. The transition from farm life to factory life for women in pre-Civil War America was
difficult at best and traumatic at worst.
Answer: True
Page: 271
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

71. The paternalistic nature of the Lowell factory system lasted through the Civil War.
Answer: False
Page: 276
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

72. Skilled craftsmen organized trade unions due to the rise of the “factory system.”
Answer: True
Page: 277-278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

73. Commonwealth v. Hunt was a Massachusetts Supreme Court case which declared that labor
unions were lawful organizations.
Answer: True
Page: 278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
74. Virtually all of the early craft unions excluded women, even though female workers were
numerous in almost every industry.
Answer: True
Page: 278
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

75. In most cities of the East prior to the Civil War, the income gap between rich and poor
gradually narrowed.
Answer: False
Page: 279
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

76. Despite contrasts between great wealth and great poverty, there was very little overt class
conflict in pre-Civil War America.
Answer: True
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

77. The fastest-growing group in America prior to the Civil War was the working poor.
Answer: False
Page: 281
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

78. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the American birth rate declined.
Answer: True
Page: 282
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

79. For most Americans in the nineteenth century, vacations were rare.
Answer: True
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

80. For most nineteenth-century urban Americans, leisure activities grew more varied.
Answer: True
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

81. The pre-Civil War “cult of domesticity” left women increasingly detached from the public
world.
Answer: True
Page: 286
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
82. Public lectures were one of the most popular forms of entertainment in America prior to the
Civil War.
Answer: True
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

83. As of the middle of the nineteenth century, the typical citizen of the Northwest was a poor,
marginal farmer.
Answer: False
Page: 289
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

84. Threshers appeared in large numbers after 1820, spurring much greater productivity in grain
production.
Answer: False
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

85. The Northwest considered itself the most democratic section of the country, but it was a
democracy based on a defense of economic freedom and the rights of property.
Answer: True
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

86. Pre-Civil War rural communities of the Northwest were usually populated by a diverse mix
of ethnic groups.
Answer: False
Page: 290
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

87. Prior to 1860, rural Americans had almost no contact with the rest of the world.
Answer: False
Page: 290
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

Fill-in-the-Blank Questions
88. In the early 1850s, a new political body called the American Party was created by a group
called the “________.”
Answer: Know-Nothings
Page: 262
Topic: Demographic Change and the Political Responses to Immigration

Copyright © 2015 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.

No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
89. The building of the ________, which began in 1817, was the greatest construction project the
United States had yet undertaken.
Answer: Erie Canal
Page: 264
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

90. The first railroad company actually to begin operations was the ________.
Answer: Baltimore and Ohio
Page: 265
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

91. By the mid-nineteenth century, the rail center of the West was ________.
Answer: Chicago
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

92. The primary assistance from the federal government to railroad companies came in the form
of ________.
Answer: public land grants
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

93. Samuel Morse invented the ________, which burst into American life in 1844.
Answer: telegraph
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

94. The first American cooperative news gathering organization was called the ________.
Answer: Associated Press
Page: 266
Topic: Major Innovations in Transportation and Communications

95. Corporate development was aided by laws permitting a system of ________ for individual
stockholders.
Answer: limited liability
Page: 268
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

96. The most profound economic development in mid-nineteenth-century America was the rise
of the ________.
Answer: factory
Page: 269
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

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97. The process for ________ rubber, treating it to give it greater strength and elasticity, was
discovered by Charles Goodyear.
Answer: vulcanizing
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

98. Elias Howe’s invention of the ________ required precision grinding machines to construct.
Answer: sewing machine
Page: 270
Topic: The Growth of Commerce and Industry

99. The recruitment of young women to work and live in a factory setting was called the
________ or Waltham system.
Answer: Lowell
Page: 271
Topic: The Changing Industrial Workforce

100. Elaborate rooms with lush dark colors and heavy furniture and drapes were characteristic of
the ________ era.
Answer: Victorian
Page: 282
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

101. In New York City, the construction of ________, which began in the 1850s, resulted from
the desire of residents to make the city as important as London or Paris.
Answer: Central Park
Page: 280
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

102. An increasingly popular form of entertainment was the ________, in which white actors
mimicked (and ridiculed) African American culture.
Answer: minstrel show
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

103. The American Museum that showcased human oddities was opened by ________.
Answer: P. T. Barnum
Page: 287
Topic: The Effects of the Industrial Revolution and Factory System

104. The ________ was invented by McCormick, while the machine thresher was invented by
Case.
Answer: automatic reaper
Page: 289
Topic: Northern Agriculture Changes

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Exploring the Variety of Random
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until the hostile vessels entered Virginia waters to disembark the
invading force was General Nelson sent to watch the enemy and call
out the local militia of the adjacent vicinity; and not until news came
that the British were on their way up the James River did the
Governor summon the militia of the neighboring counties. The Royal
soldiers reached Richmond on January 4, 1781, without opposition;
there Arnold burned some military factories and munitions, and
returned down the river. John Marshall hastened to the point of
danger, and was one of the small American force that ambushed the
British some distance below Westover, but that scattered in panic at
the first fire of the invaders.[472]
Jefferson's conduct at this time and especially during the
subsequent invasion of the State has given an unhappy and
undeserved coloring to his personal character.[473] It all but led to
his impeachment by the Virginia Legislature;[474] and to this day his
biographers are needlessly explanatory and apologetic in regard to
this phase of his career. These incidents confirmed the unfortunate
impressions of Jefferson which Marshall and nearly all the Virginia
officers and soldiers had formed at Valley Forge. Very few of them
afterward changed their unfavorable opinion.[475]
It was his experience, then, on the march, in camp, and on the
battlefield, that taught John Marshall the primary lesson of the
necessity of efficient government. Also his military life developed his
real temperament, which was essentially conservative. He had gone
into the army, as he himself declared, with "wild and enthusiastic
notions,"[476] unlike those of the true Marshall. It did not occur to
this fighting Virginia youth when, responding to Patrick Henry's call,
he marched southward under the coiled-rattlesnake flag inscribed
"Don't tread on me," that anything was needed except to drive the
oppressor into the sea. A glorious, vague "liberty" would do the rest,
thought the stripling backwoods "shirtman," as indeed almost all of
those who favored the patriot cause seemed to think.[477]
 And when in blue and buff, as an officer of the Continental army,
he joined Washington, the boyish Virginia lieutenant was still a
frontier individualist, though of the moderate type. But four years of
fighting and suffering showed him that, without a strong and
practical government, democracy cannot solve its giant problems
and orderly liberty cannot live. The ramshackle Revolutionary
establishment was, he found, no government at all. Hundreds of
instances of its incredible dissensions and criminal inefficiency faced
him throughout these four terrible years; and Marshall has recorded
many of them.
Not only did each State do as it pleased, as we have seen, but
these pompous sovereignties actually interfered in direct and fatal
fashion with the Continental army itself. For example, when the
soldiers of the line from one State happened to be in another State,
the civil power of the latter often "attempted to interfere and to
discharge them, notwithstanding the fact that they were not even
citizens of that State."[478] The mutiny of underfed, poorly clothed,
unpaid troops, even in the State lines; the yielding of Congress to
their demands, which, though just in themselves, it was perilous to
grant on compulsion;[479] the discontent of the people caused by
the forcible State seizure of supplies,—a seizure which a strong
National Government could not have surpassed in harshness,[480]—
were still other illustrations of the absolute need of an efficient
central power. A few "judicious patriots" did urge the strengthening
of National authority, but, writes Marshall, they were helpless to
"correct that fatal disposition of power [by States and Congress]
which had been made by enthusiasm uninstructed by experience."
[481] Time and again Marshall describes the utter absence of civil
and military correlations and the fearful results he had felt and
witnessed while a Revolutionary officer.
Thus it is that, in his service as a soldier in the War for our
Independence, we find the fountain-head of John Marshall's National
thinking. And every succeeding circumstance of his swift-moving and
dramatic life made plainer and clearer the lesson taught him on red
battlefield and in fetid camp. No one can really understand
Marshall's part in the building of the American Nation without going
back to these sources. For, like all living things, Marshall's
constructive opinions were not made; they grew. They were not the
exclusive result of reasoning; they were the fruit of an intense and
vivid human experience working upon a mind and character
naturally cautious, constructive, and inclined to order and authority.

FOOTNOTES:
[355] It appears that, throughout the Revolution,
Pennsylvania's metropolis was noted for its luxury. An American
soldier wrote in 1779: "Philada. may answer very well for a man
with his pockets well lined, whose pursuit is idleness and
dissipation. But to us who are not in the first predicament, and
who are not upon the latter errand, it is intolerable.... A morning
visit, a dinner at 5 o'clock—Tea at 8 or 9—supper and up all night
is the round die in diem.... We have advanced as far in luxury in
the third year of our Indepeny. as the old musty Republics of
Greece and Rome did in twice as many hundreds." (Tilghman to
McHenry, Jan. 25, 1799; Steiner, 25.)

