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INTRODUCTION TO
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND DEBATES

INTRODUCTION TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND DEBATES

B.A. (HONS.) POLITICAL SCIENCE
SEMESTER-II
DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE (DSC-6)
As per the UGCF - 2022 and National Education Policy 2020

FOR LIMITED CIRCULATION

DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION DEPARTMENT OF DISTANCE AND CONTINUING EDUCATION
CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING CAMPUS OF OPEN LEARNING, SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING
UNIVERSITY OF DELHI UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

For Limited Circulation

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Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout, Dr. Santosh Kumar,
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Ms. Looke Kumari, Devendra Dilip Pai,
Dr. Deepak Yadav, Hema Kumari

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Department of Distance and Continuing Education

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 Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

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This Study Material is duly recommended in the meeting of Standing Committee

held on 08/05/2023 and approved in Academic Council meeting held on 26/05/2023
Vide item no. 1014 and subsequently Executive Council Meeting held on 09/06/2023
vide item no. 14 {14-1(14-1-11)}

• All units have been written afresh except unit-II.

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Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

SYLLABUS
Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

Syllabus Mapping

Unit I: What is IR and, its Contested Origins Lesson 1: IR and its Contested Origins
a. What is IR (Pages 3-26)
b. Reading the Big Bangs
c. Bringing in De-colonial Accounts
d. Understanding the genealogy of IR discipline in India

Unit-II: Theories of IR Lesson 2: Introduction to IR Theories

a. Introduction to IR Theories (Pages 29-50)
b. Realpolitik (Kautilya)/ Realism/ Neo-Realism Lesson 3: Realpolitik (Kautilya)/Realism/
c. Liberalism/ Neo-liberalism Neo-Realism
d. Marxism/ Neo-Marxism (Pages 51-71)
e. Feminism Lesson 4: Liberalism/Neo-Liberalism
f. Constructivism (Pages 73-95)
Lesson 5: Marxism/Neo-Marxism
(Pages 97-122)
Lesson 6: Feminism
(Pages 123-145)
Lesson 7: Constructivism
(Pages 147-160)

Unit-III: Concepts Lesson 8: Concepts

a. Power (Pages 163-186)
b. Sovereignty
c. Empire
d. International Order

Unit-IV: Exploring the Future Trajectories Lesson 9: Exploring the Future

a. Global IR Trajectories
b. A Relational Turn? (Pages 189-211)

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 Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

CONTENTS

Unit I: IR and Its Contested Origins

Lesson 1 IR and Its Contested Origins 3-26

Unit II: Theories of IR

Lesson 2 Introduction to IR Theories 37-50

Lesson 3 Realpolitik (Kautilya)/Realism/Neo-Realism 51-71

Lesson 4 Liberalism/Neo-Liberalism 73-95

Lesson 5 Marxism/Neo-Marxism 97-122

Lesson 6 Feminism 123-145

Lesson 7 Constructivism 147-160

Unit III : Concepts

Lesson 8 Concepts 163-186

Unit IV : Exploring the Future Trajectories

Lesson 9 Exploring the Future Trajectories 189-211

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Unit I: IR and its Contested Origins

Lesson 1: IR and its Contested Origins

IR and its Contested Origins

LESSON 1 NOTES
IR AND ITS CONTESTED ORIGINS
Dr. Shakti Pradayani Rout
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning, DU
STRUCTURE
1.1 Learning Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 IR and its Contested Origins
1.3.1 What is IR?
1.3.2 Scope and Nature of IR
1.3.3 Evaluation of IR in Academic Discourse
1.4 Reading the Big Bangs
1.4.1 Contestation over the Idea of Big Bang
1.4.2 Challenging the Myth of Westphalia
1.4.3 Diverse Facets of IR
1.5 Bringing in De-colonial Accounts
1.6 Understanding the Genealogy of IR Discipline in India
1.6.1 Need for Indian (Indigenous/Original) IR Theory
1.6.2 Bringing Civilizational Values into IR
1.7 Summary
1.8 Glossary
1.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
1.10 Self-Assessment Questions
1.11 References/Suggested Readings

1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand IR, the scope of IR and levels of analysis in IR.
• Evaluate the Eurocentric and Indian discourse on IR.
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NOTES • Elaborate on the connection between the core values of IR like, sovereignty,
the state as a powerful actor and other non-state actors.
• Introduce students about the ongoing debate and to bring an Indian account
of IR.

1.2 INTRODUCTION

International Relations (IR) is the study of how nation-states and non-

governmental organizations interact in a wide range of subjects involving
politics, economics, conflicts, and security. The discipline discusses conflict and
harmony and serves a wide range of functions in modern society. IR is said to
have started in the West after the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The current IR
largely represents the values and norms of the West (Europe). The non-Western
world received little attention from the subject of international relations, which
is dominated by Western norms and theories. The non-western world served as
the colonized region, the passive subjects, and the students of the superior West.
Even after extensive cultural and civilizational interactions, non-westerners are
not yet active collaborators in the discipline. In this lesson, we would discuss
the origin and evaluation of IR, its contested origins and the debates going on to
establish a discipline based on diversity, equality, and pluralism.

1.3 IR AND ITS CONTESTED ORIGINS

Let us start with the definition of the International Relations (IR)

1.3.1 What is IR?

International Relations is a branch of political science which is concerned with

the relations among nations, the activities of non-state actors like the United
Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and International
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Non-Governmental Organizations like Amnesty International, Green Peace, NOTES

Human Rights Watch etc. IR also concerns international security issues, foreign
policy of various nations, globalization, international terrorism, the international
environment, and various areas of study.
International Relations is a struggle for power among nations, writes Hans
J. Morgenthau in his well-known book, ‘Politics among Nations: The Struggle
for Power and Peace.’ According to Charles Reynolds, international relations is
the mechanism through which conflicts develop and are settled on a worldwide
scale. In this setting, nation-states attempt to advance their political objectives
through decisions and actions that may be at odds with those of other countries.
Therefore, the study of IR deals with issues related to conflicts, including their
causes, how they are handled by the parties involved, and how they are finally
settled.
Prof. Charles Schleicher defines international relations as the relation
among States. However, a good working definition of international relations
is given by Harold and Margaret Sprout. They define international relations as
“those aspects of interactions and relations of independent political communities
in which some element of opposition, resistance or conflict of purpose or interest
is present.”
According to Hartman “International Relations as a field of study is
focused upon the process by which states adjust their national interest to those
of other states”. Palmer and Perkins opine that international politics is essentially
concerned with the state system.

1.3.2 Scope and Nature of IR

Grayson Kirk defined five key areas of international relations (IR) in 1947: the
nature and functions of states; the influences on state power; the position and
behaviour of Great Powers on the world stage; recent IR’s rise and the creation
of a more stable international system. At the 1948 Paris Conference of the
International Political Science Association, the scholars had decided that IR
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NOTES would include subjects like international politics, international organization and
administration, and international law. Since then, the scope has evolved into the
vast and comprehensive field.
Karl Deutsch has outlined various facets of IR and its subject matter, such as
state, power, conflict, power relations, global dependence and limitations, global
process, and global interdependence; global challenges related to world population
and the environment, poverty, reforms and changes, identity, and more. Seven
elements were discovered by Vincent Barker in the 1970s, as the fundamental
topic of international relations (IR); the components of national power; the
resources available to advance national interests; the nature and strength of global
politics; the political and socioeconomic structure of international life; the limits
and control of national power; the foreign policies of one or more major powers
and, sporadically, a small state; and the recent history of international events.
According to Baylis and Smith, the background of globalization has led
to the inclusion of numerous new problems within the purview of IR. Human
rights, environmental problems, and gender issues are all included in this area of
IR. In contemporary times, the definition of IR continues to fall under the broad
umbrella of properly establishing the relationship between each state’s national
interests and its obligations under international law. As a result, Baylis and Smith
have summarized the basic features of IR and its multidimensional scope into:
• Nations state as Major Actor: The activities of Nation states as major
actor remain the prime focus of the IR discipline. This has been the basis
of the subject matter since the inception of the system of Westphalia in
1648. In the meantime, in all the other provinces of the globe of Africa,
Latin America and South Asia, the nation-state had different connotations
which are being theorized these days. We will discuss this in the coming
part of the lesson.
• Existence of Non-State Actors: The importance of non-state actors in the
study of IR has increased in the globalized era since 1980s. The actors like
Multi-National Companies (MNCs)/Transnational Companies (TNCs);
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International Non-Governmental Organizations (Green Peace, Amnesty NOTES

International) exert lots of influence on issues of IR.
• Power: Hans J Morgenthau in his famous book ‘Politics among Nations:
The struggle for Power and Peace’ states that, ‘International Relations is
struggle for power among nations’. As we know, International Relations
is the process by which conflicts arise and are resolved at the global level
through power assertion, mediation and dialogue making. So, acquiring
power and using it for expanding the territory of the state and keeping the
national interest stands as its main objective.
• Security: Security is the prime concern of all nation-states. A peaceful
and secure international order is always linked to the notion that all the
sovereign entities should follow some amount of restriction on their
independent actions relating to other. The activities related to bilateral
relations like mediation, negotiation, dialogue, talks on disarmament;
nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction and reduction of tension
among nations are the prime objectives of IR. Discussion on war and peace,
along with strategic thinking in IR is directly related security of any state.
• Foreign Policies of Major Powers: Foreign policy of the major powers like
the USA, Russia, China, European Union (EU), Japan and India constitute
the important subject matter of IR. The major power interactions are the
driving forces of foreign policy matters. The ideas of balance of power,
cold war, detente, and new cold war depict foreign policy and their impact
on other nation-states are part of the IR.
• International Political Economy: The study of foreign political economy
focuses on how markets and politics interact, including how markets
affect politics and how policies affect markets. With the beginning of
Globalization in the mid-1980s, a renewed interest in IPE has developed
among scholars.
• Globalization: The term “globalization” refers to the increasing
interdependence of the economies, cultures, and social activities around the
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NOTES globe because of technology, cross-border trade in products and services,

and flows of capital, labour, and information. Over many ages, nations
have developed economic alliances to support these movements. But the
word gained popularity after the Cold War in the early 1990s, as these
cooperative arrangements shaped everyday activities in IR.
• International Environment: Environmental issues have increased concern
for states across the globe. The rise of global warming, melting of glaciers
and shortage of drinking water, lessening of forests lead us to think about
the one globe we are sharing.
• International Terrorism: Terrorist activities involve citizens of more
than one country. It is a global phenomenon making global peace in
conflicting situations. By using high-tech communication means, terrorists
are becoming menace to the globe. There are many forms terrorism such
as cross border terrorism, religious and fundamentalist, Maoists and
separatist groups.
• International Health and Medicine: The prime purpose of international
health and medicine is to establish health benefits for the global public. The
main activities of it include, disease prevention, detection, and treatment,
which are detailed in the part on health information. The rise of unknown
viruses like COVID-19, Ebola, and N1H1, etc. forced the academia and
medical researchers to establish a network of health and medicine to solve
the issue globally.

1.3.3 Evaluation of IR in Academic Discourse

IR is an applied and very comprehensive discipline with interdisciplinary

influences. IR has a recent historical beginning, and it is a relatively new academic
discipline. As a part of political science, IR is about politics going on at the
international level-especially the decisions of governments about foreign policy
issues; persuading about the national interest during both the phases of conflict
and peace (cooperations), reciprocity of interstate relationship; and politics
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of trade and financial relations among nations. The field of international relations NOTES
(IR) aims to examine some of the most important issues of our time, including
terrorism, issues related to climate change, human trafficking, migration, and
poverty, as well as the evolving nature of international cooperation and conflict,
diplomacy, power struggles, and other pertinent topics. Traditionally, a significant
part of IR has dealt with questions relating to changes in state systems within a
broader international framework.
According to Baylis and Smith, the background of globalization has led to
the inclusion of numerous new problems within the purview of IR. Human rights,
environmental problems, and gender issues are part of IR. The definition of IR
continues to fall under the broad canopy which has established the relationship
between each state’s national interests and its obligations under international
law. Globalization has made us think that the states are no longer self-sufficient,
they are more interdependent and complexly bonded on political, economic and
environmental issues.
Since its inception as a discipline, the study of IR has been seen from
various levels of analysis. Let us understand IR through various levels of analysis.
People are separated and live in various political communities or groups. These
political groups come together to create a global system that includes many
different countries. States are thus formally separated from one another. However,
that does not imply that they are isolated actors. Even though they are divided
by physical boundaries, they still have a significant impact on one another. Thus,
they create the structure at the Centre of IR. The modern society defines in terms
of interdependent manner. Therefore, everyone must comprehend the various
events that are taking place around the world. Politics, international trade, and
non-state actors, all play equal roles in events that must be understood in the
context of IR.
Let us discuss it from a different viewpoint. The discipline of IR has
broad goals in the modern era. As it explains: first, the causes of conflicts and
the necessity of preserving peace on an international scale; second, IR seeks to
comprehend the nature and exercise of power within an international framework; Self-Instructional
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NOTES and third, IR seeks to comprehend the evolving nature of state and non-state
actors who are essential players in the global system’s decision-making.
The level of foreign cooperation is growing in our time. Therefore, in
addition to the work done by the United Nations and its various wing organizations
that affect nation-states and the people who reside in them, work done by regional-
level organizations also plays a crucial role in everyone’s lives. General human
cultures have been concerned about international terrorism. It has also been
crucial for economic organizations that shape foreign relations, such as the World
Bank and the World Trade Organization. As a result, IR scholars and students
now place a great deal of importance to study IR.

1.4 READING THE BIG BANGS

Let us understand what Big Bangs certainly mean in IR. You may know that the
ontology of IR always starts with Westphalia. Why do we always begin to study
IR, with the Treaty of Westphalia? Alike many writers, the classical realist Hans
J. Morgenthau believed and wrote in his book ‘Politics among Nations’ that ‘the
treaty of Westphalia brought the religious wars in Europe to an end and made
the territorial state the cornerstone of the modern state system. A few scholars
also took the year 1919 as a milestone when the League of Nations was created.
Somehow these milestones are being set up to atone for the fact that the subject
matter of international relations is confined to the ideas propelled by European
history.
However, the treaty of Westphalia had evolved into a system of anarchical
set-up in IR. The years like 1648 and 1919 set a formative tone of an anarchical,
sovereign state system, which can be considered as the ‘big bangs’ of the
discipline. The treaty of Westphalia became a milestone in IR and established
the importance of the principle of sovereignty, territory and various other
issues related to international politics like trade and transport etc. The idea
of sovereignty recognized in the peace of Westphalia represented an essential
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IR and its Contested Origins

element in the creation of the modern nation-state. It has developed a notion that NOTES
a state being sovereign recognizes no higher authority. However, Eurocentrism
in IR has pertinently established the importance of realism (Classical realism
by Morgenthau) and the idea of a new anarchic set up of self-help, and security
dilemmas opined by Waltz and others. The British historian and journalist E.H.
Carr distinguished between realism and utopianism in his book “The Twenty Years’
Crisis” (1939). Carr employed the realism that underlies Machiavelli’s works as
his starting point for IR. He also insisted that history is a chain of events that can
be expostulated through intellectual as well as self-serving means. The second
point is that politics produce praxis, not theory. Finally, morality and ethics have
no bearing on politics. Politics even affects ethics, and morality is the outward
manifestation of authority. Power, rather than morality and ethics, is the driving
factor behind international relations (IR).

Idealism explains in
Realism explains IR in
terms of coperation and
terms of power.
peace
Constructivism
explains in terms
of socialization, logic of
consequences

Figure 1.1: Major Approaches on IR

1.4.1 Contestation over the Idea of Big Bang

Why do teachers still teach students about Westphalia as the beginning of IR

and then the course followed by the discussion on realism, liberalism, and
constructivism? The discipline also gives undue emphasis upon the developments
that took place in Europe like World War I, World War II, and Cold War etc.
Thus, it’s time to rethink what should be taught to the students in India about
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NOTES to European history and politics. All the European formulas of peace and conflict
and statecraft can’t be applied universally to regions like Africa, Latin America,
or South Asia. For example, the USA had adopted isolationism in certain times,
proactiveness in the next and withdrawal in a certain phase, while India had
adopted non-alignment at a certain time, proactive, equidistance, at a certain
time. Consequently, we can conclude that the universal application of theories
of IR is not practically feasible.
A lot has changed in the scope and jurisdiction of IR since its inception of
it as a discipline. But still, in our syllabus, we are supposed to teach our students
about the Westphalian Treaty of 1648 as the milestone and foundational starting
point of interstate relationships based on peace. We make our students look at
the historical growth of IR from the conception of bipolarity during the Cold
War. They are said to look at the cold war as a process of ‘long peace’ or a type
of balance of power maintained by the USA and USSR. Though, many of the
proxy wars, ideological divisions and conflicts took place beyond Europe, or in
the so-called Third World. In that way, the Cold War can be considered differently
in different regions. Let us take for example Superpower’s ‘long peace’; for
third-world states, it’s about ‘proxy wars or phases followed by Détente. Maybe
a phase of transition for them after independence. A phase can be differently
theorized by Asian, African, and Latin American scholars.
The Westphalian concepts of sovereignty and state-centricity are most
often contested in the framework of globalization by two groups of actors. One
group of multinational companies sees the world as an enormous “marketplace
for production, consumption, and investment” and is driven by the desire to
make money. On the other hand, some transnational actors are more altruistic
and believe that “the fundamental rights of all people” are upheld, and that the
world is bound together by a common humanity. In these conditions, the states
try to respond to the difficulties by redefining and honouring some laws while
accommodating and upholding others. The idea of Westphalian sovereignty
appears to be inconsistent with the shifting context, where the focus is now on
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internal conflicts within states rather than fighting states. The interdependence
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IR and its Contested Origins

of states is growing, making it more possible that a disturbance in one area will NOTES
have an impact on other territorially defined areas. Additionally, the emergence
of various categories of non-state actors calls into doubt the state’s indisputable
authority.

1.4.2 Challenging the Myth of Westphalia

The time has arrived to take a step to bust the myth that Westphalia established.
It gave a parochial, Eurocentric, and one-dimensional view of the State system
and its underlying principles and institutions. We must bust the myth and create
a many-faceted, non-western, and pluralist theoretical set-up which can study
IR through regional or provincial narratives across the globe.
As we know, till the 21st-century states remain the most effective, sole actor
in IR. All the theoretical set-up has surrounded by the idea of the interaction of
state; national interest; conflict and conflict management by the states. In other
words, IR is constructed as a discipline dealing with states in a world where states
are sole actors. The historiography of the IR was confined to the activities of the
European colonial powers like France, Italy, Germany and Great Britain. With
decolonization coming into account, the activities of newly independent states in
world politics have been overshadowed by the bipolarity of two Superpowers like
the USA and the USSR. During the period of the Cold War, the newly independent
states remained congregated through the Non-Alignment Movement, then South-
south Cooperation and G 20 etc. The emergence of globalization also tinkered
new reality to the scope and nature of IR. Let us examine how globalization has
challenged the monistic idea of state supremacy.

1.4.3 Diverse Facets of IR

In the age of globalization, the concept of unrestricted, total sovereignty did not
remain sway for very long, either nationally or internationally. The power of the
monarchy and the governing classes was severely curtailed by the emergence of
democracy. The increasing interdependence of states brings a limit on the idea that
might make right in international relations. Most people agree that there cannot Self-Instructional
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 Introduction to International Relations: Theories, Concepts and Debates

NOTES be peace without law and that there cannot be law without some limitations on
sovereign authority. In order to maintain peace and prosperity, groups such as
the United Nations (UN), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), ASEAN
(Association of Southeast Asian Nations), World Trade Organization (WTO), and
the European Union (EU), among others, started to combine their sovereignties.
These regional and Intern Governmental organizations, national governments, and
the peoples of the globe have all gradually claimed sovereignty. Consequently,
the concept of shared sovereignty has evolved these days.
Despite existential threats from a variety of sources, nation-states won’t
go away from the main discussion in IR. Instead, they’ll coexist with non-
sovereign entities that are more powerful than ever before, such as MNCs/TNCs,
NGOs, terrorist groups, regional and international institutions (like IMF), banks
(like World Banks), private equity firms etc. Sovereignty will suffer from the
continuous and accelerating flow of people, ideas, greenhouse gases, products,
money, viruses, and weapons within and across boundaries. Controlling what
crosses borders is one of the pillars of sovereignty, but all this traffic puts that to
proof. In contrast to one another, the sovereign governments will increasingly
assess how vulnerable they are to the forces of globalization which is outside of
their sovereign authority.

In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. International Relations is a branch of political science concerned with
relations among _______.
2. Hans J. Morgenthau describes IR as a struggle for _______ among nations.
3. According to Kenneth Waltz, conflicts can be analyzed at the individual,
state, and _______ levels.
4. The Treaty of _______ in 1648 is often considered a significant milestone
in IR.
5. _______ is a theory in IR that focuses on the struggle for power and
national interests.
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IR and its Contested Origins

B. State True or False: NOTES

1. International Relations exclusively focuses on interactions between
nation-states.
2. The Treaty of Westphalia established the principle of sovereignty and is
a key milestone in IR.
3. Kenneth Waltz proposed two levels of analysis in international relations:
individual and system levels.
4. Globalization has led to increased interdependence among states and
challenges to traditional sovereignty.
5. Non-state actors, like NGOs, have become less influential in IR since
the 1980s.

1.5 BRINGING IN DE-COLONIAL ACCOUNTS

Looking at the new changes coming into the world political system after the
1950s, we have an urgent requirement to bring in de-colonial accounts of the
creation of a modern nation-state. The decolonial account must speak about the
specific scenario or the reflective engagement of previous colonial states and their
narrative about IR. How their relationship was specifically built in the shadow of
imperial powers and existing state setups of colonial powers. It would majorly
suggest that the grant narrative of ‘realism, liberalism and constructivism’ cannot
possibly be universally applicable to all the nation-states which emerged during
decolonization. As Acharya and Buzan 2010; Acharya 2011, rightly mentioned,
when considering the ideas that have shaped IR thinking, we always investigate
the contribution of Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke and Kant, but we
certainly ignore what Ashoka, Kautilya, Sun Tzu, Iban Khaldun, Nehru, Raul
Prebisch, Franz Fanon and many others from developing world had said. Thus,
the eurocentrism in IR reflects a monistic, rigid statist ontology that is ill-equipped
to handle the new challenges of post-colonial states and their global governance.
Hence ‘Pluiversality’ or Plurality of the universe in IR is the most generated
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NOTES of IR, maybe from many regions. This concept suggests that there is no IR grand
narrative (Major theoretical approaches) and that there aren’t many voices in
a single world. Instead, there are numerous worlds. From the India and South
Asian region, we have placed our worldview and established our theories.
Reflecting on the subject Amitav Acharya (2014), wrote that ‘the discipline of
International Relations (IR) does not reflect the voices, experience, knowledge
claims, and contributions of the vast majority of societies and states in the world,
and often marginalized those outside the core countries of the West’. Thus, IR
scholars across the globe are seeking to find out their voices and reexamining
their traditions, and their specific challenges. Adding to this, Cox offered “an
alternative conception of universalism, which rests on “comprehending and
respecting diversity in an ever-changing world” (2002:530).
Thus, pluralism in IR theorizing was held to be valuable and instrumentally
required to constantly engage scholars and academia to indulge in dialogue
making. Rengger (2015), identified a relevant point in favour of pluralism, he said
that an “effective means of encouraging dialogue across approaches is required”.
He says that the strict rigid patrolling of West on the theoretical debates needs
rationalist and consistent attempt by third world scholars to work empathetically.
Thus, it has been clear that we are making attempts to codify and theorize
our perspective of Bhartiya Darshan in India. In the sense that we should not do a
‘hurried attempt’ to just chalk down some ‘ancient Indian’ flavor to the contemporary
IR, we have to engage constantly to find out a theoretical methodology (either
rational or reflexive) which can effectively produce an indigenous theory on IR.

1.6 UNDERSTANDING THE GENEALOGY OF IR

DISCIPLINE IN INDIA

Let us search for Indian Genealogy on IR. We certainly know that the Western
theoretical framework of IR overlooks ‘Indians and the terms in which they
comprehend the world’ (Datta-Ray, 2015, Pp195-197). Thus, being a colonial
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state, knowledge creation has been a part of colonial powers. They had come on NOTES
with a civilizing mission to ‘orient’ India and another part of the world.
When we look back at our academic research on theorizing IR, we find,
‘all Indian IR scholars are from West, outside or belong to Anglo-American
Academy’. The academia of Anglo-America has hegemony on IR theorizing and
India has limited control over the publication and research in this area. (Kanti
Bajpai and Mallavarapu: 2009:1-13).

1.6.1 Need for Indian (Indigenous/Original) IR Theory

Let us try to understand, why India is searching for identity in a world order
based on indigenous/original knowledge. The imported, majorly English/Western,
superficial codification of the Indian knowledge system is failing to estimate the
growth of India as emergent Global power (Viswa Guru). Contemporary political
change directs us to think from the lens of ‘Swadeshi’ and ‘Swa Dharma’. It is
high time India should codify its theories on IR. As Gautam has rightly said ‘In
Indian tradition, there is a dearth of written political history with chronology’.
Shivashankar Menon points out that India’s supposedly incoherent strategic
approach is a colonial construct, as is the idea of Indians somehow forgetting
their history and needing to be taught it by Westerns who retrieved it. (Gautam
et al, 2015, vol.1, p.xiv).
The research on Indian culture and its establishment of theoretical
foundation on IR can be traced back to the ruling of the Mauryas, the Pala dynasty,
and the Chedi dynasty. Even though foreign forces repeatedly invaded India, the
Indian empires themselves never surpassed the subcontinent. Despite this, India
has had a significant influence on other cultures. This dominance was cultural
rather than political, and it depended on trade rather than physical force. These
facts of IR can be theorized based on rationalism and empiricism.
For example, let us understand the theories of Kautilya, an ancient Indian
scholar, who offers a very significant contribution to the hierarchy of realism.
Kautilya uses the concepts of power and contentment to analyze international
politics. He claims that using authority wisely can lead to happiness. He adds that Self-Instructional
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NOTES contentment is a sign of effective foreign policy, which is based on righteousness

and internal stability and introduces new ideas in determining one’s place in the
world. In comparison to comprehension of the loose bipolar system, Kautilya’s
Mandala theory distinguishes between Vijigishu (the righteous King) and his
friends versus Ari (Vijigishu’s enemy) and his friends in a superior and complex
way. It suggests that the countries can be near together geographically and thus
exhibit loose centricity.
Kautilya made a unique addition to the study of international relations
by identifying non-aligned Kings and neutral, indifferent Kings. Locational
determination of Kings suggests that one’s neighbour is one’s enemy and
that, consequently, one’s neighbour’s enemy is a friend in Kautilya’s view of
international relations. To expand his power and become a “Sarvabhauma,”
Kautilya urges the King (Vijigishu) to wage constant war (the King of the
entire earth). Therefore, Kautilya perfected the realist concepts from the past,
when using violence to gain power and prominence in international affairs was
encouraged.
Mere studying the volume of Kautilya Arthasatra and Manu’s Manu Smriti
would not solve the issue that India can produce its strategic thought productively.
It requires a regressive, rational, consistent, and diplomatic approach to develop
vocabulary, doctrines, debates, and perspectives. More importantly, there is a
‘need for India to secure theoretical emancipation’ (Kumar: 203) from Western
knowledge. The codification of historical facts and value systems that are deeply
embedded in India is of utmost importance. Many scholars in academia like Datta-
Ray, in the ‘Making of Indian Diplomacy’ (2015), Gautam, Mishra and Gupta
tried in their book ‘Indigenous Historical Knowledge’, Nivedita Chadha Behra,
Acharya and Buzan (Why there is no non-Western international relations theory?
An introduction) many more tried to bring in the idea of pluralism in IR theory.
Acharya and Buzan (2007) advocated that non-Western theories do
exist but are hidden. Even if they exist, they are generalized. Non-Western IR
Theories, even if they exist, remain hidden mainly due to the barrier of language
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and since they are “located in areas of study outside the Western-defined IR NOTES
realm”. They also empathized that the cultural and political differences should
be considered non-western countries. In her article globalization, deglobalization
and knowledge production, Navnita Chadha Behra (2021), proclaimed in a similar
voice to Barry Buzan and Acharya, that, IR is yet to grow, beyond its Anglo-
American origins. She urged for the decolonizing of knowledge production at
the regional and provincial levels.
As said, that, ‘deglobalization promises a new realm of possibilities; but it
is too early to predict whether the new wave of nationalism will further fragment
the domain knowledge of IR, or whether the discipline will succeed in recasting
itself to reflect the globe’s multiple worlds. Looking at the various dimensions
of argument, we can conclude that we must think out of box and produce a non-
Eurocentric, Indian construct of IR theorization which will become the foundation
for other understanding. Thus, we must frame the Indian version of IR from more
objective, positivist, and exclusive manner.

1.6.2 Bringing Civilizational Values into IR

Looking at the contemporary time, India is consistently trying to establish a

nation-state based on civilizational and cultural values leading us to rethink on
the idea of indigenous/ original theorization on IR. Thus, it’s time for students,
researchers, and academicians to give rationalist approach to find out theoretical
perspective on IR. Looking at the composite history of India and civilization
values of tolerance, peace, and non-interference, we need to look at the IR
subjects from our ontological style. Thus, we need to have a ‘composite Indian
civilizational perspective’ of IR, narrated by scholars and academicians living
across India. Once effectively completed seventy-five years of independence
from British colonialism, we should showcase ourselves as self-reliant to produce
‘indigenous/ original Knowledge’, which may be Bhartiya Darshan based on
ancient Indian Civilizational values.
The core of the ancient Indian IR was connected to just state activities
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NOTES Indian traditions like Arthasastra, Narada Puran and Mahabharata oppose,
militarism (unjustly) and expansionism of state territory. The state and monarchy
were treated by and large as a sacred trust conducive to the security, peace, and
prosperity of the people (Mathur: 398). Even in the writings of Kautilya, the
ideal of Dharma Chakra was predominant.
Kautilya has advocated the idea of Chakravarti Raja who would always
be pursued for universal righteousness. For this reason, Kautilya’s premium on
Dharma Vijaya was opposed to Lobha Vijaya and Asur Vijaya under the category
of Kutayuddha, or unrighteous war, is a signal contribution to international law
(Mathur: 400) as Mathur writes, a cardinal maxim of ancient Indian diplomacy
was to avoid war. The main objective of the state was to keep it as a last resort.

Points to Ponder
Let us try to figure out what can be the big bang of IR in India. As we know,
the wars in Ramayana and Mahabharat were fought to establish Dharma
over Adharma. Can we bring back the genesis of state since then? But how
we need to codify them? Can it be considered as the Indian perspective
on IR.?

Like the Eurocentric realist understanding on IR, the main objective of

diplomatic relationship in those times was state sovereignty, security, national
interest, and national integration. However, Nitisastras exhort the predominance
of means conducive to the ethical ends. In this context, the concept of Chatur
Upaya, or fourfold alternatives of diplomacy needs special mention. The
alternatives are -Sama, Dana, Danda and Bheda. The Manusmiriti goes to the
extent of permitting the use of any or all of these if a state is in dire trouble (ibid:
401).
Conclusion
Therefore, India is presently searching for its civilizational and cultural genesis
of IR. The values can be of any kind and may be based on Sanatana Dharma or

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Advaita philosophy, Sikhism etc. It can be combination of the values of Jainism NOTES
and Buddhism and Gandhism. Thus, contemporary knowledge must focus on
self-development, with indigenous role model and should be clear, consistent,
and compact theoretically. Knowledge production should consider the collective
interest of the globe that we all share. For instance, India’s persistent demand to
create world brotherhood (Vasudeva Kutumbakam) or One Nation, One Culture
and One People can be the foundational value for the IR theorization in future.

In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. The shift in global politics post-1950s has highlighted the need for
decolonial perspectives in understanding modern _______.
2. Eurocentrism in IR often ignores contributions from non-Western scholars
and traditions, leading to a narrow _______.
3. The concept of “Pluiversality” in IR suggests that there are multiple
_______ and perspectives from different regions.
4. Amitav Acharya argues that the discipline of IR does not adequately
reflect the voices and contributions of many _______ societies.
5. An indigenous IR theory from India is needed to reflect its historical and
_______ context.
B. State True or False:
1. The traditional IR theories of realism, liberalism, and constructivism are
universally applicable to all nation-states emerging during decolonization.
2. Eurocentrism in IR has led to the marginalization of contributions from
non-Western scholars.
3. The concept of “Pluiversality” suggests that there is only one grand
narrative in IR theory.
4. Amitav Acharya believes that IR adequately reflects the voices of non-
Western societies.
5. India’s need for an indigenous IR theory is based on the failure of Western
theories to account for its historical and cultural context.
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NOTES
1.7 SUMMARY

• International Relations (IR) is a branch of political science focused on

relationships between nations, involving state and non-state actors like
the UN, IMF, World Bank, and NGOs.
• It covers issues such as international security, foreign policy, globalization,
international terrorism, and environmental concerns.
• Hans J. Morgenthau views IR as a struggle for power among nations, while
Charles Reynolds sees it as a mechanism for global conflict resolution.
• The scope of IR includes state functions, global power dynamics,
international politics, law, and organizations, with evolving facets like
global interdependence and challenges.
• Key elements in IR include nation-states as major actors, non-state
actors’ growing influence, power struggles, security concerns, major
powers’ foreign policies, international political economy, globalization,
environmental issues, terrorism, and international health.
• The field is interdisciplinary, examining issues like terrorism, climate
change, human trafficking, and migration, and includes both state-centric
and non-state actor perspectives.
• Kenneth Waltz’s levels of analysis in IR include individual, state,
and system levels, each providing different insights into conflicts and
international behavior.
• The Westphalian Treaty of 1648 marked a significant shift in IR,
emphasizing sovereignty and the modern state system, though modern IR
also considers the impacts of globalization and non-state actors.
• The shift in world politics post-1950s calls for de-colonial perspectives in
understanding modern nation-states, questioning the universal applicability
of traditional IR theories like realism, liberalism, and constructivism.
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• Eurocentrism in IR has often ignored contributions from non-Western NOTES

scholars and traditions, leading to a narrow perspective that fails to address
post-colonial challenges.
• The concept of “Plurality” or “Pluiversality” in IR suggests that multiple
narratives and perspectives exist, reflecting the diverse worldviews from
different regions.
• Amitav Acharya and others argue that IR lacks the voices and contributions
of many non-Western societies and that pluralism is essential for a more
inclusive discipline.
• The need for an indigenous IR theory from India, reflecting its historical
and cultural context, is highlighted, emphasizing that traditional Western
theories overlook significant Indian contributions and perspectives.

1.8 GLOSSARY

• Realism: A broad intellectual tradition that explains international relations

mainly in terms of power.
• Power: The ability or potential to influence others’ behaviour, as measured
by the possession of certain tangible and intangible characteristics.
• Non-State Actors: Entities like NGOs and international organizations that
influence global politics but are not sovereign states.
• Sovereignty: The authority of a state to govern itself without external
interference.
• Pluiversality: The idea that multiple, diverse narratives and perspectives
exist in the study of IR, opposing the notion of a single grand theory.
• Indigenous IR Theory: The development of international relations theories
based on local, culturally specific perspectives rather than Western models.
• Chatur Upaya: The fourfold alternatives of diplomacy in ancient Indian
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NOTES
1.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
A. 1. Nations
2. Power
3. System
4. Westphalia
5. Realism
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. True
5. False
In-Text Questions-2
A. 1. Nation-states
2. Perspective
3. Narratives
4. Non-Western
5. Cultural
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. False
5. True

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NOTES
1.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Write a short essay on the evaluation of International Relations (IR) as an

academic discipline.
2. Analyze the nature and scope of IR in reference to the idea of three levels
of analysis.
3. Analyze the significance of searching Indian genealogy on IR. Explain
how European and Indian understanding differ from each other.
4. What was the significance of the Treaty of Westphalia in IR?
5. How has globalization impacted the traditional concept of state sovereignty?
6. What is the primary argument of Amitav Acharya regarding the discipline
of IR?
7. Why is there a need for an indigenous IR theory in India?

1.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Acharya, A. “Global International Relations (IR) and Regional Worlds: A

New Agenda for International Studies.” International Studies Quarterly
(International Studies Association), no. 83 (2014): 647–659.
• Acharya, A. “Human Security: East versus West.” International Journal
(Sage Publications, Ltd.) 56, no. 3 (2001): 442–460.
• Alagappa, M. Asian Security Practice: Material and Ideational Influences.
Stanford University Press, 1998.
• Behera, G. Shani and N. Chadha. “Provincialising International Relations
through a Reading of Dharma.” Review of International Studies 48, no. 5
(2022): 837–856.

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NOTES • Behera, N. Chadha. “Globalization, Deglobalization and Knowledge

Production.” International Affairs 97, no. 5 (2021): 1579–1597.
DOI:10.1093/ia/iiab119.
• Buzan, B., and A. Acharya. “Why is There No Non-Western International
Relations Theory? An Introduction.” International Relations of the Asia-
Pacific (Oxford University Press) 7, no. 3 (2007): 287–312.
• Cox, R. “Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International
Relations Theory.” Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 1981.
• Carvalho, B. de, L. Halvard, and J. M. Hobson. “The Big Bang of IR:
The Myths That Your Teachers Still Tell You About 1648 and 1919.”
Millennium: Journal of International Studies 39, no. 3 (2011): 735–758.
• Chatterjee, A. International Relations Today: Concepts and Applications.
Pearson, New Delhi, 2019.
• Jackson, R., and G. Sørensen. Introduction to International Relations.
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2006.
• Wright, Q. The Study of International Relations. Bombay, 1970 Indian
reprint, 1st ed. 1955, p. 6.
• Rengger, N. “Pluralism in International Relations Theory: Three Questions.”
International Studies Perspectives 16, no. 1 (2015): 32–39. Stable URL:
www.jstor.org/stable/44218766, accessed on 08/02/2023.

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Unit-II: Theories of IR

Lesson 2 Introduction to IR Theories

Lesson 3 Realpolitik (Kautilya)/Realism/Neo-Realism

Lesson 4 Liberalism/Neo-Liberalism

Lesson 5 Marxism/Neo-Marxism

Lesson 6 Feminism

Lesson 7 Constructivism
Introduction to IR Theories

LESSON 2 NOTES
INTRODUCTION TO IR THEORIES
Dr. Santosh Kumar
Assistant Professor,
Sri Venkateswara College, DU
STRUCTURE
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Meaning and Definition of IR
2.4 International Relations and International Politics
2.5 Subject Matter and Scope of International Relations
2.6 Need for the Study of International Relations: Level of Analysis
2.7 Three Levels of Analysis
2.8 History of Emergence of International State System
2.9 Challenges to the Westphalian System
2.10 Summary
2.11 Glossary
2.12 Answers to In-Text Questions
2.13 Self-Assessment Questions
2.14 References/Suggested Readings

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Discuss how the discipline of international relations has gradually
developed over the period spanning the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
• Understand the difference between international relations and international
politics.
• Evaluate the Treaty of Westphalia and the Rise of Modern State System.
• Explain the concept of realism, neo realism and various other theoretical
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NOTES
2.2 INTRODUCTION

The discipline of international relations has gradually developed over the period
spanning the nineteenth and twentieth century. Jeremy Bentham first used the
term International in 1780 when he talked about ‘international Jurisprudence’
as a branch of law. Since then, the term is used to refer to those relations carried
on among or between different states. However, international relations as an
academic discipline emerged after World War I. International relations as a
system of operation dates back to the era of Greek city-states as seen in the work
of Thucydides, the Greek historian (460-395 BC) who wrote ‘The History of
Peloponnesian War’.
The Greek city-states were facing problems associated with managing
recurring conflicts between them, a problem central to the later understanding of
international relations. The conflict between Athens and Sparta, the former being
a weak city-state in comparison to the later reflected another important issue of
international relations. The issue of power and the powerful is evident in this
case-conflict between the two states. It was based on index of power; the Roman
Empire later prevailed over the Greek city-states. Barry Buzan and Richard
Little mark out that the international arrangement is visible in the Sumerian state
systems that operated in the year 3500 BC.
The original point in the development of international relations must be
traced to the period of Greek city-states because of the presence of conflict and
small-scale wars among the Greek city states for the purpose of domination.
The entire period from Greek city-state to that of the Roman Empire is beset
with the theme of war, annexation and domination. This theme became central
to formulation of international relations as a subject. This is also the period
when discourses concerning relations between the states were discussed in early
India scenario. Kautilya‘s Arthashastra was a treatise on conduct of state and
its relations. However, the origin of modern international relations goes back
only to the times of the beginning of the 20th century. Several scholars made an
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attempt to explain as to why states behave in a particular manner which results NOTES
in war and how conflicts or war could be avoided.
International relations as an academic area of study gained its foundation as
an independent discipline in the aftermath of World War I upon the establishment
of a separate chair of International Politics at the University of Wales, United
Kingdom. In 1920, at London School of Economics, an independent chair for
international relations was created in the name of Phillip Neol Baker. Before
WWI, the study of international relations was the sub-discipline within the
disciplines of history, politics and international law. Therefore the origin of
international relations is not very old and IR as an academic field is very recent.
Modern states are no longer self-sufficient and ties among them concerning
different aspects have led to the growth and formation of new branches of
knowledge. The discipline of IR tries to scrutinize some of the vital issues of
our times like the changing nature of international cooperation and conflict,
diplomacy, power struggle, nature and impact of globalization on various nations
and security issues such as terrorism, issue related to climate change, trafficking,
migration and poverty etc.
A traditionally major portion of IR has involved issues on changes with
regard to state systems within the larger international framework. It has dealt
with states and the inter-state ties have served to provide an explanation on peace
and conflict that emerge as major issues in the discipline of IR. Nevertheless,
contemporary studies on IR is not only merely concerned with political ties alone
but also pertain to subjects of human rights, multinational organizations (MNCs),
International organizations, ecology, gender, development, terrorism and others.
This lesson will try to introduce the historical background of IR. At the
outset, it will make an attempt to discuss the meaning and the attributes of
international relations within the field of political science as a discipline. It will
then focus on elaborating the difference between the notion of international
relations and international politics. The next segment of the lesson will deal
with issues pertaining to the need for studying international relations through
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NOTES standpoints. It will further delve into the topic of emergence of international state
systems vis-à-vis the pre-Westphalia period, the birth of modern states and the
post-Westphalia approach.

2.3 MEANING AND DEFINITION OF IR

There is no unanimity among the writers and scholars of IR regarding the meaning
and definition of IR since there have been various meanings and definitions
offered on the subject. In view of various explanations and definitions given
by various scholars, it is essential to examine some of those definitions of IR.
According to Quincy Wright, international relations serve to concern with
the official links among states that serve to be sovereign entities. As per the
opinion of Wright, IR attempts to mention the realities involved in the subject
implying the conduct of relations within states and view them through a scientific
outlook. Hence, IR as a discipline should be concerned with a variety of aspects
including politics, trade, diplomacy and many others within states. It must take
into consideration inquiries of various kinds, involving types of government,
organizations of the international order, common people, culture and religious
denominations which serve to be primary subjects within IR. Prof. Schleicher
defines International relations as relations among states. Hans J Morgenthau in
his famous book ‘Politics among Nations: The struggle for Power and Peace’
states that, ‘International Relations is struggle for power among nations’. Charles
Reynolds regards International Relations as the process by which conflicts arise
and are resolved at the global level. In this environment, nation-states try to
serve their political interests by means of their policies and actions which may
be in conflict with those of other nations. Thus the field of IR involves matters
of conflicts, how they originate, how the parties in conflict behave in an attempt
to deal with it and how these conflicts are resolved.
Another comprehensive definition of IR has been put forward by Harold
and Margret Sprout. According to them, IR deals with matters of communication
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and opposition. Professor Alfred Zimmern had mentioned much before the NOTES
World War II that International Relations does not merely concentrate upon
single field of inquiry. It does not provide a single body of teaching matter. It is
not considered with any particular subject but based on multiple fields of study,
namely law, economic relation, politics, geographical ties, and so on. Hartman
opined that International Relations serve to be a field of study which is based
upon the “processes by which states adjust their national interest to those of other
states.” It is noted that interests of states are often not in agreement with each
other, due to which reason Morgenthau suggested that politics at the global level,
like other matters of political inquiry, is based on power relations and further
conflicts within the field. Therefore, power has been viewed as the yardstick
through which states uphold their primary national interest.
Thus, almost all the writers have focused that IR is concerned with relations
among states. However, there are other scholars who have included in their
definitions of IR the issues concerning relations involving the non-state actors as
well. Therefore, the study of international relations is interdisciplinary in nature.
IR is a combination of political science, history, and economics to understand
issues such as rights-based frameworks, poverty, climate change, economic
issues, and globalization. It also covers various security related issues as well
as the political environment.

2.4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

The term international relations and international politics are often used
as synonyms. In fact, some of the most renowned scholars of International
politics such as Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth Thompson have used these
terms interchangeably. The term international relations is used in larger context
than international politics because it includes different kinds of aspects such as
political, social, cultural, diplomatic and non-diplomatic ties. Harold and Margaret
Sprout have viewed IR as human behavioural patterns on one side of national Self-Instructional
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NOTES boundaries affecting the human attitude on other side of the country’s borders.
The term international politics is used in a narrow sense. The term international
politics is concerned with the study of conflict and collaboration within states
mainly at political level. According to Padelford and Lincoln, international
politics is the interface of state regulations and rules inside the altering mode of
power association. Palmer and Perkins have opined on the same level mentioning
politics at the international front mainly involves the state system.
Both IR and international politics also differ with respect to the
methodology of study. International relations as a subject is descriptive in
nature that includes the study of various factors in systematic manner while
international politics is analytical in nature. In this sense international relations is
much vaster than international politics. But there is a close relationship between
international relations and international politics. In fact, some scholars have
regarded international politics as a subfield of international relations. Despite
some differences between the two, we cannot deny the fact that the international
relations and international politics intend to pursue the same goals and objectives.

2.5 SUBJECT MATTER AND SCOPE OF

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

In 1947, Grayson Kirk identified five crucial subject-matters of IR; the character
and function of states; factors that shape power of states; the global position and
behaviour of Great Powers; the emergence of recent IR and the building of a
more stable global order. The Paris Conference of International Political Science
Association in 1948 decided that subject matter of IR should include international
politics, international organization and administration and international law.
Karl Deutsch has identified different aspects of IR and its subject-matter
which include: state and world; global process and global interdependence;
conflict; power-relations and limitation; global politics and society; world
population and environment challenges; poverty; revolt and steadiness; identity
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matter of IR; elements of national power; tools available for promotion of NOTES
national interests; character and principal strength of global politics; political,
socio-economic mode of international life; limits and control of national power;
foreign policy of one or more major powers and occasionally of a small state;
history of recent international events.
Baylis and Smith have argued that in the background of globalization, many
new issues have been included within the scope of IR. This scope of IR includes
Human Rights, environmental issues and gender issues. The scope of IR in the
modern period remains within the large framework of appropriate establishment
of relationship between national interests and international obligations for each
state. Due to this reason, Baylis and Smith have proposed the use of the term
world politics instead of international relations to make the scope of IR more
inclusive.

2.6 NEED FOR THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS: LEVEL OF ANALYSIS

The need for studying IR is due to the fact that people are divided and reside in
different political communities. Together, these political communities form an
international system involving various nations. So, legally, states are independent
from each other. But that does not mean that they exist in isolation. In fact,
they are only separated by borders that influence each other in various ways in
the international state system. So they form a system, which is core of IR. The
contemporary world is identified by a system of states that are dependent upon
each other. Hence, it serves to be important for everyone to gain an understanding
on the different events that are occurring across the world. Events involving
politics, global trade, non-state actors are all to be known equally.
The discipline of IR has broad objectives in today’s times, as it explains:
first the origin of conflicts and need for maintaining peace at the international
level, second, IR tries to understand the nature and exercise of power within
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NOTES changing nature of state and non-state actors which are main players in the
decision-making in the global system.
We live in an age of increasing international collaboration. Hence, not only
do tasks of the United Nations and its various wings that influence nation-states
and the individuals residing in them, but work being carried on by regional-
level bodies also have an instrumental role in everyone’s lives. International
terrorism has been a concern for human societies at large. It has also served to
be important for economic organizations (like the World Bank and the World
Trade Organization) that influence international relations. The study of IR has
thus gained huge significance for the scholars and students of IR.

2.7 THREE LEVELS OF ANALYSIS

The aim of this section is to examine the meaning and effectiveness of level of
analysis which is a vital concept of IR. In IR, generally three levels are used to
analyze the international relations. The debate related to level of analysis began
in IR when Kenneth Waltz (1959) came up with his book titled ‘Man, the state
and war’. In his book, Waltz propounded three levels or three images to point
out the behavioural patterns of states and their decision with regard to war. Waltz
suggested that there are three levels of analysis that can be utilized in the study
of how wars occur. So, level of analysis explains the forms of understanding the
foreign policy directives that are taken up at various levels of the nations, the
law makers and the administration or the states as a united entity.

2.7.1 Individual Level of Analysis

Waltz was of the opinion that the first level of analysis is the individual level,
in which Waltz suggests that conflicts mainly occur due to patterns of human
nature (human behaviour) or due to the character of a particular political leader.
Individual level of analysis focuses on human nature. These individuals make
decisions related to foreign policy and other political relations in state system
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of analysis views the political leaders of nations as being the main source of NOTES
influence for foreign policy directives. According to individual level of analysis,
the major focus is on the character and behavioural patterns of man. Conflicts
result out of self-interestedness, from misdirect impulsiveness and from folly
(Waltz 1959: 16). So, the individual level of analysis focuses on human behaviour,
that means, wars occur due to human nature or nature of particular statesmen
or political leader like Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Napoleon and the policy of
Hitler during the World War II.

2.7.2 State Level of Analysis

The second level or image examines the behaviour of states. In the second level,
Waltz regards the view that property of the nations is significant in influencing
its directives and policies. These are inclusive of its type of government, its
internal constituents or mode of productive activities and the distributive tasks.
State level of analysis finds out how state’s nature goes on to decide its foreign
policy directive. This level of analysis also views nations as bearers of culture and
associated affiliations like religion, traditions, history, economy and geographical
attributes. Waltz in this second level of analysis views that conflicts mainly occur
due to internal structures (internal political structure) of states.
In this context, Waltz reminds of the Lenin’s theory of imperialism that
points out that the root cause behind conflicts lie in the agenda of capitalist states
that open up new markets to strengthen the economy of their own countries. For
instance, some believe that democratic countries behave in certain manner or
they don’t fight with each other while capitalist states and socialist states generate
different attitude and behaviour. Failed state like North Korea may equally affect
state behavior and failure of domestic democratic institutions may also result war.
We can also use state level analysis to understand US intervention in Iraq. The
US always had an idealist line in its foreign policy e.g. democratization of world.

2.7.3 System Level of Analysis

System level analysis takes notice of the global level system; mainly, how the Self-Instructional
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NOTES of the international system (anarchical in nature) in order to understand state

directives. Within this understanding, the global level system directs the states
in a certain way. This implies that any alteration in the global system will also
be accompanied by the alteration in states policies and directions. The major
element in the international level is the power of a nation-state.
Some of them have more power while others are not in similar positions.
However, the cold war involved two nations, namely, US & USSR. Later, the
behaviours of all other countries were influenced and affected by the cold war
since both that the US and USSR were the two superpowers in a bipolar world.
Today, the world is identified as unipolar in nature with one powerful nation and
that goes on to influence the direction of all other nations in the international
system. Within this analysis, it can be easily explained why the US intervened
in Iraq. It can be viewed that US, the superpower, that makes an attempt to order
the world against states that serve to act as its threat. The US wants to maintain
its supremacy and therefore defeats all opponents.

In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Quincy Wright defines IR as the official links among ________ entities.
2. Hans J Morgenthau described IR as a struggle for ________ among
nations.
3. Harold and Margaret Sprout emphasized that IR deals with ________
and ties among political entities.
4. At the individual level of analysis, conflicts arise from ________ nature.
5. The state level of analysis focuses on a nation’s internal ________ and
political structure.
B. State True or False:
1. IR only deals with political interactions among states.
2. According to Kenneth Waltz, conflicts arise solely due to global power
structures.
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3. IR as a discipline is concerned with aspects like trade and diplomacy NOTES

within states.
4. International politics is broader in scope than International Relations.
5. The system level of analysis focuses on human nature as the cause of
conflicts.

2.8 HISTORY OF EMERGENCE OF

INTERNATIONAL STATE SYSTEM

This section will discuss in detail the inception of global level system and its
significance in modern study of IR. Generally, the scholars of IR trace the
emergence of state arrangements to the period of 1648 during the time when
the treaty of Westphalia was signed, which led to the end of thirty years of war.
This section is divided into three parts: first, state system in the pre-Westphalia
period, second, the Westphalian system and third, the post-Westphalian system.

2.8.1 Pre-Westphalia

Much before the treaty Westphalia, states were present and they formed ties
with other states, but these states did not have a sovereign nature, their ability
was restricted by the Roman church. People did not reside in sovereign political
arrangements then. In major part of human civilization, people had set their
political living through different arrangements, and the significant among them
is through past empires that existed. One of the most important empires of
yesteryears is the Roman Empire or the Ottoman Empire.
It is not known how the future political arrangements will be like. In the
later stages of human history, the world may cease to remain set in forms of a
nation-states. It may so happen that later individuals no longer adhere to state
systems. Many kinds of political associations and arrangements have been
disbanded by humans earlier, namely, the Greek Polis, systems like feudalisms
and so on. It is not unthinkable to be of the view that a form of international Self-Instructional
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NOTES established. There was no existence of independent sovereign states before the
16th century after which state system originated.
The foremost expression of state like political arrangements can be traced
to that of Greece of 500-100 BC. Greece during that period was not marked by
states that characterize modern times. It was a representative of a similar kind of
structure in place. They existed mainly in form of city-states or what was termed
as Polis then. Some of the major city-states of them were Sparta, Corinth while
Athens served to be the largest of them all. These political arrangements formed
the oldest system like states that operated together in the history of Europe.
However, as mentioned earlier, these political arrangements operated in different
manner, unlike the modern states which are sovereign in character. This Greek
system in place was finally overpowered and destructed by adjoining empire
systems and Greece went on to become a part of Roman Empire thereafter. The
Roman Empire by then had begun occupying territories of many parts of Europe
as huge portions of West Asia and North Africa.
Thereafter, the Roman Empire had to deal with various political
communities that were acquired. It followed a policy of subordinating the
acquired territories instead of reorienting them and organizing them together.
As a replacement for IR or similar nature of system, the only possible mode that
could be adopted by various political arrangements is either of submitting to the
Empire of Romans of taking up arms and revolting against it. Due to many such
revolts that occurred against the Roman Empire whose forces could not tame
these power centres of rebellion, the empire gradually shrinked. This led to the
fading away of the prowess of Roman Empire slowly which met its end after
centuries of flourishment and survival.
These systems of empires involved a common form of political arrangement
that made its way in Europe, stood powerful for centuries and then met its downfall
thereafter. The Roman Empire’s downfall led to the growth and development of
two different successive such empires, one centered in Western Europe and the
other in Eastern Empire known as the Byzantine Empire. Other than these two
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settlements, the regions of North of America and the Middle East went on to NOTES
form a different setting mainly of the Islamic origin that came up in the Arabian
Peninsula region. There were other civilizations like India and Iran as well. The
other oldest empire was the Chinese empire that was ruled by various dynasties.
The medieval period was marked by the existence of systems of empires,
their issues and conflict-riddeness within them. During these centuries, states did
exist but in the form of empire. First, they were not independent and sovereign
in modern sense. Second there were no well defined territories and borders. So
the territorial political independence that we have in modern state system was
completely absent during the pre-Westphalia period. The pre-Westphalia times
involved considerable amounts of distress, wars and distrust among different
political arrangements. These empires were always in war, sometime wars were
fought between religious organizations and sometime, between kings such as the
hundred year’s war between France and England. During this period, the king
was only source of power.

2.8.2 Treaty of Westphalia and the Rise of Modern State System

The contemporary international state system was established by the signing of

Westphalia treaty in the year of 1648. This mainly brought the end of the thirty
years conflict and war (1618-48) which began in 1618 over religious issues. The
war was fought inside the Sacred Roman Empire which involved the Catholics
of Hapsburg dynasty and the protestant population in Bohemia. During these
years, the war advanced gradually through stages and converted into a huge
large political chaos and conflict involving others. The other parties to this
conflict were Austrian and Spanish allies of the Hapsburgs together with their
other friendly alliances involving the catholic German Princes in opposition to
Denmark, France, and Sweden and their alliances and friends within protestant
Princes of Germany. Therefore the war involved entire Europe and most of the
part of Europe was devastated.
The war that went on for thirty years only met its ends in 1648 with the
signing of Treaty of Westphalia, in which major European powers agreed to Self-Instructional
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NOTES respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The signing of this
treaty made way for the setting up of new political entities with different form
of arrangement and nature. This led to the foundation and beginning of the story
of modern states. These modern states had sovereignty as their defining feature.
Apart from the feature of sovereignty, issues of diplomacy and mediation gained
prominence only after this treaty. This led to new kinds of relations that emerged
between the state and its population.
This also led to the codification of new norms and structures within the
law at the international level. The coming up of United Nations Organization
and similar set-ups can be credited to the signing of the Westphalia treaty. The
contemporary international level of operation finds its origin and reflection in the
Westphalian model. The need for maintenance of peace found its expression in
this model. After Peace of Westphalia, modern states came up as the only source
of author and legitimacy at the legitimate international level. Only sovereign
nations could either go into wars, or enter into ties or alliances together. After
treaty of Westphalia, states were regarded as the sole source of legitimacy in the
political system of Europe established on grounds of their independent territory,
sovereignty, and government. Through this treaty, state recognized the principle
of sovereignty, principle of territorial integrity, and principle of equality.

2.8.3 Post Westphalia State Systems

The Westphalian system began in 1648 within the next few centuries and stretched
from European nations to the bulk of globe. The Westphalian model was viewed
with immense significance due to several causes. First, it secularized the global
level relations by separating it from religion and associated traditions, resting it
on the attributes of a nation’s interest. Second, it promoted the idea of sovereignty
in international relations. And third, it firmly believed in the idea of a global
communion established on grounds of equal treatment of all nations. So over the
next few centuries, the attributes, features and ideals of the Westphalian model
gradually reached to the parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Westphalian
system reached at the peak in the late 19th century. The mode of diplomacy
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arrangement and grounds through which international cooperation took place NOTES
during the WWI. Thereafter, with global relations being reorganized after the end
of WWI, experts have argued that the consequence of the Westphalian model and
the arrangement that it sets in can be seen in many modern international-level
associations, which includes the United Nations, the former League of Nations,
and the like. The charter of the United Nations created in 1945 has some of the
very same provisions as the peace of Westphalia.
The contemporary move towards transition of the international level system
has been marked by shift towards post-Westphalia modes. As per this view, the
Westphalian model has paved the way for a post-Westphalian era. However, this
does not imply that centralized form of international system is about to make its
beginning. The ongoing and contemporary post-Westphalian mode is filled with
issues of co-existence and confrontations. Nevertheless, there are certain issues
which call for attention of international organizations which create an orderly
hierarchical system into an otherwise equal sovereign state system.

2.9 CHALLENGES TO THE WESTPHALIAN

SYSTEM

There has been debate among the scholars and the policy formulators regarding
whether the Westphalian system continues to dominate in the present century.
Centrifugal forces shape modern international relations. Simultaneously,
globalization is hauling many of the incumbents together; disintegrating
development is forcing community aside. At the same time, world is becoming
more multinational as well as more parochial. Many non-state actors such as
international organizations and MNCs are now competing with sovereign states.
There has been a sharp increase in number of global organizations and institutions.
Under globalization, politics can operate over the nation through politically
collaborative measures through organizations like the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), World Bank and World Trade Organization (WTO). Today nations
are entangled in a web of international level of governance that involves MNCs, Self-Instructional
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NOTES IOs (International Organizations’) and NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations.

Hence, the contemporary world is being molded by agents that are challenging
the Westphalian model.
The results of globalization are not only confined to the rules of global
interactions, it is also challenging the authority that rests with nations. A state
is no longer in a position to deal with decision-making alone; policymaking is
increasingly being shaped by other actors associated with the nation. Increasing
forces involved in globalizing the world, mainly around the decade of 1990s,
strengthened the belief that with globalization, the sovereign feature of the
state would be restrained. Hence, it can be viewed that there has been a huge
transformation within the context of Sovereignty and its purpose with regard to
the state. The post WWII period has been marked by a restraint for the states
towards pursuing of their individual objectives due to coming up of numerous
international level organizations and because of nations abiding by global rules
and regulations.
Nation-states and their sovereignty is also challenged by the presence of
international level governance. The global governance is operating through a
host organization ranging from international organization to regional or local
organizations. Some of these institutions or organizations can be identified as the
United Nations and its various organs and agencies such as WHO, WTO, IMF
and regional organization like EU, ASEAN, SAARC and the NATO. So the end
of Cold War saw growing integration and the erosion of Westphalian sovereignty.
Theorists and experts in the field of IR would contend that the Westphalia
model did account for a revolutionary system of its period and time. It advanced
the model for international level diplomacy, a concept that was not thought of
or existed before the 17th century. This influence of the Westphalia model is
significant even in the contemporary times.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. The Treaty of ________ was signed in 1648 and marked the rise of
modern state systems.
2. Before the Treaty of Westphalia, political entities were mainly organized
into ________ and lacked well-defined borders.
3. The ________ system involved political arrangements that were not
sovereign in the modern sense.
4. After the Treaty of Westphalia, ________ became the defining feature
of modern states.
5. The Westphalian system gradually spread to Asia, Africa, and ________
over the next few centuries.
B. State True or False:
1. The pre-Westphalian political arrangements were sovereign in nature.
2. The Treaty of Westphalia recognized the principles of sovereignty and
territorial integrity.
3. The Roman Empire reorganized and unified the political communities it
acquired.
4. Globalization has reinforced the Westphalian model of state sovereignty.
5. The Peace of Westphalia laid the foundation for modern international
diplomacy.

2.10 SUMMARY

• The lesson introduces the discipline of International Relations (IR), which

has grown significantly as a distinct field of study in contemporary times.
• It begins by defining and discussing the meaning of IR, highlighting various
definitions by eminent scholars.
• The development of IR as an academic subject is explored in detail.
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NOTES • Differences between International Relations and International Politics

are discussed, noting that the terms are often used interchangeably or as
synonyms.
• The lesson explains the three levels of analysis used to study IR: the
individual level, the state level, and the system level.
• The emergence of the international state system is discussed, with experts
attributing its formation to the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, which led to
the creation of modern sovereign states.
• Before the state system, the world was organized through different political
structures, the last being empires, which were different from modern states.
• The lesson briefly explains the differences between empires and modern
states.
• It highlights the transformation of modern states in the post-Westphalia
period due to globalization.
• Globalization has challenged the sovereignty of modern states, creating
a new international-state system where states interact not only with each
other but also with non-state actors.

2.11 GLOSSARY

• International Relations (IR): A field of study focusing on the interactions

between states, including political, economic, and social aspects.
• Sovereign: A state having full control over its internal and external affairs.
• Conflict Resolution: The process of resolving disputes and conflicts
between different states or groups.
• Human Nature: The inherent characteristics of individuals that influence
their behaviour.

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• Global System: The international network of states and their interactions, NOTES
including power relations and alliances.
• Greek Polis: City-states in ancient Greece, such as Athens and Sparta that
served as early examples of political systems.
• Globalization: The process of increased interconnectedness and
interdependence among countries, often challenging traditional state
sovereignty.

2.12 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
A. 1. Sovereign
2. Power
3. Communication
4. Human
5. Structures
B. 1. False
2. False
3. True
4. False
5. False
In-Text Questions-2
A. 1. Westphalia
2. Empires
3. Pre-Westphalian
4. Sovereignty
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NOTES B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. False
5. True

2.13 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What is the key difference between International Relations (IR) and

international politics?
2. According to Charles Reynolds, what is the primary focus of IR?
3. What role do non-state actors play in IR?
4. Explain Westphalia treaty and relate it to emergence of International
Relations.
5. Why should we study IR? Discuss about ongoing debate on theorization
of IR.
6. How did the Treaty of Westphalia influence the nature of sovereignty in
the international system?
7. What was the main political structure before the rise of the modern state
system, particularly in ancient Greece?

2.14 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Baylis, J., Smith, S., and P. Owen (eds). The Globalization of World
Politics: Introduction to International Relations. Oxford University Press,
Oxford, 2008.

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• Brown, C., and K. Ainley. Understanding International Relations. Palgrave, NOTES

Basingstoke, 2009.
• Kreuder Sonnen, C., and B. Zangl. “Which Post-Westphalia? International
Organizations between Constitutionalism and Authoritarianism.” European
Journal of International Relations 21, no. 3 (2015): 568-594.
• Jackson, R., and G. Sorenson. Introduction to International Relations:
Theories and Approaches. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2010.
• Sarkar, J. “Debating a Post-Westphalian International Order.” Mainstream
3, no. 5 (2015).
• Booth, K., and S. Smith (eds). International Relations Theory Today. The
Pennsylvania State University Press, Pennsylvania, 1995.
• Lansford, T. “Post-Westphalian Europe? Sovereignty and the Modern
Nation-State.” International Studies 37, no. 1 (2000): 1-15.
• Little, R. “Sovereignty.” In Encyclopedia of International Relations &
Global Politics, ed. M. Griffiths. Routledge, London, 2005.
• Nicholson, M. International Relations: A Concise Introduction. New York
University Press, New York, 2003.
• Smith, M., and R. Little (eds). Perspectives on World Politics. Routledge,
New York, 2000.
• Patton, S. “The Peace of Westphalia and Its Effects on International
Relations, Diplomacy, and Foreign Policy.” The Histories 10, no. 1 (2019).
https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol10/iss1/5
• Mingst, K. Essentials of International Relations. W.W. Norton and
Company, New York, 2011.
• Raymond, G. A. “Westphalia.” In Encyclopedia of International Relations
& Global Politics, ed. M. Griffiths. Routledge, London, 2005.
• Goldstein, J., and J. Pevehouse. International Relations. Pearson Longman,
New York, 2007.
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NOTES • Vaughan, M. “After Westphalia, Whither the Nation-States, Its People and
Its Governmental Institutions.” Paper presented at the International Studies
Association Asia-Pacific Regional Conference, September 29, 2011.
• Vermani, R. C. Perspectives on International Relations and World History.
Gitanjali Publishing House, New Delhi, 2017.

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Realpolitik (Kautilya)/Realism/Neo-Realism

LESSON 3 NOTES
REALPOLITIK (KAUTILYA)/REALISM/NEO-
REALISM
Dr. Pramod Kumar
Assistant Professor,
Dayal Singh College, DU
STRUCTURE
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Understanding Realism
3.4 Early Historical Realists
3.5 Later Historical Realists
3.6 Classical Realism
3.7 Contribution of E.H. Carr
3.8 Contribution of Hans J. Morgenthau
3.9 Criticism
3.10 J. Ann Tickner’s Criticism of Morgenthau
3.11 Neo-Realism/Structural Realism
3.12 Contribution of Kenneth N. Waltz
3.13 Summary
3.14 Glossary
3.15 Answers to In-Text Questions
3.16 Self-Assessment Questions
3.17 References/Suggested Readings

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand various approaches on IR like realism and neo realism.
• Analyze key contributions of E.H. Carr and Hans J. Morgenthau to Realist
thought, including their critiques of idealism and political theory. Self-Instructional
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NOTES • Elucidate the feminist J. Ann Tickner’s criticism on Morgenthau’s idea

on realism.
• Differentiate between Classical Realism and Neo-Realism, focusing on
Kenneth N. Waltz’s contributions to Structural Realism.

3.2 INTRODUCTION

Realist tradition in International Relations (IR) is a prominent theory to understand

the phenomenon of the discipline. We can understand the realist tradition from
the perspective of various ancient scholars like Greek philosopher Thucydides,
Italian thinker Niccolo Machiavelli, British political philosopher Thomas Hobbes,
Genevan scholar Jean-Jacques Rousseau etc. In 20th century, Edward Hallett
Ted Carr, Reinhold Niebuhr, Hans. J Morgenthau, George Kennan, Raymond
Aron and others emphasized on the realities of International Politics in a very
comprehensive manner and also they have provided so many substantial tools
to the study of International Relations. Neo realist or structural realist such as
Kenneth N Waltz, Stephen Krasner and Robert Gilpin elaborated the generation of
détente after the end of cold war. John Mearshiemer, Randall Schweller, Charles
Glaser, and Stephen Walt discussed on the politics of reality of the contemporary
world. Neo Classical realist like Fareed Zakaria and Gidden Rose argued that
states always drive for their relative material power capabilities and the influence
of the domestic factor reflects in foreign policy formulation of the nation-state.