[356] Trevelyan, iv, 279.

[357] Ib., 280.

[358] Ib.

[359] The influence of Margaret Shippen in causing Arnold's

treason is now questioned by some. (See Avery, vi, 243-49.)

[360] Trevelyan, iv, 281-82.

[361] Ib., 278-80.

[362] Ib., 268-69; also Marshall, i, 215. The German

countrymen, however, were loyal to the patriot cause. The
Moravians at Bethlehem, though their religion forbade them from
bearing arms, in another way served as effectually as
Washington's soldiers. (See Trevelyan, iv, 298-99.)

[363] Trevelyan, iv, 290.

[364] The huts were fourteen by sixteen feet, and twelve

soldiers occupied each hut. (Sparks, 245.)

[365] "The men were literally naked [Feb. 1] some of them in

the fullest extent of the word." (Von Steuben, as quoted in Kapp,
118.)

[366] Hist. Mag., v, 170.

[367] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;

Writings: Ford, vi, 260.

[368] Marshall, i, 213.

[369] Ib., 215.

[370] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;

Writings: Ford, vi, 258.

[371] "The poor soldiers were half naked, and had been half
starved, having been compelled, for weeks, to subsist on simple
flour alone and this too in a land almost literally flowing with milk
and honey." (Watson's description after visiting the camp,
Watson, 63.)

[372] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 341.

[373] Hist. Mag., v, 131.

[374] Ib.

[375] Ib., 132.

[376] Hist. Mag., v, 132-33.

[377] Hist. Mag., v, 131-32.

[378] Trevelyan, iv, 297.

[379] Ib. For putrid condition of the camp in March and April,
1778, see Weedon, 254-55 and 288-89.
 [380] Trevelyan, iv, 298.

[381] Ib.

[382] Personal narrative; Shreve, Mag. Amer. Hist., Sept., 1897,

568.

[383] Trevelyan, iv, 298.

[384] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 22, 1777;

Writings: Ford, vi, 253.

[385] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777; ib.,

257.

[386] General Varnum to General Greene, Feb. 12, 1778,

Washington MSS., Lib. Cong., no. 21. No wonder the desertions
were so great. It was not only starvation and death but the
hunger-crazed soldiers "had daily temptations thrown out to them
of the most alluring nature," by the British and Loyalists.
(Chastellux, translator's note to 51.)

[387] Marshall, i, 227.

[388] Ib.

[389] Hist. Mag., v, 132. This is, probably, an exaggeration. The

British were extremely harsh, however, as is proved by the
undenied testimony of eye-witnesses and admittedly authentic
documentary evidence. For their treatment of American prisoners
see Dandridge: American Prisoners of the Revolution, a
trustworthy compilation of sources. For other outrages see Clark's
Diary, Proc., N.J. Hist. Soc., vii, 96; Moore's Diary, ii, 183. For the
Griswold affair see Niles: Principles and Acts of the Revolution,
143-44. For transportation of captured Americans to Africa and
Asia see Franklin's letter to Lord Stormont, April 2, 1777;
Franklin's Writings: Smyth, vii, 36-38; also Moore's Diary, i, 476.
For the murder of Jenny M'Crea see Marshall, i, 200, note 9,
Appendix, 25; and Moore's Diary, i, 476; see also Miner: History
of Wyoming, 222-36; and British officer's letter to Countess of
Ossory, Sept. 1, 1777; Pa. Mag. Hist. and Biog., i, footnote to
289; and Jefferson to Governor of Detroit, July 22, 1779; Cal. Va.
St. Prs., i, 321. For general statement see Marshall (1st ed.), iii,
59. These are but a few of the many similar sources that might
be cited.

[390] Trevelyan, iv, 299.

[391] Marshall, i, 227.

[392] John Marshall's father was also at Valley Forge during the
first weeks of the encampment and was often Field Officer of the
Day. (Weedon.) About the middle of January he left for Virginia to
take command of the newly raised State Artillery Regiment.
(Memorial of Thomas Marshall; supra.) John Marshall's oldest
brother, Thomas Marshall, Jr., seventeen years of age, was
commissioned captain in a Virginia State Regiment at this time.
(Heitman, 285.) Thus all the male members of the Marshall
family, old enough to bear arms, were officers in the War of the
Revolution. This important fact demonstrates the careful military
training given his sons by Thomas Marshall before 1775—a period
when comparatively few believed that war was probable.

[393] This was the common lot; Washington told Congress

that, of the thousands of his men at Valley Forge, "few men have
more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one and some none
at all." (Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;
Writings: Ford, vi, 260.)

[394] Slaughter, 107-08.

[395] Howe, 266.

[396] Slaughter, 108.

[397] Weedon, 134; also, Heitman, 285.

[398] Ib.

[399] Description of Marshall at Valley Forge by eye-witness, in

North American Review (1828), xxvi, 8.

[400] Ninth Virginia. (Heitman, 72.)

[401] North American Review (1828), xxvi, 8.

[402] Weedon, Feb. 8, 1778, 226-27. Washington took the

severest measures to keep officers from associating with private
soldiers.

[403] Ib., 227-28.

[404] Ib., Jan. 5, 1778; 180.

[405] See Washington's affecting appeal to the soldiers at

Valley Forge to keep up their spirits and courage. (Weedon, March
1, 1778, 245-46.)

[406] Channing, ii, 559.

[407] See Rush's anonymous letter to Henry and the

correspondence between Henry and Washington concerning the
cabal. (Henry, i, 544-51.)

[408] Marshall, i, 217.

[409] Trevelyan, iv, 301.

[410] Ib., 303-04.

[411] "The idea that any one Man Alone can save us is too silly
for any Body but such weak Men as Duché to harbor for a
Moment." (Adams to Rush, Feb. 8, 1778; Old Family Letters, 11;
and see Lodge: Washington, i, 208; also Wallace, chap. ix.)

[412] Sparks, 252; and Marshall, i, 218.

[413] Washington to President of Congress, Dec. 23, 1777;

Writings: Ford, vi, 257-65. And see Washington's comprehensive
plans for the reorganization of the entire military service.
(Washington to Committee of Congress, Jan. 28, 1778; ib., 300-
51.)

[414] Hist. Mag., v, 131.

[415] On April 10, 1778, Ædanus Burke of South Carolina broke

a quorum and defied Congress. (Secret Journals of Congress,
April 10, 11, 24, 25, 1778, i, 62; and see Hatch, 21.)

[416] Trevelyan, iv, 291-92.

[417] Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778; Writings: Ford,

vii, 297-98.
 [418] Ib.

[419] At this period and long after a State was referred to as

"the country."

[420] Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778; Writings: Ford,

vii, 297-98.

[421] Until after Jefferson's Presidency, our statesmen often

spoke of our "empire." Jefferson used the term frequently.

[422] Washington to Harrison, Dec. 18, 1778; Writings: Ford,

vii, 301-02.

[423] "My estate is a large one ... to wit upwards of ten

thousand acres of valuable land on the navigable parts of the
James river and two hundred negroes and not a shilling out of it
is or ever was under any incumbrance for debt." (Jefferson to Van
Staphorst and Hubbard, Feb. 28, 1790; Works: Ford, vi, 33.) At
the time of Valley Forge Jefferson's estate was much greater, for
he had sold a great deal of land since 1776. (See Jefferson to
Lewis, July 29, 1787; ib., v, 311.)

[424] Jefferson to Pendleton, July, 1776; ib., ii, 219-20.

[425] Jefferson's Autobiography; Works: Ford, i, 57.

[426] Tucker, i, 92 et seq.; Randall, i, 199 et seq.; Works: Ford,

ii, 310, 323, 324.

[427] Bloodshed, however, Jefferson thought necessary. See

infra, vol. II, chap. I.

[428] See vol. II of this work.

[429] Jefferson's Autobiography; Works: Ford, i, 79.

[430] Burnaby to Washington, April 9, 1788; Cor. Rev.: Sparks,

ii, 100-02. Washington sent no written answer to Burnaby.

[431] See infra.

[432] Washington to Banister, April 21, 1778; Writings: Ford, vi,

477-87. In thus trying to arouse Congress to a sense of duty,
Washington exaggerates the patience of his troops. They
complained bitterly; many officers resigned and privates deserted
in large numbers. (See supra.)

[433] Ib.

[434] Thayer, 12. For camp sports, see Waldo's poem, Hist.
Mag., vii, 272-74.

[435] Lossing, ii, 595, et seq.