3.3 UNDERSTANDING REALISM

Realist thinkers emphasized the prudent behaviour of human beings and they
believed that the reality of international relations is rooted in human nature or
the selfishness of humans. They accepted the notion of universal egoism, and in
the absence of a central international agency or authority, the basic behavioural
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and more power is necessary for the survival of the units. In this manner, states NOTES
power maximises in the anarchical system of international relations.
Realists considered that states are the main actors in the international
system, therefore states-centrism is the basic assumption in the entire theoretical
paradigm of realism. Utility maximizing and comprehensively self-serving
are the basic behavioural dynamics of the units in the anarchical international
system. States are always concerned for their self-interest and try to maximize
their national interest. National interest is always defined in terms of power.
Hence, there is a close relationship between the power and national interest.
According to the realists, national interest always determines the foreign policy
of any country. They also distinguish between vital national interest and non-vital
national interest. In the anarchical world order, units never compromise their
vital national interest even they can go for war to protect the same.
In the anarchical international order, the states are always concerned about
their survival and therefore, they try to maximize their security for which they
are dependent on self-help system. In international order, states are generally
not inclined to help other countries without any profit motive or chances of their
security maximisation. Hence, countries/states in international order are alone in
this anarchical world and struggle for their security and survival. This condition
of the states in international order is extremely deplorable.
As a result, states merely look into their own interest. This situation is
exemplified by taking example of war between Germany and France in the
Second World War, where France was vulnerable in terms of military power
viz-a-viz Germany and was totally overpowered by Germany. As a result, France
was decimated and defeated. France, during the war with Germany, did not get
any consolidated support from the European countries and United States of
America. France had to endure the barbarism and exploitation of Germany for a
considerable time. Thus, it can be observed that the states in international order
are completely lonely, without any help during the times of crisis. States therefore
rely on self-help and try to maximize their power to become more secure in the
international anarchical system. Self-Instructional
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NOTES In realist school of thought, the concept of ethics and morality does not
occupy a significant position. The realist school of thought believes that ethics and
morality are not as much important as power maximisation. Ethics and morality
holds a secondary position in comparison to military strength. However ethics
and morality are stable and constant determinants which are to be followed by
general masses and not by the states themselves in the international arena.
The Italian philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli has opined in his famous
book ‘The Prince’ that the king should not be moral or ethical in his duties,
rather should make the subjects moral and ethical so that it becomes easy to rule
over them and dictate terms and conditions for them. Machiavelli further says
that the king should not be moral and ethical while dealing with other states in
international politics. The king should employ tactics and strategies to defeat his
enemy without becoming moralistic and ethical.

3.4 EARLY HISTORICAL REALISTS

The realist school of thought finds its origins in the work of ancient scholars
like Thucydides, Sun Tzu and Kautilya. Greek historian scholar Thucydides is
considered to be the oldest of realists who had studied the Peloponnesian war
(431-404 BC). After analyzing the Peloponnesian war, he stated that the conflicts
and competition between the states have its roots in unequal distribution of power
in the international politics. He argued that all the states should accept the reality
of unequal distribution of power so that they can improve onto their position in
global power hierarchy. The state which becomes more powerful in a shorter
period of time becomes more secure, independent and in longer terms, becomes
a hegemon. The state therefore in international politics has to be cautious and
judgmental in their approach in international politics.
The ancient Chinese scholar Sun Tzu who lived some 2000 years ago
analyzed the continuous occurrence of war between several states. Sun Tzu
believed that the kings should not be extreme moralistic in their reasoning while
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dealing with armed adversary, rather fight with them with all might to protect NOTES
their interest and to survive.
In the hierarchical school of thought of realism, Kautilya, an ancient
Indian scholar, makes a very rich contribution. Kautilya conceptualises power
and happiness in the study of international politics. He states that happiness
can be achieved by judicious use of power. He also states that happiness is also
an indication of successful foreign policy, which has its base in righteousness
and internal stability, thereby bringing in new concepts in the determination of
international status. Kautilya’s Mandala theory identifies Vijigishu (righteous
king) and his friends as viz-a viz Ari (enemy of Vijigishu) and his friends in a
more superior and complex manner in comparison to understanding of a loose
bipolar system.
It indicates that geographically, the countries can be close and therefore
exemplify a loose centricity. Kautilya’s identification of non-aligned Kings and
neutral indifferent King is a unique contribution to the study of international
relations. In Kautilya’s understanding of international relations, locational
determination of Kings imply that one’s neighbour is one’s enemy and therefore
one’s neighbor’s enemy is a friend. Kautilya exhorts the King (Vijigishu) to
increase his power and therefore engage in continuous warfare until he becomes
a ‘Sarvabhauma’ (the King of entire earth). Kautilya therefore had perfected the
realist ideas in ancient times where the use of violence was glorified to achieve
power and grandeur in international relations.

3.5 LATER HISTORICAL REALISTS

The ancient understanding of realism got carried on throughout the centuries in

which several wars took place and new twist and turn in international politics
stabilized new dimensions to international relations. Carrying over the ideas of
realism, Niccolo Machiavelli, an Italian thinker, diplomat and writer tried to
conceptualize the principle of realism in his work, ‘The Prince’ which was written
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NOTES and diplomacy among the nations. Machiavelli asserted that the prince should
be as brave as a lion and as cunning as a fox, for the lion can show his might
and courage in wars, whereas the fox can trace the traps. The Prince therefore
should be courageous and crafty. Machiavelli asked the Prince to be strong and
crafty against his opponent. He believed that the prince should be brutal and
crafty so that he can suppress any kind of revolt against him in domestic arena.
Machiavelli believed that norms, morality and religion should be used by
the Prince only for the general masses. The Prince should encourage people to
follow religion and morality so that they become submissive and obedient. He
asserted that if a Prince could consolidate his power and position in domestic
politics, he can also consolidate his power and position in international relations.
Therefore, the realist idea of power maximisation, tactics and craft was visualized
in Machiavelli’s works.
Carrying over the understanding of realist school of thought was prominently
articulated and conceptualized to a greater extent in the work of English political
philosopher, Thomas Hobbes. Hobbes’ magnum opus, ‘Leviathan’ was published
in 1651 in which the state of nature for the human beings was visualized. Hobbes
made three assumptions, firstly, men are equal, secondly, the men’s interest in
anarchy and thirdly, they are motivated by competition, diffidence and glory.
The result of these conditions was war of all against all. Hobbes believed that
since men considered themselves as equal they should compete for control
over resources and power. In this process, the weaker men got subdued by the
stronger men.
The continuous struggle between the men, made the life of men solitary,
poor, nasty, brutish and short. Thereby men conceptualize the idea of ever
powerful leviathan became a hegemon. Hobbes believed that it was human
nature to quarrel, wage war and compete for resources and glory. The war of
one against all, exemplified the anarchical international order which required a
hegemon to stabilize global order. Hobbes believed that the anarchical system
in international relations was predominant and a man has to work hard for his
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times. Hobbes’ visualization of anarchy and hierarchy in society was an example NOTES
of international anarchical order. Hobbes therefore played an important role in
shaping the ideas of realism.

3.6 CLASSICAL REALISM

Classical realists believe that it is completely favoured to make a peaceful

world order but the reality of international relations is security, power struggle
and conflicts among the units. So, creating a peaceful world order may be a
captivating idea but it is not feasible. Realism as American realist scholar E.H.
Carr (1939) notes “tends to emphasize the irresistible strength of existing forces
and the inevitable character of existing tendencies, and to insist that the highest
wisdom lies in accepting, and adapting oneself to these forces and tendencies”.
German strategist Carl von Clausewitz argued that “war is a continuation of
politics by other means”. Classical realists substantially consider state as the
dominant actor of world affairs and they believe in the politics of great powers.
They criticize the utopian assumptions of liberals during the world war politics.

3.7 CONTRIBUTION OF E.H. CARR

The British historian and journalist E.H. Carr in his propaedeutic work, ‘The
Twenty Years ‘Crisis’ (1939) distinguishes between realism and utopianism.
Carr used the foundation state of realism which is under laid in the writings of
Machiavelli. First, he believes that history is the sequence of cause and effect
which is to expostulate not only by vainglory but intellectual efforts. Second,
theory does not create praxis, but it is created by politics. Third, politics is not
determined by ethics or morality. Even ethics is a function of politics and morality
is the emanation of power. So, the leading forces of international relations are
power, not ethics and morality.
E.H. Carr believed that realism is a well-established path to understand Self-Instructional
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NOTES the reality of international relations. On the other hand, utopians emphasized
on ‘what ought to be’ and they try to sustain the world from imaginations.
Utopians believe that a peaceful world can be achieved if international agencies
like League of Nations exist. But Carr said that League of Nations is unrealistic
and Treaty of Versailles is the main cause of Second World War. He also gave
some examples from the war between Japan and Manchuria (1931) and Italy’s
attack on Abyssinia (1935) during which the League of Nations kept watching
as a mute spectator at this juncture. Hence, an international agency completely
failed to prevent war and maintain a peaceful world order. Finally, E.H. Carr
alleged that utopians are also unable to explain the tangibility of power politics.

In-Text Questions- 1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Realists believe that the international system is _______.
2. States maximise their power in order to survive in the ____________
order.
3. According to realists, national interest is defined in terms of _______.
4. Kautilya’s Mandala theory suggests that one’s neighbor is one’s _______.
5. Ethics and morality hold a _______ position in the realist school of
thought.
B. State True or False:
1. Realists believe that states primarily rely on international agencies for
security.
2. According to Kautilya, power is unrelated to happiness in international
politics.
3. E.H. Carr criticized utopianism for its idealistic view of international
relations.
4. Machiavelli argued that a prince should be both brave and cunning in
politics.
5. Hobbes believed that the state of nature among humans leads to peace
and cooperation.
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3.8 Contribution of Hans J. Morgenthau

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The classical text of Hans J. Morgenthau ‘Politics among Nations: The Struggle NOTES
for Power and Peace’ (1948) created a paradigm in the field of discipline.
Morgenthau’s work is considered as classic because it described the very
fundamental and methodological attempt to theorize the international politics.
He accepted the challenge to stabilize the ‘Science of the International Politics’
to use the positivist methodology to study the politics of nation states. His work
was based on scientific method and helps to understand the objective laws and
reality of international relations. For example, Morgenthau takes his definition
about theory from natural science. He argues that theory cannot be justified if it is
not related to the reality and based on abstract assumptions or imaginations. For
Morgenthau, theory should be based on facts, objectivity, science and empirical
observation etc.
Morgenthau invented new tools to understand the real power politics. He
strongly argues that ‘balance of power’ system is more pragmatic to explain
the struggle among nation states. He finds inadequacy in the liberal concept
of ‘collective security’, so that state will have to go for ally with others and
they should increase their own amount of power. Like Niccolo Machiavelli,
Morgenthau also explains the basic traits of human nature. He emphasizes on the
imperfectness of the nature of human beings. He argues that ‘world imperfections
are the result of forces inherent in human nature’.
Morgenthau had contributed in the foreign policy of the United States of
America and we can see the various reflections of his ideas in the foundation of
American foreign policy. He succinct the contemporary world politics and the
major foundation of realpolitik in his six principles of realism.

Six Principles of Morgenthau:

i. Morgenthau believed that generally, politics is governed by objective
laws and that have their roots in human nature which is unchanging. It is
possible to develop a rational perception to understand the discipline in
pragmatic manner. These universal laws about human nature do not change
according to time and place that is why these norms are impervious for
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NOTES human preferences. International relations and intellectual foundation is

always dependent on laws rooted in human nature. Hence, these objective
laws are reflected in the theories regarding international relations.
ii. Concepts of interest defined in terms of power which infuses rational order
in subject matters in politics makes the theoretical understanding of politics
possible. Power and interest are the key concepts in realist tradition and
it makes international relations more independent from other disciplines,
that is why politics is an autonomous domain and does not depend on
history or economics. Morgenthau provided a new assumption about power
politics. He argued that the foreign policy and the behavioural dynamics
of units are determined from power and interest in a very fundamental
manner. Therefore, units in the international system always try to secure
their interest through power maximisation.
iii. Realism assumes that its core concept of interest defines as power which
is universally valid. Morgenthau argued that the universal law of power
applies on the behaviour of nation state and national interest could be
maintained only through power. Morgenthau also explained essence
of power like natural resources, capacity of industrialization, military
capabilities, geography and locations, size of population, national character,
diplomatic abilities and government. He tried to define power in a very
comprehensive manner and argues that the nature and scope of power keep
changing with time, place and context. Morgenthau found an ingenious
relationship between power and interest; if any kind of change occurs in
power dynamics, the objective of interest will be automatically altered.
iv. Political realism refuses to identify the moral significance of political action.
Ethics or morality is not determined by the action of units in international
system. Individual could be influenced to the moral code of conduct, but
nation states are considered as moral agents in international relations.
When nations formulate their foreign policy, they never consider morality,
they only pay attention towards their cruel national interest. According
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yardsticks of morality. Therefore, in international relations, we cannot NOTES

expect moral behaviour to the state as they are always considered as utility
maximisers.
v. Political realism refuses to identify the moral laws that govern the universe.
Universal moral laws do not guide the basic behavioural dynamics of the
state in international relations. When nation states declared some universal
moral laws, basically at this juncture, they wanted to impose their national
and cultural norms on entire world. Whenever a nation state follows the
basic norms of ethics, then they are actually doing feign of ethics.
vi. Political realism maintains the autonomy of the political sphere. According
to the political realism, politics is autonomous from ethics, economy, and
any kind of universal laws. On the other hand, international politics is
always determined from the key concept of power, rationality, and national
interest.

3.9 CRITICISM

During 1960s and 70s, the hold of classical realism was broken as it’s
methodological, theoretical and policy agenda was considered as anachronistic.
The following notions challenged the predominance of classical realism in
international relations theory:
1. Behaviouralists believed that classical realism was not a single coherent
theory and it did not satisfy scientific investigation.
2. Political Realism lacks precision despite large number of contributions.
It provides bleak opinions about concepts like balance of power, national
interest, and deterrence.
3. It was unable to factually analyze and make systemic study of the discipline.
Realism also failed to answer some of the real-world questions like national
security, military arms, and weapons.
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NOTES explain how much power is sufficient to nation-states for their security and
survival. They also provided less importance to the other factors beyond
the power politics amongst nations.
5. Post-Modernists criticized Morgenthau’s opinions that human nature is
selfish and constant. They opposed realist claims that power and knowledge
have objective meaning.

3.10 J. ANN TICKNER’S CRITICISM OF

MORGENTHAU

Feminist scholar J. Ann Tickner criticized the six foundational principal of

Morgenthau’s political realism. She argued that Morgenthau’s theory about
realism is completely based on masculinity and is gender-biased. Morgenthau
claimed that human nature is universally self- centric and always searches for
power accumulation, but Tickner believed that the incomplete and masculine
understanding about human nature is partial towards the women. It is premised
on the very exclusion of women and feminine attributes which reflects gender
biasness in order to understand international politics, where women are not
included in conceptual framework of political realism.
Glorification of war in political realism provides masculine power and
neglects the female domain in the discipline. She said that Morgenthau is only
interested in a political man who is supposed to be prudent, rational but not moral.
Morgenthau completely neglected the ethical dimensions of international politics
while morality and ethics are an integral part of feminine virtues.
According to J. Ann Tickner, principles of political realism and foundational
theory in international relations voices a patriarchal perspective. The discipline
of international relations has become unreceptive to women. In terms of its
assumptions, prescriptions, descriptions and perspective; it is masculine. So, for
men it provides a comfort zone but for women it is inhospitable.

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Women excel in other subdivisions like gender studies, political economy, NOTES
environmental studies etc. Women are considered excelling in soft study areas,
and they are not there in mainstream security studies and in the study of use of
force or the threat of use of force. Society has been a victim of biased theorization.
The military has a disproportionate amount of power in security, with men doing
standardized tasks that give them the ability to exploit others. For instance, war is
given priority over peace, the state is given priority over society, instrumentality is
given priority over process, and reason is given priority over ethics and morality.

3.11 NEO-REALISM/STRUCTURAL REALISM

Neo-Realism or structural realism is considered as a mainstream or foundational

theory in international relations. Neo-realists believed that the basic structure
of international politics is anarchic, so the behavioural dynamics of the state is
determined from this systemic constraints or structure. In the anarchical state
of affair, units are always concerned about their survival and relative security.
Units can secure and maintain their survival only with the means of self-help.
Therefore, with the absence of any highest authority/government, they have to
accumulate more and more power in order to sustain in this system. Statism is
another aspect of neo-realism; it believes that state is the dominant and single
actor in international relations. Key contributors of neo-realism are Kenneth N.
Waltz, John Mearsheimer, Joseph Grieco and Stephen Walt etc.

3.12 CONTRIBUTION OF KENNETH N. WALTZ

Kenneth N. Waltz published his phenomenal work about the foundation of neo-
realism in ‘Theory of International Politics’ in 1979. Waltz’s substantial contribution
to the sphere of political science is the creation of neo-realism, which posits that
state actions can often be explained by the systemic pressure which limits their
choices. He argued that the international order exists in a state of perpetual anarchy.
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NOTES He also distinguished the anarchy of international milieu from the order of domestic
regime in his ordering principle i.e. anarchy versus hierarchy.
Waltz believed that in domestic regime, there is hierarchy with the
existence of a central agency that can regulate the irrational and evil behaviour
of individuals. Central authority in domestic regimes set up a bunch of norms,
rules and regulations, and provisions of punishment to maintain the order of
hierarchy. But, in an international system, there is the absence of a powerful
central or universal authority; a lack of a central enforcer means the state acts
in a way that ensures their security above all else or risks falling behind. He
believed that without the existence of the international agency there is a system
of anarchy, and every state has to survive on its own.
Accordingly, in the systemic pressure, states have to maximize its security
through relative powers/gain. Therefore, states are the security maximizers and
the main concern of nation states to ensure their survival. In this manner, Waltz
argued that states are different in their capabilities but similar in their task,
whether the big states like U.S., Russia, China, India or the smaller states like
Nepal, Bhutan etc. These difference in capabilities of state define their position in
international system and thus distribution of capabilities define the structure of the
international system. Any change in the capacity of state, change the structure of
international system, for example, Unipolar to Bipolar or Multipolar world order.
State, according to Waltz, uses two kinds of means to achieve their ends.
First, internal efforts i.e., to increase economy and military strength. Economic
development of any country provides surplus capital to strengthen its diplomatic
position in international system and the military strength guarantees the security
of fences. Second, external efforts i.e. increasing own alliance and shrinking
one’s opposition.

Conclusion
Realist tradition of international relations has a paradigm shift in the discipline.
Realists believed in a positivist methodology/epistemology to study the discipline
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and provided a scientific tool in a systematic manner. They argued that our
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and should be value free. Realists also invented a new framework of study to NOTES
understand the key concepts like power, security, deterrence, anarchy, position of
state, relevance of ethics and morality. The realist tradition has been successful
in explaining the causes of war in international relations. From the times of
Thucydides, Kautilya and Sun Tzu to the contemporary times of international
relations, the meaning of power and security has been satisfactorily explained. In
doing so, the realist tradition has successfully guided world leaders and military
generals in accomplishing their goals.

In-Text Questions- 2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Morgenthau used a _______ methodology to theorize international
politics in Politics among Nations.
2. Morgenthau’s concept of ‘balance of power’ is seen as more _______
compared to the liberal idea of ‘collective security’.
3. According to Morgenthau, the principles of realism reject the _______
significance of political action.
4. Critics of classical realism argued that it lacked _______ and failed to
address real-world issues.
5. Neo-realism, as explained by Kenneth N. Waltz, posits that states
maximize their _______ through self-help.
B. State True or False:
1. Morgenthau’s work is considered classic due to its reliance on abstract
assumptions rather than empirical observation.
2. According to Morgenthau, states should focus on power maximization
due to inherent human imperfections.
3. Classical realism was not challenged by feminist scholars or post-
Modernists.
4. Neo-realism argues that the international system is characterized by a
lack of central authority.
5. Kenneth N. Waltz’s neo-realism suggests that state behavior is shaped
by both internal and external efforts to increase power. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
3.13 SUMMARY

• Realist thinkers view international relations as rooted in human selfishness

and anarchy, with states focused on power accumulation for survival.
• States prioritize their self-interest and national interest, which is defined
by power. National interest guides foreign policy, and states distinguish
between vital and non-vital interests, often resorting to war to protect vital
interests.
• In the anarchic international order, states rely on self-help for security and
survival, as demonstrated by historical examples like France during WWII.
• Realists downplay ethics and morality in favor of power maximization, as
argued by Machiavelli and other thinkers.
• Classical realists like Thucydides, Sun Tzu, Kautilya, Machiavelli, and
Hobbes emphasized the importance of power, survival, and strategic
behavior in international politics.
• E.H. Carr and Carl von Clausewitz further shaped realist thought by
criticizing utopianism and emphasizing the inevitable nature of conflict
in world politics.
• Hans J. Morgenthau’s seminal work, Politics among Nations (1948),
established a foundational paradigm in international relations by applying
scientific methodology to political theory. His approach emphasizes that
theories must be based on empirical observation and reality, not abstract
assumptions.
• Morgenthau introduced the concept of ‘balance of power’ as a more
pragmatic explanation of international relations compared to the liberal
idea of ‘collective security.’
• Morgenthau’s six principles of realism include the belief in objective laws
rooted in human nature, the centrality of power and interest, the rejection
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of moral significance in politics, and the autonomy of the political sphere NOTES
from ethics and economics.
• In the 1960s and 70s, classical realism faced criticism from behaviouralists,
who argued it lacked scientific rigor, precision, and the ability to address
real-world issues.
• Post-Modernists and feminist scholars like J. Ann Tickner challenged
Morgenthau’s views, highlighting gender biases and the neglect of ethical
dimensions.
• Neo-realism, spearheaded by Kenneth N. Waltz in his work Theory of
International Politics (1979), builds on realism by focusing on the anarchic
structure of international politics.

3.14 GLOSSARY

• Anarchical System: A system where there is no central authority, leading

to a self-help structure in international relations.
• National Interest: A state’s goals and ambitions, often defined in terms
of power and security.
• Self-help: The reliance of states on their own resources and power to
ensure their survival in an anarchic world.
• Power Maximization: The pursuit of increased power by states to secure
their position in international politics.
• Balance of Power: A system where power is distributed among states to
prevent any one state from becoming too dominant.
• Collective Security: A concept where states work together to ensure mutual
security and prevent aggression.
• Neo-Realism: An extension of realism that focuses on the structure of the
international system and its impact on state behaviour.
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NOTES
3.15 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions – 1
A. 1. Anarchical
2. International
3. Power
4. Enemy
5. Secondary
B. 1. False
2. False
3. True
4. True
5. False
In-Text Questions – 2
A. 1. Scientific
2. Pragmatic
3. Moral
4. Precision
5. Security
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. True
5. True

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NOTES
3.16 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Critically evaluate Realist Theory of International Relations with reference

to Kenth Waltz theory.
2. Write a short essay on classical Realism given by Hans. Morgenthau.
3. Why do states rely on a self-help system in international relations?
4. How does Kautilya’s Mandala theory contribute to realist thought?
5. What is the critique of utopianism in E.H. Carr’s “The Twenty Years’
Crisis”?
6. Examine various approaches to International Relations. How do feminists
criticize Morgenthau’s theory on IR?
7. What are the six principles of realism proposed by Morgenthau?
8. What criticisms did classical realism face in the 1960s and 70s?

3.17 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Ashley, R. K. “Political Realism and Human Interests.” International

Studies Quarterly 25, 1981.
• Ashley, R. K., and R. B. J. Walker. “Speaking the Language of Exile:
Dissidence in International Studies.” International Studies Quarterly 34,
no. 3, 1990.
• Barry, B. “International Society from a Cosmopolitan Perspective.” In
International Society: Diverse Ethical Perspectives, edited by D. Marpel
and T. Nardin, Princeton University Press, 1998.
• Bell, D. (ed). Political Thought and International Relations: Variations
on a Realist Theme. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2010.
• Blieker, R. Popular Dissent, Human Agency and Global Politics.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000. Self-Instructional
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NOTES • Booth, K. Theory of World Security. Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge, 2007.
• Bull, H. “The Grotian Conception of International Society.” In Diplomatic
Investigations: Essays in the Theory of International Relations, edited by
H. Butterfield and M. Wight, London, 1966.
• Bull, H., and A. Watson (eds). The Expansion of International Society.
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1984.
• Burchill, S., R. Linklater, and R. Devetak et al. Theories of International
Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2009.
• Carr, E. H. The Twenty Years’ Crisis: 1919-1939: An Introduction to the
Study of International Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 1939.
• Hobbes, T. Leviathan. Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1946.
• Jervis, R. “Realism in the Study of World Politics.” International
Organization 52, no. 4 (1998): 971-991.
• Machiavelli, N. The Prince and the Discourses, edited by M. Lerner, with
an introduction. Random House, New York, 1950.
• Molloy, S. The Hidden History of Realism: A Genealogy of Power Politics.
Palgrave, London, 2006.
• Morgenthau, H. J. Scientific Man versus Power Politics. University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, 1946.
• Morgenthau, H. J. Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and
Peace. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1948.
• Ruggie, J. “Continuity and Transformation in the World Polity: Toward a
Neo-Realist Synthesis.” World Politics 35, no. 2 (1983).
• Tickner, J. A. “You Just Don’t Understand: Troubled Engagements between
Feminist and IR Theorists.” International Studies Quarterly 41 (1997):
611-632.

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• Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, translated by R. Warner. NOTES

Penguin, London, 1972.
• Waltz, K. N. Man, the State, and War. Columbia University Press, New
York, 1959.
• Walker, R. B. J. “Realism, Change, and International Political Theory.”
International Studies Quarterly 31, no. 1 (1987): 65-86.

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Liberalism/Neo-Liberalism

LESSON 4 NOTES
LIBERALISM/NEO-LIBERALISM
Dr. Hijam Liza Dallo Rihmo
Assistant Professor,
Shri Ram College of Commerce, DU
STRUCTURE
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 The Liberals
4.4 History of Origin
4.5 Evolution of Liberal Thought: Modern Liberalism
4.5.1 Modern Liberalism (New-Liberalism)
4.5.2 Neo-Liberalism
4.5.3 Classical Liberalism vs. Modern Liberalism (New Liberalism) vs. Neo-
liberalism
4.5.4 Critique of Modern Liberalism (New-Liberalism) and Neo-Liberalism
4.6 Liberalism and International Relations
4.7 Main Assumptions in Liberalism
4.8 Critical Evaluation
4.9 Summary
4.10 Glossary
4.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
4.12 Self-Assessment Questions
4.13 References/Suggested Readings

4.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand about liberal theory on IR
• Get idea about Neo-Liberal Theory on IR

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NOTES
4.2 INTRODUCTION

Liberalism is a term that is widely used in today’s world. It is commonly

associated with modernity, growth and progress. It is an approach that extends
to every aspect of human life and in every form of human organization. It is
a movement resulting from the age of enlightenment in Europe affecting the
political and economic organization of life even across the globe. Liberalism
provides one of the most rigorous theories on society, politics and economy.
Because of globalization, multiculturalism, growth of international organizations,
multinational corporations and the global economy, the importance of liberalism is
growing and gaining grounds. Liberalism is an economic and political philosophy
that is based on the notion of individual liberty. Liberalism revolves around the
overall development of an individual.
The philosophy rests upon the assumption that human beings are inherently
good. It assumes that individuals have the capacity to cooperate when it
concerns the interest of all. In order to bring out the best of an individual and
lead towards human progress, it focuses on the principles of liberty, rationality,
moral autonomy, human rights, liberal democracy, opportunity and choice. Based
on these foundational principles, liberalism extends its philosophy towards
explaining all aspects of human life, whether of a political or economic nature.
Generally, liberalism supports free trade, property rights, free market, limited
government, rules of law, capitalism, free and fair competition among others.
This lesson shall outline its meanings, history of origin, main assumptions, its
various approaches, critical evaluation and its contemporary relevance.

4.3 THE LIBERALS

The liberals are the supporters of liberalism but there are different liberal
viewpoints depending on their understanding of what it means by freedom of
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terms of their analysis and viewpoints, they converged on the basic assumption NOTES
of an individual’s liberty. Humans have self-interest. Their pursuit of realising
their self-interest makes them rational actors. They make rational choices when
making decisions so that they achieve their interest and if cooperation amounts
to greater benefits, they will pursue it. It emphasizes that self-interest and
individualism don’t always amount to non-cooperation. It rather means that
humans make cost-benefit analysis with a purpose to achieve maximum gain or
the most desirable outcomes.
Over the years, liberalism has been criticized by other formidable theories
like Realism, Social Constructivism and Marxism. But its philosophy still
influences and prevails among the intellectuals as well as the policymakers.
Liberalism continues to be relevant in today’s world. But the fact remains that
liberals have been used to describe every aspect of life and many have associated
themselves as liberals leading to different interpretations as to what is meant
by the word liberal. The term “liberal” is applied to a wide variety of people.
In examining the existing literature on the liberal tradition, Duncan Bell (2014:
682) maintained that by the middle of the twentieth century, the liberal tradition
shifted its meaning as a constituting ideology of the West. However, there
existed some fractures within the liberal tradition. Although, he rightly observed
that the literature on the liberal tradition is rather an amalgamation of different
viewpoints by self-proclaimed liberals, albeit within the liberal tradition, and
thus, represented a comprehensive whole.
Arguing along the same line, Kahan observed that liberalism in Europe was
defined by its contradictions and further examined the debate surrounding the
“Right-wing” “Left-wing” movement in liberalism (Kahan 2003:1). Jill Steins
et al. also maintained that although the liberal political philosophy and its core
principles still prevailed when it came to the question of economic organization
of the society, there is a division in the liberal thought between the political right
and the political left (Steins et al. 2010:24).
They further elaborate that the liberals who are politically right believed
that individual liberty must extend to their economic activities as well. They Self-Instructional
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NOTES should be free to buy and sell their labours, goods, services, and properties in
a free market and as such the role of the state should be limited. It advocates
minimum regulation for the highest development of an individual. On the other
hand, the political left advocates for some form of regulatory framework because
the concentration of economic power and wealth can threaten the principles of
liberty and equality. Therefore, it supports a more interventionist state so that it
delivers basic amenities and extends opportunities to the less privileged people.
But, despite the variations in liberalism, they maintained that it is a coherent
school of thought, the same position as Bell.
From the above arguments, it can be argued that liberal philosophy has far-
reaching implications. It has an overarching reach. From the basis of individual
self-interest, the concept of individualism can be applied to the economic
organization of an individual life regarding the property, work, opportunity,
the process of production, competition, etc. As such, liberalism and capitalism
as economic systems are so closely interrelated that sometimes they are often
used together to mean the same thing. In the political field, liberal philosophy
can be interpreted in terms of liberty, equality and justice. These principles are
embedded in liberal democracies. In fact, in the twentieth-century, liberalism
was the political ideology that countries were adopting as their political and
economic system.
But liberal philosophy not only informs the domestic political governance
but also influences the political realm of international relations concerning state’s
behaviour in conflicts and areas of cooperation, especially in the international
political economy. Hence, in examining the development of liberalism, it can
be broadly divided into two strands, in terms of economic history or political
history. Economists and political philosophers contributed towards liberalism in
their own tradition of thought. However, they are not exclusive and many times,
it overlaps one another. To reiterate the main assumption, both economic and
political strands have a common foundation, i.e., individual liberty. Individualism
is the basis on which they make their analysis. In the following section, it briefly
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NOTES
4.4 HISTORY OF ORIGIN

In outlining the historical background to liberalism, it can be observed that it

stems from both economic and political intellectual traditions. But they are not
exclusive to each other but rather interdependent.
The notion of liberty and other liberal values received significant growth
during the Age of Enlightenment in Europe. Liberalism as a major guiding
philosophy for economic and public policies began in Britain and then in the
United States, later to the rest of Europe and the world. During the early 18th
and 19th centuries, there was a shift in the social and economic organization
of European society. It was transitioning from feudalism to capitalism (Phukan
2016). Capitalism is based on private ownership, liberalization, and the free
market which reflect liberal values. The economic and political philosophers
supported secular institutions calling for the limitation of the church-state. This
is necessary for exercising liberty and realising the highest potential of the
individual.
Economic Liberalism: It is based on the principle of private property, free market
and limited government. Individualism was the centerpiece of liberalism (Roselli
2020: 4) although it took different forms. Since the focus is on the individuals,
they emphasized a new form of relationships between the state and the individuals.
It amounted to individuals securing the right to ownership of properties through
a legal system whereby their property rights are not infringed by the state or the
society. Self-regulating market is one of the principles of liberalism. Economic
activities such as production, exchange and transactions should be left to its
device. The belief is that “each individual pursuing their interest the best interests
of society are served” (Gissy 2008). The role of the government is limited.
Economic liberalism can be traced back to the works of Adam Smith and
David Ricardo. They postulate that private property incentivized individuals to
increase productivity, and the market should operate freely from government
interference then it would lead to higher production and wealth leading to a
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NOTES higher quality of life. There will be efficient division and distribution of labour
and resources as it will be determined by the demand and supply of the market.
As such, there will be minimum wastage of resources. But Adam Smith also
maintains that the government is necessary for taking care of the basic needs of
the people. He was aware that public goods would not be necessarily produced
by the market (Steins et al. 2010: 28). He described the limited role of the
government. One of the functions of the government is to maintain social order,
prevent corruption, enforce fair competition and make sure contracts are not
broken. In short, the role of the government is limited to providing a stable and
conducive environment for the market to grow.
However, this liberal economic policy or market economy is not only for
the domestic economy, but also for the international economic system, because
for increasing the national wealth and economic growth, there must be free
trade. Countries should be able to trade freely and with each other. Ricardo’s
work on comparative advantage can be applied here to explain how the growth
of the domestic market will lead to the demand for raw materials that must be
supplied through international trade. His arguments make a lot of sense in this
globalized era where there is a high volume of trade and flow of finance. The
global economy is sustained by international trade.
Political Liberalism: Liberal thoughts also took shape as liberal political
philosophers of the enlightenment period contributed towards liberal values.
The political writing of John Locke was fundamental to the growth of liberal
philosophy. His work “Two Treatises of Government” (1690) cemented the
principles of natural liberty, right to life and property. He emphasized that the
consent of the governed is fundamental to the state that it gives legitimacy to
the authority. Thus, Locke is considered the father of modern liberalism. His
work on political theory justified revolution if the sovereign authority failed to
fulfill its obligations in administering justice and protection of life and private
property. Indeed, the political philosophy of liberalism has influenced and affected
important historical events, most importantly the French revolution (1789).
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authoritarianism, it reflected liberal ideas. The French revolution gave a strong NOTES
impetus to the spread of liberalism because after the revolution, the liberals
associated themselves with the “Declaration of the Rights of Man” (Kahan
2003:1) which was based on liberal principles. The triumph of the revolution
spread the message that tyranny, authoritarianism and other oppressive forces
can be overcome and individual development can be pursued by protecting civil
liberties.
Another eminent political philosopher to be noted for the contribution
towards liberal philosophy is Montesquieu who conceptualised the notion
of separation of powers. In order to ensure liberty for the highest human
development, proper governance is necessary. The concept of separation of
powers makes sure that there is a division of power so that it does not pose a
threat to an individual’s liberty. Thus, it supports a constitutional government that
caters to the needs of the people and maintains healthy rules of law. Liberal values
are sustained by political stability. Rules of law are important so that individuals
have equal treatment, rights protected and provided a healthy environment for
economic activities bringing growth and progress in society. Liberalism is based
on the moral philosophy that focuses on ensuring the right of an individual person
to life, liberty and property. This is the highest goal of government thus, for
the liberals, the development of individuals is the foundation of a just political
system. Therefore, the liberals are concerned about institutions that will protect
individual freedom from unchecked political power.
Further contributions towards political liberalism are from Jeremy Bentham
and J.S. Mill. To be precise Bentham’s political theory rests on the idea of utility.
Based on the assumption that individuals have self-interest they will behave in
ways that will bring the maximum happiness. It is a calculated action to achieve
desirable outcomes. As such humans are rational beings as they assessed the risk
and the cost for any course of action. This notion of rationality is also there in
liberalism as the liberals also make an assumption that human beings are rational
actors. J S Mill in his political work, “On Liberty’’ strengthened the notion of
liberty. He examined the parameters of exercising one’s liberty. His work reflects Self-Instructional
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NOTES his suspicion of the majoritarian power, his position was that one’s liberty should
only be limited only when its enjoyment harms the liberty of others. According
to him, there is no contradiction between liberty and utilitarianism because to
achieve happiness, one should be able to grow and develop in a free environment.
Freedom is the criteria on which the greatest happiness can be achieved.
Although, coming from different intellectual traditions, liberalism is
enriched by both their contributions. Their work is premised on the concept of
liberty and they extended this concept to explain both economic and political
life. This division between economic liberalism and political liberalism shouldn’t
lead to the misconception that they are different and exclusive from each other.
It complements each other.

In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. The fundamental principle of liberalism is _________.
2. Adam Smith and David Ricardo were key figures in shaping _________
liberalism.
3. John Locke’s work “Two Treatises of Government” emphasized the right
to _________, liberty, and property.
4. The concept of _________ of powers was introduced by Montesquieu
to ensure liberty.
5. In political liberalism, _________ emphasized the greatest happiness for
the greatest number.
B. State True or False:
1. Liberalism only focuses on economic aspects, not political aspects.
2. John Locke is considered the father of modern liberalism.
3. The political right-wing liberals advocate for extensive state intervention
in the economy.
4. Jeremy Bentham’s political theory was based on the idea of utility.
5. Economic and political liberalism are mutually exclusive and have no
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NOTES
4.5 EVOLUTION OF LIBERAL THOUGHT: MODERN
LIBERALISM

The evolution of liberal thought encompasses two significant paradigmatic

shifts: New Liberalism and Neoliberalism, which have fundamentally influenced
contemporary governance frameworks, policy formulation, and societal
institutions. These ideological movements emerged as distinct theoretical
responses to the perceived inadequacies of classical liberal doctrine, though
their prescribed remedies for addressing socioeconomic challenges diverge
substantially. This analysis examines the theoretical underpinnings, historical
contingencies, foundational principles, and consequential implications of these
competing ideological frameworks.
While both perspectives represent attempts to reconcile liberal principles with
modernizing forces, they differ markedly in their conceptualisation of state-market
relations and their normative prescriptions for social organization. New Liberalism,
emerging in the late nineteenth century, posited that positive state intervention was
necessary to realise genuine individual liberty. Conversely, Neoliberalism, which
gained prominence in the latter half of the twentieth century, advocated for market
supremacy and minimal state interference, arguing that individual liberty is best
preserved through limited government and free market mechanisms.

4.5.1 Modern Liberalism (New-Liberalism)

Modern Liberalism or New Liberalism, also known as social liberalism, emerged

towards the end of the 19th century in response to the social and economic
upheavals caused by industrialization. This period was marked by stark income
inequalities, labour exploitation, and the harsh realities of laissez-faire capitalism.
The rapid industrialisation led to urban poverty, poor working conditions, and
a lack of social mobility.
Modern Liberals saw these as market failures that required state
intervention to correct. Thinkers like T.H. Green, L.T. Hobhouse, and John A.
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NOTES Hobson in Britain, and later, John Dewey and Woodrow Wilson in the United
States, argued that the state had a role to play in promoting social justice and
individual welfare. Moving away from the negative freedom emphasised by
classical liberals (freedom from interference), New Liberals advocated for
positive freedom (freedom to achieve one’s potential), which necessitated state
action to provide the conditions for such freedom.

Welfare State
Modern Liberalism’s theoretical reconceptualization of state-society relations
proved instrumental in establishing the welfare state paradigm across industrialised
nations, particularly in post-World War II Europe. The doctrine’s emphasis on
positive liberty and collective responsibility provided the intellectual foundation
for comprehensive social provision, manifesting in institutions such as Britain’s
National Health Service and Scandinavian universal welfare systems. This
transformation was predicated on New Liberal principles that market-generated
inequalities required systematic state intervention through redistributive
mechanisms, social insurance schemes, and universal public services.
The welfare state model emerged as a practical manifestation of Modern
Liberal or New Liberal theory, incorporating progressive taxation, labour market
regulation, and extensive social protection systems. This institutional architecture
represented a fundamental departure from classical liberal assumptions,
establishing a new social contract wherein the state assumed responsibility for
ensuring minimal standards of living, healthcare provision, educational access,
and economic security. Such developments were particularly evident in the
implementation of Beveridgean welfare principles in Britain and the Swedish
Folkhemmet (“people’s home”) concept, both of which exemplified New Liberal
ideals of state-facilitated social solidarity and collective risk-sharing.

4.5.2 Neo-Liberalism

After World War II, many Western countries experienced economic growth under
Keynesian economic policies, which advocated for government intervention
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stagflation (high unemployment combined with inflation), which Keynesian NOTES

solutions seemed unable to address effectively. This economic crisis set the
stage for a new economic philosophy. The Mont Pèlerin Society, led by Friedrich
von Hayek along with American Economist Milton Friedman, provided the
intellectual foundation for what would later become a dominant paradigm in
global political economy.
Advocates like Milton Friedman and the Chicago School argued for an
even stronger emphasis on free markets. The Neo-liberals called for,
• Deregulation: Reducing state control over industries to promote
competition and innovation.
• Privatisation: Selling off public assets to private companies, believing
they would operate more efficiently.
• Minimal State: The state’s role should be primarily to enforce property
rights and contracts, not to provide extensive welfare or regulate the
economy heavily.

4.5.3 Classical Liberalism vs. Modern Liberalism (New Liberalism)

vs. Neo-liberalism

Let us see how Modern Liberalism (New Liberalism) and Neo Liberalism are
different from Classical Liberalism,
• Classical vs. Modern Liberalism (New Liberalism): Classical
Liberals viewed the state as a protector of individual liberties with
minimal interference in the economy. New Liberals saw the state as an
active participant in ensuring social justice and providing opportunities
for all. Classical emphasises individual responsibility for economic
outcomes, whereas New Liberalism sees economic success as a
collective effort with state support.
• Classical vs. Neoliberalism: While both advocate for free markets,
Neoliberalism takes it a step further by promoting market solutions even
for traditional state roles like education or healthcare. Classical Liberalism
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NOTES is rooted in philosophical ideas of natural rights, whereas Neoliberalism

is more about economic efficiency and market competition
The three liberal theories can be summarised in short as,
Classical Liberalism: Imagine a society where the government’s main job is
to ensure you can start a business without interference, but there’s no public
healthcare or welfare system. If you succeed, it’s due to your own effort; if you
fail, it’s your responsibility.
Modern Liberalism or New Liberalism: Picture a society where the government
not only ensures you can start a business but also provides education, healthcare,
and a social safety net. If you succeed, it’s partly because the state provided
opportunities; if you fail, there are support systems to help you recover.
Neoliberalism: Envision a world where the government encourages you to start
a business by reducing regulations, taxes, and by privatizing services. If you
succeed or fail, it’s largely seen because of market forces, with less emphasis
on state support.

4.5.4 Critique of Modern Liberalism (New-Liberalism) and Neo-

Liberalism

The critiques of New Liberalism and Neoliberalism stem from their practical
implications.
Modern or New Liberalism’s welfare systems face criticism for potentially
creating dependency on state support, undermining individual self-sufficiency
and motivation. The high taxation required for welfare programs may discourage
business investment and economic growth. Additionally, aging populations raise
questions about these systems’ sustainability, as fewer workers must support
growing numbers of retirees.
Neoliberalism is criticised for widening social and economic inequalities
through its emphasis on market solutions and minimal state intervention. The
2008 financial crisis and the 2019-20 COVID outbreak highlighted the risks of
deregulated markets, a key neoliberal policy. The reduction of social safety nets
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has left vulnerable populations without adequate support, increasing social and NOTES
economic insecurity.
Both ideologies struggle to balance market efficiency with social protection.
While each addresses certain societal needs, neither fully resolves the complex
challenges of modern economies. Nations continue to debate how best to achieve
economic growth and social justice in an interconnected world.

4.6 LIBERALISM AND INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

The majority of discussion is about domestic politics, but international relations

is also important to the liberals especially in the realm of the international
political economy. Today, there is a common understanding that because of
globalization and the importance of multiculturalism, any state’s activities abroad
strongly influence the notion of liberty at home. For instance, militarization and
securitization of national interest can lead to increased military power which
can be used against their own citizens and infringed on their rights and liberty
(Meiser 2018). For this reason, a liberal political system often attempts to delimit
military power as a precautionary measure or impose civilian control over the
military. Another issue with securitization and militarization is that it will lessen
cooperation and increase the possibility of international conflicts which will
subsequently decrease market value as well.
In examining international conflicts and how it adversely impacts the
international economy, national wealth and liberty, it can be argued that the
liberal’s biggest contribution towards international relations is the democratic
peace theory. Democratic peace theory postulates that the liberal democratic
countries avoid going to wars because war is costly. Since the liberals believe
in the principle of rationality and utility value, it can be assumed that war is not
sustainable for both individual freedom, free market, and trade.
It is because of rationalism that contemporary liberal institutionalist
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NOTES International Monetary Fund (IMF), European Union (EU), World Trade
Organization (WTO), etc. States can receive substantive benefits as derived from
economic interdependence. The liberals, especially the liberal institutionalists
believed that since individuals are rational actors with the capacity to act
collectively for better outcomes, these institutions can facilitate cooperation
and avoid conflicts which will bring heavy loss. It creates a situation in which
mutually beneficial trades between states decrease conflict and makes war less
likely as war would disrupt or remove the benefits of trade.
We are now living in an international system structured by the liberal
world order. “The international institutions, organizations and norms (expected
behaviours) of this world order are built on the same foundations as domestic
liberal institutions and norms; the desire to restrain the violent power of states”
(Meiser 2018). There exists a corpus of international laws prohibiting acts of
aggression, so if a state goes to war, it knows that it is breaking international law
and runs the risks of a considerable international backlash. Based on the analysis
about international economy and international institutions, it can safely be argued
that international liberal norms exist there. These norms favour international
cooperation, human rights, market economy and the rules-based order. Non-
compliance to such international norms can inflict costs but compliance to
international liberal norms has functional utility in terms of security, productivity,
and progress. Thus, there is widespread support for such enterprises to succeed
and replicate it across the globe.

4.7 MAIN ASSUMPTIONS IN LIBERALISM

As discussed above, it can be observed that liberalism does not present a single
monolith structure of arguments. They evolved and are varied. But despite the lack
of a comprehensive work, it nevertheless presents a widely accepted economic
and political philosophy till today. There are some underlying assumptions in
liberalism which are discussed below.
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Human Nature: The liberals believed in the goodness of human nature. Humans NOTES
are not necessarily bad. They don’t make worst-case assumptions all the time.
They have the capacity to change and cooperate with one another.
Individualism: Liberalism stressed individualism. Liberalism strives for the
highest development of an individual. The liberals begin with the assumption
that individuals have self-interest. The achievement of their interest depends on
the principles of liberty, property rights and the free market. It argues that when
each individual is working towards their interest, it contributes to the larger
interest of the society.
Liberty: Individual liberty is the foundation of liberalism. Freedom allows humans
to achieve the highest possibility of desirable outcomes. In order to grow and
progress, it is fundamental that individuals should be able to freely sell labour,
own or dispose of property, and it is in this regard that the state must play a role
limited to providing a regulating framework.
Property Rights: Liberalism strongly supports privatization and liberalization
of the market. Ownership of property and other production processes stimulates
productivity and growth. It is also important to mention that a certain degree
of liberty is reflected when states are prevented from encroaching into private
properties.
Rules of Law: For the highest possible exercise of liberty and property rights,
it is important that the state protects them. All are equal before the law. Another
function of a legal system put in place by the state is to make sure that contracts
are respected, ensure fair competition, remove corruption and provide political
stability for the market to thrive. Sound macroeconomic policies will give ample
opportunities for individuals to increase production and wealth.
Rationalism: It is one of the main themes in liberalism. Informed by the principle
of utility, to achieve the greatest happiness of the greatest number, individuals will
cooperate when such cooperation is going to bring better outcomes than working
alone. Humans are rational actors because they make cost-benefit analysis before
taking any action. This is informed by the utility principle which argues that
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NOTES Free Market and Free Trade: The assumption is that liberal values are best
upheld when the market is free from state regulation. One can exercise freedom
of choice and reach its highest development when the market is free. A regulated
market will only restrict people’s choices which can be translated into restricting
one’s liberty. Although, the limited role of the state was revised by new liberals
who supported a strong state policy to achieve liberty and equality in a just
ordered society.
Cooperation: The liberals believed that when people pursue their own interests,
there can be a harmony of interests among them. They have an optimistic view of
human nature. In pursuit of a common goal, they will cooperate with one another.
Such cooperative behaviour is facilitated by institutions as well. Inevitably, liberals
argued that there is a growing importance of non-state actors like the MNCs, IMF,
World Bank and other intergovernmental organizations which rival the state. The
state is no longer the only important actor in the international system.
Domestic Politics and International Politics: Liberalism argued that domestic
events abroad might have an impact on a person’s freedom within their own
nation. From this, it follows that there isn’t actually a difference between
domestic and foreign politics. Interdependence, multiculturalism, pluralism,
internationalism, and other cross-border partnerships are common in this era of
globalization.

4.8 CRITICAL EVALUATION

Ludwig Von Mises argued that a society where liberal principles are put into
effect is generally a capitalist society and the condition of that society is known
as capitalism (Mises 1985: 10). Today, because of this close connection between
liberalism and capitalism, the two are often, misleadingly, used as synonyms. So
the anti-capitalists are often seen as directing their criticism towards liberalism.
Capitalism is an economic system that supports private property, liberal economy,
democracy hence the confusion between capitalism and liberalism. The problem
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society (capitalism brought about) is because of liberalism. While in reality, the NOTES
opposite is true, liberalism is ideologically inclined towards achieving the best
possible desirable outcomes for majority of the people. It is not the ideological
antecedent of the present unjust social order as some might have observed.
However, it can be noted that some liberal strands like classical liberalism
focus more on principles of liberty, competition, free market and limited state
intervention at the ideological level that the ground reality is that it fosters
social and economic inequalities. As such this is seen as detrimental to the lower
classes. When capitalism spread and at the same time the liberal values were
invoked to justify capitalism this was seen as an expression of the elite social
class. “In a nutshell, it has become almost a commonplace to dismiss liberalism
as something superficial, a mask for the hegemony of the privileged classes,
if not as a ploy to horizontally spread Western dominance over the rest of the
world” (Valdameri 2015).

Conclusion
To sum it up, it can be argued that liberalism is one of the most important
economic and political philosophies. Liberal values are embedded in every aspect
of our society. Although, in examining liberalism, there exist various liberal views
depending on their interpretations of liberal principles, all these viewpoints are
within the liberal tradition. This lesson attempts to capture many of those liberal
arguments and understand the liberal strands. Apart from laying down the main
liberal principles upon which liberalism stands, some of the important main
themes were also underlined for better understanding.
Based on the discussions made in this lesson, we can positively identify
liberalism as an evolving school of thought. Depending on the historical context,
some of the main assumptions of liberalism, like the role of the state, changed
to suit the liberal pursuits by countries. Another noteworthy characteristic of
liberalism is its challenge between domestic politics and international politics.
Liberalism is not confined to the domestic realm but it exerts great influence
in the conduct of international relations as well. It is a fact that liberalism has
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NOTES but liberalism is still a strong force to be reckoned with, as it is strongly accepted
by many countries, wherever it prevails.

In-Text Questions – 2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. New Liberalism emerged in response to the social and economic
upheavals caused by ________.
2. Classical Liberals view the state as a ________ of individual liberties
with minimal interference in the economy.
3. The ________ welfare state model was based on New Liberal ideals,
with state intervention to address inequalities.
4. Neoliberalism emphasizes ________ state intervention and advocates
for the reduction of public welfare programs.
5. Liberalism’s foundational principle is ________, which advocates for
individual freedom to achieve the highest possible outcomes.
B. State True or False:
1. New Liberalism supports minimal state intervention in the economy
and social welfare programs.
2. Neoliberalism promotes deregulation and privatization of public
services.
3. Classical Liberals believe in active state involvement to achieve social
justice.
4. Liberalism emphasizes the importance of individual liberty and the
protection of property rights.
5. The democratic peace theory argues that liberal democratic countries
are less likely to go to war.

4.9 SUMMARY

• Liberalism emphasizes individual liberty, self-interest, and rational

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• Despite variations, liberals agree on the fundamental principle of individual NOTES

freedom.
• Over time, liberalism has faced criticism but continues to influence
intellectuals and policymakers.
• The term “liberal” has different interpretations, with diverse viewpoints
coexisting within the tradition.
• The political “right-wing” liberals advocate for minimal state intervention,
while the “left-wing” supports some regulation for equality.
• Liberalism closely ties with capitalism, often applied to economic and
political systems, emphasizing private property, free markets, and limited
government.
• The philosophy originated from both economic and political intellectual
traditions, notably during the Age of Enlightenment in Europe.
• Key thinkers like Adam Smith and David Ricardo shaped economic
liberalism, advocating for private property and free trade.
• Political liberalism was significantly influenced by John Locke,
Montesquieu, Jeremy Bentham, and J.S. Mill, focusing on natural rights,
separation of powers, and individual liberty.
• Both economic and political liberalism are intertwined, sharing a common
foundation in individual liberty.
• The early 20th century saw a transformation in liberal policies, shifting
from classical liberalism to a stronger regulatory framework and social
welfare programs.
• Classical liberalism, influenced by thinkers like John Locke, Adam Smith,
and J.S. Mill, emphasized private property and individual liberty as
fundamental to freedom.
• Despite the perceived relationship, liberalism is an economic and political
philosophy, while capitalism is purely an economic system.
• In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, state intervention increased due to
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NOTES • John Maynard Keynes advocated for state intervention to address

unemployment through fiscal and monetary policies.
• Rawls’s theory of justice contributed to new liberalism by emphasizing
social justice and reducing inequality.
• Liberalism also influences international relations, with democratic peace
theory suggesting that liberal democracies avoid costly wars.
• International institutions like the IMF, WTO, and EU promote liberal values
and economic cooperation, fostering a liberal world order.
• Key liberal assumptions include the goodness of human nature,
individualism, liberty, property rights, the rule of law, rationalism,
free market, cooperation, and the connection between domestic and
international politics.
• The close association between liberalism and capitalism often leads to
misunderstandings, with anti-capitalists sometimes misdirecting criticism
at liberalism.
• Critics argue that liberalism can foster inequalities, especially when it aligns
with capitalism, leading to misconceptions about liberalism’s true goals.

4.10 GLOSSARY

• Liberalism: A political and economic philosophy emphasizing individual

freedom, private property, and limited government intervention.
• Self-interest: The pursuit of personal gain or benefit, considered a driving
force in human behavior within liberalism.
• Enlightenment: An intellectual movement in Europe emphasizing reason,
liberty, and scientific thought, which influenced liberal philosophy.
• Free Market: An economic system where prices and production are
determined by supply and demand with minimal government intervention.
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• Comparative Advantage: An economic principle by David Ricardo, NOTES

suggesting that countries should specialize in producing goods they are
most efficient at, promoting free trade.

4.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
A. 1. liberty
2. economic
3. life
4. separation
5. Jeremy Bentham
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. True
5. False
In-Text Questions-2
A. 1. industrialization
2. protector
3. Beveridgean
4. minimal
5. liberty
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
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NOTES 5. True

4.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. What are the main assumptions of Liberal Theory on IR.?

2. How does New-Liberalism explain IR differently from classical liberal
theories? Explain briefly.
3. How do right-wing and left-wing liberals differ in their approach to
economic activities?
4. Which historical period contributed significantly to the growth of liberal
philosophy?
5. How did John Locke contribute to the foundation of modern liberalism?
6. How does the democratic peace theory relate to liberalism in international
relations?

4.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Bell, D. “What is Liberalism?” Political Theory, 42(6): 682-715, 2014.

• Gissy, W. “Political Economy of Violence and Nonviolence,” in Lester
Kurtz (eds.) Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (Second Edition),
Academic Press, 2008.
• Kahan, A.S. “Introduction: Defining Liberalism,” in Liberalism in
Nineteenth-Century Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2003. https://
doi.org/10.1057/9781403937643_1 Keynes, J.M. The General Theory of
Employment, Interest, and Money. Springer, 2018.
• Meiser, J.W. “Introducing Liberalism in International Relations Theory.”
[Online: web], Accessed on 10 January 2020. URL: https://www.e-ir.
info/2018/02/18/introducing-liberalism-in-international-relations-theory/
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• Mises, L. von. Liberalism in the Classical Tradition. Cobden Press, NOTES

California, 1985.
• Phukan, M. The Rise of the Modern West: Social and Economic History
of Early Modern Europe. Trinity Press, New Delhi, 2016.
• Rawls, J. A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press, Harvard, 2009.
• Roselli, A. Economic Philosophies: Liberalism, Nationalism, Socialism:
Do they matter? Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2020.
• Valdameri, E. “The Influence of Liberalism in the Definition of the Idea of
the Nation in India.” [Online: web], Accessed on 10 January 2020. URL:
https://journals.openedition.org/lrf/1333

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Marxism/Neo-Marxism

LESSON 5 NOTES
MARXISM/NEO-MARXISM
Ms. Looke Kumari
Assistant Professor,
Bharti College, DU
STRUCTURE
5.1 Learning Objectives
5.2 Introduction
5.3 A Theoretical Outlook of Marxism
5.4 Evolution of Marxism in International Relations
5.5 Classical Marxist Approach to International Relations
5.6 Other Marxist Approaches to International Relations
5.6.1 World System Theory
5.6.2 Dependency Theory
5.6.3 Critical Theory
5.6.4 Neo-Marxism
5.7 Summary
5.8 Glossary
5.9 Answers to In-Text Questions
5.10 Self-Assessment Questions
5.11 References/Suggested Readings

5.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand about Marxist approach to IR, about Neo-Marxism.
• Discuss about the World System Theory and critical theory on it.

5.2 INTRODUCTION

Marxist approach of international relations provides some substantial tools Self-Instructional

to understand the discipline from the perspective of global south as well as Material 97

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NOTES problematizes core concepts of foundational theories like state, power, anarchy,
hegemony, etc. After the end of the cold war and disintegration of Soviet Union,
scholars declared the triumph of capitalism and free competitive market economic
system. Francis Fukuyama in his work, ‘End of History and the Last Man’ argued
that the disintegration of the Soviet Union proves that there is no existence of
a competitive theoretical paradigm that challenges the liberal capitalist regime.
On the other hand, some scholars believe that in a unipolar world and in the
tendency of Pax-Americana from the very beginning of the 1990s, the relevance
of Marxism had fundamentally increased. Like the other international relations
theories, it does not maintain the status quo.
Moreover, it tries to carry vital changes in the predominant political
and social order. However, it has grown into a very influential form of social
sciences theories. Marxism focuses to explain the laws exotic of the market-
oriented economic system or liberalization like global disparities, class struggle
and changing mode of production and force of production, alienation of both
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. It however replaces them with a form of
egalitarian world order and emancipation of the subdued which would promote
real world of freedom and substantial equality to all. The important dimension of
Marxism is that it provides an alternative understanding of International Relations
and problematizes the core concepts of realist theorisation about international
relations. The foundation of Marxism is rooted in the peculiar work of Karl
Marx in terms of philosophical, economic determinism, systematic and scientific
analysis of capitalist political order.

5.3 A THEORETICAL OUTLOOK OF MARXISM

In international relations, Marxism had emerged as an anti-thesis of the rationalist

approach and liberal economic ideas advanced by thinkers like Adam Smith and
David Ricardo. In liberal economic theory, Smith and Ricardo suggested that the
theory of comparative advantage and competitive market economic system is the
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the state remains minimal. They argue that the ‘invisible hand’ plays a very crucial NOTES
role in the natural phenomenon of the market system. A free market system has
its own capacity of self-balancing and self-equilibrium so there is no need of any
external forces like the state to intervene in the natural phenomenon of the market.
The core idea of market system is based on a very conventional but relevant
concept of demand and supply. It also enhanced the quality of goods and promoted
the free flow of capital in market system and intensified competitiveness. In
the competitive market economic system, there is a clear relationship between
producer and consumer. Consequently, the competition between the producers
will force the market to manufacture goods at lower costs. Marxist scholars
challenge the liberal economic perspective which is based on the exploitation of
marginalised sections or the have nots. They vehemently argue that in the ongoing
capitalist mode of production, the market forces are dominated by the bourgeoisie
and they control demand and supply for their own profit. They criticized the
market’s natural capacity for self-balancing because it is based on the unequal
distribution of economic resources. Marxists perceive a law of disproportionality
in liberal economies. Thus, the concentration of capital was restricted only to
few hands and the purchasing parity of haves did not fell drastically. It resulted
in an economic slowdown and the fall of a free competitive market economy.
Therefore, instead of establishing values as per the logic of demand and supply,
the markets became a place for the exploitation of workers by setting the values
of goods and services and reducing the cost of wages of labourers who produce
those goods and services.
In Marxism, throughout centuries, there have been many cases that reflect
the inequalities of economic power between the proletariat and the capitalist.
According to Marx, if the control of economic resources is vested in the hands of
private individuals, then it will result in economic inequalities and exploitation
of the workers, for example in the private sectors. Marxist theory of international
relations emphasizes that the state and its apparatus is a means of exploitation of
the proletariat. Therefore, Marx viewed the states as an instrument of exploitation
of the poor and downtrodden masses and also a puppet in the hands of the affluent Self-Instructional
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NOTES richer and the powerful more powerful. This is the reason why Marxist scholars
propounded the idea of an instrumental theory of state.
Marxists scholars find the class struggle an important factor to understand
the international system. There is an antagonistic relationship between the
bourgeoisie (economic elites) and proletariats (working class). The economic
elites are capable of manipulating and exploiting the working class. The
bourgeoisie use state institutions along with international political and economic
institutions and laws for their benefit at the cost of the workers.
Consequently, Marxists have criticized the international financial regimes
such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), and the World Bank (WB) for promoting liberalization, privatization,
and globalization. The Marxists believed that the World Trade Organization
while working to reduce tariffs and to ease the trade had failed to provide
sufficient protection to workers in terms of wages and creating a suitable working
environment for the workers.
Apart from this, the Marxists believed that Multinational Corporations
(MNCs) can easily produce goods and services where the human rights of
workers are deplorable. The MNCs are successful in producing goods and services
only due to the availability of cheap labour and exploitation of workers. The
availability of cheap labour and exploitation of workers increase the profit of the
corporations by producing cheaply and selling costly. Thus while the workers
continually suffer, the corporations keep on increasing their profit. Further, the
workers fear job loss and punishment by their bosses and the state and therefore
they are afraid of protesting injustice meted out to them (Buecker, 2003).
The Marxists see colonialism as a historically important phenomenon,
as the idea of private property was pushed and justified in societies around the
globe. Colonialism helped capitalism establish itself in those societies that were
oblivious to capitalism. It, however, began the onset of industrial development in
the entire world, which became a precondition for the establishment of a socialist
society (Linklater, 1986). This was also a period that also saw the emergence
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Davenport (2011) points out that the onset of the socialist revolution in the NOTES
19th century in the Western Europe region is quite confounding. The thrust on
capitalism further spread to those areas which were in the periphery and which
were non-capitalist countries. In comparison to Marx and Engles argument, the
theory of imperialism attempts to link the dynamics of international politics to the
changing nature of capital accumulation. The imperialism theory, therefore, is a
part of monopoly capitalism dynamics. Marxism in the expectation of revolution
has pioneered its analysis in terms of epoch and conjecture. This idea has long
drawn attention as a dominant and critical thought.
Hence, the Marxist theory in international relations is not merely about the
exploitation of the people by state and non-state actors but it is also about people’s
struggle against the exploitation to free themselves from bondage (Buecker,
2003). To stop exploitation and to free themselves from injustice the only way
left was to end the economic division between the capitalist and the workers.
This could happen only when the workers of the world or the proletariat unite
themselves against the capitalist and end any kind of economic difference in
society. The communist system could come into existence only when the notion
of class comes to an end and people are treated equally with the development of
a classless and stateless society (Buecker, 2003). Also, the means of production
would not be concentrated in one single hand but would be nationalised. In
this condition, everyone can be at best in their qualities. The Marxist theory of
the state in international relations would therefore aim to eliminate the modern
structure of the state and the government. If this aim is achieved, then it would
become the pure form of communism with all its qualities. While explaining
the classes, Marx considered the bourgeoisie and the proletariat as two classes.
Marx did not consider the peasant as a modern class but a traditional class as they
lack class consciousness and relationship among themselves. Marx considered
the modern classes as the only final class as he considered capitalism as the last
adverse stage before the creation of a communist society. Marx pointed out that
private property plays an important role in the transformation of the traditional
class into a capitalist class. The final transformation culminates in the creation of
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NOTES a communist society. Marx believed that to attain world peace in the international
system, it would be necessary to end the state system (Buecker, 2003).

5.4 EVOLUTION OF MARXISM IN

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Parkinson (1977) has argued that most of the theory regarding imperialism had
emerged and grown out from the thoughts of Marx and his disciples. Karl Marx
and Friedrich Engels are pioneers of scientific socialism and highly influenced by
Adam Smith and David Ricardo’s theory of capitalism. There are some common
assumptions shared by scientific socialist and initial capitalist thinkers such
as Smith and Ricardo. Firstly, both believe that a homogeneous world market
provides a foundation for the expansion of capitalism (production and trade).
Secondly, the state and its apparatus at the initial level always concern about the
interests of the ruling class. Finally, fancies are irrelevant because they believe
that free competitive market economic system is based on trans-border trade
regimes that are universal in nature. But in its core aspects of the market and the
capitalist mode of production, both have different meanings.
Scientific socialists find substantial internal contradictions in the capitalist
mode of production and in the theory of comparative advantage (free market).
They emphasized capitalism has its own seeds of destruction in its foundation
as capitalism is based on social and economic inequality (between bourgeoisie
and proletariat), the law of disproportionality, falling of profit rate of producer,
class struggle, etc. Finally, Marxists believe that a capitalist system will be
automatically destroyed because of internal contradiction (dialectical materialism)
and the state will wither away as well. Contemporary Marxist scholars find
the unequal distribution of economic resources between the developed and
developing world. A scholar like A.G. Frank talks about the centre-periphery
model, dependency theorists and Immanuel Wallerstein exposed the hegemony
and dominance of the developed world on international trade. The Neo-Marxists
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imperialism is entrenched in inadequate domestic demand. Hence, capitalism is NOTES

forced to search outlets abroad and if necessary, the use of force is allowed. The
debate in Marxism raises two categories of thought, namely:
(i) The reformist group (Karl Kautsky and Joseph Schumpeter).
(ii) The revolutionists’ group (Rosa Luxemburg, N.I. Bukharin, and
Lenin).
Lenin’s illustrious work, ‘Imperialism as the Highest Stage of Capitalism’
was published in 1916. In his book, Lenin pointed out that imperialism is an
unavoidable consequence of capitalism. Lenin emphasized that the unequal
distribution of wealth, the limitation of resources, and the market would give
rise to economic tension at the global level.

5.5 CLASSICAL MARXIST APPROACH TO

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Lenin’s book laid the foundation of the classical approach to international

relations. Classical Marxist International Relations theory emerged from Marx’s
analysis of capitalism and Lenin’s subsequent work on imperialism. While Marx
himself did not develop a comprehensive theory of international relations, his
framework of historical materialism and class struggle was extended to understand
relations between states. In this view, international politics is fundamentally
shaped by economic forces and class interests rather than abstract notions of
national interest or balance of power.
The international system is seen as an extension of capitalist modes of
production, where powerful capitalist states exploit weaker ones to secure raw
materials, markets, and cheap labour. Lenin’s theory of imperialism particularly
enhanced this understanding by arguing that imperialism was not just a policy
choice but the highest stage of capitalism, where financial capital and monopolies
drive states to territorial expansion and colonial domination. This approach sees
international institutions, diplomacy, and war as manifestations of underlying Self-Instructional
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NOTES economic conflicts between classes that transcend national boundaries. The state
itself is viewed as an instrument of the ruling class, with foreign policy serving
capitalist interests rather than national ones.

5.6 OTHER MARXIST APPROACHES TO

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Unlike realism and liberalism, Marxists believe in a social world that should be
analyzed in totality. While famous realist scholar Kenneth N Waltz considers
Marxism as a ‘second image’ of international relations because Marxists believe
that if a socialist regime comes into existence, it is suffice to prevent struggle
among the states. On the other hand, Marxists believe that the basic image of
world politics is based on the octopus model in which capitalist superpower
captured the entire world system. We can understand the essential elements of
Marxism and the contribution in the discipline by four strands given below:
1. World system theory
2. Dependency theory
3. Critical theory
4. Neo-Marxism

5.6.1 World System Theory

Marx’s legacy of the social theory lies in his analysis of capitalism and its
contradictions. Contemporary times witness a relevant world system theory. It was
developed by Immanuel Wallerstein in the 1970s. World system theory emerged
at a time when modernisation theory to understand development was being
criticized. The Dependency Theory at that time presented an alternative approach
to an understanding of development in the context of Africa and Latin America.
Some important scholars who are the main proponents of the dependency theory
in Marxist tradition are Immanuel Wallerstein, Terence Hopkins, Samir Amin,
Self-Instructional Andre Gunder Frank, and Giovanni Arrighi. The chief argument proposed by
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Wallerstein was that the international system has a stratified structure of inequality NOTES
which is based on institutionalised exploitation. The World System Theory
considers the entire international system as a unit of analysis. It believes that
the development and underdevelopment in international relations are a result of
global power relations which has been witnessed for long centuries.
According to Wallerstein, capitalism had strengthened its roots in Europe
and its periphery in the sixteenth century. Core state was getting the maximum
benefit from economic activity. They exploited semi-periphery and periphery
states by the process of colonialisation and international division of labour based
on unequal exchange. In order to understand the world system, various thinkers
presented many ideas that were mainly based on global inequality but their
terminology was slightly different. Sameer Amin and A.G. Frank emphasized
on the core and periphery relations.
For better analysis, Wallerstein proposed a three-tiered structure in which
the concept of semi-periphery was introduced between core and periphery. With
the emergence of world-system theory, the focus shifted to the Third World
countries which were considered as periphery and semi-periphery states. In the
present lexicon, the Global North countries are the core countries while the Global
South countries are the periphery and semi-periphery countries. Wallerstein points
out that the modern nation-states interact in a set of economic, political, and legal
framework which can be called as “world-system”. The state behaviour cannot
be analyzed until its behaviour is observed in the socio-cultural system in which
they exist. Therefore, condition and status of nation-states or individual societies
cannot be understood without analysing the world system in which they exist.
To understand the world system theory of Immanuel Wallerstein, his
arguments can be put into four broad categories. They are:
1) Unit of Analysis and Stage
2) Evaluation of World System
3) Core-Periphery and Semi-Periphery Relationship
4) Demise and Crisis of the World Capitalist System. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Immanuel Wallerstein points out that the capitalist world economy grows
only when there is a growth in industrial production. Therefore, the modern
capitalist world system has developed with several stages of continuity and
transformations.