[436] Marshall, i, 230. And see Hatch's clear account of the

training given by this officer (63). To the work of Von Steuben
was due the excellent discipline under fire at Monmouth. And see
Kapp, already cited; and Bolton, 132. Even Belcher says that our
debt to Von Steuben is as great as that to Lafayette. (Belcher, ii,
14.)

[437] Washington to President of Congress, April 30, 1778;

Writings: Ford, vi, 507, and footnote to 505-06. And see
Channing, iii, 292.

[438] See Channing, iii, 286, 288; and Marshall, i, 235, 236.

[439] Marshall, i, 237.

[440] Sparks, 267; and Moore's Diary, i, 48-50.

[441] Washington to McDougall, May 5, 1778; Writings: Ford,

vii, 6. Washington was advised of the treaty with the French King
before it was formally presented to Congress.

[442] Description by Major André, who took part in this

amazing performance, reprinted in American Historical and
Literary Curiosities, following plate 26. And see Moore's Diary, ii,
52-56.

[443] Trevelyan, iv, 376.

[444] Marshall, i, 252.

[445] Marshall speaks of "one thousand select men" under

Wayne; Maxwell's division was with Wayne under Lee; Marshall
was in the battle, and it seems certain that he was among
Wayne's "select men" as on former and later occasions.
 [446] Marshall, i, 252.

[447] Lafayette to Marshall; Marshall, i, footnote to 255.

[448] Marshall, i, 254-59.

[449] For descriptions of the battle of Monmouth see

Washington to President of Congress, July 1, 1778; Writings:
Ford, vii, 76-86; and to John Augustine Washington, July 4, 1778;
ib., 89-92. Also Marshall, i, 251-56; Trevelyan, iv, 376-80; Irving,
iii, 423-34; Sparks, 272-78; Lossing, ii, 354-65.

[450] Marshall, i, 251-56.

[451] Ib., 257.

[452] Ib., 257-58.

[453] Girardin follows Marshall in his fair treatment of Lee.

(Burk, iv, 290.)

[454] He was promoted July 1, 1778. (Heitman, 285.)

[455] The whole patriot army everywhere, except in the

extreme south and west, now numbered only sixteen thousand
men. (Marshall, i, 306-07.)

[456] The fullest and most accurate account of the capture of

Stony Point, and conditions immediately preceding, is given by
Dawson in his Assault on Stony Point.

[457] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 315-16. The care in the selection of

the various commands of "light infantry," so often used by
Washington after the first year of the war, is well illustrated by his
orders in this case. "The officers commanding regiments," runs
Washington's orders, "will be particularly careful in the choice of
the men.... The Adjutant General is desired to pass the men ...
under critical inspection, and return all who on any account shall
appear unfit for this kind of service to their regiments, to be
replaced by others whom he shall approve." (Washington's Order
Book, iii, 110-11; MS., Lib. Cong.)

[458] Washington to Wayne (Private and Confidential), July 1,

1779; Dawson, 18-19.
 [459] Dawson, 20. Wayne's demand for sustenance and
clothing, however, is amusing. "The Light Corps under my
Command," writes Wayne, "... have had but two days fresh
Provision ... nor more than three days allowance of Rum in twelve
days, which article I borrowed from Genl McDougall with a
Promise to Replace it. I owe him Seventy five Gallons—must
therefore desire you to forward three Hodds [hogsheads] of Rum
to this place with all possible Dispatch together with a few fat
sheep & ten Head of good Cattle." (Wayne to Issuing
Commissary, July 9, 1779; ib., 20-21.)
Wayne wrote to Washington concerning clothing: "I have an
[word illegible] Prejudice in favor of an Elegant Uniform &
Soldierly Appearance—... I would much rathar risque my life and
Reputation at the Head of the same men in an Attack Clothed &
Appointed as I could wish—with a Single Charge of Ammunition—
than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds
of Cartridges." (Dawson, 20-21.)
Washington wrote in reply: "I agree perfectly with you." (Ib.,
21.)

[460] Marshall, i, 310.

[461] Wayne's order of battle was as picturesque as it was

specific. Officer and private were directed "to fix a Piece of White
paper in the most Conspicuous part of his Hat or Cap ... their
Arms unloaded placing their whole Dependence on the Bayt.... If
any Soldier presumes to take his Musket from his Shoulder or
Attempt to fire or begin the battle until Ordered by his proper
Officer he shall be Instantly put to death by the Officer next
him.... Should any Soldier ... attempt to Retreat one Single foot or
Sculk in the face of danger, the Officer next to him is Immediately
to put him to death." (Ib., 35-38.)

[462] Wayne to Delaney, July 15, 1779; Dawson, 46-47.

[463] The generous and even kindly treatment which the

Americans accorded the vanquished British is in striking contrast
with the latter's treatment of Americans under similar
circumstances. When the fort was taken, the British cried, "Mercy,
mercy, dear, dear Americans," and not a man was injured by the
victors after he ceased to resist. (Dawson, 53; and Marshall, i,
311.)

[464] The fort was captured so quickly that the detachment to

which Marshall was assigned had no opportunity to advance.

[465] Marshall, i, 314.

[466] Ib., 314-16.

[467] The rolls show Marshall in active service as captain until

December 9, 1779. (Records, War Dept.) He retired from the
service February 12, 1781. (Heitman, 285.)

[468] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290. There often were more officers
of a State line than there were men to be officered; this was
caused by expiring enlistments of regiments.

[469] Tucker, i, 136.

[470] Marshall, i, 418.

[471] Ib., 139.

[472] Marshall, i, 419; Binney, in Dillon, iii, 290.

[473] Even the frightened Virginia women were ashamed.

"Such terror and confusion you have no idea of. Governor,
Council, everybody scampering.... How dreadful the idea of an
enemy passing through such a country as ours committing
enormities that fill the mind with horror and returning exultantly
without meeting one impediment to discourage them." (Eliza
Ambler to Mildred Smith, 1781 MS. Also Atlantic Monthly, lxxxiv,
538-39.) Miss Ambler was amused, too, it seems. She humorously
describes a boastful man's precipitate flight and adds: "But this is
not more laughable than the accounts we have of our illustrious
G-[overno]-r [Jefferson] who, they say, took neither rest nor food
for man or horse till he reached C-[arte]-r's mountain." (Ib.) This
letter, as it appears in the Atlantic Monthly, differs slightly from
the manuscript, which has been followed in this note.
These letters were written while the laughing young Tarleton
was riding after the flying Virginia Government, of which Eliza
Ambler's father was a part. They throw peculiar light on the
opinions of Marshall, who at that time was in love with this lady's
sister, whom he married two years later. (See infra, chap. v.)

[474] An inquiry into Jefferson's conduct was formally moved in

the Virginia Legislature. But the matter was not pressed and the
next year the Legislature passed a resolution of thanks for
Jefferson's "impartial, upright, and attentive Administration." (See
Eckenrode's thorough treatment of the subject in his Revolution
in Virginia, chap. vii. And see Tucker, i, 149-56, for able defense
of Jefferson; and Dodd, 63-64; also Ambler, 37.)

[475] Monroe, Bland, and Grayson are the only conspicuous

exceptions.

[476] Story, in Dillon, iii, 338.

[477] This prevalent idea is well stated in one of Mrs.

Carrington's unpublished letters. "What sacrifice would not an
American, or Virginian (even) at the earliest age have made for
so desireable an end—young as I was [twelve years old when the
war began] the Word Liberty so continually sounding in my ears
seemed to convey an idea of everything that was desirable on
earth—true that in attaining it, I was to see every present comfort
abandoned; a charming home where peace and prosperous
fortune afforded all the elegancies of life, where nature and art
united to render our residence delightful, where my ancestors had
acquired wealth, and where my parents looked forward to days of
ease and comfort, all this was to be given up; but in infancy the
love of change is so predominant that we lose sight of
consequences and are willing to relinquish present good for the
sake of novelty, this was particularly the case with me." (Mrs.
Carrington to her sister Nancy, March, 1809; MS.; and see infra,
chap. VIII.)

[478] Marshall, i, 355-65.

[479] Ib., 422-24.

[480] Ib., 425.

[481] Marshall, i, 425.

 CHAPTER V
MARRIAGE AND LAW BEGINNINGS
 He was always and under all circumstances an enthusiast in love. (Mrs. Carrington, of Marshall's devotion
to his wife.)