In-Text Questions- 1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. According to Marx, the capitalist class that owns the means of production
is called the ________.
2. The theory that countries should produce goods they are most efficient
at is known as ________.
3. Marxists criticize international institutions like the ________, ________,
and World Bank for promoting liberalization.
4. ________ theory was developed by Immanuel Wallerstein to explain
the stratified global economic system.
5. Marx argued that a classless and ________ society would emerge after
the collapse of capitalism.
B. State True or False:
1. Marxism supports the idea of the ‘invisible hand’ guiding the free market.
2. Marx believed the state serves the interests of the proletariat.
3. Multinational Corporations (MNCs) often exploit workers by offering
low wages, according to Marxists.
4. The World System Theory views individual countries as the primary
units of analysis.
5. Wallerstein argued that the core countries are exploited by the periphery
countries.

Understanding the World System

According to Immanuel Wallerstein (1974), “a world-system is a social system
with boundaries, structures, member groups, rules of legitimacy, and coherence.
It is made up of conflicting forces that hold it together by tension and tear”. In
Self-Instructional the world system, each member of the group is concerned only about their own
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profits. The concept of separate societies in Wallerstein’s study can be understood NOTES
only after analysing the world system of which they are a part. As modern nation-
states are part of the world system, they form various kinds of social systems.
Hence, there are three kinds of social systems described in detail, as follows:
1. Mini system- The mini system is a group of small homogeneous societies.
They are relatively economically self-contained as they normally engage
in hunting, food gathering, and live a rustic life. The states in the mini-
system produce all the necessary goods and services within their system.
These kinds of system did not interact with the external world; rather the
interaction was need based and very much local.
2. Social system- The social system is far bigger and wider and can be called
a world empire. In the social system, the surplus goods and services are
extracted from the external sector of the economy. A large part of the
surplus-value is utilised in compensating the administrators and the army
for their services to maintain domination over the societies and the rest
goes to compensate for the political leadership of the state.
3. World-economies or world capitalist system - The proponent of world
economies or world capitalist system is Immanuel Wallerstein. The sixteen
century Europe witnessed the domination of this system. During those
times, the capitalist system was at a peak in Europe and specific types of
trade practices were followed which was based on capitalist economic
activities. Thereafter, Wallerstein distinguished the world system as Core,
Semi-Periphery, and Periphery respectively.

Core
The core countries had benefitted the most from the capitalist nature of the world
economy. Countries existing in the north-west part of Europe are considered as
the core countries. According to Wallerstein, the chief characteristic of the core
countries are presence of democratic regimes, comparatively high purchasing
power, import of raw materials, and the subsequent export of the manufactured
finished goods. The core countries have stable and strong governments at the Self-Instructional
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NOTES center, which is assisted by professional bureaucracy and the army. Therefore
this organized set-up helps the domestic capitalist to achieve higher control of
international trade and commerce which brings them benefits on the economic
front. With proper tax management, government policy for procurement, and
development of research and other infrastructures, these core states promote
capital accumulation. To reduce the risk of class antagonism and conflict, it
maintains a proper social order. Another important characteristic of the core
states is that they promote capitalism in the global economy.

Periphery
Those states which do not have a strong government at the center and are weak,
submissive and easily influenced or controlled by other states, largely come in
the category of the periphery states. The chief characteristics of the periphery
states are that they export raw materials to those states which are in the core.
Due to the unequal trade relations between the core and the periphery states,
the surplus value generated by the periphery states benefits only the core states.
The periphery states are therefore the least developed countries of the world.
The core states exploit the periphery states in form of cheap labour, import of
raw materials in the form of minerals, forest products and agricultural products.

Semi-Periphery
The semi-periphery states or areas are those countries which are generally the
declining core or periphery states that had attempted to improve their relative
condition and status in the global economic system. The chief characteristic of
a semi-periphery state is that it witnesses a tension between the government at
the center and the dominant local landed communities of the country. The semi-
periphery states maintain only limited access to international banking. Even
the production of high-cost goods or the high quality manufactured goods has
limited access. The semi-periphery states could not succeed in international trade
and therefore could not benefit as the core states had done. The land-owning
class in the semi-periphery resorts to stake claiming in the feeble capitalist rural
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regions. In contemporary times, the semi-periphery countries are expanding NOTES

their manufacturing activities, especially in those sectors which the core had
rendered unprofitable.
According to Wallerstein, the world capitalist system is dynamic that keeps
on changing over time. Despite this, the basic features remain constant. One of
the most important features is that the countries of north-western Europe are the
chief beneficiaries. The core regions benefit at the expense of the periphery regions
in which the core nations derive tremendous high profits in the international
trade where the manufactured goods are exchanged for the raw materials from
the periphery or the quasi-periphery regions. However, this cannot be implied
that everyone in the periphery region becomes poor or that everyone in the core
region becomes rich. The land-owning communities in the periphery profit and
become rich at the cost of the lowly paid workers. In the core regions, the rural or
the pastoral people lose their land and are forced to work as daily wagers which
eventually culminate in low living standards and a decline in income.
Wallerstein therefore, believes that the capitalist world system is not
suitable for most people in the world. Wallerstein through his theory tries to
explain the wider and differential effects of modernisation in the world. He
believes that due to the fall of feudalism in the north western part of Europe, the
political and economic changes transformed Europe as a major economic and
political power of the world. As the capitalist world economy expanded across
the globe, the political and the labour conditions witnessed a changed pattern.
The relationship between the core, semi-periphery, and periphery however kept
on changing and never remained stable. Wallerstein emphasizes that the history
of the capitalist world-system should be studied and analyzed as it has brought
a distorted form of development in the world. The capitalist world system has
brought economic and social inequalities between different classes and could not
bring prosperity to the common masses despite high growth in the world economy.

5.6.2 Dependency Theory

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NOTES relationships between the developed countries of the Global North and the
developing countries of the Global South. This theoretical framework emerged
as a critique of the modernization theory, which posited that underdeveloped
countries could achieve development by following the path of industrialization
and economic policies adopted by developed nations.
The core concepts of the dependency theory are:
1. Unequal Development: Dependency theory posits that the development
of the Global North is intrinsically linked to the underdevelopment of
the Global South. This relationship is not coincidental but structurally
determined by historical processes of colonialism and neo-colonialism.
Development in the North often comes at the expense of the South, where
resources are extracted and surplus value is appropriated, leading to a
persistent state of dependency.
2. Structural Inequalities in International Trade: The theory emphasises
the role of international trade in perpetuating these inequalities. It argues
that the terms of trade are inherently biased towards the North. For instance,
• Unequal Exchange: The value of goods exported from the South
(often primary commodities) does not match the value of the imports
from the North (typically manufactured goods), leading to a transfer
of value from the South to the North.
• Terms of Trade Deterioration: Over time, the prices of primary
commodities tend to fall relative to manufactured goods, which further
disadvantages the South in international trade.
3. Development of Underdevelopment: Dependency theorists like
Andre Gunder Frank introduced the concept of the “development
of underdevelopment,” suggesting that the history of capitalism has
systematically created and maintained underdevelopment in the periphery
to ensure the prosperity of the core. Frank argued that the capitalist world
system is inherently exploitative, where the core countries benefit from
the exploitation of peripheral economies.
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4. Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis: Raul Prebisch, through his work at the NOTES

United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA),
contributed significantly to dependency theory. He, along with Hans Singer,
formulated the Prebisch-Singer thesis, which highlighted the secular decline
in the terms of trade for primary commodities relative to manufactured
goods. The Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis, developed independently by Raúl
Prebisch and Hans Singer in 1950, argues that the terms of trade between
primary products and manufactured goods tend to deteriorate over time.
This creates a persistent disadvantage for developing nations that rely on
commodity exports. The benefits of technological progress are distributed
unequally between manufacturing and primary-producing countries.
This hypothesis provided empirical support for the argument that the Global
South faces structural disadvantages in the global economy.
Dependency Theory raises ethical questions about the responsibilities
of developed nations towards less developed ones, advocating for a more just
international economic order. This has implications for international aid, debt
relief, and fair trade initiatives.
The following policy shifts in developing countries can be contributed to
the dependency theory:
• Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI): Many developing
countries adopted policies aimed at reducing dependency by fostering
domestic industry through protectionism and state-led development.
This was an attempt to break the cycle of dependency by creating self-
sufficiency in key economic sectors.
• South-South Cooperation: Dependency Theory has encouraged
cooperation among countries in the Global South to negotiate better
terms in international trade, form economic alliances, and seek
alternative paths to development outside the traditional North-South
framework.

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NOTES 5.6.3 Critical Theory

Critical theory of international relations has originated from the works of Kant,
Hegel, and Marx. The main aim of critical theory was to analyze the chief
features of the present society by studying its historical and social changes and
understanding its complications and methods of domination. To understand the
possibilities of the fulfilment of emancipation in the contemporary world order,
Kant and Marx critically studied the obstruction in the emancipation process
along with an immanent tendency towards the rational organization of humans.
The concerns of Marxist scholars have been different as they study chief issue
areas like the structure of the family, knowledge production, culture, bureaucracy,
and social relations. The Marxist scholars have been highly ingenious in studying
the role of media and culture in society. The study and emphasis of the critical
theory are largely super-structural. The critical theorists have shown doubts
in proclaiming the contemporary proletariats of the society to be eligible for
emancipation and transformation of the society as Marx would have wanted.
Critical theory in the 20th century was associated with people related to
the first generation of Frankfurt school like Max Horkheimer, Theodore Adorno
and Herbert Marcuse. Critical theorists, especially that of the first generation
believed that the emancipation of the society has to reconcile with nature. This
belief stands in contrast to the traditional Marxists’ understanding of emancipation
in which humanity has achieved mastery over nature. However, in the second
generation of critical theory, Jurgen Habermas has not only followed the path of
the Frankfurt school but he had also theorised and developed some new ideas.
Habermas has argued that the formation of a better society depends on the
nature of communication. Habermas believed that emancipation in society can
be achieved through the advent of radical democracy.
In his most illuminating work, “Social Forces, States and World Order:
Beyond International Relations Theory” (1981), Canadian scholar Robert Cox has
argued that “theory is always for someone and for some purpose”. Therefore, the
process of theory and theorisation is not a neutral process. Cox also believed that
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Cox agreed with Horkheimer’s differentiation between the traditional theories NOTES
and the critical theory. He categorised the traditional theories as positivist theories
which are considered as problem-solving theories. He believed that both neo-
realism and neo-liberalism are problem-solving theories because these theories
maintain the existing structure of dominance and hegemony of knowledge.
For Robert Cox, hegemony plays a crucial role in maintaining stability and
sustainability in the domestic system as well as in international order.

5.6.4 Neo-Marxism

Neo-Marxism refers to a diverse set of theoretical approaches that build upon

and expand the original framework of Karl Marx’s thought, adapting it to address
issues of the late 20th and 21st centuries. It incorporates elements from various
disciplines like psychoanalysis, existentialism, and cultural studies, moving
beyond the economic determinism of classical Marxism to explore how cultural,
ideological, and psychological factors influence societal structures and individual
consciousness.
Neo-Marxism expands beyond the economic base-superstructure model.
While Marx focused on class struggle and economic exploitation, Neo-Marxists
delve into the superstructure, examining how culture, ideology, and social
relations perpetuate capitalism.
Neo-Marxism emerged in a world significantly different from Marx’s
19th-century Europe. Post-World War II, with the rise of consumer culture,
the welfare state, and new forms of capitalism, traditional Marxist analyses
seemed insufficient. The Frankfurt School, which began in the 1930s but gained
prominence post-war, was a critical breeding ground for Neo-Marxist thought.
The context was one where cultural hegemony, mass media, and the manipulation
of desire through advertising became pivotal in maintaining capitalist dominance.

Thinkers and Perspectives:

• The Frankfurt School: Figures like Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer,
and Herbert Marcuse focused on the culture industry, authoritarianism,
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NOTES and the integration of technology in society. They critiqued the ‘one-
dimensional man’ shaped by modern capitalism.
• Antonio Gramsci: While not directly associated with the Frankfurt School,
his concept of cultural hegemony influenced Neo-Marxists, emphasising
how ruling classes maintain power through cultural institutions rather than
just economic control.
• Louis Althusser: Introduced the concept of Ideological State Apparatuses
(ISAs), explaining how schools, churches, and media serve to reproduce
capitalist ideology.
• Fredric Jameson: Focused on postmodernism, arguing that late capitalism
has penetrated all aspects of life, including art and culture, which now
serve capitalist interests.

Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist is considered the chief proponent of this
component of Marxist theory. The chief question analyzed in Gramscianism
was that why it has been very difficult to initiate a revolution in the western
European countries. Gramsci pointed out that the concept of hegemony provides
the answer to the question. While explaining the concept of hegemony, he accepts
Machiavelli’s opinion of power as a centaur- a half beast and man, which in a
political sense is a mix of coercion and consent. Gramsci views the capitalist
society in a specific manner where the structure of domination is complimented
with hegemony.
Capitalists maintain their hegemony with two different kinds of structures.
These are as follows:
1. Structure of legitimacy- According to Gramsci, civil society provides
consent and legitimacy to the capitalist exploitation and structure
through the process of socialisation, schools, religion (church), family,
societal values and so forth.

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2. Structure of coercion- Gramsci includes the state and its apparatus NOTES
as a core authority of coercion over the citizen, in whom he includes
the military, police forces, and state in itself. Whenever the structure
of legitimacy fails, the group of the capitalists move towards the
structure of coercion.
Gramsci criticizes the process of globalization. Accordingly, capitalist
economies forcefully impose the process of globalization to maintain their
hegemony over the developing world. In academic milieu, the first world is
trying to legitimise the whole process of globalization for its economic benefits
and to maintain the prevailing social and economic structure. Therefore, Gramsci
suggests that the proletariat class and the developing world will have to create
their intellectual class for counter-hegemony.

Conclusion
Marxism provides a new vision to understand international relations based on
economic determinism and historical materialism. Marxist scholars believe that
economic forces and mode of production determine the behavioral dynamics of
the international system. They problematized the core concepts of foundational
theories about military power and national security. They developed a world
system to understand the actual condition of the nation-state with respect of their
socio-economic and political condition. Marxist draws our attention towards the
internal contradictions and consequences of globalization and its forces. They
argue that globalization increased economic growth and intensified economic
prosperity. On the other hand, it also increased social and economic disparities
between haves and have not. A scholar like Gramsci considered globalization
as a substantial means of dominance over the developing world. Therefore, the
Marxist perspective of international relations is still relevant to understand the
class struggle between the societies and in international order as well.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Immanuel Wallerstein described the __________ system as a social
system with conflicting forces.
2. The core countries have __________ regimes and high purchasing power.
3. Periphery states are often exploited for __________ by core states.
4. Antonio Gramsci used the concept of __________ to explain capitalist
domination.
5. Robert Cox argued that theories are not __________ but serve specific
purposes.
B. State True or False:
1. Wallerstein identified four kinds of social systems.
2. Core countries are the least developed in Wallerstein’s world-system
theory.
3. Gramsci suggested that capitalist societies use both legitimacy and
coercion to maintain hegemony.
4. The semi-periphery states only exploit the core regions.
5. Neo-Marxism emerged in a world significantly different from Marx’s
19th-century Europe.

5.7 SUMMARY

• Marxism emerged as an anti-thesis to the rationalist and liberal economic

ideas of Adam Smith and David Ricardo.
• Liberal economic theory promotes a free market system where the role of
the state is minimal, and the ‘invisible hand’ guides the market based on
demand and supply.
• Marxist scholars criticize liberal economic theory, arguing that it leads to
exploitation by the bourgeoisie, who dominate market forces and control
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• Marx emphasized the inequalities between the proletariat (working class) NOTES
and bourgeoisie (economic elites), viewing the state as an instrument of
exploitation by the wealthy.
• Marxists criticized international financial regimes like WTO, IMF, and
World Bank for promoting liberalization, privatization, and globalization
that favour capitalists.
• Multinational Corporations (MNCs) exploit workers by taking advantage
of cheap labour, increasing profits while neglecting human rights.
• Marxists see colonialism as a tool to spread capitalism, which created
preconditions for the establishment of socialist societies.
• Marx predicted that capitalism would eventually destroy itself due to
inherent contradictions, resulting in a classless and stateless society.
• Wallerstein’s World System Theory explains global inequality with a focus
on core, semi-periphery, and periphery countries, where the core exploits
the others.
• Marxists believe capitalism would lead to conflicts as it spreads to find
new markets, ultimately collapsing and giving rise to a socialist society.
• Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system theory defines a world-system as
a social system with conflicting forces, structures, and member groups
focused on their profits.
• Wallerstein identified three types of social systems: mini systems (small,
self-contained), social systems (larger world empires extracting surplus),
and world economies (capitalist systems marked by core, semi-periphery,
and periphery distinctions).
• Core countries benefit most from capitalism, have stable governments,
democratic regimes, high purchasing power, and control international trade.
• Periphery countries are weaker, export raw materials to core countries,
and are exploited for cheap labor and resources.

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NOTES • Semi-periphery countries exist between the core and periphery, experiencing
both exploitation and exploitation tendencies.
• Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony explains the capitalist society’s
domination, using structures of legitimacy (socialization) and coercion
(state power).
• Gramsci critiqued globalization as a capitalist imposition and suggested
that the proletariat should create an intellectual class to counter hegemony.
• The critical theory of international relations examines society’s historical
changes, focusing on Marxist critiques and societal structures like family,
culture, and media.
• Critical theorists like Max Horkheimer, Theodore Adorno, and Jurgen
Habermas explored social emancipation, with Habermas emphasizing
radical democracy.
• Robert Cox argued that theories in international relations serve purposes
and are not neutral; he distinguished between traditional and critical
theories.
• Warren saw imperialism as a pioneer of capitalism, not its final stage,
while Rosenberg challenged realism’s assumptions and linked concepts
like sovereignty and balance of power to capitalist development.

5.8 GLOSSARY

• Bourgeoisie: The capitalist class who own the means of production.

• Proletariat: The working class who sell their labour for wages.
• Comparative Advantage: An economic theory suggesting that countries
should specialize in producing goods they can produce most efficiently.
• Invisible Hand: A concept in liberal economics referring to the self-
regulating nature of the free market.
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• Exploitation: The act of using someone unfairly for one’s advantage, NOTES
particularly in economic terms.
• Monopoly Capitalism: A stage of capitalism where market power is
concentrated in a few large corporations.
• Core-Periphery Relationship: The global power dynamic where core
(wealthy) countries exploit periphery (less developed) countries.
• World System Theory: A theory by Immanuel Wallerstein describing the
global system of economic relationships among countries.
• Dialectical Materialism: A Marxist concept suggesting societal change
results from the conflict of opposing economic interests.
• Core countries: Economically dominant countries with strong governments
and capitalist structures.
• Periphery countries: Weaker countries exploited for resources and cheap
labour by core countries.
• Semi-periphery countries: Countries transitioning between core and
periphery status, experiencing exploitation and exerting exploitation.

5.9 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
A. 1. bourgeoisie
2. comparative advantage
3. WTO, IMF
4. World System
5. stateless
B. 1. False
2. False
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NOTES 4. False
5. False
In-Text Questions-2
A. 1. world
2. democratic
3. raw materials
4. hegemony
5. neutral
B. 1. False
2. False
3. True
4. False
5. True

5.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Write an essay on Immanuel Wallerstein’ concept on World political system.

2. Explain how world politics is divided between core and periphery.
3. Write a short essay on Marxist Theory on IR.
4. What does Marxism identify as a key cause of inequality in the capitalist
system?
5. How do Marxist scholars view the role of the state in a capitalist system?
6. What criticism do Marxists have against international financial institutions
like the WTO, IMF, and World Bank?
7. According to Wallerstein, how many kinds of social systems exist in the
world-system theory?
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8. What role did Robert Cox play in the study of international relations theory? NOTES
9. Which scholar criticized Lenin’s view of imperialism in their work
“Imperialism: Pioneer of Capitalism”?

5.11 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Buecker, R. “Karl Marx’s Conception of International Relations,” Glendon

Papers, 2003, pp. 49-58.
• Cox, R. “Social Forces, States and World Order: Beyond International
Relations Theory,” Millennium Journal of International Studies, 10(2),
1981, pp. 126-155.
• Cox, R. “Gramsci, Hegemony and International Relations: An Essay in
Method,” Millennium Journal of International Studies, 12(2), 1983, pp.
162-175.
• Davenport, A. “Marxism in IR: Condemned to a Realist fate?” European
Journal of International Relations, 19(1), 2013, pp. 27-48.
• Dunne, T., Kurki, M., and Smith, S. (eds). International Relations Theories:
Discipline and Diversity. 2nd edition, Oxford University Press, London,
2010.
• Parkinson, F. The Philosophy of International Relations: A Study in the
History of Thought. Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, 1977.
• Goldstein, J., and Pevehouse, J. International Relations. Pearson Longman,
New York, 2007, pp. 494-496; 500-503.
• Linklater, A. “Marxism,” in Scott Burchill (eds), Theories of International
Relations, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1986.
• Linklater, A. “Realism, Marxism and Critical International Theory,” Review
of International Studies, 12(4), 1986, pp. 301-312.
• Marx, K. “Communist Manifesto,” in Die Frueschriften, eds. Siegried
Landshut. Kroener, Stuttgart, 1953. Self-Instructional
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NOTES • Miliband, R. “Marx and the State,” in Tom Bottomore (eds), Interpretations
of Marx, Blackwell, New York, 1988.
• Rosenberg, J. “Why Is There No International Historical Sociology?”
European Journal of International Relations, 12(3), 2006, pp. 307-340.
• Rosenberg, J. The Empire of Civil Society: A Critic of the Realist Theory
of International Relations. Verso, London, 1994.
• Wallerstein, I. World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Duke University
Press, Durham, NC, 2004.
• Wallerstein, I. “The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist
System,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 16(4), 1974, pp.
387-415.
• Warren, B. Imperialism: Pioneer of Capitalism. NLB and Verso, London,
1980.
• Wallerstein, I. “The Rise and Future Demise of World Capitalist System:
Concepts for Comparative Analysis,” in Michael Smith and Richard Little
(eds), Perspectives on World Politics, Routledge, New York, 2000, pp.
305-317.

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Feminism

LESSON 6 NOTES
FEMINISM
Dr. Hijam Liza Dallo Rihmo
Assistant Professor,
Shri Ram College of Commerce, DU
STRUCTURE
6.1 Learning Objectives
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Waves of Feminism and International Relations
6.4 Gender and Early Feminist International Relations Scholars
6.5 Locating Feminist Analysis within Reflectivism
6.6 Types of International Relations Feminism
6.7 Themes
6.8 Criticisms
6.9 Summary
6.10 Glossary
6.11 Answers to In-Text Questions
6.12 Self-Assessment Questions
6.13 References/Suggested Readings

6.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Understand about feminist approach to International Relations (IR)
• Describe how women are marginalized in the arena of foreign and military
policymaking because of gender stereotyping.

6.2 INTRODUCTION

The feminist approach to International Relations (IR) is a relatively new

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NOTES made a strong presence in other social science disciplines, it was not until
the late 1980s that the IR discipline witnessed a rigorous feminist intellectual
engagement in the field, and by the end of the Cold War, feminist analysis of IR
was firmly established. As the post-Cold War period opened up, a whole range of
new issues and new ways of thinking some of the major theoretical assumptions
of mainstream IR theories on the state, power, national security, war, peace,
diplomacy, etc. were systematically challenged by feminist scholars. Feminist
scholars were analyzing how gender affects international relations theory and
practice. Feminist scholars maintain that the field of IR is male-centred and the
lived experience of women is not accounted for. According to the IR feminist
scholars, this is a major theoretical limitation in the existing major IR theories
like Liberalism, Realism, and Constructivism. Feminists analyze core concepts of
international relations such as war, state, diplomacy, policymaking, etc. through
the gender lens.

6.3 WAVES OF FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS

Feminism is a movement for the social, economic, and political equality of the
sexes (Beasley 1999). It is not just about women. The modern feminist movement
can be divided into four waves. The term ‘wave’ is a metaphor used to identify
the different generations of feminism and its objectives. There exists different
attitudes, agendas, and objectives among the different strands of feminism and
sometimes some of these objectives transcend into the IR discipline. To examine
briefly:
The first wave started in the 19th century through the early 20th century
and they were mainly concerned with voting rights, education, access to public
offices, etc. Their political objectives for bringing in women into the public
space still resonates even with the contemporary Feminist IR scholars today who
want to bring in women into IR which is otherwise a male-dominated field. The
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strategist, soldiers, diplomats, politicians, peace brokers, policymakers, etc. in NOTES

international politics are mostly men. But there has been a growing number of
women in this field recently.
The second wave began in the 1960s and continued into the 90s and they
were radical in their demands. There were civil rights movements and anti-war
struggles. Most importantly they proclaimed that ‘the personal is political’
arguing that sex, childcare, birth control, domestic labour which is considered
as a private matter is in fact institutionalized and political, and it is fundamental
to the fight for women’s equality. This public and private divide are still relevant
today for a feminist analysis of IR as well when we put gender into perspective
where construction of masculinity is seen suited for public and political spaces
(Goldstein and Pevehouse 2007: 103).
The third wave began in the 1990s. It is both a continuation of the second-
wave and a response to its perceived failures. It focused on the plurality of voice,
differences, and acknowledged intersectionality on the basis of colour, race,
post-colonial experience, etc. Apart from its earlier counterparts, the feminist
IR scholars today also work towards intersectionality. They look at the ways
different identities, categories, gender, race, class, sexuality, etc. are important to
shed light on how the world works and disclose the hierarchy of power relations
(Hutchings 2014).
Lastly, the fourth wave (Chamberlain 2017:1) is a recent development that
has been ushered in since 2008 with the increasing use of the internet for feminist
activism. Social media has come to play a powerful platform for mobilizing,
sharing information, and resistance demanding equal rights. Social media like
Twitter and Facebook was paramount in the ‘Arab Spring’ in the 2010s (Stepanova
2011:1) where women, in particular, came out to the streets defying authorities,
in an otherwise conservative society, affecting international relations.
However, a common insight among the different waves is that gender
matters in understanding how IR works. It draws attention to the issue of women’s
marginalization, invisibility, and position at the bottom of power hierarchies
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NOTES caused by gender as an organizing principle. This is inequality that is sustained

and perpetuated in terms of work, wages, public participation, division of work,
etc. arising from the hierarchical gender distinction between men and women.

6.4 GENDER AND EARLY FEMINIST

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SCHOLARS

Feminist IR scholars begin from the gender concept. Feminist IR scholars want
to introduce gender as a category of analysis. When analysis of world affairs is
made from the perspective of gender roles, it is generally termed as making sense
of the world through the gender lens. Gender is a socially constructed category
(Butler 1990) where ‘man’ and ‘woman’ are attributed with masculine and
feminine characteristics respectively. This perception and practice of gender roles
play an important role in shaping international relations. Feminist IR scholarship
can be said to be launched by the works of Jean Bethke Elshtain, Cynthia
Enloe, and J. Ann Tickner. These feminist scholars are hugely responsible for
introducing the concept of gender in the field of IR for analysing central themes
in international politics like war, diplomacy, policymaking, etc. Today, their works
form the fundamental readings for the introductory class to Feminist International
Relations. They heralded a new form of knowledge and an alternative approach
to understanding international politics. In the field’s formative debates, it did not
site women and gender in IR (Sylvester 2004: 10), they were missing or simply
ignored and these IR feminist scholars were attempting to right that wrong.

Jean Bethke Elshtain

She is one of the foremost feminist IR scholars, who in her book “Women and
War” (1987), used the gender lens to examine the discourse on war where
femininity understood as a woman is categorized as one in need of ‘protection’ and
masculinity understood as man is the ‘protector’. This gendered categorization
informs the relationship between men and women and their power position which
subsequently becomes determinant for their role in the war, for instance, men as
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Her work is very important not only in examining the role of gender in NOTES
informing inequality between men and women in terms of power structures but
also in exposing the general assumption that the political sphere is associated
with masculinity or male characteristics. It questioned the automatic link between
the women and victimhood. Through this book, she criticized the dominating
symbols that recognized men as ‘Just Warrior’ and women a ‘Beautiful Soul’.
This gendering process is not an innocent project because the conception
about appropriate gender roles of men and women is expressed in the theory and
practice of war. Because of the gender roles, women are not visible, tucked away
as civilians whereas men who were the fighters, strategists, negotiators, and peace-
brokers wrote the history of war. Women are made insignificant. Although, this
assumption of ‘non-combatant’ women in war has come under major challenges
as many women who are in the military services are also equally aggressive and
dominant as their male counterparts.

Cynthia Enloe
Feminist IR scholars maintain that there is an under-representation of women in
the discipline of International Relations (IR). Theories of International Relations
have been gender-blind because until the feminist analysis of international
relations, major IR theories have largely ignored the different gender experiences
in global affairs. Feminist scholars were outraged, and rightfully so, by the general
lack of interests and the absence of women in IR that led to the question ‘Where
Are the Women?’ (Enloe 1990).
In her famous book “Banana, Beaches and Bases” (1990), she located
women in a political landscape dominated by men where women were invisible
in international relations before. Such as the diplomat’s wife, cooks, nurse,
garment workers, etc., their gender roles also have new insights into the workings
of international politics. A diplomat’s wife might host a friendly dinner party
where foreign emissaries sit together and exchange views informally before
entering into a formal agreement that affects foreign relations. Likewise, in a
combat situation, men fight at the battlefront but it’s the domestic workers, nurses,
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NOTES cooks, and tailors that hold the fort at home. Because of them, the soldiers are
clothed, fed, nursed, and cared for but no history mentions their contribution. This
is gender inequality. But the topic of gender escapes mainstream international
relations theories.

J. Ann Tickner
International politics is largely dominated by men which has created a very
inhospitable environment for women that J. Ann Tickner stated that ‘International
politics is a man’s world…’ (Tickner 1988: 429). There is marginalization of
women in the arena of foreign and military policy-making because of gender
stereotyping as these are gender roles not for women. These activities are
largely conducted by men and as such any discipline studying them is bound to
be primarily about men and masculinity (Tickner 1992). Thus, mainstream IR
theories, especially realism, are guilty of being gender-blind.
Tickner is known for her critique of Morgenthau’s principles of political
realism by showing that there is a masculine bias. To sum up her arguments,
she states that objectivity is culturally defined thus associated with masculinity,
national interest is multidimensional so it cannot be defined solely in terms of
power, power defined as dominance privileged masculinity ignoring the possibility
of collective empowerment, all political action has moral significance, there can
be common moral grounds which could become the basis for conflict resolution,
and denies the validity of autonomy since it is associated with masculinity and
is constructing a worldview that excludes concerns and contributions of women
(Tickner 1988: 438).

6.5 LOCATING FEMINIST ANALYSIS WITHIN

REFLECTIVISM

Feminist IR scholars contributed to the field of IR by introducing alternative ways

of studying and explaining international relations. Feminist scholars enriched
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gender seriously. They emphasized the importance of gender as a structuring NOTES

principle to what state is and how state operates in the international system.
The feminist approach to international relations is diametrically different from
mainstream approaches. So the question is, where do we locate feminist analysis
in international relations?
Looking at the development of IR discipline, there exist competing
paradigms but Realism and Neorealism are the dominant theories. All along the
First ‘Great Debate’ between idealism and realism and the ‘Second Debate’ or the
inter-paradigm debate between realism and neorealism in the IR discourse, there
have been no accounts of women’s experience in their theorisation of international
relations (Sylvester 2004). It was a man’s world where the experience of a
particular man especially from the west, elite, and white decides what’s going
on in international relations, and this selected male experience is projected
onto all of us as a universal human experience. To elaborate further, the major
IR theories like liberalism, realism, and other proponents such as game-theory
strategy are based on broad theoretical claims centred on rationality, objectivity,
and centrality. This universalising approach by major IR theories which is based
on ‘rationalism’ inadvertently restricted diversity of voices and concerns resisting
other determinants in international affairs such as gender, class, race, etc. The
lack of pluralism in their theoretical frameworks results in systemic biases within
the IR discipline as they decide what to study, what methods to apply, basically
they determined what international relations is.
However, it took a turn during the ‘Third debate’ as they were challenged
in their knowledge and methods. Post-modernists and feminists criticized their
intellectual tradition. Their effort was to make the IR discipline re-evaluate
their approaches and revisit critical sites such as the nation-state, anarchy, war,
diplomacy, policymaking, the global economy and make it more inclusive and
gender-sensitive. Although, despite this effort for the IR to ‘revisit the history of
the field with the tools of today, women, gender, and feminism still go missing’
(Sylvester 2004:14). Regardless of the little success, it introduced different ways
of thinking, methodologies, and theorization as their approach was radically Self-Instructional
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NOTES this Third debate is between rationalism and reflectivism. Feminism along with
other critical theories and postmodern thinking are located within reflectivism.
Reflective approaches focus on intersubjective meanings and knowledge.
Feminist IR scholarship as a reflectivist approach emphasized on how social
meanings such as ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’ are interpreted and engaged. For
instance, masculinity being understood as ‘manliness’ of a man, a man becomes
a fighter and a protector making war a male privilege activity, and femininity
being interpreted as the essence of womanhood, a woman becomes a caregiver
and a nurturer making her the custodian of cultural values and ideals. Such
interpretations have an impact on international relations. For instance, when war
occurs, men as soldiers die fighting whereas women representing the cultural
values and honours of the community, are subjected to sexual violence by the
invading party which they see it as attacking the honour of other men. The body
of a woman is the marker of state boundaries (Pettman 1997). As such gender
matters in understanding war. Women experience war differently.

In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. The feminist movement in IR can be divided into four ______.
2. The second wave of feminism proclaimed that ‘the personal is ______.’
3. Jean Bethke Elshtain’s book “Women and War” examined the discourse
on ______.
4. Social media platforms like ______ were pivotal in the fourth wave of
feminism.
5. Feminist IR scholars emphasize the importance of ______ as a category
of analysis.
B. State True or False:
1. The first wave of feminism focused on intersectionality.
2. Cynthia Enloe’s work examined the invisibility of women in international
relations.
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3. Reflectivism focuses on objective meanings and rational analysis in IR. NOTES

4. J. Ann Tickner criticized Morgenthau’s principles of political realism.
5. The fourth wave of feminism began in the 1990s.

6.6 TYPES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

FEMINISM

There are different strands of feminist analysis of international relations. There

is no single feminist approach to IR but several. According to Goldstein and
Pevehouse (2007), they are:–
1) Difference feminism: According to this strand, there are differences between
men and women. This difference rises because of cultural practices or
biologically making men and women experience the world differently.
However, different experiences and certain biological roles, such as
reproduction, does not mean that value judgment should be made on them
as both genders are human beings. Based on this supposition, it may be
inferred that feminism differs in that it values and recognises the distinct
role that women play in politics. For instance, because women are socialised
into certain gender roles as caregivers and nurturers, they understand social
relations better than men, which is a potential for conflict resolution and
peace-building process. This women’s perspectives on society and politics
create a standpoint from which ‘to observe, analyze, and criticize the
traditional perspectives on IR’ (Goldstein and Pevehouse 2007: 103)
2) Liberal Feminism: This strand of feminism rejects the stereotyped gender
roles altogether. For them, men and women are equal. They asked for the
inclusion of women in international relations including positions of power
that are generally reserved for men like state leaders, military, economy,
peace negotiators, etc. However, the inclusion of women doesn’t mean that
it would change the nature of the international system. It doesn’t challenge
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NOTES international power structures per se but challenges only the exclusionary
practices in the system, in other words, male domination.
3) Postmodern Feminism: According to the postmodern feminist, there is no
authentic women’s experience or standpoint from which we can understand
the social and political world (Jill Steans and et al. 2010:163). It rejects the
existence of a universal women category. Women are products of specific
social and cultural relations. What is considered ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’
is culturally constructed through language, symbols and stories as such
gender is not a stable or fixed category which can be used for analysing
international relations.

6.7 THEMES

Despite the different approaches, feminist scholars want to rewrite IR history

and redefined some of the core concepts in the field to encompass the history
and experience of not only the women but also the marginalized sections. This
re-conceptualization of IR core tenets can be identified as main assumptions of
feminists in international relations.

State and Power

Mainstream IR theories are state-centric in their approach. According to feminist
scholars, since the state has most men in its decision-making body, military
industry, policymakers, diplomats, corporate sector, etc. the state is a gendered
institution. It is masculine in nature where women are invisible to the state and
are excluded from statecraft. The state is not gender-neutral and it affects women
in different ways from men through family laws, customary laws, inheritance
laws, and labour laws. The masculinity of the state can be inferred from its high
spending on defence and less on social security and healthcare. Generally, man is
identified with the state where the state is endowed with rationality, objectivity,
and capability to protect the nation where the nation is identified with the woman
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The under-representation of women in the political space is because of NOTES

her gender role as primarily being a caretaker, nurturer, and educator. Gender is
a social category with relational powers where men dominates a women. This
male dominance is supported and legitimized by the public/private divide which
creates gendered power relations. This gendered relationship permeates all aspects
of the state. Thus, the public/private divide is central to our understanding of
international relations and to use Enloe’s expression ‘private is international’
(Steans and et al. 2010: 168).

Conflict and Violence

According to the feminists, there is a close connection between the state and
violence in international relations. State’s military apparatus is masculine in
nature because military activities are of aggression, destruction, and domination.
However, when it comes to the establishment, sustenance, and perpetuation of
the ‘masculinity’ of the military industry, both men and women can be agents
in reinforcing the masculinity of the state military apparatus. According to the
feminists, there is also a link between militarism and structural violence. When
a state increases its military expenditure, fewer resources are spent on food
and welfare. In their view, instead of providing protection from the ‘other’, the
military-industrial complex actually harms the ‘vulnerable’ inside the country
because the state resources are diverted to militarized security rather than
development, education, health, welfare, etc.
One of the direct forms of violence on women is sexual violence. IR
feminists see human trafficking and sexual violence being significant to
understanding international relations. These perspectives are not included in the
analysis of the mainstream IR theories. They are blind to gender violence. But
sexual violence and rape especially during war are the lived reality for women’s
experience of war. Feminist international relations researchers are working to
expand the discourse on war, a central idea in international relations, by including
sexual violence, which plays a significant role in it.

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NOTES War and Peace

Elshtain took up the core IR concept of war and exposed the gendered realities
of war in her “Women and War.” She explored the gender aspects of war and
analyzed different relations of men and women to militarism and pacifism. The
importance of examining masculinity and war discourse is that they put too
much importance on militarized security, and the masculine nature of the defence
establishment leads to distancing of human emotions (Cohn 1987: 691).
Feminist theory criticized this militarized concept of security and broadened
the concept of security beyond a militarized state towards human security such
as education, clean environment, sustainable economy, food, etc. Because of
their gender role, thinking of women is radically different from the ways men
rationalized security. Feminists have criticized and disclosed the ineffectiveness
of the rationality behind militarized security which is linked to armaments. This
leads to arms race, increased tensions and creates more insecurity.
Women think of peace and security in terms of food security, human
security, water security, health and education, development, etc. Women have
been active in anti-war struggles, against hyper-militarism which symbolized
aggression, violence and dominance. They emphasize on interconnectedness,
dialogue and cooperation. Thus, providing an alternative approach which
redefines and revisits the terms in which public discourse on peace and security
are conducted. In the modern peace building process, women need to be actively
engaged.
However, this is not to assume that there is an automatic link between
‘femininity’ and ‘peace’, but this is because of the gender role that a woman
performs and because of her experience of maternity, that gave women a close
relationship to peace.

National Security
National security is linked to military power. This has been challenged by IR
feminist scholars as it reflects a masculine view of security. The conceptualization
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a militarized security. Since women are seen as pacifist, radically removed from NOTES
the war zones and negotiating table for peace and conflict resolution, they played
no part in the formulation of national security projects hence, instead of human
security the focus is more on militarized security.
Feminists also have a problem with identifying woman with pacifism.
Pacifism is not an inherent essential quality of a woman, this is gender
stereotyping. Margaret Thatcher, Indira Gandhi, Madeleine Albright, Condoleezza
Rice are some hard-line women in power who defied gender roles.
However, since women are socialized into gender roles as a caretaker
and a nurturer, they are more empathetic and understanding hence, efficient for
conflict resolution. Women and children suffer a lot during conflict and war but
women are usually absent at the peace negotiating table. Although, feminists
reject essentialising women as passive and peace loving but because of their
socialization into appropriate gender roles, we have to ‘bring in’ women in the
peace building process, not because they are women but because they suffered
as women such as under the influence of sexual violence which is completely
different from men’s war experiences.

Identity and Construction of Knowledge

Feminists are working on various issue areas of gender, sexuality and sexual
identities. The identity of a body as man and woman is a social construct. It
is a cultural interpretation of our biological body, and this construction of our
gender identity determines our social roles and sexual expressions. Construction
of knowledge about who we are or our identity is important in understanding
power relations in our society and also in the larger context of international
politics. Whose knowledge gets heard or legitimated is another focal point for
feminist scholars. How we construct the world and how we teach the world have
a huge impact on how we act on the world (Tickner 2016). Through gender roles,
language, social institutions and state apparatus, man established its dominance
and perpetuates it. As such, knowledge imposes a hierarchical and conformist
pattern (Keller 1996) which reflects a masculine nature.
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NOTES Feminist IR scholars are also interested in intersectionality. They

emphasized that the ways in which different identities are categorized such as
gender, race, class, sexuality, disability etc. are significant on how the world
works as it helps us in understanding hierarchies and discrimination because of
those categories.
Feminists are also critical of the Western conceptualization of nation-state
building. The Western nation-state system from Westphalia does not account for
women’s lived experience. Women are absent in the imagination of a theory of
the state. There are also the neglected voices of the colonized and the suppressed.
The construction of knowledge about the Westphalian state system is disconnected
from them.
Even national identities are socially constructed where women are
considered guardians of national culture, indigenous religion and traditions.
This serves to keep women within the state boundaries prescribed by men. As
such, they often policed and controlled women’s body and in the interests of
demarcating identities (Steans 2014: 169). This is linked to sexual violence in
armed conflicts and honour killings.

Institutions and World Order

Important works are done by IR feminist scholars in the field of international
political economy as well. They used gender as a category of analysis in
exposing the gendered division of labour in the international economy. There is
a growing number of feminist literature exposing the unequal gender relations
where ‘women work’ is usually unpaid. Domestic work or any women’s work is
considered natural for her gender. It is her role and responsibility thus, women’s
work is appropriated and unpaid by justifying it in the name of ‘mother’s love’,
‘wife’s duty’ or ‘girl’s responsibility’. Therefore, women’s work is not ‘deemed
to be part of the activities of the state, markets and international institutions’
(Steans and et al. 2010: 171). Since, women’s work is invisible to the state, they
are also made invisible in the international system as well although, and all these
collectively constitute the world order.
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However, over the years, international organizations and institutions are NOTES
giving more cognizance of gender and other gender related issues. Increasing
feminist activism and their substantial empirical works have come to influence
international institutions such as the World Bank where it committed to greater
gender equity. Gender equity can materialize through gender sensitization, equal
pay structure, policy against workplace harassment, better working conditions,
maternal leave, etc. These developments bring about transformation in the
governance of the global economy.

Inequality and Justice

One of the most prominent works by feminists is towards gender equality. Gender
inequality is prevalent in societies across the world. Inequalities such as division
of work, wages, jobs, wealth, and inheritance are so normalized that sometimes
it is difficult to even realize that injustice is happening. Inequalities because
of one’s gender permeates different levels of analysis; societal, national, and
international. Gender relation is basically power relation. There is an increased
global economic growth because of globalization but there is no equal distribution
of wealth between men and women.
Another troubling feature of the global market economy is that women’s
work is often unpaid and invisible to the state. Any income earned by women
is considered an additional income and men are considered as the primary
breadwinners. Women’s work is hardly considered as a contribution to national
growth. Their work is invisible and being invisible to the state works to the
detriment of a woman because she remains outside that legal and regulatory
framework. She is not protected by labour laws, earns less than men, and is more
vulnerable to workplace harassment. Women are mostly employed in the informal
sector which adds to her problems. There is an increasing number of women
labour workforce globally but in 2004, the International Labour Organization
reported those women mostly remain in the low-income insecure jobs. Gender
equality and justice is a central preoccupation for IR feminists.

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NOTES
6.8 CRITICISMS

The most widely levelled criticism against the feminist IR scholarship is that it
focuses on women. In gender studies, there is too much focus on women that
gender is taken synonymously for women. There is less focus on ‘men and
masculinity’ as a subject of study. The argument is that equal attention can be
paid to men and masculinity on how men also suffer from toxic masculinity.
For example, men have to be a breadwinner, protector, strong, brave, rational,
domineering, etc. otherwise they are effeminate and not ‘manly’. Men have to
prove their manliness.
However, more IR feminists like Tickner have examined both masculinity
and femininity in their works. Feminists are working on intersectionality and
alternative forms of knowledge, for example, indigenous knowledge tradition.
The argument is that when feminists started their intellectual engagement
with international relations, it focused on women because it was the largest
marginalized group that major IR theories didn’t take into consideration. But
over time, as IR theories opened up to gender analysis, feminists have expanded
their concerns and views in other sectors as well.
Another criticism against the feminist IR scholars is that, while offering
important insights, they have failed to construct a theory of their own. Feminist
analysis of international relations is largely considered as a meta-theory since
they do not have grand theories about international politics such as traditional
IR theories like Liberalism and Realism. They are accused of not being able to
provide a coherent account of the nature of international relations. There is no
single ‘feminist paradigm’ but several strands of feminism working in the field.
The immediate response from the feminist community was that it was not possible
to reduce multiple realities into a single theory nor it is desirable.
Feminist IR scholars are also challenged by the assumption of a universal
category of women. Women’s experiences are different; it differs from society
to society and from culture to culture. Experience of Western women is in deep
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contrast to women situated in Third World countries. This argument is central NOTES
to post-colonial and post-structuralist criticism of Western feminism. There is a
general acknowledgement of this ‘difference’ politics among the feminists, but
they maintain that while working towards it, one shouldn’t lose the continued
existence of gender inequalities and violence on women across all cultures and
societies.

Conclusion
Feminist analysis of international relations helps us to rethink and revisit some of
the core concepts in the field of IR which are taken for granted. They introduced a
different form of knowledge and helped to disclose the hierarchies and inequalities
that are also shaping the world. Their main contribution is ‘gender as a category
of analysis’ for examining international relations. Gender relations affect every
aspect of international relations; state, war, diplomacy, international political
economy, etc. They destabilize the traditional IR theories but IR as a discipline
got new insights. Since the post-Cold War, there has been enormous increase in
the volume of feminist IR scholarships. Today, feminist IR scholars are venturing
into marginalized sectors and are vocal about it. Feminist perspective is important
for international relations.

In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Difference feminism emphasizes that women experience the world
differently due to ________ and ________ roles.
2. ________ feminism rejects the stereotyped gender roles and argues for
the inclusion of women in positions of power in international relations.
3. According to feminist scholars, the state is considered a ________
institution dominated by male decision-makers.
4. Feminist IR scholars emphasize the importance of ________ in
understanding power relations and hierarchies in society.
5. The ________ divide is central to understanding how gender relations
permeate all aspects of the state. Self-Instructional
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NOTES
B. State True or False:
1. Postmodern feminism believes that there is an authentic and universal
women’s experience that can be used to understand social and political
realities.
2. Feminist IR scholars argue that militarism and structural violence are
closely connected, impacting the distribution of resources in society.
3. According to liberal feminism, the inclusion of women in power will
radically change the nature of the international system.
4. Feminist scholars assert that the state is gender-neutral and equally
represents men and women in decision-making.
5. Gender inequality is often difficult to recognize because it is normalized
within societal structures.

6.9 SUMMARY

• Feminism is a movement advocating for social, economic, and political

equality between sexes.
• The feminist movement in international relations (IR) can be divided into
four waves, each with distinct objectives and attitudes.
• The first wave (19th to early 20th century) focused on voting rights,
education, and public office access for women.
• The second wave (1960s-1990s) emphasized that personal issues like
childcare and domestic labor are political, and it challenged the public-
private divide in gender roles.
• The third wave (1990s) addressed intersectionality, focusing on differences
in identity, race, and class.
• The fourth wave (since 2008) uses social media for activism, with platforms
like Twitter and Facebook facilitating feminist movements.

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• Common among all waves is the belief that gender is a significant factor NOTES
in understanding international relations.
• Feminist IR scholars emphasize gender as a category of analysis, noting
that international politics have historically been male-dominated.
• Scholars such as Jean Bethke Elshtain, Cynthia Enloe, and J. Ann Tickner
were instrumental in incorporating gender into IR studies.
• Feminist IR approaches challenge the male-centric nature of traditional
IR theories like Realism and Neorealism, emphasizing inclusivity and
gender-sensitive analysis.
• The “Third Debate” in IR introduced critical theories like feminism,
emphasizing reflectivism over rationalism and focusing on how social
meanings like masculinity and femininity impact IR.
• Different strands of feminist analysis exist in international relations (IR),
including difference feminism, liberal feminism, and postmodern feminism.
• Difference feminism highlights the inherent differences between men and
women due to cultural practices or biology, valuing women’s unique roles
in politics, conflict resolution, and peace-building.
• Liberal feminism emphasizes equality between men and women, advocating
for the inclusion of women in positions of power in IR without changing
the nature of the international system.
• Postmodern feminism rejects the idea of a universal women’s experience,
arguing that gender roles are socially and culturally constructed.
• Feminist scholars aim to rewrite IR history, encompassing experiences of
marginalized sections, with an emphasis on state, power, conflict, violence,
war, peace, and national security.
• The state is viewed as masculine, excluding women from decision-making,
and policies often reflect male dominance.
• Feminists critique the state’s focus on militarization over human security,
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NOTES • Sexual violence, human trafficking, and gender-specific experiences of

war are critical components of feminist IR analysis.
• Feminist theory critiques traditional war and peace concepts, advocating
for broader security ideas beyond militarization.
• Women’s roles in peace-building processes and perspectives on conflict
resolution are emphasized, but there’s caution against linking femininity
and peace inherently.
• Feminist scholars explore how knowledge and identities are constructed,
challenging masculine dominance in state and institutional structures.
• Feminists have contributed significantly to understanding inequality and
justice, exposing gender biases in labor, wages, inheritance, and wealth.
• The absence of a unified feminist IR theory is criticized, yet feminists argue
that multiple realities make a singular theory impractical.

6.10 GLOSSARY

• Feminism: A movement for the equality of sexes in social, economic, and

political spheres.
• Intersectionality: The idea that multiple social identities (e.g., gender,
race, class) intersect to shape individuals’ experiences.
• Reflectivism: An approach focusing on intersubjective meanings and
knowledge in IR, in contrast to rationalism.
• Public-Private Divide: The distinction between public (political) and
private (domestic) spheres, often challenged by feminists.
• Difference Feminism: A feminist perspective that values the differences
between men and women and their distinct roles in society and politics.
• Liberal Feminism: A strand of feminism advocating for equal
opportunities for men and women without altering the structure of the
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• Postmodern Feminism: A feminist approach that challenges the notion NOTES

of a universal women’s experience and emphasizes that gender roles are
culturally constructed.
• Militarized Security: A state-focused concept of security centered on
military power rather than human welfare and social security.

6.11 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-text Questions-1
A. 1. waves
2. political
3. war
4. Twitter
5. gender
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. True
5. False
In-text Questions-2
A. 1. cultural practices, biological
2. Liberal
3. gendered
4. identity
5. public/private
B. 1. False
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NOTES 3. False
4. False
5. True

6.12 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Critically evaluate IR theories from feminist perspective.

2. Discuss various issues on feminism in IR.
3. How does the second wave of feminism challenge the public-private divide?
4. How does feminist IR critique traditional IR theories like Realism and
Neorealism?
5. Why is gender considered an essential factor in understanding international
relations according to feminist scholars?
6. How does difference feminism view the role of women in conflict
resolution?
7. What does liberal feminism aim to achieve in international relations?
8. How does postmodern feminism critique the concept of gender identity?

6.13 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Beasley, C. What is Feminism? Sage Publication, New York, 1999.

• Butler, J. Gender Trouble. Routledge, New York, 1990.
• Chamberlain, P. The Feminist Fourth Wave: Affective Temporality. Palgrave
Macmillan, London, 2017.
• Enloe, C. Banana, Beaches and Bases: Making a Feminist Sense of
International Politics. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1990,
reprinted 2014.
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• Goldstein, Joshua S., and Pevehouse, Jon C. International Relations: Brief NOTES
2006-2007 Edition. Pearson, New York, 2007.
• Hutching, K. “International Relations – Feminism and International
Relations.” [Online: Web] Accessed 17 October 2020, URL
h t t p s : / / w w w. y o u t u b e . c o m / w a t c h ? v = a j AW G z t P U i U & a b _
channel=OpenLearnfromTheOpenUniversity
• Pettman, J.J. “Body Politics: International Sex Tourism.” Third World
Quarterly, 18(1), 1997.
• Steans, J. et al. An Introduction to International Relations Theory:
Perspectives and Themes. Third Edition, Pearson, Harlow, 2010.
• Stepanova, E. The Role of Information Communication Technologies in the
“Arab Spring”: Implications Beyond the Region. [Online: Web] Accessed
17 October 2020, URL http://pircenter.org/kosdata/page_doc/p2594_2.pdf
• Sylvester, C. Feminist International Relations: An Unfinished Journey.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004.
• Tickner, J. Ann. Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives
on Achieving Global Security. Columbia University Press, New York, 1992.
• Tickner, J. Ann. “Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A
Feminist Reformulation.” Millennium: Journal of International Studies,
17(3), 1988, pp. 429-440.
• Tickner, J. Ann. “What has Feminism Done for International Relations?
– Professor Ann Tickner.” [Online: Web] Accessed 17 October
2020, URL https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B33FkDx4__k&ab_
channel=CentreforInternationalSecurityStudies

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Constructivism

LESSON 7 NOTES
CONSTRUCTIVISM
Devendra Dilip Pai
Assistant Professor,
School of Open Learning
STRUCTURE
7.1 Learning Objectives
7.2 Introduction
7.3 Origins and Key Thinkers
7.4 Core Assumptions of Constructivism
7.5 Constructivism vs. Realism and Liberalism
7.6 Critique of Constructivism
7.7 Relevance of Constructivism Today
7.8 Summary
7.9 Glossary
7.10 Answers to In-Text Questions
7.11 Self-assessment Questions
7.12 References/Suggested Readings

7.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Know about the influential contribution for establishing theoretical
foundations of constructivism.
• Understand the factors that led to the rise of constructivism.
• Evaluate how constructivism offers new insights into the study of
international relations.

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NOTES
7.2 INTRODUCTION

In the realm of International Relations (IR), constructivism stands out as a

theoretical approach that has reshaped the way scholars analyse global politics.
Unlike traditional theories like Realism and Liberalism, which primarily focus
on tangible power dynamics, military capabilities, and economic interests,
constructivism delves into the less tangible but equally powerful realm of ideas,
norms, identities, and social interactions. This essay aims to provide a detailed
exploration of constructivism, its origins, core assumptions, comparisons with
other IR theories, practical examples, critiques, and its contemporary relevance.

7.3 ORIGINS AND KEY THINKERS

Constructivism’s roots can be traced back to the broader social constructivist

movement in sociology, which posits that human development is socially
situated and knowledge is constructed through interaction with others. In IR,
this perspective began to gain traction in the 1980s and 1990s:
• Alexander Wendt: Often considered the architect of constructivism in
IR, Wendt’s seminal work, “Anarchy is What States Make of It: The
Social Construction of Power Politics,” published in 1992, fundamentally
challenged the realist view of international anarchy. Wendt argued that
the anarchic nature of the international system does not inherently lead to
conflict; rather, it depends on how states perceive and interact with each
other.
• Nicholas Onuf: He introduced the term “constructivism” to IR with his
1989 book “World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social Theory and
International Relations.” Onuf highlighted that rules are not just legal or
formal but are socially constructed through practices and interactions.
• John Ruggie: Known for his work on “embedded liberalism” and the
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insights into how ideas and norms shape international institutions were NOTES
pivotal.
• Martha Finnemore: Her work focuses on how norms influence state
behaviour, notably through her analysis of the International Committee
of the Red Cross’s role in shaping humanitarian norms.

7.4 CORE ASSUMPTIONS OF CONSTRUCTIVISM

The fundamentals of constructivism are:

1. Social Construction of Reality: Constructivists assert that the international
system is a product of the collective understanding of its actors. This
includes how states perceive threats, alliances, and even the concept of
anarchy itself. The reality of international politics is thus fluid and subject
to change based on shared beliefs and practices.
2. Importance of Ideas and Norms: While realists emphasise military
and economic power, constructivists argue that ideas and norms are
equally, if not more, important. Norms like sovereignty, human rights, or
environmental protection shape state behavior in profound ways, often
more than sheer power dynamics.
3. Identity and Interests are Fluid: Constructivism challenges the static
view of state interests and identities found in realism. States’ identities
are seen as mutable, shaped by cultural, historical, and social contexts.
For instance, the shift from nationalist to supranational identities in the
European Union illustrates this fluidity.
4. Role of Interactions and Language: Communication, diplomacy, and
international discourse are seen as mechanisms through which states
construct and negotiate their identities and norms. Language itself is a tool
of power and identity formation in international relations.

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NOTES
7.5 CONSTRUCTIVISM VS. REALISM AND
LIBERALISM

Understanding how Constructivism differs from traditional IR theories can be

challenging for students. This comparison breaks down the key differences
between Constructivism and its major theoretical competitors - Realism and
Liberalism - using straightforward examples and analogies that highlight their
distinct approaches to understanding international relations.
Here’s a simpler explanation of how Constructivism contrasts with Realism and
Liberalism in International Relations:

1. Realism:
Core Idea: Realism is all about power struggles. It sees the world as a place where
countries are always trying to survive in a system where there’s no overarching
authority (anarchy). Imagine a world where everyone is for themselves, and the
main goal is to be stronger than others to ensure your own safety.
Contrast with Constructivism: Realists think that because there’s no global
government, conflict is inevitable; countries will always arm themselves and
compete for power. Constructivists, however, say that anarchy isn’t a given
condition that forces countries into conflict. Instead, how countries interact can
change this ‘anarchy’. For example, if countries start seeing each other as friends
rather than threats, the anarchy might not lead to conflict. It’s like saying, “The
jungle isn’t always a jungle if the animals decide to cooperate.”

2. Liberalism:
Core Idea: Liberals believe in cooperation through institutions like the United
Nations or through economic ties, thinking that these can make countries more
interdependent and less likely to fight. They focus on how economic interests
and shared benefits can lead to peace.
Contrast with Constructivism: While liberals see institutions as tools for
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They argue that institutions are not just there because they’re useful; they’re NOTES
created and sustained by shared beliefs, norms, and identities. For instance, the
EU wasn’t just formed because countries wanted economic benefits; it was also
about a shared European identity and a common goal for peace after WWII.
Constructivists would say, “Yes, institutions help cooperation, but they exist
because countries believe in the same values or have a shared vision.”
In other words,
• Realism is like a survival game where every country is on its own,
trying to be the strongest to avoid being attacked.
• Liberalism sees this game as one where countries can work together
through clubs or agreements to make sure everyone benefits, reducing
the need for conflict.
• Constructivism goes a step further and asks, “Why do countries join
these clubs or even play the game in the first place?” It’s about how
countries think, what they value, and how they see themselves in
relation to others. It’s like saying the rules of the game can change if
the players decide to change how they see the game or each other.
Some more examples of constructivism in international relations are:
• The End of the Cold War: Constructivists argue that the ideological
transformation within the Soviet Union, driven by Gorbachev’s reforms,
played a crucial role in ending the Cold War. This wasn’t just a power
shift but a change in how the Soviet Union perceived its role and identity
in the world.
• Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT): The NPT’s success isn’t
merely due to power dynamics but because of the shared norm against
nuclear proliferation, which states have internalized over time.
By understanding these perspectives, you get a fuller picture of why
countries behave the way they do in international relations, beyond just power
or economic interests, to include ideas, identity, and shared norms.
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NOTES
In-Text Questions - 1

A. Fill in the blanks:

1. Constructivism’s roots can be traced back to the broader social
constructivist movement in ________.
2. The term “constructivism” was introduced to International Relations
by ________ in his 1989 book “World of Our Making.”
3. Constructivism emphasizes that the international system is a product
of the ________ understanding of its actors.
4. According to constructivism, ________ and ________ are more
important than military and economic power in shaping state behavior.
5. In contrast to Realism, Constructivists argue that ________ is not an
inevitable condition leading to conflict.
B. State True or False:
1. Constructivism gained traction in the 1980s and 1990s, largely due to
Alexander Wendt’s work.
2. John Ruggie’s work focused mainly on the spread of nationalism after
World War II.
3. According to constructivism, state interests and identities are static and
unchanging.
4. Constructivists argue that the Soviet Union’s transformation, driven by
Gorbachev’s reforms, played a crucial role in ending the Cold War.
5. Realism focuses on how ideas and norms shape international institutions,
which is a central aspect of constructivism.

7.6 CRITIQUE OF CONSTRUCTIVISM

While Constructivism has enriched our understanding of international relations

by highlighting the role of ideas and social interactions, it faces several significant
criticisms that challenge its effectiveness as a theoretical framework.
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• Lack of Predictive Power NOTES

Critics, particularly John Mearsheimer, argue that Constructivism is better at
explaining what has already happened rather than predicting what will happen. For
example, Constructivists can effectively explain how changing Soviet identities
led to the end of the Cold War, but they would have struggled to predict this
transformation beforehand. This limitation makes it difficult for policymakers
to use Constructivist insights for strategic planning and decision-making. Unlike
Realism, which can make clearer predictions based on power distributions,
Constructivism’s focus on fluid identities and evolving norms makes future
scenarios harder to anticipate.
• Neglect of Material Factors: The theory tends to overemphasise ideational
factors (ideas, beliefs, norms) while potentially undervaluing material
realities. For instance, while shared identities matter, military capabilities
and economic power still significantly influence state behaviour. Critics
argue that even strong shared values or identities may not overcome basic
material needs or security concerns. Real-world examples show that states
often prioritise material interests over ideational factors in crisis situations.
• Ambiguity: The theory’s core concepts like ‘identity,’ ‘norms,’ and ‘social
construction’ are often criticised as too abstract and difficult to measure.
This vagueness makes it challenging to test Constructivist theories
empirically. Researchers struggle to quantify or precisely measure how
much specific ideas or identities influence state behaviour. The lack of clear
metrics makes it difficult to evaluate competing Constructivist explanations
of the same event.

7.7 RELEVANCE OF CONSTRUCTIVISM TODAY

Constructivism remains highly relevant in analysing modern international

challenges, offering unique insights into how shared understanding and collective
identity shape global responses to critical issues.
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NOTES In addressing climate change, constructivism helps explain why nations

increasingly prioritise environmental concerns despite short-term economic
costs. The Paris Agreement exemplifies how shared environmental consciousness
and collective responsibility toward future generations can drive international
cooperation. This demonstrates constructivism’s core principle that state interests
aren’t merely material but are shaped by evolving global norms and shared
identities. The growing acceptance of climate action as a moral imperative, rather
than just an environmental issue, shows how social construction of problems
influences policy choices.
The constructivist approach also provides valuable insights into
understanding and countering global terrorism. Rather than focusing solely
on military capabilities, constructivism examines how terrorist organisations
build their narratives, recruit members, and construct group identities. This
understanding helps develop more comprehensive counter-terrorism strategies
that address ideological and social factors alongside security measures. It explains
why purely military solutions often fail to address the root causes of terrorism.
In the realm of human rights, constructivism illuminates how universal
human rights norms have evolved and spread globally. The theory explains how
these ideas transcend cultural and political boundaries, gradually reshaping
state behaviour and domestic policies. For instance, the global condemnation of
apartheid and the subsequent transformation of South Africa demonstrates how
international norms can pressure states to change their practices.
These contemporary applications show constructivism’s strength in
explaining complex social phenomena that traditional theories struggle to address.
While realist and liberal approaches focus on power politics or institutional
cooperation, constructivism reveals how shared ideas and identities fundamentally
shape international relations, making it an essential tool for understanding today’s
interconnected world.

Conclusion

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encourages students to look beyond mere power dynamics to understand the NOTES
deeper, often invisible structures of norms, identity, and discourse that guide state
behaviour. While it has its limitations, particularly in prediction and empirical
analysis, its contribution to a comprehensive understanding of global politics
is undeniable. For students of IR, constructivism not only broadens analytical
horizons but also fosters a deeper engagement with the cultural and ideational
forces at play in today’s interconnected world. By understanding how ideas
shape the international system, constructivism provides tools for both analysis
and action in an era where global challenges require cooperative solutions rooted
in shared values and understandings.

In-Text Questions – 2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Critics argue that Constructivism is better at explaining what has already
happened than ________.
2. Constructivism is criticised for overemphasising ________ factors while
potentially undervaluing ________ realities.
3. One of the core concepts of Constructivism that is often criticised as
too abstract and difficult to measure is ________.
4. The Paris Agreement is an example of how shared environmental
consciousness and ________ responsibility can drive international
cooperation.
5. Constructivism helps explain why nations prioritise ________ concerns
despite short-term economic costs.
B. State True or False:
1. John Mearsheimer argues that Constructivism is better at predicting
future events than explaining past ones.
2. Constructivism neglects material factors and focuses mainly on ideas,
beliefs, and norms.
3. The abstract nature of key concepts in Constructivism makes it easy to
test and measure empirically.
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NOTES
4. The global condemnation of apartheid and the transformation of
South Africa is an example of how international norms influence state
behaviour, as explained by Constructivism.
5. Constructivism has little relevance in understanding global issues like
terrorism, human rights, and climate change.

7.8 SUMMARY

• Constructivism emerged as a theoretical approach that focuses on how

ideas, norms, identities, and social interactions shape international relations,
differing from traditional theories’ emphasis on tangible power dynamics.
• The theory gained prominence in the 1980s and 1990s, with Alexander
Wendt’s work challenging the realist view of international anarchy through
his argument that state interactions determine the nature of the international
system.
• Nicholas Onuf coined the term “constructivism” and emphasized how
rules are socially constructed through practices and interactions rather
than being merely legal frameworks.
• The theory rests on four core assumptions: social construction of reality,
importance of ideas and norms, fluid identities and interests, and the crucial
role of interactions and language.
• Constructivists argue that the international system is a product of collective
understanding, making reality fluid and subject to change based on shared
beliefs.
• Unlike realists who focus on military power, constructivists emphasize
how norms like sovereignty and human rights shape state behaviour.
• The theory challenges the static view of state interests, arguing that state
identities are mutable and influenced by cultural and historical contexts.
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Constructivism

• Constructivism views communication and diplomacy as key mechanisms NOTES

through which states construct and negotiate their identities and norms.
• The theory contrasts with realism by arguing that anarchy in international
relations isn’t fixed but is shaped by how states interact and perceive each
other.
• While liberalism focuses on institutional cooperation, constructivism
examines why these institutions exist and how shared beliefs sustain them.
• The end of the Cold War serves as a prime example of constructivist
principles, showing how ideological transformation can reshape
international relations.
• Critics like Mearsheimer argue that constructivism lacks predictive power
and is better at explaining past events than forecasting future behaviours.
• The theory faces criticism for potentially neglecting material factors in
favour of ideational elements.
• Another major critique is the ambiguity of its core concepts, making
empirical analysis challenging.
• Constructivism helps explain modern phenomena like global responses to
climate change through shared environmental consciousness.
• The theory provides valuable insights into understanding terrorism by
examining how terrorist organisations construct their narratives and
identities.
• In human rights, constructivism explains how universal norms can
transcend cultural boundaries and influence state behaviour.
• Constructivism demonstrates strength in explaining complex social
phenomena that traditional theories struggle to address.
• Despite its limitations in prediction and empirical analysis, constructivism
remains essential for understanding contemporary international relations.

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NOTES • Constructivism provides valuable tools for analysing global challenges

like climate change and terrorism that require cooperative solutions based
on shared values and understanding.