It was upon a night of gentle gayety in the late winter or early spring of 1779-80 that
Captain John Marshall first met Mary Ambler. When he went back to Virginia to take
charge of troops yet to be raised, he visited his father, then commanding at the village of
Yorktown.[482] More than a year had gone by since Colonel Marshall had left his son at
Valley Forge. On this visit befell the most important circumstance of John Marshall's
private life. While he was waiting for his new command, an event came to pass which
relieved his impatience to prolong still further his four years of active warfare and
inspired him to improve this period of enforced absence from the front, by preparing
himself for his chosen profession.
Jacquelin Ambler had been one of Yorktown's wealthiest men, and his house was called
a "mansion." But the war had ruined him financially;[483] and the year 1780 found the
Ambler family dwelling in humble quarters. "The small retired tenement" to which
reduced circumstances forced him to take his invalid wife and young children stood next
door to the headquarters of Colonel Thomas Marshall. The Ambler family was under
Colonel Marshall's protection, for the father's duties as State Councillor kept him at
Williamsburg.[484] But the reverse of Jacquelin Ambler's fortunes did not make this little
house less attractive than his "mansion" had been.
The unusual charm of his daughters rendered that modest abode very popular. Indeed,
this quality of pleasing seems to have been a common possession of the Ambler family,
and has become historic. It was this very Jacquelin Ambler for whom Rebecca Burwell
threw over Thomas Jefferson. This Virginia belle was the love of Jefferson's youth. She
was the "Campana in die,"[485] "Belinda," "Adnileb," and "R. B." of Jefferson's letters.[486]
But Rebecca Burwell preferred Jacquelin Ambler and became his wife.[487] The Ambler
daughters inherited from both mother and father that beauty, grace, and goodness which
gave them their extraordinary personal appeal.
During John Marshall's visit to his father the young ladies of Yorktown saw to it that a
"ball" was given. All the officers had been invited, of course; but none of them aroused
such interest as did Captain John Marshall of the Eleventh Virginia Regiment of the line.
The fame of this young soldier, fresh from the war, was very bright in Virginia. His
name was on the lips of all the fair attendants of the dance. They were in a quiver of
expectancy at the prospect of meeting the gallant captain who had fought under the
great Washington and who had proved himself a hero at Brandywine and Germantown,
at Valley Forge and Monmouth.
Years afterwards, Eliza, the eldest of the Ambler daughters, described the event in a
letter full of color written to her sister. "We had been accustomed to hear him [Marshall]
spoken of by all as a very paragon," writes Mrs. Carrington, "we had often seen letters
from him fraught with filial and paternal affection. The eldest of fifteen children, devoted
from his earliest years to his younger brothers and sisters, he was almost idolized by
them, and every line received from him was read with rapture."[488]
"Our expectations were raised to the highest pitch," writes the elder sister, "and the
little circle of York was on tiptoe on his arrival. Our girls particularly were emulous who
should be first introduced"; but Mary Ambler, then only fourteen years old, and very
diffident and retiring, astonished her sister and friends by telling them that "we were
giving ourselves useless trouble; for that she, for the first time, had made up her mind to
go to the ball, though she had not even been at dancing school, and was resolved to set
her cap at him and eclipse us all."[489]
Great was their disappointment when finally Captain Marshall arrived. His ungainly
dress, slouch hat, and rustic bearing instantly quenched their enthusiasm.[490] They had
looked forward to seeing a handsome, romantic figure, brilliantly appareled, and a master
of all the pleasing graces; instead they beheld a tall, loose-jointed young man, thin to
gauntness, whose clothes were hanging about him as if upon a rack, and whose manners
were awkward and timid to the point of embarrassment. No game was he for Cupid's
bow, thought these belles of old Yorktown.
"I, expecting an Adonis, lost all desire of becoming agreeable in his eyes when I beheld
his awkward figure, unpolished manners, and total negligence of person";[491] thus
writes Eliza Ambler of the impression made upon her by the young soldier's disheveled
aspect and unimpressive deportment. But Mary Ambler stuck to her purpose, and when
John Marshall was presented to her, both fell in love at first sight. Thus began a lifelong
romance which, in tenderness, exaltation, and constancy is unsurpassed in the chronicle
of historic affections.
It was no longer alone the veneration for a father that kept the son in Yorktown. Day
followed day, and still the gallant captain tarried. The unfavorable first judgment gave
way to appreciation. He soon became a favorite at every house in the village.[492] His gift
of popularity was as great, it seems, among women as among men; and at the domestic
fireside as well as in the armed camp. Everybody liked John Marshall. There was a quality
in him that inspired confidence. Those who at first had been so disappointed in his dress
and manners soon forgot both in his wholesome charm. They found him delightfully
companionable.[493] Here was preëminently a social being, they discovered. He liked
people, and wanted people to like him. He was full of fun and hearty laughter; and his
rare good sense and sheer manliness furnished solid foundation to his lighter qualities.
 PAGE OF A LETTER FROM JOHN MARSHALL TO HIS WIFE
DESCRIBING THEIR COURTSHIP DATED AT WASHINGTON,
FEBRUARY 23, 1824
(Facsimile)
So every door in Yorktown was thrown open to Captain John Marshall. But in Jacquelin
Ambler's house was the lodestone which drew him. April had come and the time of
blossoming. On mellow afternoons, or by candlelight when the sun had set, the young
lover spent as much time as the proprieties would permit with Mary Ambler, telling her of
the war, no doubt; and, as her sister informs us, reading poetry by the hour.[494] Through
it all he made love as hard as he could. He wooed as ardently and steadily as he had
fought.[495]
 The young lover fascinated the entire Ambler family. "Under the slouched hat," testifies
Mary Ambler's sister, "there beamed an eye that penetrated at one glance the inmost
recesses of the human character; and beneath the slovenly garb there dwelt a heart
complete with every virtue. From the moment he loved my sister he became truly a
brother to me.... Our whole family became attached to him, and though there was then
no certainty of his becoming allied to us, we felt a love for him that can never cease....
There was no circumstance, however trivial, in which we were concerned, that was not
his care."
He would "read to us from the best authors, particularly the Poets, with so much taste
and feeling, and pathos too, as to give me an idea of their sublimity, which I should never
have had an idea of. Thus did he lose no opportunity of blending improvement with our
amusements, and thereby gave us a taste for books which probably we might never
otherwise have had."[496]
The time had come when John Marshall must acquire a definite station in civil life. This
was especially necessary if he was to take a wife; and married he would be, he had
decided, whenever Mary Ambler should be old enough and would consent. He followed
his parents' wishes[497] and began his preparation for the bar. He told his sweetheart of
his purpose, of course, and her family "learned [of it] with pleasure."[498] William and
Mary College, "the only public seminary of learning in the State,"[499] was only twelve
miles from Yorktown; and there the young officer attended the law lectures of George
Wythe for perhaps six weeks[500]—a time so short that, in the opinion of the students,
"those who finish this Study [law] in a few months, either have strong natural parts or
else they know little about it."[501] Recalling a criticism of one of Marshall's "envious
contemporaries" some years later, Mrs. Carrington says: "Allusion was made to his short
stay at William and Mary, and that he could have gained little there."[502]
It is said also that Marshall took a course in philosophy under President Madison, then
the head of the little college and afterwards Bishop of Virginia; but this is unlikely, for
while the soldier-student took careful notes of Wythe's lectures, there is not a word in his
notebook[503] concerning any other college activity. The faculty consisted of five
professors.[504] The college was all but deserted at that time and closed entirely the year
after John Marshall's flying attendance.[505]
Although before the Revolution "the Necessary Expence of each Scholar yearly ... [was]
only 15 £ Currency,"[506] one of Marshall's fellow students testifies that: "The amazing
depreciation of our Currency has raised the price of Every Article so enormously that I
despair'd of my Father's ability to support me here another year.... Board & entring under
two Professors amounts to 4000wt of Tobacco."[507]
The intercourse of students and faculty was extremely democratic. There was a
"college table" at which the students took their meals. According to the college laws of
that time, beer, toddy, and spirits and water might be served, if desired.[508] The
students were not required to wear either coats or shoes if the weather was warm.[509]
 At a later period the students boarded at private houses in the town.[510] Jefferson,
who, several years before Marshall's short attendance, was a student at William and
Mary, describes the college and another public building as "rude, mis-shapen piles, which,
but that they have roofs, would be taken for brick-kilns."[511] Chastellux, however,
declares that "the beauty of the edifice is surpassed [only] by the richness of its library
and that still farther, by the distinguished merit of several of the professors," and he
describes the college as "a noble establishment ... which does honour to Virginia."[512]
The youths attending William and Mary during Marshall's brief sojourn were disgusted
by the indifference of the people of the vicinity toward the patriot cause. "The want of
Men, Money, Provisions, & still more of Public Virtue & Patriotism is universal—a
melancholy Lethargick disposition pervades all Ranks in this part of the Country, they
appear as if determined to struggle no more, but to 'stand still & see what the Lord will
do for them,'" wrote John Brown in July, 1780.[513]
Mr. Wythe, the professor of law, was the life of the little institution in this ebbing period
of war-time. He established "a Moot Court, held monthly or oftener ... Mr. Wythe & the
other professors sit as Judges. Our Audience consists of the most respectable of the
Citizens, before whom we plead our Causes, given out by Mr. Wythe Lawyer like I assure
you." The law professor also "form'd us into a Legislative Body, Consisting of about 40
members." Wythe constituted himself Speaker of these seedling lawmakers and took "all
possible pains to instruct us in the Rules of Parliament." These nascent Solons of old
William and Mary drew original bills, revised existing laws, debated, amended, and went
through all the performances of a legislative body.[514]
The parent chapter of the Phi Beta Kappa Society had been instituted at the college;
and to this Marshall was immediately elected. "At a meeting of the Society the 18 of May,
1780, Capt. John Marshall being recommended as a gentleman who would make a
worthy member of this Society was balloted for & received."[515] This is an important
date; for it fixes with reasonable certainty the time of Marshall's entrance at William and
Mary. He was probably the oldest of all the students; his army service made him, by far,
the most interesting and notable; his extraordinary social qualities never failed to render
him popular. It is, therefore, certain that he was made a member of Phi Beta Kappa
without much delay. He probably entered college about May 1.[516]
At once we find the new member appointed on the society's debating team. Two
students were selected to "declaim" the question and two to "argue" it.
"Mr. Cabell & Mr. Peyton Short appointed to declaim the Question whether any form of
government is more favorable to our new virtue than the Commonwealth.
"Mr. Joseph Cabell and Mr. Marshall to argue the same. An adjournment. William Short
President.

"At a meeting in course Saturday June ye 3rd, 1780, Mr. President leaving ye chair with
Mr. Fitzhugh to ye same. Mr. Wm Cabell according to order delivered his declamation on ye
question given out. Mr. Peyton Short, being unprepared, was silent on ye occasion. Mr.
Marshall, a gentleman not immediately interested, argued ye Question."[517]
But it was not debating on which John Marshall was intent, nor any other college
duties. He had hard work, it appears, to keep his mind on the learned words that fell
from the lips of Mr. Wythe; for on the inside cover and opposite page of the book in
which he made notes of Wythe's law lectures,[518] we find in John Marshall's handwriting
the words, "Miss Maria Ambler"; and again "Miss M. Ambler"; and still again, this time
upside down, "Miss M. Ambler—J. Marshall"; and "John Marshall, Miss Polly Am."; and
"John, Maria"; and "John Marshall, Miss Maria"; and "Molly Ambler"; and below this once
more, "Miss M. Ambler"; on the corner of the page where the notes of the first lecture
are recorded is again inscribed in large, bold letters the magic word, "Ambler."[519]
Jacquelin Ambler had been made Treasurer of State, and, early in June, 1780, the
family removed from Yorktown to Richmond, stopping for a day or two in Williamsburg.
While there "a ball was ... given ... by certain gentlemen in compliment ... 'to the Misses
Amblers.'" Eliza Ambler describes the incidents of this social event. The affair was "simple
and frugal as to its viands," she writes, "but of the brilliancy of the company too much
cannot be said; it consisted of more Beauty and Elegance than I had ever witnessed
before.... I was transported with delight." Yet she could not "treat ... the prime mover in
this civility with common good manners.... His more successful friend Marshall, was
devoted to my sister."[520]
This "ball" ended John Marshall's college studies; the lure of Mary Ambler was greater
than that of learning to the none too studious captain. The abrupt ending[521] of the
notes he was making of Mr. Wythe's lectures, in the midst of the course, otherwise so
inexplicable, was caused by her two days' sojourn in the college town. Forthwith he
followed to Richmond, where, for two weeks he gayly played the part of the head of the
family (acted "Pa," as Marshall quaintly expresses it), apparently in Jacquelin Ambler's
absence.[522]
Although he had scarcely begun his studies at William and Mary; although his previous
instruction by professional teachers was meager and fragmentary; and although his
father could well afford the small expense of maintaining him at Williamsburg long
enough for him to secure at least a moderate education, John Marshall never returned to
college.[523] No more lectures of Professor Wythe for the young lover. He would begin his
professional career at once and make ready for the supreme event that filled all his
thoughts. So while in Richmond he secured a license to practice law. Jefferson was then
Governor, and it was he who signed the license to the youth who was to become his
greatest antagonist. Marshall then went to Fauquier County, and there, on August 28,
1780, was admitted to the bar. "John Marshall, Gent., produced a license from his
Excellency the Governor to practice law and took the oaths prescribed by act of
Assembly," runs the entry in the record.[524]
He waited for the recruiting of the new troops he was to command, and held himself in
readiness to take the field, as indeed he rushed to do without orders when Arnold's
invasion came. But the new troops never were raised and Marshall finally left the service.
"I continued in the army until the year 1781," he tells us, "when, being without a
command, I resigned my commission in the interval between the invasion of Virginia by
Arnold and Phillips."[525]
During this season of inaction he resolved to be inoculated against the smallpox. This
was another effect which falling in love had on the young soldier; for he could, had he
wished, have had this done more than once while with Washington's army.[526] He would
now risk his health no longer. But the laws of Virginia made the new method of treating
smallpox almost impossible.[527] So away on foot[528] went John Marshall to Philadelphia
to be made proof against this disfiguring malady.
According to Marshall's own account, he covered the ground at an amazing pace,
averaging thirty-five miles a day; but when he arrived, so disreputable did he appear that
the tavern refused to take him in.[529] Long-bearded and slovenly clothed, with battered
hat and uncouth manners, he gave the unfavorable first impression which the same
causes so often produced throughout his life. This is not to be wondered at, for, writing
twenty years afterward, when Marshall as Chief Justice was at the height of his career,
his sister-in-law testifies that his "total negligence of person ... often produced a blush on
her [Marshall's wife's] cheek."[530] But he finally secured lodgings, was inoculated, and,
made secure from the attacks of the dreaded scourge, back he fared to Virginia and Mary
Ambler.
And Marshall made love as he made war, with all his might. A very hurricane of a lover
he must have been; for many years afterward he declared to his wife's sister that "he
looked with astonishment at the present race of lovers, so totally unlike what he had
been himself."[531] In a touching letter to his wife, written almost half a century later,
Marshall thus recalls the incidents of his courtship:—
"I begin with the ball at York, and with the dinner on the fish at your house the next
day: I then retrace my visit to York, our splendid assembly at the Palace[532] in
Williamsburg, my visit to Richmond where I acted Pa for a fortnight, my return the
ensuing fall and the very welcome reception you gave me on your arrival from Dover, our
little tiffs & makings up, my feelings while Major Dick[533] was courting you, my trip to
the cottage,[534] the lock of hair, my visit again to Richmond the ensuing fall, and all the
thousand indescribable but deeply affecting instances of your affection or coldness which
constituted for a time the happiness or misery of my life and will always be recollected
with a degree of interest which can never be lost while recollection remains."[535]
When he left the army in 1781, Marshall, although a member of the bar, found no legal
business to do.[536] He probably alternated between the Oak Hill plantation in Fauquier
County, where his help was sadly needed, and Richmond, where the supreme attraction
drew him. Thus another year wore on. In this interval John Marshall engaged in politics,
as was the custom of young gentlemen of standing and ambition; and in the fall of 1782
was elected to the House of Delegates from Fauquier County.[537] This honor was a
material help, not only in his career, but in his suit for the hand of Mary Ambler.
 Also, membership in the Legislature required him to be, where his heart was, in
Richmond, and not two months had John Marshall been in the Capital as a member of
Virginia's Legislature when he was married. "In January [3d] 1783," writes Marshall, "I
intermarried with Mary Willis Ambler, the second daughter of Mr. Jacquelin Ambler, then
Treasurer of Virginia, who was the third son of Mr. Richard Ambler, a gentleman who had
migrated from England, and settled at York Town, in Virginia."[538]
The Ambler abode in Richmond was not a romantic place for the wedding. The
primitive town was so small that when the Ambler family reached it Eliza exclaimed,
"where we are to lay our weary heads Heaven knows!" And she describes the house her
father rented as "a little dwelling" so small that "our whole family can scarcely stand up
altogether in it"; but Jacquelin Ambler took it because, poor as it was, it was "the only
decent tenement on the hill."[539]
The elder Ambler sister thus pictures the Richmond of 1780: "This little town is made
up of Scotch factors who inhabit small tenements scattered here and there from the river
to the hill. Some of them look, as Colonel [Thomas] Marshall has observed, as if the poor
Caledonians had brought them over on their backs, the weakest of whom being glad
enough to stop at the bottom of the hill, others a little stronger proceeding higher, whilst
a few of the stoutest and the boldest reached the summit."[540] Eight years after the
Amblers moved to Richmond, Jefferson wrote: "The town below Shockoe creek is so
deserted you cannot get a person to live in a house there rent free."[541]
But Mary's cousin, John Ambler, who, at twenty-one years of age, found himself "one
of the richest men in the State of Virginia,"[542] solved the difficulty by offering his
country seat for the wedding.[543] Mary Ambler was only seventeen when she became
the young lawyer's bride,[544] and John Marshall was a little more than ten years older.
After the bridegroom had paid the minister his fee, "he had but one solitary guinea left."
[545]