7.9 GLOSSARY

• Constructivism: A theory in international relations emphasizing the role

of ideas, norms, and social interactions in shaping state behavior.
• Ideational Factors: Ideas, beliefs, and norms that influence state behavior,
in contrast to material factors like power.
• Material Realities: Tangible factors, such as military power and
economics, that affect state behavior.
• Ambiguity: The criticism that Constructivism’s concepts, like identity
and norms, are abstract and hard to measure.
• Human Rights Norms: Shared global ideas about human rights that
influence state behavior and policies.
• Embedded Liberalism: The concept that norms and identities shape
international institutions, especially post-WWII.

7.10 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
A. 1. sociology
2. Nicholas Onuf
3. collective
4. ideas, norms
5. anarchy
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B. 1. True NOTES
2. False
3. False
4. True
5. False
In-Text Questions-2
A. 1. predicting what will happen
2. ideational, material
3. identity
4. collective
5. environmental
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. True
5. False

7.11 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. “Constructivism offers a unique perspective on international relations that

goes beyond traditional power politics.” Critically analyse this statement by
comparing constructivism with realism and liberalism, using contemporary
examples.
2. Discuss the core assumptions of constructivism and explain how they
challenge conventional understanding of international relations. Support
your answer with relevant examples.
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NOTES 3. Evaluate the main criticisms of constructivism as a theoretical framework

in International Relations. How valid are these criticisms in today’s global
context?
4. Using constructivist theory, analyse how international responses to either
climate change or global terrorism demonstrate the role of shared norms
and identities in shaping state behaviour.
5. “The end of the Cold War is better explained by constructivism than by
realism.” Do you agree with this statement? Justify your answer with
specific reference to how changing identities and norms influenced this
historical transformation.

7.12 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Michael Barnett. (2020). ‘Chapter 12-Social constructivism’, in John Baylis,

and Steve Smith, The Globalisation of World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations, Oxford University Press, 8th Edition. pp. 192-206.
• Robert Jackson, Georg Sørensen (2019). ‘Social Constructivism’ in
Introduction to International Relations, Theories and Approaches, Oxford
University Press: New York, pp. 161-177.
• • K. M. Fierke (2013). Constructivism in T. Dunne, M. Kurki, and S.
Smith (eds.), International Relations: Theories Discipline and Diversity,
OUP: NY, pp. 187-204.
• S. Lawson (2015). Theories of International Relations, Contending
Approaches to World Politics, Polity Press: Cambridge (Ch 7: Social
Theories of International Relations, pp.145-171).

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Unit-III: Concepts

Lesson 8 Concepts
Concepts

LESSON 8 NOTES
CONCEPTS
Dr. Deepak Yadav
Assistant Professor,
Kalindi College, DU
STRUCTURE
8.1 Learning Objectives
8.2 Introduction
8.3 Power
8.4 Types of Power: ‘Hard’ and ‘Soft’ Power
8.5 Sovereignty
8.6 Challenges to Sovereignty
8.7 Empire
8.8 Empires and Nation States
8.9 International Order
8.10 Summary
8.11 Glossary
8.12 Answers to In-Text Questions
8.13 Self-Assessment Questions
8.14 References/Suggested Readings

8.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Learn Power and Types of Power in International Relations.
• Discuss Sovereignty in International Relations and Challenges.
• Describe Empire and Nation States.
• Understand the concept of International Order.

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NOTES
8.2 INTRODUCTION

Political concepts form the foundation for understanding how power dynamics,
governance, and authority shape global affairs. This lesson explores key ideas
central to the study of political science and international relations. The first
concept, power, lies at the heart of all political structures and interactions. Power
refers to the ability of an individual, group, or state to influence or control others,
whether through force, persuasion, or other means. It is the driving force behind
state behaviour and international diplomacy.
Building on this, the lesson will discuss the types of power, specifically
‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power. ‘Hard power’ involves coercion and force, typically
exercised through military might or economic sanctions, while ‘soft power’
relies on attraction, cultural influence, and diplomacy to shape global outcomes.
Understanding these types is essential to comprehending how states achieve their
objectives on the international stage.
The lesson will explore sovereignty, a fundamental principle of international
relations. Sovereignty refers to the authority of a state to govern itself, free from
external interference. However, in today’s interconnected world, the concept of
sovereignty faces numerous challenges, such as globalization, transnational issues
like climate change, and the increasing role of international organizations, all of
which complicate the traditional notion of absolute state control.
The lesson will also examine empires and their role in shaping the modern
world. Empires were once dominant political entities that exerted vast control
over territories and peoples, and the transition from empires to nation-states
fundamentally reshaped global political boundaries and identities.
The concept of the international order will be discussed, outlining how
states interact in a global system marked by cooperation, competition, and shifting
alliances. This lesson will also provide insight into the evolving nature of global
governance and the structures that maintain stability in the international arena.
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8.3 POWER

In the study of international relations, the concept of power has long been
considered to be of the utmost importance and entire theory of international
relations has been centered on it, particularly the realist school of thought. In
order to characterize the study of international politics, Hans Morgenthau (1979)
used interests that were defined in terms of power. According to Kenneth Waltz
(1979), the main factor in deciding the make-up of an international system was
the allocation of power. Power is the unit of exchange in great-power politics,
according to John Mearsheimer (2001).
However, power is crucial for all IR theories; it is not just important for
realist academics. Power is too crucial a concept to be left to realists, as Stefano
Guzzini (2005) has highlighted. Whether explicit or implicit, the core idea of
power exists in all main IR theories. Liberals view power in terms of trade, or
“soft power,” while Marxists view it in terms of “production forces and capital,”
constructivists view it in terms of “norms,” and post-structuralists view it in terms
of “discourses.” At least, this is how the standard and somewhat stereotypical
accounts of these approaches would have it. Some important definitions of power
are as follows:
Max Weber: “The Power is a special ability in a factor (person or group) due
to having a situation in social relations that can carry out its wishes, despite the
presence of resistance and independent of depending on fundamentals for this
special ability.”
Lasswell: “The key to having power is being involved in the decision-making
process and in interpersonal relationships.”
Morgenthau: ‘The definition of political power emphasizes the existence of
control over interpersonal relationships between general power and the general
public (another definition from this author is that power is the ability of a person
to influence another person’s thoughts and actions).”
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8.4 TYPES OF POWER: ‘HARD’ AND ‘SOFT’
POWER

Hard power can be defined as the use (or threat of use) of force through the
use of military or economic resources. It is also based on observable resources,
such as the size of a state’s military or nuclear arsenal. However, soft power is
the capacity to appeal to or persuade. It is based on immaterial elements such as
culture and ideology, in contrast to hard force.

i) Hard Power:
A more traditional understanding of power politics is hard power. Utilising
military and economic might to influence the actions of other international actors
is known as “hard power.” Hard power, as the name implies, is the use of force
to persuade other agents to behave in a certain way. Hard power is the capacity
to use “carrots and sticks” to persuade people to comply with demands. The
latter is a serious and potent existential threat, whereas the former consists of
financial inducements.
The foundation of the realism viewpoint is made up of presumptions
that favour discussions of brute force. Realists argue that a nation’s ability to
persuade others to act in a way that serves their unique interests comes from its
actual resources. States can only guarantee their survival by using some kind of
military deterrence. Additionally, they must establish coercive partnerships with
other people. States must adhere to the proverb “if you desire peace, prepare for
war” under an anarchic system. Given the popularity of the realist viewpoint, it
would seem logical to infer that the majority of us view hard power as the current
definition of what “power” involves.

ii) Soft Power:

According to American political scientist Joseph Nye Jr., “soft power” is a “power
of attraction through culture, political ideas, and policies rather than coercion”
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Science, art, and culture are essential to soft power. Education diplomacy, science NOTES
diplomacy, public diplomacy, and digital diplomacy are a few of the diplomatic
strategies used to develop soft power.
This is the ability to impose compulsion by threats and inducements (known
as “sticks” and “carrots”). The ability to influence others to want your desired
outcomes is known as soft power, and it is more specifically described as “the
capability to obtain goals through seduction rather than force” (Nye, 2017). The
‘balance of hard and soft power’ is how Nye defines smart power (Nye, 2005).
He argues that soft power is even more important in international politics than
hard force because it has less risk and more gains.
Joseph Nye argues that soft power is even more important in international
politics than hard military power. In actuality, soft power uses charm and
persuasion to sway behaviour without rivalry or conflict. Soft power might be
regarded as “free” in the sense that it doesn’t require large resources and has little
consequences in the event of failure, whereas using hard power today would be
more expensive (both economically and politically). In addition, he highlights
the importance of style, arguing that since seduction is a crucial element of soft
power, behaviour like arrogance may work against you rather than for you.
Finally, Nye acknowledges that not all applications of soft power are positive.
For example, propaganda is the tactic which goes against the basic spirit of soft
power politics.
The liberal tradition of international relations has strong ties to the
concept of soft power. Soft power places a greater emphasis on the promise of
collaboration and cooperation among members over the enduring possibility of
war and the influence of ideas over military force in comparison to hard power,
which is more strongly associated with the realist school of thinking. Realist
school of thought talks about nation states which define their interest in terms
of power. More specifically, the three issues with war, that the liberal school of
thought advocates solving are pertinent to soft power.
First of all, liberal schools are adamant that democracies won’t wage war
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NOTES peaceful goals and influence how the country is managed. Therefore, democracies
are more likely to employ soft power than brute force. A democratic state will
continue to have soft power despite challenges, according to Nye.
The second strategy liberals employ to address the question of war is
economic interdependence. This approach would be more in line with hard
power than soft power because it seems more like coercion than seduction when
it compels nations to work together. In that, a state with abundant economic
resources is likely to exert more pressure on and change the conduct of other
states that are less wealthy economically. However, Nye’s writings agree that
economic resources can offer both soft and physical power. They can be used for
both attraction and coercion. Since others will be inspired by a free trade economy,
soft power will be produced. A successful liberal economy can encourage other
countries to seek to adopt it as a model.
The third solution to the problem of war put out by liberals involves
international institutions. They promote harmonious relations by encouraging
cooperation through shared laws and standards. Neo liberalism, which views
institutions as a way to mitigate the disadvantages of anarchy, bases much of its
thinking on this premise. Robert Keohane, who concurs with this logic, asserts
that once a system of networks, norms, and institutions has been established,
it will be challenging to eliminate or fundamentally rearrange. Nye asserts this
while simultaneously pointing out how difficult it is to foster cooperation among
the nation states without some incentives (Keohane and Nye, 1998).

8.5 SOVEREIGNTY

In International Relations, sovereignty is the ultimate controlling force or

authority over the state’s decision-making and the upkeep of law and order.
One of the most divisive terms in political science and International Relation,
sovereignty is directly tied to the challenging principles of state and government,
independence, and democracy. The term sovereignty which comes from the Latin
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The main guiding element of current inter-state relations is the doctrine of NOTES
sovereignty. It is founded on the principles of reciprocal political independence
recognition, peaceful coexistence, formal equality in inter personal relationships,
and the commensurate non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. It
is sovereignty that imparts on a State recognition by other States and allows a
State the right to relate with other countries on equal footing irrespective of size.
A State’s ability to establish diplomatic and commercial ties with other States is
granted by its sovereignty.
The Westphalia Peace Treaty (1648) established three fundamental
elements that make up a modern state as we know it today: territory, population,
and sovereignty. The shift from feudalism to nationalism was facilitated in
16th-century France by Jean Bodin (1530–96), who exploited the new idea of
sovereignty to increase the power of the French king over the insurgent feudal
lords. The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), who held that in
every true state, one person or group of people must have the supreme and absolute
authority to declare the law, was the thinker most responsible for giving the phrase
its contemporary meaning. He claimed that to divide this authority was essentially
to destroy the unity of the state. The theories of French philosopher Jean-Jacques
Rousseau (1712–78) and English philosopher John Locke (1632–1704) said
that the state is based on a formal or informal compact of its citizens, a social
contract through which they entrust a government with whatever powers may be
required for the common good, led to the development of the doctrine of popular
sovereignty that was expressed in the American Declaration of Independence in
1776. The French Constitution of 1791, which stated that “Sovereignty is one,
indivisible, unalienable, and imprescriptibly; it belongs to the Nation; no group
can assign sovereignty to itself, nor can an individual arrogate it to himself,”
added another twist to this idea.
By examining who exercises sovereignty in the name of the people or the
state in the 19th century, English jurist John Austin (1790–1859) further expanded
the idea and came to the conclusion that sovereignty is held by a country’s
parliament. A parliament, he contended, is a supreme assembly that enacts laws Self-Instructional
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NOTES which are binding on everyone else but that is not binding on themselves and
could be changed at will. But only a specific form of government, like the one
that ruled Great Britain in the 19th century, fulfilled this definition.

8.6 CHALLENGES TO SOVEREIGNTY

The idea of unrestricted, total sovereignty did not hold sway for very long, either
nationally or internationally in the era of globalizing world. The rise of democracy
placed significant restrictions on the authority of the monarchy and the ruling
classes. The notion that might is right in international affairs was constrained by
the growing interdependence of states. The widespread consensus among citizens
and policymakers is that there cannot be peace without law and that there cannot
be law without some restrictions on sovereign power. Thus, organizations like
the United Nations (UN), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), ASEAN
(Association of South East Asian Nations), World Trade Organization (WTO), and
the European Union (EU) etc. began to combine their sovereignties to the extent
necessary to preserve peace and prosperity, and national governments as well as
regional and international organizations progressively asserted sovereignty on
behalf of the peoples of the world. The idea of divided sovereignty, which was
initially developed in federal states, began to apply in the global setting as a result.
Nation-states are facing existential threats from various sources yet they
won’t vanish; instead, they’ll co-exist with more powerful non-sovereign entities
than ever before, including businesses, NGOs, terrorist organizations, drug
cartels, regional and international institutions, banks, and private equity firms.
The strong and accelerating flow of people, ideas, greenhouse gases, goods, cash,
viruses, e-mails, and weapons within and beyond borders will be detrimental to
sovereignty. One of the cornerstones of sovereignty is being able to control what
crosses borders, yet all this traffic puts that to the test. Sovereign governments
will increasingly gauge their vulnerability to forces of globalization outside of
their control rather than to one another.
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All of this carries with it the implication that sovereignty is not absolute but NOTES
rather contingent or even contractual. A state loses the advantages of sovereignty
if it supports terrorism, creates WMDs (Weapons of Mass Destructions) or
commits genocide. It also leaves itself vulnerable to invasion and occupation.
Gaining popular acceptance for guiding principles of state behaviour and a
process for deciding how to respond when these guiding principles are broken
will be the diplomatic challenge. States will also willingly choose to shed some
of their sovereignty. This trend is well under way, most clearly in the trade realm.
Governments agree to accept the rulings of the World Trade Organization because,
on balance, they benefit from a rules-based international trading order, even if
a particular ruling impinges on their right to protect national industries. Global
climate change is also prompting limits on sovereignty. The Kyoto Protocol,
which runs through 2012, requires signatories to cap greenhouse gas emissions.
One can imagine an even more ambitious accord in which a larger number of
governments, including the United States, China, and India, would accept stricter
limits based on a recognition that they would be worse off if no country accepted
such restraints.
Nation States will voluntarily decide to cede some of their authority. This
trend is widely established, and it is particularly obvious in the trade sector.
Governments consent to abide with the World Trade Organization’s decisions
because, overall, they gain from a system of international trade that is governed
by rules, even if a single decision interferes with their ability to defend domestic
businesses. There are now restrictions on sovereignty due to global climate
change. A cap on greenhouse gas emissions is mandated by the Kyoto Protocol,
which is in effect through 2012. It is possible to envision a more ambitious
agreement in which a greater number of countries, such as those of the United
States, China, and India, would consent to stronger restrictions on the grounds
that no country would benefit from the absence of such restrictions.

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In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Hans Morgenthau defined international relations in terms of ________.
2. According to Joseph Nye, soft power relies on ________, culture, and
policies rather than coercion.
3. The Westphalia Peace Treaty defined modern state sovereignty with three
elements: ________, population, and sovereignty.
4. Realists believe that a nation’s ability to persuade others comes from its
actual ________.
5. In the era of globalization, organizations like the ________ and WTO
introduced the concept of shared sovereignty.
B. State True or False:
1. Realists believe that power in international politics should be based on
culture and persuasion.
2. Soft power emphasizes the use of military force to achieve a state’s goals.
3. The concept of sovereignty means absolute control over a state’s internal
and external affairs.
4. According to liberalism, democracies are more likely to use soft power
in international relations.
5. The Westphalia Peace Treaty introduced the idea of shared sovereignty
among states.

8.7 EMPIRE

An empire is a type of political entity that consists of numerous nations and

regions, “often formed by conquest, and divided into a dominant centre and
submissive peripheries.”(Howe, 2002). The imperial capital, often known as the
metro pole, has political sway over the outlying regions. Various populations
are regulated and have different sets of rights within an empire. According to
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of state; however, not all states with a combined territory under the control NOTES
of supreme authorities are referred to as empires or ruled by emperors, and
not all self-described empires have been recognized as such by historians and
contemporaries (the Central African Empire, and some Anglo-Saxon kingdoms
in early England being examples).
According to Stephen Peter Rosen, an empire is a political force that
influences other countries in order to manipulate or control their exterior behaviour
and to guarantee that the internal behaviour of the subordinate states conforms
to at least certain minimal standards. According to Rosen, the establishment and
upkeep of a hierarchical interstate order in which the empire occupies the top
position and establishes and upholds the fundamental laws without being subject
to them itself is the basic function of an empire. In order to prevent the emergence
of peer competitors, it is absolutely essential to secure the monopoly on the use
of organized military force in perpetuity (Rosen, 2003). Additionally, an empire
must ensure the security and stability of the many constituent components, such
as client states, and provide some kind of “revenue” to pay for the expenses
associated with maintaining the empire. The elites of the non-imperial countries
must ultimately be tied to the imperial centre.
Herfried Münkler considered how an empire treated other political
entities to be the most important factor in determining its identity. He contends
that states are meant to have reciprocal relationships with one another and to
acknowledge, at least in theory, the sovereignty of other states. Fighting conflicts
occasionally with other governments does not preclude widespread acceptance
of this fundamental justification. The contrary is true of empires; they only
acknowledge their own sovereignty and accept no equals, which leads to their
propensity for unilateralism. According to Munkler, empires must meet several
criteria in order to endure. They must integrate their area under imperial control
economically, culturally, and administratively (Munkler, 2003).
There have been “brutal and comparatively peaceful, centralized and
decentralized, ancient and modern” empires. An important distinction has been
made between land empires founded by sea power, which include territories that Self-Instructional
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NOTES are extremely remote from the empire’s “home” country, such as the Carthaginian
Empire and British Empire, and those created by land power, which include
only contiguous territories, like the Austro-Hungarian Empire or the Russian
Empire (Burbank, 2010). The idea of an empire is linked to other ideas like
imperialism, colonialism, and globalization. Imperialism, on the other hand,
refers to the establishment and maintenance of unfair relationships between states,
not necessarily the actions of a state with an emperor or empress as its leader.
Empire is a word that is frequently used to express opposition to situations that
are too powerful (Reus, 2013).

8.8 EMPIRES AND NATION STATES

Empires are distinguished from nation-states by scholars. There is a hierarchy in

an empire where one group of people—typically the metro pole—has authority
over other groups of people as well as a hierarchy of privileges and status for
various groups of people. Josep Colomer made the following distinction between
empires and nation-states:
i) States were far smaller than empires.
ii) Empires lacked permanent or definite borders, whereas states had them.
iii) A state possessed “supreme power over a territory and population,” whereas
an empire had a “compound of varied groups and territorial units with
asymmetric links with the centre.”
iv) While a state seeks monopoly and uniformity, empires had multi-level,
overlapping jurisdictions. (Colomer, 2017).
Although they frequently started as strong monarchy, empires began as
several types of nations. Over time, opinions on empires have evolved, ranging
from widespread support to unanimous disapproval. Empires are composed of
separate, diversified, ethnically, nationally, culturally, and religiously diverse

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components, and they suggest that there is at least some disparity between the NOTES
rulers and the ruled. If there was no inequality, the system would be seen as a
commonwealth. Throughout history, the major world powers have often tried
to attack other countries. Imperialism is the idea that a powerful nation will rule
over a different area with the intention of using the people and resources there
to benefit its own nation in any way possible.
Imperialism is the notion that a major power will govern another country
or region with the goal of using the locals and their resources to aid the home
country in any manner feasible. Although many empires were founded through
military conquest, uniting the defeated kingdoms into a political union, imperial
hegemony can also be achieved through other means. The Roman Empire, the
British Empire, and the Athens Empire, all rose to power at least in part through
popular vote. After breaking away from the Portuguese Empire in 1822, the
Empire of Brazil proclaimed itself to be an empire. While maintaining an overseas
empire, France changed its name twice, going from the French Republic to the
French Empire (Burbank and Cooper, 2010).
A territorial empire can be found and maintained through direct conquest
and control by force, or a coercive, hegemonic empire can be established and
maintained through indirect conquest and control by power. The former strategy
restricts further growth by integrating armed forces into existing garrisons, but it
also provides more direct political control and higher tribute. The latter strategy
offers less indirect control and tribute but makes military forces available for
future growth. Territorial empires, like the Byzantine and Macedonian empires,
typically cover a large region. The term has occasionally been used to refer to
maritime republics or thalassocracies (such as the Athenian and British empires)
with looser organizational systems and more dispersed domains, frequently
made up of numerous islands and other types of possessions that required the
establishment and upkeep of a robust navy. Electing the emperor with the support
of the member countries through the Imperial election helped empires like the
Holy Roman Empire unite.
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8.9 INTERNATIONAL ORDER

An international order, according to Michael Barnett, consists of “patterns of

relating and acting” that are generated from and upheld by laws, institutions,
conventions, and rules. International agreements include both a social and a
material aspect. Political orders cannot function without legitimacy, which is
the widespread belief that a course of action is desirable, correct, or acceptable.
An international order, according to George Lawson, is “regularized transaction
practices among discrete political units that acknowledge each other as
independent.” An international order, according to John Mearsheimer, is
“an organized network of international institutions that assist to regulate the
interactions between the member nations.” A political order is described as “the
governing arrangement among a set of states, including its core rules, values,
and institutions” by John Ikenberry in After Victory (2001).
Realist views are well-known for betting on coercion and pointing to
hegemony and the balance of power as the primary forces behind order. The
English School and institutionalism acknowledge a mix of compulsion and
consent. As their name implies, institutionalists believe that governments can
create institutions that lead to equilibrium. These institutions are voluntary
agreements made by sensible actors. In other words, it is assumed that actors
have the freedom to accept or reject the contracts and social structures. But after
they’ve signed the agreement, its provisions are binding on them. However,
contracts need safeguards to guarantee adherence. To that end, states establish
organizations with a range of responsibilities in an effort to promote compliance
and foster long-term collaboration. Institutions frequently use information to
encourage cooperation, while occasionally they also use coercive measures.
A similar blend of consent and force is offered by the English School, which
maintains that nations with similar security concerns will create an international
community governed by institutions and laws like sovereignty, diplomacy, the
balance of power, and even war.
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Since the late 1940s, a system of rules-based, structured interactions based NOTES
on political liberalism, economic liberalism, and liberal internationalism has
been known as the liberal international order. It is more specifically defined by
human equality (freedom, rule of law, and human rights), open markets, security
cooperation, promoting liberal democracies, and monetary cooperation and involves
international cooperation through multilateral institutions (like the United Nations,
World Trade Organization, and International Monetary Fund). After World War II,
the order was founded, with the United States playing a major role.
Scholars have disagreed about the Liberal International Order’s (LIO)
nature and very existence. Free trade expansion, increased capital mobility,
the spread of democracy, the advancement of human rights, and collective
defense of the West against the Soviet Union have all been attributed to the
LIO. Unprecedented cooperation between the nations of North America,
Western Europe, and Japan was made possible by the LIO. Over time, the LIO
promoted the expansion of economic liberalism around the world and supported
the consolidation of democracy in nations that had previously been fascist or
communist. The 1940s, often beginning in 1945, have frequently been cited as
the LIO’s historical genesis. John Mearsheimer disagrees with this theory and
claims that the LIO didn’t exist before the Cold War ended.
The outcome of the Versailles Peace Conference after World War I was
the most well-known global order strategy of the twentieth century. A League of
Nations that would be accessible to all nations and capable of enforcing peace was
proposed as the solution to world peace by President Woodrow Wilson, whose 14
Points outlined what he believed to be the causes of the war and what he saw as
the steps necessary to prevent such a war from occurring again. A council made
up of representatives of the five great powers—France, England, Italy, Japan,
and the United States—added by representatives of four other countries existed
at the highest level of the organization, which was egalitarian at the General
Assembly level where each member state had one vote. Wilson’s attempts to
establish a global order were thwarted by the national interests of the various
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NOTES Russia. As a result, three of the most powerful nations in the world were not
included in the League of Nations’ planned orderly global network.
The post-World War II efforts to establish international order were
conducted in an effort to avoid the issues that came with the post-World War I
settlement. To preserve the unity of the nations that had won the war, the UN was
formally constituted in October 1945. Similar to the League of Nations, the United
Nations had two houses: the General Assembly, where each member country had
one vote, and the Security Council, which had six members—five elected by
the General Assembly and five permanent members. From the UN’s initial 51
members to more than 160 in 2003, membership rose quickly. Some believed that
the UN would pave the way for a global government that would uphold world
order, but a number of factors conspired to prevent this, chief among them was
the split of the world into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and
the Warsaw Pact, two sizable political blocs. In turn, these two powerful military
and political blocs not only engaged in an open conflict, but also fought for the
support of the so-called Third World countries in Asia and Africa. The conflict
between the two major power blocs played a significant role in shaping the world
order in the decades following World War II.
The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 signaled the end of the world’s
separation into two sizable blocs and sparked a lot of debate over what some
referred to as a “New World Order.” Politically speaking, this meant that
Western liberal, capitalist democracies had won; practically speaking, it meant
that America was now unchallenged as the world’s leading power. The fall of
the Berlin Wall, according to Francis Fukuyama’s “The End of History and the
Last Man” (1992), marked the “end point of mankind’s intellectual evolution,”
with liberal democracy surviving the toughest test it has ever faced. This theory
implied, among other things, that a stable, orderly world of nation-states along
European lines would emerge when all countries of the world accepted the liberal
democratic and capitalistic way of life. Of course, in actuality, none of this has
taken place. Samuel Huntington has stated that conflict in the twenty-first century
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ideas of the international order, in contrast to the peaceful international system NOTES
that Fukuyama envisaged.
A number of developments pertinent to the emergence of a peaceful global
order are seen around the turn of the twenty-first century. The first of these is
the United States’ undisputed position in international affairs. President George
W. Bush stated that America must uphold a world order free of terrorism and
is prepared to act alone, if necessary. The United States was being referred to
by its critics as an “empire,” with all the connotations that term has with it. At
some level, the European Union’s growth is a reaction to American hegemony,
uniting the various European nations into one bloc that may have a substantial
impact on the global order.
There is also a growing focus on humanity as a global society bound by
norms of humanitarian conduct that are both universally relevant and enforceable.
In some instances, troops from member states operating under the UN flag
implement UN rulings. However, in other instances, parts of this development
work independently from the UN. One example of such effort to impose universal
standards outside of the UN framework is the founding of an International
Criminal Court at The Hague in 1998. This court follows in the footsteps of the
war crimes tribunals held at Nuremberg and Tokyo at the close of World War II,
dealing instead with specific military and civilian leaders whose actions breached
international standards.
A legal and institutional framework that encompasses all people is currently
being pushed for as a way to ensure adherence to moral norms of conduct. This
framework will likely be somewhat hierarchical and will reflect the reality of
political power. Although the United Nations and the international legal system
exist, the United States’ authority and leadership position are constrained.
Furthermore, as UN texts on human rights have been released, the sovereignty of
states, a cornerstone of international law since the seventeenth century, has been
compromised. In these texts, the UN is tasked with standing up for the rights of
people when their governments violate those rights. Humanitarian intervention is
even permitted under UN auspices to shield people from their own governments. Self-Instructional
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NOTES Conclusion
In this lesson, we looked at whether these various components of global
government will work together to establish a formal, long-lasting structure that
guarantees everyone’s freedom and order. To summarize the debate, we can
conclude that current international order is unipolar with the USA as its leader,
but the rapid rise of China as a global power and regional groupings like BRICS
(Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), SCO (Shanghai Cooperation
Organization), etc. have shown that the world is moving towards a multipolar
international order in the 21st century.

In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. An empire typically consists of a dominant center and __________
regions.
2. According to Stephen Peter Rosen, an empire’s role is to influence other
nations and maintain __________ order.
3. Empires integrate their regions __________, culturally, and
administratively.
4. The fall of the Berlin Wall marked the beginning of a potential __________
World Order.
5. The International Criminal Court was established in __________ to
address breaches of international standards.
B. State True or False:
1. Empires always recognize the sovereignty of other political entities.
2. The Liberal International Order promotes open markets and liberal
democracies.
3. The League of Nations and the United Nations had identical structures
and purposes.
4. Empires are composed of a single, homogeneous cultural group.
5. The United States’ position as a world leader after World War II was
uncontested.
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NOTES
8.10 SUMMARY

• Power is a central concept in international relations, especially emphasized

by the realist school of thought. Thinkers like Hans Morgenthau and
Kenneth Waltz defined international relations in terms of power.
• Power is not limited to realists; other theories like liberalism, Marxism,
constructivism, and post-structuralism also incorporate different definitions
of power.
• Definitions of power by Max Weber, Lasswell, and Morgenthau suggest
that power involves control over others’ actions and decisions.
• Hard power involves using military or economic resources to influence
others, often through force or coercion, while soft power relies on
persuasion, culture, and ideology.
• Hard power, tied to realism, focuses on using military strength to achieve
goals. Realists believe that nations need military deterrence and coercive
partnerships to survive.
• Soft power, introduced by Joseph Nye, relies on attraction and persuasion
through culture, political ideas, and policies. It emphasizes diplomacy,
education, and culture as tools of influence.
• Soft power is closely related to liberalism, which promotes cooperation,
democracy, economic interdependence, and international institutions as
ways to maintain peace.
• Sovereignty, derived from the Latin word “superanus,” refers to the
supreme authority of a state over its decisions and internal affairs.
• The Westphalia Peace Treaty (1648) defined modern state sovereignty with
three elements: territory, population, and sovereignty.
• The concept of sovereignty evolved over time through the works of thinkers
like Jean Bodin, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
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NOTES • The idea of absolute sovereignty faced challenges in the era of globalization,
where organizations like the UN, NATO, WTO, and the EU introduced
shared or divided sovereignty.
• Sovereignty today is not absolute; states may choose to limit their
sovereignty voluntarily for benefits, such as in international trade and
climate agreements.
• An empire is a political entity consisting of various nations and regions,
typically established through conquest, with a dominant center (metropole)
controlling peripheral regions.
• The imperial capital exerts political influence, and different populations
within the empire are governed with varying rights.
• Not all entities with supreme authority are termed empires, and not all
self-proclaimed empires are historically recognized as such.
• An empire exerts political influence over other nations, controlling both
their external and internal behaviors, ensuring a hierarchical order with
itself at the top.
• Empires maintain stability by ensuring a monopoly on organized military
force and securing revenue to manage costs.
• Empires differ from states in their lack of reciprocal relationships with other
entities and do not recognize equal sovereignty, leading to unilateralism.
• Empires integrate economically, culturally, and administratively to maintain
control, and can vary widely in terms of brutality, centralization, and time
period.
• Empires are distinguished from nation-states by their size, lack of
permanent borders, and hierarchical structure with asymmetric links.
• Over time, empires have evolved from monarchies to diverse, multi-ethnic,
and culturally varied entities, contrasting with commonwealths where
equality prevails.

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• Empires can be territorial, maintained through direct force, or hegemonic, NOTES

maintained through indirect power.
• An international order is characterized by patterns of interaction governed
by laws, institutions, and rules, requiring legitimacy for functioning.
• The Liberal International Order (LIO), established after World War
II, emphasizes political and economic liberalism, human rights, and
cooperation through multilateral institutions.
• Efforts to create international orders, such as the League of Nations and
the United Nations, have faced challenges in achieving global stability.
• The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 marked a shift towards a “New World
Order,” with debates on whether a stable, liberal democratic system would
prevail globally.
• Conflicts in the 21st century may arise between cultural blocs with differing
worldviews, as opposed to between nation-states.
• The United States’ position as a global leader has faced both support and
criticism, prompting reactions like the formation of the European Union.
• There is an emerging emphasis on global humanitarian norms, with efforts
like the International Criminal Court ensuring adherence to these norms,
challenging traditional concepts of state sovereignty.

8.11 GLOSSARY

• Power: The ability to control or influence others’ actions, interests, or

decisions.
• Realism: A theory in international relations that emphasizes power, military
strength, and national interests as the main determinants of state behavior.
• Hard Power: The use of military or economic force to influence or coerce
other states.
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NOTES • Soft Power: The ability to attract and persuade others through culture,
political ideas, and policies.
• Sovereignty: The ultimate authority of a state to govern itself and make
decisions without external interference.
• Empire: A political entity with a dominant center and subordinate regions,
often formed by conquest.
• Metropole: The imperial capital or dominant center in an empire.
• Hegemonic Empire: An empire that maintains control through indirect
influence and power.
• Imperialism: The policy of powerful nations dominating others to exploit
resources.

8.12 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-text Questions-1
A. 1. power
2. attraction
3. territory
4. resources
5. United Nations (UN)
B. 1. False
2. False
3. True
4. True
5. False
In-text Questions-2
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2. hierarchical NOTES
3. economically
4. New
5. 1998
B. 1. False
2. True
3. False
4. False
5. True

8.13 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Critically analyze the concept of Power in International Relations.

2. Define the concept of sovereignty and discus the contemporary challenges
being faced by it.
3. What do you understand by Empire? Are the Empires still relevant in 21st
Century?
4. Define the idea of International Order.
5. What type of International Order are we living in the post-Cold War era?