This does not mean that John Marshall was without resources, but it indicates the
scarcity of ready money in Virginia at the close of the war. Indeed, Marshall's father, while
not yet the wealthy man he afterwards became,[546] had, as we have seen, already
acquired very considerable property. He owned at this time at least two thousand acres in
Fauquier County;[547] and twenty-two negroes, nine of them tithable (sixteen years old),
twelve horses, and twenty-two head of cattle.[548]
When John Marshall married Miss Ambler, his father gave him one negro and three
horses.[549] The following year (1784) the Tithable Book shows but five tithable negroes,
eight young negroes, eight horses, and eighteen head of cattle in Thomas Marshall's
name. He evidently sold his other slaves and personal property or took them with him to
Kentucky. So it is likely that the slaves, horses, and cattle left behind were given to his
son, together with a part of Thomas Marshall's Fauquier County farm.[550]
During the Revolution Thomas Marshall was, like most other Continental officers, in
sore need of money. He tried to sell his land to Washington for cash. Washington was
anxious to buy "Lands in my own Neck at (almost) any price ... in ye way of Barter ... for
Negroes ... or ... for any thing else (except Breeding Mares and Stock)." But he could not
pay money. He estimated, by memory, Thomas Marshall's land at £3000, at a time when,
because of depreciated money and inflated prices, "a Barrl. of Corn which used to sell for
10/ will now fetch 40—when a Barl. of Porke that formerly could be had for £3 sells for
£15." So Washington in 1778 thought that "Marshall is not a necessitous man." When it
came to trading, the father of his country was keen and suspicious, and he feared, it
would seem, that his boyhood friend and comrade in arms would "practice every
deception in his power in order to work me ... up to his price."[551]
Soon after John Marshall met Mary Ambler at the "ball" at Yorktown, and just before he
went to William and Mary College, his father sold this very land that Washington had
refused to purchase. On March 28, 1780, Thomas Marshall conveyed to Major Thomas
Massey [Massie] one thousand acres in Fauquier County for "thirty thousand pounds
Currency."[552] This was a part of the seventeen hundred acres for which the elder
Marshall had paid "nine hundred and twelve pounds ten shillings" seven years before.
[553] The change shows the startling depreciation of Virginia currency as well as
Continental paper, both of which in 1780 had reached a very low point and were rapidly
going down.[554]
 Mary Ambler Marshall
It reveals, too, the Marshall family's extreme need of cash, a want sorely felt by nearly
everybody at this period; and the familiar fact that ownership of land did not mean the
ready command of money. The year after John Marshall's marriage he wrote to James
Monroe: "I do not know what to say to your scheme of selling out. If you can execute it
you will have made a very capital sum, if you can retain your lands you will be poor
during life unless you remove to the western country, but you have secured for posterity
an immense fortune"; and Marshall tells Monroe that the latter can avail himself of the
knowledge of Kentucky lands possessed by the members of the Marshall family who were
on the ground.[555]
Writing twenty years later of economic conditions during the period now under review,
Marshall says: "Real property was scarcely vendible; and sales of any article for ready
money could be made only at a ruinous loss.... In every quarter were found those who
asserted it to be impossible for the people to pay their public or private debts."[556]
So, although his father was a very well-to-do man when John Marshall began married
life, he had little or no ready money, and the son could not expect much immediate
paternal assistance. Thomas Marshall had to look out for the bringing-up of a large
number of other children and to consider their future; and it is this fact which probably
induced him to seek fortune anew in the Kentucky wilderness after he was fifty years of
age. Legend has it that Thomas Marshall made his venture on Washington's advice. At
any rate, he settled, permanently, in Kentucky in the fall of 1783.[557]
The fledgling lawyer evidently expected to start upon a legal career in the county of his
birth; but immediately after marrying Miss Ambler, he established himself at Richmond,
where her family lived, and there began the practice of the law. While his marriage into
the Ambler family was inspired exclusively by an all-absorbing love, the alliance was a
fortunate one for John Marshall from the practical point of view. It gave him the support
of a powerful State official and one of the best-liked men in all Virginia. A favor asked by
Jacquelin Ambler was always granted if possible; and his recommendation of any one
was final. The Ambler household soon became the most attractive in Richmond, as it had
been in Yorktown; and Marshall's marriage to Mary Ambler gave him a social standing
which, in the Virginia of that day, was a very great asset in business and politics.
The house to which he took his bride was a tiny one-story affair of wood, with only two
rooms; the best house the Amblers themselves could secure, as we have seen, was so
small that the "whole family" could scarcely crowd into it. Three years before John
Marshall and his young wife set up housekeeping, Richmond could "scarce afford one
comfort in life."[558] According to Mrs. Carrington the dwelling-houses had no curtains for
the windows.[559] The streets were open spaces of earth, unpaved and without
sidewalks. Many years after Marshall established himself at the new and raw Virginia
Capital, Main Street was still unpaved, deep with dust when dry and so muddy during a
rainy season that wagons sank up to the axles. Footways had been laid only at intervals
along the town's chief thoroughfare; and piles of ashes and cinders were made to serve
as street-crossings, from which, if one misstepped on a dark and rainy night, he found
himself deep in the mire. A small stream flowed diagonally across Main Street, flooding
the surface; and the street itself ended in gullies and swamps.[560] In 1783 the little town
was, of course, still more primitive.
There were no brick or stone buildings in Richmond when Marshall was married. The
Capitol, itself, was an ugly structure—"a mere wooden barn"—on an unlovely site at the
foot of a hill.[561] The private dwellings, scattered about, were the poor, mean, little
wooden houses already described by Eliza Ambler.
Trade was in the hands of British merchants who managed to retain their commercial
hold in spite of the Revolution.[562] Rough, heavy wagons drawn by four or six horses
brought in the produce of the country, which included "deer and bear skins, furs,
ginseng, snake-root," and even "dried rattlesnakes ... used to make a viper broth for
consumptive patients."[563] These clumsy vehicles were sometimes a month in covering
less than two hundred miles.[564] Specie was the money chiefly used in the back country
and the frontier tradesmen made remittances to Richmond by placing a "bag of gold or
silver in the centre of a cask of melted wax or tallow ... or [in a] bale of hemp."[565]
 There was but one church building and attendance was scanty and infrequent.[566] The
principal amusement was card-playing, in which everybody indulged,[567] and drinking
was the common practice.[568] The town sustained but one tavern which was kept by a
Neapolitan named Farmicola. This hostelry had two large rooms downstairs and two
above. The beds were under the roof, packed closely together and unseparated by
partitions. When the Legislature met, the inn was crowded; and "Generals, Colonels,
Captains, Senators, Assembly-men, Judges, Doctors, Clerks, and crowds of Gentlemen of
every weight and calibre and every hue of dress, sat altogether about the fire, drinking,
smoking, singing, and talking ribaldry."[569]
Such were conditions in the town of Richmond when John Marshall hazarded his
adventure into the legal profession there in 1783. But it was the seat of the State
Government, and the place where the General Court of Appeals and the High Court of
Chancery were located. Yet small, poor, and mean as was the Virginia Capital of that day,
not even Philadelphia, New York, or Boston could boast of a more brilliant bar.
Randolph and Wickham, Innes and Ronald, Campbell and Call, and others whose
distinction has made the bar of the Old Dominion historic, practiced at Richmond. And
the court around which this extraordinary constellation gathered was equally eminent.
Pendleton, whose intellect and industry more than supplied early defects in education,
was president of the Court of Appeals; Wythe was one of the judges of the High Court of
Chancery, of which he afterwards became sole chancellor; Paul Carrington and others of
almost equal stature sat with Pendleton on the Supreme Bench. Later on appeared the
erudite, able, and commanding Roane, who, long afterwards, when Marshall came into
his own, was to be his most formidable antagonist in the clash of courts.
Among such lawyers and before a court of this high quality the young attorney from
the backwoods of Fauquier County began his struggle for a share of legal business. He
had practically no equipment except his intellect, his integrity, and his gift for inspiring
confidence and friendship. Of learning in the law, he had almost none at all. He had read
Blackstone, although not thoroughly;[570] but the only legal training that Marshall had
received was acquired during his few weeks at William and Mary College. And in this
romantic interval, as we have seen, he was thinking a good deal more about Mary Ambler
than about preparing himself for his career.
We know exactly to which of Wythe's lectures Marshall had listened; for he took notes
of them. He procured a thick, blank book strongly bound in calf. In this he wrote in a
large, firm hand, at the top of the page, the topics of lectures which Wythe had
announced he would give, leaving after each headline several pages for notes.[571] Since
these notes are a full record of Marshall's only formal instruction in the law, a complete
list of the subjects, together with the space allotted to each, is as important as it is
interesting.
On the subject of Abatement he wrote three pages; on Accounts, two pages; on
Accord and Satisfaction, one page; Actions in General, one and a half pages; Actions
Local and Transitory, one fourth page; Actions Qui Tam, one and one fourth pages;
Actions on the Case, three and one half pages; Agreements, three pages; Annuity and
Rent Charge, two pages; Arbitrament and Award, one and one half pages; Assault and
Battery, two thirds of a page; Assignment, one half page; Assumpsit, one and a half
pages; Attachment, one half page; Audita Querela, one fourth page; Authority, one fourth
page; Bail in Civil Causes, one half page; Bail in Criminal Causes, one and two thirds
pages; Bailment, two pages; Bargain and Sale, one half page; Baron and Feme, four
pages; Bastardy, three quarters page; Bills of Sale, one half page; Bills of Exceptions, one
half page; Burglary, one page; Carriers, one page; Certiorari, one half page;
Commitments, one half page; Condition, five and one half pages; Coparceners, one and
one half pages; Costs, one and one fourth pages; Covenant, three pages; Curtesy of
England, one half page; Damages, one and one half pages; Debt, one and one half
pages; Descent, one and one half pages; Detinue, one half page; Devises, six and one
half pages; Disseisin, two lines; Distress, one and two thirds pages; Dower, two pages;
Duress, one third page; Ejectment, two and two thirds pages; Election, two thirds page;
Error, two and one third pages; Escape in Civil Cases, one and one fifth pages; Estates in
Fee Simple, three fourths page; Estate for Life and Occupancy, one and four fifths pages;
Evidence, four pages, two lines; Execution, one and five sixths pages; Executors and
Administrators, eleven pages; Extinguishment, two thirds page; Extortion, one half page;
Felony, three and one sixth pages; Forcible Entry and Detainer, three fourths page;
Forgery, three pages; Forfeiture, two and four fifths pages; Fraud, three pages, one line;
Grants, three and three fourths pages; Guardian, two and five sixths pages; Heir and
Ancestor, five pages, two lines; Idiots and Lunatics, three pages; Indictments, four pages,
three lines; Infancy and Age, nine and one half pages; Information, one and one fifth
pages; Injunction, one and two thirds pages; Inns and Innkeepers, two and two thirds
pages; Joint Tenants and Tenants in Common, nine and one sixth pages; Jointure, three
pages.
We find six pages he had reserved for notes on the subject of Juries left blank, and two
blank pages follow the caption, "Justice of the Peace." But he made seventeen and two
thirds pages of notes on the subjects of Leases and Terms for Years, and twelve and one
half pages on the subject of Legacies. This ended his formal legal studies; for he made
no notes under the remaining lecture subjects.[572]
Not an ideal preparation to attract clients, we must admit, nor to serve them well when
he got them. But slender and elementary as was his store of learning, his apparel,
manners, and habits were even less likely to bring business to this meagerly equipped
young advocate.
Marshall made practically no money as a lawyer during his first year in Richmond. Most
of his slender income seems to have been from his salary as a member of the
Legislature.[573] He enters in his Account Book in 1783 (where it begins) several receipts
"by my civil list warrants," and several others, "Recḍ from Treasury." Only four fees are
entered for the whole year—one for three pounds, another for two pounds, eleven
shillings, one for two pounds, ten shillings, and a fourth for two pounds, eight shillings.
On the contrary, he paid one pound, two shillings, sixpence for "advice fee given the
attorney for opinion on surveyors fees." He bought "one pair Spectacles" for three
shillings and ninepence. His sociable nature is revealed at the beginning of his career by
entries, "won at Whist 24-1-4" and "won at Whist 22/"; and again "At Backgammon
30/-1-10." Also the reverse entry, "Lost at Whist £3 14/."[574]
The cost of living in Richmond at the close of the Revolution is shown by numerous
entries. Thirty-six bushels of oats cost Marshall three pounds, ten shillings, sixpence. He
paid one pound for "one pair stockings"; and one pound, eighteen shillings, sixpence for
a hat. In 1783 a tailor charged him one pound, eight shillings, sixpence for "making a
Coat." He enters "stockings for P.[olly][575] 6 dollars." A stove "Dutch Oven" cost fourteen
shillings and eightpence; and "150 bushels coal for self 7-10" (seven pounds, ten
shillings).
In October of the year of his marriage he paid six shillings for wine and "For rum £9-
15." His entries for household expenditures for these months give an idea of the
housekeeping: "Given Polly 6 dollars £4-10-6; ... a coffe pot 4/; 1 yd. Gauze 3/6; 2 Sugar
boxes £1-7-6; Candlestick &c. 3/6 1 yḍ Linnen for P. 2/6; 2 pieces of bobbin 1/6; Tea pot
3/; Edging 3/6; Sugar pot 1/6; Milk 1/; Thimble 4/2; Irons 9/,... Tea 20/."[576]
The entries in Marshall's Account Book for the first year and a half of his married life
are indiscriminately and poorly made, without dates of receipts and expenditures. Then
follows a period up to June, 1785, where the days of the month are stated. Then come
entries without dates; and later, the dates sometimes are given and sometimes not.
Marshall was as negligent in his bookkeeping as he was in his dress. Entries in the
notebook show on their face his distaste for such details. The Account Book covers a
period of twelve years, from 1783 to 1795.
He was exceedingly miscellaneous in his expenses. On January 14, 1784, he enters as
items of outlay: "Whist 30/" and "Whist 12/," "cow £3-12-8" and "poker 6/," "To Parson
30/." This date is jammed in, plainly an afterthought, and no more dates are specified
until June 7. Other characteristic entries at this time are, on one day, "Turkeys 12/ Wood
24/ Whist £18"; and on another day, "Beef 26/8—Backgammon £6." An important entry,
undated, is, "Paid the University in the hands of Mr. Tazewell for Colo Marshall as
Surveyor of Fayette County 100" (pounds).[577]
On July 5, 1784, he enters among receipts "to my service in the Assembly 34-4"
(pounds and shillings); and among his expenses for June 22 of that year, he enters "lost
at Whist £19" and on the 26th, "Colo [James] Monroe & self at the Play 1-10"[578] (one
pound, ten shillings). A week later the theater again cost him twelve shillings; and on the
third he enters an outlay "to one Quarter cask wine 14" (pounds, or about fifty dollars
Virginia currency). On the same day appears a curious entry of "to the play 13/" and "Pd
for Colo Monroe £16-16." He was lucky at whist this month, for there are two entries
during July, "won at whist £10"; and again, "won at whist 4-6" (four pounds, six
shillings). He contributes to St. John's Church one pound, eight shillings. During this
month their first child was born to the young couple;[579] and there are various entries
for the immediate expenses of the event amounting to thirteen pounds, four shillings,
and threepence. The child was christened August 31 and Marshall enters, "To house for
christening 12/ do. 2/6."
 The Account Book discloses his diversified generosity. Preacher, horse-race, church,
festival, card-game, or "ball" found John Marshall equally sympathetic in his
contributions. He was looking for business from all classes in exactly the same way that
young lawyers of our own day pursue that object. Also, he was, by nature, extremely
sociable and generous. In Marshall's time the preachers bet on horses and were pleasant
persons at balls. So it was entirely appropriate that the young Richmond attorney should
enter, almost at the same time, "to Mr. Buchanan 5" (pounds)[580] and "to my
subscription for race £4-4";[581] "Saint Taminy 11 Dollars—3-6"[582] (three pounds, six
shillings); and still again, "paid my subscription to the ball 20/-1"; and later, "expenses at
St. John's [church] 2-3" (pounds and shillings).

Marshall bought several slaves. On July 1, 1784, he enters, "Paid for Ben 90-4"[583]
(ninety pounds, four shillings). And in August of that year, "paid for two Negroes £30"
and "In part for two servants £20." And in September, "Paid for servants £25," and on
November 23, "Kate & Evan £63." His next purchase of a slave was three years later,
when he enters, May 18, 1787, "Paid for a woman bought in Gloster £55."
Shoeing two horses in 1784 cost Marshall eight shillings; and a hat for his wife cost
three pounds. For a bed-tick he paid two pounds, nine shillings. We can get some idea of
the price of labor by the following entry: "Pd. Mr. Anderson for plaistering the house £10-
2." Since he was still living in his little rented cottage, this entry would signify that it cost
him a little more than thirty-five dollars, Virginia currency, to plaster two rooms in
Richmond, in 1784. Possibly this might equal from seven to ten dollars in present-day
money. He bought his first furniture on credit, it appears, for in the second year of his
married life he enters, December "31st Pḍ Mṛ Mason in part for furniture 10" (pounds).
At the end of the year, "Pd balance of my rent 43-13" (pounds and shillings). During
1784, his third year as a lawyer, his fees steadily increased, most of them being about
two pounds, though he received an occasional fee of from five to nine pounds. His
largest single fee during this year was "From Mr. Stead 1 fee 24" (pounds).
He mixed fun with his business and politics. On February 24, 1784, he writes to James
Monroe that public money due the latter could not be secured. "The exertions of the
Treasurer & of your other friends have been ineffectual. There is not one shilling in the
Treasury & the keeper of it could not borrow one on the faith of the government."
Marshall confides to Monroe that he himself is "pressed for money," and adds that
Monroe's "old Land Lady Mrs. Shera begins now to be a little clamorous.... I shall be
obliged I apprehend to negotiate your warrants at last at a discount. I have kept them up
this long in hopes of drawing Money for them from the Treasury."
But despite financial embarrassment and the dull season, Marshall was full of the
gossip of a convivial young man.
"The excessive cold weather," writes Marshall, "has operated like magic on our youth.
They feel the necessity of artificial heat & quite wearied with lying alone, are all treading
the broad road to Matrimony. Little Steward (could you believe it?) will be married on
Thursday to Kitty Haie & Mr. Dunn will bear off your old acquaintance Miss Shera.
 "Tabby Eppes has grown quite fat and buxom, her charms are renovated & to see her
& to love her are now synonimous terms. She has within these six weeks seen in her
train at least a score of Military & Civil characters. Carrington, Young, Selden, Wright (a
merchant), & Foster Webb have alternately bow'd before her & been discarded.
"Carrington 'tis said has drawn off his forces in order to refresh them & has march'd up
to Cumberland where he will in all human probability be reinforced with the dignified
character of Legislator. Webb has returned to the charge & the many think from their
similitude of manners & appetites that they were certainly designed for each other.
"The other Tabby is in high spirits over the success of her antique sister & firmly thinks
her time will come next, she looks quite spruce & speaks of Matrimony as of a good
which she yet means to experience. Lomax is in his county. Smith is said to be
electioneering. Nelson has not yet come to the board. Randolph is here and well....
Farewell, I am your J. Marshall."[584]
Small as were the comforts of the Richmond of that time, the charm, gayety, and
hospitality of its inhabitants made life delightful. A young foreigner from Switzerland
found it so. Albert Gallatin, who one day was to be so large a factor in American public
life, came to Richmond in 1784, when he was twenty-two years old. He found the
hospitality of the town with "no parallel anywhere within the circle of my travels.... Every
one with whom I became acquainted," says Gallatin, "appeared to take an interest in the
young stranger. I was only the interpreter of a gentleman, the agent of a foreign house
that had a large claim for advances to the State.... Every one encouraged me and was
disposed to promote my success in life.... John Marshall, who, though but a young lawyer
in 1783, was almost at the head of the bar in 1786, offered to take me in his office
without a fee, and assured me that I would become a distinguished lawyer."[585]
During his second year in Richmond, Marshall's practice showed a reasonable increase.
He did not confine his legal activities to the Capital, for in February we find thirteen fees
aggregating thirty-three pounds, twelve shillings, "Recḍ in Fauquier" County. The
accounts during this year were fairly well kept, considering that happy-go-lucky John
Marshall was the bookkeeper. Even the days of the month for receipts and expenditures
are often given. He starts out with active social and public contributions. On January 18,
1785, he enters, "my subscription to Assemblies [balls] 4-4" (pounds and shillings), and
"Jan. 29 Annual subscription for Library 1-8" (pound, shillings).
On January 25, 1785, he enters, "laid out in purchasing Certificates 35-4-10." And
again, July 4, "Military Certificates pd for self £13-10-2 at 4 for one £3-7-7. Interest for 3
years £2-8 9." A similar entry is made of purchases made for his father; on the margin is
written, "pd commissioners."
 Richmond in 1800
He made his first purchase of books in January, 1785, to the amount of "£4-12/." He
was seized with an uncommon impulse for books this year, it appears. On February 10 he
enters, "laid out in books £9-10-6." He bought eight shillings' worth of pamphlets in April.
On May 5, Marshall paid "For Mason's Poems" nine shillings. On May 14, "books 17/-8"
and May 19, "book 5/6" and "Blackstones Commentaries[586] 36/," and May 20, "Books
6/." On May 25, there is a curious entry for "Bringing books in stage 25/." On June 24, he
purchased "Blair's Lectures" for one pound, ten shillings; and on the 2d of August, a
"Book case" cost him six pounds, twelve shillings. Again, on September 8, Marshall's
entries show, "books £1-6," and on October 8, "Kaim's Principles of Equity 1-4" (one
pound, four shillings). Again in the same month he enters, "books £6-12," and "Spirit of
Law" (undoubtedly Montesquieu's essay), twelve shillings.
But, in general, his book-buying was moderate during these formative years as a
lawyer. While it is difficult to learn exactly what literature Marshall indulged in, besides
novels and poetry, we know that he had "Dionysius Longinus on the Sublime"; the
"Works of Nicholas Machiavel," in four volumes; "The History and Proceedings of the
House of Lords from the Restoration," in six volumes; the "Life of the Earl of Clarendon,
Lord High Chancellor of England"; the "Works of C. Churchill—Poems and Sermons on
Lord's Prayer"; and the "Letters of Lord Chesterfield to his son." A curious and
entertaining book was a condensed cyclopædia of law and business entitled "Lex
Mercatoria Rediviva or The Merchant's Directory," on the title-page of which is written in
his early handwriting, "John Marshall Richmond."[587] Marshall also had an English
translation of "The Orations of Æschines and Demosthenes on the Crown."[588]
 Marshall's wine bills were very moderate for those days, although as heavy as a young
lawyer's resources could bear. On January 31, 1785, he bought fourteen shillings' worth
of wine; and two and a half months later he paid twenty-six pounds and ten shillings "For
Wine"; and the same day, "beer 4d," and the next day, "Gin 30/." On June 14 of the
same year he enters, "punch 2/6," the next day, "punch 3/," and on the next day, "punch
6/."[589]
Early in this year Marshall's father, now in Kentucky and with opulent prospects before
him, gave his favorite son eight hundred and twenty-four acres of the best land in
Fauquier County.[590] So the rising Richmond attorney was in comfortable circumstances.
He was becoming a man of substance and property; and this condition was reflected in
his contributions to various Richmond social and religious enterprises.