8.14 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Howe, S. Empire: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press,

London, 2002.
• Reus-Smit, C. “Individual Rights and Making of International System.”
Cambridge University Press, London, 2013.
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NOTES • Burbank, J. and Cooper, F. Empires in World History: Power and Politics
of Difference. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2010.
• Colomer, J.M. “Empire vs. States.” Oxford University Press, London, 2017.
• Rosen, S.P. “An Empire If You Can Keep It” in The National Interest, Vol.
71, No. Spring, 2003.
• Munkler, H. Das Prinzip Empire. DVA Press, Munich, 2003.
• Barnett, M. “International Progress, International Order and the Liberal
International Order” in The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.
14, No. 4, 2021.
• Mearsheimer, J.J. “Bound to Fail: The Rise and Fall of the Liberal
International Order” in International Security, Vol. 43, No. 4, 2019.
• Nye, J.S. “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics.” Public
Affairs Press, New York, 2005.
• Nye, J. “The Future of Power.” Public Affairs Press, New York, 2011.
• Nye, J.S. Jr. “Will the Liberal Order Survive? The History of an Idea.”
Foreign Affairs, January 2017.
• Krasner, S. “Sovereignty: Disorganized Hypocrisy.” Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 1999.
• Nye, J.S. “Soft Power” in Foreign Policy, No. 80, Twentieth Anniversary
(Autumn 1990)

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Unit-IV: Exploring the Future Trajectories

Lesson 9 Exploring the Future Trajectories

Exploring the Future Trajectories

LESSON 9 NOTES
EXPLORING THE FUTURE TRAJECTORIES
Hema Kumari
Guest Faculty,
SOL, NCWEB, DU
STRUCTURE
9.1 Learning Objectives
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Traditional Theories and their Marginalization of the South
9.4 Dimensions of Global South
9.5 Global IR Agenda
9.6 Advancing Global IR
9.7 Debates in Global IR
9.7.1 Pre-debate – American Social Science
9.7.2 The Conceptual-Normative Strand: Western-Centrism in IR
9.7.3 The Empirical Strand: Practicing IR beyond the West
9.8 Critiquing Global IR
9.9 Conducting Relational Studies for Global IR
9.10 Summary
9.11 Glossary
9.12 Answers to In-Text Questions
9.13 Self-Assessment Questions
9.14 References/Suggested Readings

9.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this lesson, students should be able to:

• Learn what Global International Relations (IR) is, why it is important to
study Global IR, and how to approach it effectively.
• Understand that there is no one way of understanding IR and to be able to
question the universal idea of western understanding of IR.
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NOTES
9.2 INTRODUCTION

International relations (IR) is the study of the interaction between nation-states

and non-governmental organizations in a wide spectrum of fields such as politics,
economics, war, and security. The discipline talks about war and peace and has
a broad purpose in contemporary society. IR as a discipline supposedly began
in West with the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648. The present IR is majorly a
representative of the West. The West dominates the norms and theories of IR.
The field of IR gave little attention to the rest which primarily is the non-western
world. The non-Western world was the conquered globe; they were the docile
subjects, taking in knowledge from the superior West. The non-western region
even after having rich cultural and civilizational interactions isn’t yet is an active
collaborator to the discipline. The theories of IR (realism and liberalism) were
born out of western history, culture, and economic system. Thus, it is ill-fit for
explaining the phenomenon in the global south.
The Global IR is the answer to the dominance of the West in the discipline;
it bridges the gap, and challenges the traditional IR’s neglect and marginalization
of the voices and experiences of the non-western world, or the Global South
(Acharya 2017). It claims for pedagogic change in IR and inclusion of the voices
of the global south. The purpose of global IR is to broaden the discipline, and
transform it to capture the relations of states and societies in the global south.
Stanley Hoffman says that traditional IR can be described as American Social
Science. Global IR challenges this notion and seeks to find the voices of hitherto
unrecognized thus making IR a truly inclusive discipline, knowing it’s multiple
and diverse foundations. “Global IR” transcends the divide between the West
and the Rest and looks beyond the Westphalia form. (Acharya 2014). It does not
seek to displace the current IR theoretical foundation but a call for the inclusion
of the non-western perspective (Acharya 2017). Amitav Acharya (2014) says
that the underdevelopment of the non-western IR is not only because of the
western intellectual neo-colonialism but much responsibility also lies with scarce
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resources, political interference and the lack of Freedom of expression have also NOTES
inhibited IR as global.
Peter Katzenstein (2014) observes that rather than World War I and II,
the main event of the twentieth century may well have been decolonization but
not many texts in IR deal with the realities of colonization and decolonization
(Acharya 2014). Acharya (2014) says that, to accomplish the true meaning of
the word ‘global’ in IR, there needs to be a postcolonial perceptive too. He asks
three questions in terms of the global marginalization, which are as follows:
• The traditional theories of IR talk about the Cold War as a “long peace.”
However, it ignores the conflicts outside Europe, where millions of lives
were lost.
• The traditional IR has also ignored the colonial wars in assessing war and
peace in the international system. Accommodating these aspects of conflict
would challenge the pacific nature of western liberal democracies.
• The traditional IR thinking has been shaped by Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke,
and Kant, but not Ashoka, Kautilya, Sun Tzu, Ibn Khaldun, Jawaharlal
Nehru, Raul Prebisch, Franz Fanon, and many others.
The IR is filled with examples of ethnocentrism and marginalization. IR’s
dominant narrative fails to fit the global distribution of its subjects. Learning
centres, publications, and discussions of IR are located in the West and thus pose
a challenge for an all-inclusive IR.

9.3 TRADITIONAL THEORIES AND THEIR

MARGINALIZATION OF THE SOUTH

In 1966, Wight addressed the question, ‘Why is there no International Theory?’

(Buzan 2007). The non-western theories remain scattered, unsystematic,
and invisible. The contemporary meaning of good life today in the realm of
international relations is the parameters of democratic peace, interdependence,
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NOTES and integration, and institutionalized orderliness is found mostly in the West
and survival remains in the non-western realm (Goldgeier and McFaul, 1992).
Acharya and Buzan (2007) say that West hegemony is also because of
Gramscian hegemony and ethnocentrism and the politics of exclusion. ‘Theory
is always for someone and some purpose’ as said by Robert cox (1981) specifies
the parochialism in IR. The IR theory analyzes the western world events to curate
theory till now. There have been efforts from feminists, Marxists, and critical
theorists but they hardly reached a stage to give a non-western perspective. One
of the major reasons for western dominance in IR is a resource and the hegemonic
status in publications and institutions of IR in the west (Acharya 2017). The
developing world IR academics and government have major concerns in policy-
oriented research rather than theoretical work. Western IRT has discovered the
right path to understanding IR and the global south lacks the confidence to take
on western theories (Acharya and Buzan 2007).
Western IR has unconsciously formed gramcsian hegemony in the minds of
others (Acharya 2017). The non-western theories are hidden due to the intended
or unintended barriers to entry to the Western discourses. Acharya claims that
there is a lack of receptiveness for non-western theories.
The textbook claims that IR began in the UK in 1999 with the first
department and professorship in international politics created in Aberystwyth,
Wales but in practice, it started after World War II which marked the rise of the
powerful sovereign European nation-state (Acharya 2017). The IR is seeing a rise
of Pluralism but the parochialism of the West is major because of two reasons,
positivism, and euro-centrism.
In “International Theory: Positivism and Beyond” (1966), it was concluded
that IR is dominated by positivism (Smith 1966). Positivism is committed to
scientific, methods of empirical observations and conducting operations.
It believes in the differentiation of facts and values (Eun 2016). The former
theories have majorly focused on material capabilities, economic interests,
institutions, and state identities which are quantifiable, observable, and had
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shapes theories but also defines what counts as valid evidence and knowledge NOTES
(Kurki 2022). In short, the intellectual monoculture is marked by the hegemony
of positivism.
Apart from positivism, Ethnocentrism is also one of the forms of exclusion
in IR theory. It is also one of the primary challenges for the emancipatory project,
with which the field has yet to fully come to terms (Acharya 1997). The priests
of realism and liberalism are the gatekeepers of IR theory. Vital concepts like
national security are biased in favour of the west. The idea does fit the non-western
world. Thus, a lot is ignored or lost when these theories are applied to the rest.

9.4 DIMENSIONS OF GLOBAL IR

The project of global IR is imagined by scholars as non-western theories and

some call for a more radical form that is post-western theories. Acharya (2014)
says that global IR is not the complete renaming of the discipline and IR till now
can be preserved as a heritage site. Global IR is not a theory but an aspiration
for the greater inclusive and diverse discipline. Acharya (2014, 2017) has talked
about six dimensions of global IR, which are discussed below:
1. Global IR calls for a fresh understanding of universalism or universality:
The dominant meaning of the same is monistic Universalism which means
“applying to all.” Robert Cox says that the Enlightenment meaning of
Universal is the same for all time and space and thus we have a homogenous
reality. The universal theories and methods of I.R. marginalize the alternatives
(Acharya 2011). We can see the world of IR as a broad, overhanging canopy
with numerous foundations, thanks to pluralistic universalism. This pluralistic
universalism is one of the vital aims of the Global IR
2. Global IR should see history through a truly global lens and not just the
cold war and the first and second world wars. But, this call for inclusion
should not just be done as an area study or case study reapplying the western
norms. Rather Global I.R claims to develop concepts in non-western
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NOTES 3. Global IR should subsume the existing IR knowledge rather than

supplant it: Theories like post-colonialism and feminism have been at the
forefront to recognize events, issues, agents, and interactions outside the
West and to draw theoretical insights from them to enrich the study of IR.
Like constructivism, it opened up space for culture and identity. Global IR
challenges realism to look beyond the national interest and distribution of
power. It challenges liberalism to question the American hegemony and
look for contextualization and regionalism.
4. Global IR gives centre stage to regions, provides the acknowledgment of
regional diversity and agency: Today’s regionalism is ever-widening and
dynamic, and it is less state-centric. For example, regional organizations
like the European Union (EU), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), and the African Union (AU) complement the organizations
like United Nations (UN) in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations.
The study of regions is not just about how regions self- their economic,
political, and cultural space but how they relate to the world order with their
peculiar knowledge. Regional studies open the gate for close integration
between disciplinary approaches and area studies. . Also, putting a regional
emphasis is essential to creating a strong connection between disciplinary
perspectives and area studies.
5. Global IR must abstain from cultural exceptionalism and parochialism:
Exceptionalism is the propensity to portray one’s society, state, or
civilization’s traits as uniform, singular, and superior to those of others
(Acharya 2001). Exceptionalism often justifies the domination of powerful
states over the fragile state like American exceptionalism. Thus, Global IR
claims for a wide development of different national and regional schools
of IR with more identity-based knowledge for border understanding.
6. Global IR takes a broad conception of multiple forms of agency:
Agencies in International relations are seen as the standard of civilization.
They were majorly in compliance with the European power and ignored
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power and wealth. The agency is not a privilege of the powerful; rather, it NOTES
can take the form of a weapon used by the weak to bolster the international
system.
For instance, Jawaharlal Nehru of India was the first to advocate for a ban
on nuclear testing. Within the framework of the Organization of African Unity,
which was eventually succeeded by the African Union in 2000, African nations
created both legal and informal regulations to retain their postcolonial borders in
the 1960s. African political figures like Nelson Mandela, diplomats like Francis
Deng, a Sudanese, and Mohamed Sahnoun, an Algerian, as well as the former UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan, all played a significant part in the development
of the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) rule.
Amartya Sen of India and Mahbub ul Haq of Pakistan took on the traditional
Western model of development, which emphasizes national economic strength
and GDP growth rates. They proposed a more expansive and alternative concept
of human development, which emphasizes improving people’s potential through
primary education and health. Utilizing this more expansive agency paradigm,
global IR prioritizes the voices and agency of the South, as well as the South’s
perspectives on the global order and the shifting dynamics of North-South
interactions.

9.5 GLOBAL IR AGENDA

The core of the 2015 ISA in New Orleans convention decided on what should be
the Global IR agenda in terms of what it should look for (Acharya 2007, 2001),
which forces them to base it on the dimensions of the Global IR. These are
broad umbrellas, open to contestation, interpretation, elaboration, and extension
(Acharya 2014). These themes are as follows:
1. Examine fresh trends, hypotheses, and techniques from global histories.
2. Examine how the distribution of power and ideas has changed after more
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NOTES 3. Examine regional worlds in all of their diversity and connectivity.

4. Work on topics and techniques that demand a thorough and substantive
fusion of disciplinary and area studies knowledge.
5. Consider the exchange of concepts and standards at the international and
local levels.
6. Look into the idea of reciprocal learning across civilizations, which have
more historical support than the idea of a “clash of civilizations.”
By these dimensions, Acharya calls for the globalization of IR itself. He
says that he wants the conversation going on for the Global IR. K.M. Fierke
and Vivienne Jabri (2019) say that Global IR wishes to do provincialisation of
the Eurocentric discipline. They argue that having global talks is a process that
leads to global investor relations.

9.6 ADVANCING GLOBAL IR

Acharya and Buzan have tried to do non-western IR through Asian IR in an

attempt to do Global IR. They claim that Asia has some contributors who almost
fit the Western criteria. They identify four major types of work that could be
done and call it a soft theory.
The first is theorist focused where we can find the parallels of Thucydides,
Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Kant in the Asian classical tradition too like Sun Tzu,
Confucius, and Kautilya, have literature religious, political, and military figures
(Acharya and Buzan 2007). Many scholars have tried to recover the non-western
narratives of the state, sovereignty, world, order, and justice.
Karnad (2000) talks about the ‘East Asian Miracle’ in the 1980s and early
1990s where the thought and ideas of Confucius were cited as Asian values as
an alternative to western liberal values.
Benoy Kumar Sarkar (1919) talks about sovereignty and balance of
power concerning Kautilya, who was also known as one of the world’s first
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realist. Sarkar suggests the same by analyzing the mandala’s doctrine. (Sarkar NOTES
1919). The essence of sovereignty is also found in the Vedic texts where Aiterya
Brahman tells that monarchy should be highest and should be extending the
natural boundaries (ibid).
While analyzing the Indian experiment of sovereignty, Navnita Chadda
Behra (2020) cites Kaviraj (2010). Kaviraj analyzes Manusmriti, Arthshastra,
and the Mahabharata, where the danda and dharma were discussed and how the
monarch practices sovereignty through danda under the rule of law that dharma
(Behera 2020).
The second way of doing Asian IR would be by reading and understating
the foreign policies of various political leaders. The first and foremost of that
leader is Gandhi, a pioneer of colonial resistance. Gandhi put forward the idea
of Satyagraha or non-violence, which was similar to western passive resistance
(Acharya and Buzan 2007). The other leader Jawaharlal Nehru is recognized not
just as a thinker but also as a political strategist. His views were influential in
shaping the early foreign policy beliefs and methods of several of Asia’s fellow
nationalists (ibid). He also engaged with realist writings as in his famous book,
“The Discovery of India”, where the view of Nicholas Spykman’s position that
‘values of justice, fairness, and tolerance’ could be pursued till they are interfering
with the power objective’.
The idea of Walter Lippmann about post world war order to be only revving
around the alliances was alas questioned by Nehru. The major step that Nehru
took to do a non-western way of IR was the Non-Alignment Movement in the
1950s. Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma also represented a liberal internationalist
vision of international relations emphasizing interdependence and multilateralism
opposite to the military rule of Burma. (San 1946). Acharya and Buzan thought
that these studies have been done through an area specialist way and not by IR
scholars. The third way of doing non-western IR is that many Asian IR scholars
have applied the western theory to local contexts and assessed the relevance.
Examples include Takashi Inoguchi in Japan, Yongjin Zhang from China, AP Rana
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NOTES and Kanti Bajpai from India, Chung in-Moon from Korea, Muthiah Alagappa
from Malaysia (working in the USA), and Yongjin Zhang from China (working
in New Zealand) (Acharya and Buzan 2007).
For example, Muthiah Alagappa believes that we can test many theories
on the Asian ground but to contumacy ethnocentric bias’ (Alagappa 1998),
although this will only make the Western theories relevant. Although the global
IR scholars don’t take a strong take on if this is wrong or right. Amartya Sen in
his book, “Argumentative Indian” also talks about the roots of democracy in India.
He discusses how democracy was part of Indian practice and is not just about
the election but about civil discourse and the availability of different viewpoints
and a willingness to listen to them. Sen uses the argument of the Bhagwat Gita
between Lord Krishna and Arjuna here in the talk about the morality of war
(Acharya 2011).
Another form of non-western IR is the dependency theory by Andre Gunder
Frank (1966) who developed the idea of why the third world can never follow
the path of the west because of the difference in the experience. Frank formulated
the metropolis satellite model to explain how the surplus is appropriated by the
metropolis (Frank 1966). Similarly, Samir Amin (1976) propounded the theory
of center and periphery on similar lines but they only explained the exploitation
of the third world rather than adding the third world context to IR (Buzan 2007).
Similarly, a post-colonial knowledge only question the colonized marginalized,
but does not add to the knowledge (ibid).
The global IR project calls for a world safe for diversity leaving behind
marginalization, exclusion, and arrogance. Global IR should be vibrant,
innovative, and inclusive (Acharya and Buzan 2007). Acharya (2011) believes
that the power structure should be uncovered to understand the global heritage.

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NOTES
In-Text Questions-1
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. The dominance of Western theories in IR is partly due to _______ and
ethnocentrism.
2. Global IR aspires to develop a more _______ and diverse discipline.
3. The focus of positivism is on _______ observations and differentiation
between facts and values.
4. According to Acharya, the lack of _______ for non-Western theories is
a challenge in IR.
5. _______ universalism is an important goal of Global IR, aiming to include
diverse perspectives.
B. State True or False:
1. Gramscian hegemony is based on direct force and coercion.
2. Western IR theories have always been receptive to non-Western
perspectives.
3. Global IR aims to entirely replace existing IR theories with non-Western
perspectives.
4. Positivism emphasizes empirical observation and the separation of facts
and values.
5. Acharya and Buzan believe that regional studies play a crucial role in
achieving Global IR.

9.7 DEBATES AND CHALLENGES OF THE GLOBAL

IR

To aspire to make IR global, we need to take it to the classrooms. We need

to understand the epistemological dimensions of epitomic violence inherent
in traditional IR. Textbooks of the IR only talk about paradigms like realism,
liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism as core curriculum. Students see IR
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NOTES with a western lens only. (Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar and others 2022) suggests
bringing the global IR debate into the classroom to sensitize students. The global
IR debate addresses (geo–epistemological) the blondeness of knowledge and its
production in the particular context of time and space that is west and epitomic
violence (the act of imposing western values on non-western).
These are the different strands of the global IR debate.

9.7.1 Pre-debate – American Social Science.

The IR was called American social science by Stanley Hoffman; he explained

that the discipline materialized in the US after the Second World War was driven
by positivism and realist theories. Turton claims that indeed majorly IR journals
and editorial boards have US people but in terms of context, it’s not US-centered
(Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar 2022). Thus, we see American hegemony as we
only analyze IR at the nation-state level. In this perspective, to do Global IR,
we should identify factors that shape IR, and find out case studies on Western
alternatives to U.S. IR. The methodology for this should be critical analysis,
and empirical case studies based on the sociology of science. Hoffmann (1977),
Waver (1998), Friedrichs (2004), Kristensen (2015), Turton (2015) are a few
scholars to attempt this.

9.7.2 The Conceptual-Normative Strand: Western-Centrism in IR

We need more alternative concepts to uncover the Western dominance that are
more sensitive to social and political realities in the global South/East. While
the authors of this strand concur that an alternative IR is necessary, these new
alternatives sometimes fail to impact mainstream discourse as we have an
epistemological and ontological way of what this theory is. Consequently, rather
than identifying alternative theories, the scholars have focused on gatekeeping
practices. The overall dominance of the “Westphalia narrative” in IR places actors
other than states (for example indigenous peoples) or forms of international
non-cooperation other than intergovernmental institutions (e.g. transnational
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200 Material as epiphenomena of international relations (Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar 2022).

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The IR language is English, and the brain drain and socialization effects NOTES
brought about by researchers from outside the West seeking degrees in the West
are also expressed in English (Tickner 2013). These practices ratite the core and
periphery at the intellectual level too. The central aim of this strand should be
what Western-centric about IR is and how to overcome these biases and suggest
alternative conceptualizations of the international. There should be critical
deconstruction of the IR concepts. Inayatullah (2004), Bilgin (2008), Tickner
(2003), Tickner (2013), Hobson (2009, 2012), Chen (2012), Acharya (2014,
2016) have tried to do this.

9.7.3 The Empirical Strand: Practicing IR beyond the West

This strand focuses on how the IR is done beyond the west through various
case studies, partially paired with quantitative data analyzes, including citation
analysis. Aydinli and Mathews (2000), Huang (2007), and Acharya and Buzan
(2007) were some who attempted it. Currently, the largest empirical endeavour on
IR’s geo-epistemological dimensions is the Teaching, Research, and International
Policy (TRIP) project at the College of William & Mary in the United States. TRIP
has been analyzing theoretical, methodological, and epistemological diversity in
IR journals since 2013 including journals from China, Japan, and Latin America
(Wiebke Wemheuer-Vogelaar 2022).
These different debates around Global IR can help students of IR break
the western hegemonic socialization to understand IR. Thus, it will be a more
inclusive and reflective practice.

9.8 CRITIQUING GLOBAL IR

IR has been criticized for taking a particular (Western) experience as the basis for
framing theories with assertion to universal validation. The Global IR has taken
up the project for including the different experiences, histories, and agencies
(Witt 2020). Amitav Acharya, with Global IR, wants to change ‘the way that we
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NOTES Felix Anderl and Antonio Witt (2020) claim that the global IR right recognizes
the western exclusionary practices but it has failed to problematize the concept
of global into it.
Anderl and Witt also talk about the precursors of Global IR namely non-
western studies, post western and postcolonial. The non-western I.R was critical
of the Eurocentrism of the IR. They created home-grown theories to widen the
world of International relations. The post-western studies claimed that generalized
concepts can be developed from anywhere in the world and not just from the
west. It explored the epistemological and local outlooks from different parts of the
world. The post-colonial studies highlighted the violence within the international
structure thus exposing the power relations. They talk about how Global IR had
only partially utilized these critiques.
Acharya has also pointed out that one issue with doing global IR is that
of “neo marginalization” in IR scholarship. Neo marginalization occurs when
attempts to diversity result in further marginalization of the rest. For instance,
the feminist discourse highlights the blunt patriarchy in the IR, but it did go
beyond the western understanding and again marginalized the worn of the rest.
Anderl and Witt further explain that Global IR is making a big mistake
when they don’t question the long-established globalism. Globalism is a holistic
or universal entity. The global IR claims for plural universalism and despite calls
for plurality and difference, the global IR still wants to be measured in singular
proven universal validity. Thus, excluding those who don’t want for in one
entity? Global IR fails to provide a profound criticism of the hitherto dominant
forms of imagining and doing IR. Acharya idealizes the one global canon as
pluralistic universalism seeks common ground. Andrel and Witt thus say that
there is a need to look beyond the historical meaning of global, the global is
not only an empirical and analytical value but has an ideological dimension as
well. For example, the global justice movement repents the aspirations of the
privileged world or eastern philosophers like John Rawls. The global IR should
problematize the globalism in it and do reflex approaches to change what we
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NOTES
9.9 CONDUCTING RELATIONAL STUDIES FOR
GLOBAL IR

A relational Turn
Global IR claims to make IR a plural discipline but the way of knowing/being/
seeing/doing things in IR within Global IR also claims a sense of globalism or
universality without questioning the ontology of the western IR. Contemporary
IR looks at the discipline as a ‘one-world-world’ without looking at the pluriverse
of time and space (Trownsell et. al 2022). The conventional IR is producing
ontological Parochialism thus the exclusion, domination, and erasure of
infinite possibilities. The theoretical orientations of IR like security, war, peace,
globalization, state, and international organizations rest upon the assumptions
of the others. The ontological commitments of separations and fixed entities of
autonomy are rooted in IR. Epistemological and ontological pluralism can be
done by Relational IR. It moves beyond separate and fixed worlds and does not
necessarily look for western validation and universality. The relational form
of IR shakes the orientations of how we know IR. The relational forms are a
breakthrough of the conventional ontology, epistemology, and methods in not only
how we know IR but also science, knowledge, and nature or society. Relational
IR is a claim for ontological decentering. This new generation of IR is less
Eurocentric and less uniformly scientific (Kurki 2022). Milja Kurki claims that
we need a relational revolution not only in social science but also in science. She
tries to do this with relations cosmology and comes up with three key interests:-
Pluriversality – This idea represents that the world doesn’t contain many voices
in a single world rather we can have multiple worlds and there is no metanarrative
of IR.
Re-relating – While recognizing different worlds, the loosening of objectivity
needs to be there. This requires re-relating the world not from above but relational
sensibility.
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NOTES Human/non-human IR – The relational perspective calls for attentiveness

towards the humans and no humans to understand the complexity and to look
beyond dichotomies.
In other words, Relational IR works in shifting the ontological commitments
that we take for granted and gets us beyond the re-production of patterns to forging
new pathways for doing IR and engaging difference and sameness differently
(Tamara A. Trownsell et. al 2021). The contributions highlight the pluriversal
character of self and other and dynamics by drawing on distinct registers emerging
out of longstanding non-Western cosmological tradition. The core of this effort
is a dedication to incorporating various relational approaches to IR from various
geo-cultural traditions to broaden the scope of potential conceptual prospects
and logics, and to create a more complex set of instruments for more skilfully
interacting with complexity.
This allows us to move beyond anthropocentric understandings of how
the world works (Tamara A. Trownsell et. al 2021). Amaya Querejazu (2021)
says that reality exists in a binary system. Inayatullah and Balney (as cited by
Tamara A. Trownsell et. al 2021) claims that IR is also based on this logic and
it reproduces the logic of elf and other, thus producing various subjectivities.
This aspect of modern understanding has totalized rationality. Racial and social
discrimination are examples of this self/other binary. Relational IR moves beyond
the fixed identities to create a syncretic and hybrid world, it moves beyond the
binary and further produces multiple meanings pointing out that there is no
problem of difference.
Jarrad Reddekop (2021), in an attempt to relational study talks about an
Amazonian Quicha word runa which, if translated means human but from the
Quicha point of view, it means someone like us, a relative and it includes non-
humans too. The western understanding only sees the human as an individualist
rational being without any relation to what precedes, thus omitting diverse
understating. Following the notion of Runa, there are possibilities to cut across
the dominant ontologies.
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Giorgio Shani (2021) also talks about how Sikhs in India are a dynamic NOTES
relational concept and their experiences cannot be understood through British
regions categories that were imposed on them. In the reading of the Sikhs in
India, Shani claims that the ideas of universality, sovereignty, and secularism
cannot be expanded in the global south. Kyoto school in japan has been doing
philosophical inquiry in ontology influenced by Buddhism (Tamara A. Trownsell
et. al 2021). The school claims that relational theories can provide another reading
of the world. They promote fluid and flexible language. Rather than accepting
binaries, relational studies should power relations of dichotomy that are formed.
Behra (2021) claims that both the post-positivist theory and positivist theory are
grounded in Europe. She claims that teaching IR in south Asia has challenges
because Indian history is drastically different from European history. She does not
make students fathom history as it is but let them question why it is and makes
students aware that the thinking vassals are not singular but plural. Shani and
Behra (2019) attempt to provincialize the secular cosmology of traditional IR
in which, through the dharma, they question the secular Judeo-Christian basis
and linear basis of the western theories.
Tamara A. Trownsell et al. (2021) claim that the differences are the reason
for civil strife, war, racism, xenophobia, inequality, and other forms of violence
and marginalization which makes ontological flexibility vital. Becoming more
flexible means adding to our “methodological” toolbox for understanding and
engaging the “Other,” not diminishing it.

Conclusion
The conventional IR is Eurocentric and dominant themes like state and sovereignty
are based on the experiences of the global north where there is no space for the
rest. The rest is just the experimental ground for the IR theories of intellectual
neo-colonialism. Global IR bridges the gap between western and non-western
theories. It tries to make IR discipline go beyond the west by uncovering various
non-western prospects like how Behera (2021) tries to understand IR through
dharma. The Global IR was criticized for just following the western legacy to
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NOTES claim universalization and not question what we know and how we know it. The
relational studies in this sense do not claim for a global theory but a pressure of
multiple worlds where the dominant ontologies and methods are challenged by
different ranges of notions from different parts of the world. This is still a new
project in IR. The IR textbooks still explain IR with the two world wars based
on international organizations. The changes are required at all levels, of how we
publish, how we research and how we teach IR.

In-Text Questions-2
A. Fill in the blanks:
1. Traditional IR textbooks often emphasize paradigms such as realism,
liberalism, Marxism, and ________.
2. Stanley Hoffman referred to IR as an ________ social science.
3. The relational turn in IR promotes ________ and epistemological
pluralism.
4. Western-centric IR narratives tend to marginalize ________ actors.
5. The term ________ refers to the act of imposing Western values on non-
Western perspectives.
B. State True or False:
1. The global IR debate focuses exclusively on Western perspectives.
2. Stanley Hoffman described IR as a European social science.
3. Relational IR rejects the concept of fixed and binary identities.
4. The Westphalia narrative is inclusive of indigenous and non-state actors.
5. The empirical strand of IR studies focuses only on Western practices.

9.10 SUMMARY

• Wight questioned the absence of international theory, highlighting the

scattered and invisible nature of non-Western theories in IR.
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• Democratic peace and institutional order are associated with the West, NOTES
while survival is linked to the non-Western realm.
• Acharya and Buzan attribute Western hegemony to ethnocentrism and
exclusion, citing Gramscian dominance.
• IR theories have historically focused on Western events, with non-Western
perspectives largely ignored.
• The dominance of Western IR is due to resources and institutional control,
while non-Western scholars often prioritize policy research over theory.
• Positivism and ethnocentrism in IR have led to Western gatekeeping,
limiting non-Western theories.
• Global IR aspires to be inclusive and diverse, challenging existing theories
to incorporate non-Western contexts.
• It calls for a fresh understanding of universalism, global history, and
regionalism, moving beyond Eurocentric views.
• Global IR emphasizes pluralism, avoiding parochialism, and expanding
definitions of agency.
• Acharya and Buzan suggest four ways to incorporate non-Western theories,
including studying Asian thinkers, leaders’ foreign policies, applying
Western theories to local contexts, and exploring alternative models.
• To make International Relations (IR) more inclusive and global, it’s
essential to introduce diverse perspectives in classrooms.
• Traditional IR textbooks emphasize Western paradigms like realism,
liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism, neglecting other viewpoints.
• The global IR debate focuses on addressing Western-centric knowledge
production and epistemological violence.
• Stanley Hoffman described IR as an American social science, and scholars
urge the inclusion of non-Western perspectives.
• Western-centric IR narratives often marginalize indigenous and non-state
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NOTES • The relational turn in IR emphasizes multiple worldviews, rejecting fixed

and binary identities, and encourages epistemological pluralism.
• The concept of relational IR promotes inclusivity, breaking down Western
paradigms and fostering a more hybrid, flexible understanding of global
realities.

9.11 GLOSSARY

• Gramscian hegemony: A form of dominance that operates through cultural

and ideological means, rather than direct force.
• Positivism: A scientific approach that emphasizes empirical observation,
facts, and differentiation between facts and values.
• Ethnocentrism: The belief in the superiority of one’s own culture or ethnic
group over others.
• Pluralistic universalism: The idea that universal theories should be
inclusive and reflect diverse foundations and perspectives.
• Agency: The capacity of individuals or groups to act independently and
make their own choices.
• Global IR: A framework that seeks to include non-Western perspectives
in the study and understanding of international relations.

9.12 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-text Questions-1
A. 1. hegemony
2. inclusive
3. empirical
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5. Pluralistic NOTES
B. 1. False
2. False
3. False
4. True
5. True
In-text Questions-2
A. 1. Constructivism
2. American
3. Ontological
4. Indigenous/non-state
5. Epistemological violence
B. 1. False
2. False
3. True
4. False
5. False

9.13 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. How do Acharya and Buzan explain the dominance of Western hegemony

in IR?
2. What are the two main reasons for Western parochialism in IR?
3. How does Global IR challenge the existing theories of realism and
liberalism?
4. Why is it necessary to introduce global IR perspectives in classrooms?
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NOTES 5. How does the relational turn in IR challenge conventional understandings?

6. What is meant by “epistemological violence” in the context of IR?

9.14 REFERENCES/SUGGESTED READINGS

• Acharya, A. “Dialogue and Discovery: In Search of International Relations

Theories beyond the West.” Millennium: Journal of International Studies
(SAGE), 39(3), 2011: 619-637.
• Acharya, A. “Global International Relations.” In International Relations
Theory, by Milja Kurki and Tim Dunne. Oxford University Press, Oxford,
2017.
• Acharya, A. “Global International Relations (IR) and Regional Worlds: A
New Agenda for International Studies.” International Studies Quarterly
(International Studies Association), 83, 2014: 647–659.
• Acharya, A. “Human Security: East versus West.” International Journal,
Sage Publications, Ltd., 56(3), 2001: 442-460.
• Alagappa, M. Asian Security Practice: Material and Ideational Influences.
Stanford University Press, California, 1998.
• Behera, G. S. and N. C. Behera. “Provincialising International Relations
through a Reading of Dharma.” Review of International Studies, 48(5),
2022: 837–856.
• Behera, N. C. “State and Sovereignty: Worlds of Difference.” In
International Relations from the Global South, by Karen Smith and Arlene
B. Tickner. Routledge, London, 2020.
• Buzan, B. and A. Acharya. “Why is There No Non-Western International
Relations Theory? An Introduction.” International Relations of the Asia-
Pacific, Oxford University Press, 7(3), 2007: 287–312.
• Cox, R. “Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International
Self-Instructional Relations Theory.” Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 1981.
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• Eun, Y. S. “Where Does IR Stand in Terms of Diversity?” In Pluralism NOTES

and Engagement in the Discipline of International Relations. Palgrave
Macmillan, Singapore, 2016.
• Jabri, K.M. Fierke and V. “Global Conversations: Relationality, Embodiment
and Power in the Move towards a Global IR.” Global Constitutionalism,
8(3), 2019: 506 - 535.
• Kurki, M. “Relational Revolution and Relationality in IR: New
Conversations.” Review of International Studies, 48(5), 2022: 821–836.
• McFau, J. M. G. and M. Goldgeier. “A Tale of Two Worlds: Core and
Periphery in the Post-Cold War Era.” International Organization (MIT
Press), 46(2), 1992: 467-491.
• Sarkar, B. K. “Hindu Theory of International Relations.” The American
Political Science Review (American Political Science Association), 13(3),
1919: 400-414.
• Trownsell, T. A., A. B. Tickner, A. Querejazu, J. Reddekop, G. Shani, K.
Shimizu, N. C. Behera, and A. Arian. “Forum: Differing About Difference:
Relational IR from Around the World.” International Studies Perspectives,
2021: 25–64.
• Tickner, A. B. “Core, Periphery and (Neo) Imperialist International
Relations.” European Journal of International Relations, 2013: 627–646.
• Witt, F. Anderl and A. “Problematising the Global IR.” Millennium: Journal
of International Studies, Sage, 2020: 1-26.
• Trownsell, D. L. Blaney and T. A. “Recrafting International Relations by
Worlding Multiply.” Uluslararasi Iliskiler, 2022: 45-62.

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INTRODUCTION TO
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND DEBATES

INTRODUCTION TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND DEBATES

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