He again contributed two pounds to "Sṭ Taminy's" on May 9, 1785, and the same day
paid six pounds, six shillings to "My club at Farmicolas."[591] On May 16 he paid thirty
shillings for a "Ball" and nine shillings for "music"; and May 25 he enters, "Jockie Club 4-
4" (pounds and shillings). On July 5 he spent six shillings more at the "Club"; and the
next month he again enters a contribution to "Sṭ Johns [Episcopal Church] £1-16." He
was an enthusiastic Mason, as we shall see; and on September 13, 1785, he enters, "pḍ
Mason's Ball subscription for 10" (pounds). October 15 he gives eight pounds and four
shillings for an "Episcopal Meeting"; and the next month (November 2, 1785) subscribes
eighteen shillings "to a ball." And at the end of the year (December 23, 1785) he enters
his "Subscription to Richmond Assem. 3" (pounds).
Marshall's practice during his third year at the Richmond bar grew normally. The largest
single fee received during this year (1785) was thirty-five pounds, while another fee of
twenty pounds, and still another of fourteen pounds, mark the nearest approaches to this
high-water mark. He had by now in Richmond two negroes (tithable), two horses, and
twelve head of cattle.[592]
He was elected City Recorder during this year; and it was to the efforts of Marshall, in
promoting a lottery for the purpose, that the Masonic Hall was built in the ambitious
town.[593]
The young lawyer had deepened the affection of his wife's family which he had won in
Yorktown. Two years after his marriage the first husband of his wife's sister, Eliza, died;
and, records the sorrowing young widow, "my Father ... dispatched ... my darling Brother
Marshall to bring me." Again the bereaved Eliza tells of how she was "conducted by my
good brother Marshall who lost no time" about this errand of comfort and sympathy.[594]
February 15, 1786, he enters an expense of twelve pounds "for moving my office"
which he had painted in April at a cost of two pounds and seventeen shillings. This year
he contributed to festivities and social events as usual. In addition to his subscriptions to
balls, assemblies, and clubs, we find that on May 22, 1786, he paid nine shillings for a
"Barbecue," and during the next month, "barbecue 7/" and still again, "barbecue 6/." On
June 15, he "paid for Wine 7-7-6," and on the 26th, "corporation dinner 2-2-6." In