Topic 12: IPs communities Situation Analysis / Issues & Problems

Discussion

The Indigenous Peoples

The indigenous peoples of the Philippines number about 7. 2 million and are
found in the three main islands of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. They comprise
10% of the total population. Some groups live in forest ecosystems, while
others are found in the plains and coasts. The biggest concentration of
indigenous peoples are found in the Cordillera region in northern Philippines,
namely Luzon island. This mountain region which straddles the Gran Cordillera
mountain range, is the ancestral home of some 14 indigenous groups like the
Ibaloy, Kankanaey, Bontok, Kalinga and Ifugao. Population is estimated at 1.3
million. The peoples in this area are generally referred to as Igorots which
means people of the mountains. They are also the majority peoples in the
region.

Another large aggrupation are the indigenous peoples of Mindanao who are collectively
called Lumad or “born of the earth.” The Lumads comprise 18 ethnolinguistic groups such
as the Subanen, Higaonon, Manobo, Mamanua, Tiboli and B’laan. Numbering about 2.5
million, the Lumads are spread over 17 provinces in Mindanao and comprise 20% of the
total population of the island. Also in Mindanao are those who have been islamized and
called Moro (from Moor) by the Spansih conquerors. The Moros are grouped into three:
Maranao or dwellers of Lake Lanao numbering 742,962; Maguindanao of Cotabato
province numbering 650,000 and the Tausug or people of the current, numbering
502,200. The latter are the majority people in the southern province of Basilan.

Other indigenous groups are the Mangyan of Mindoro island in the southwestern part of
Luzon. The Mangyan, composed of seven groups, number about 111,000. Negrito groups
are found in the three major islands such as the Agta, Aggay and Dumagat in Luzon, Ati
in the Visayan islands and Mamanua in Mindanao. The indigenous peoples speak
languages belonging to the Austronesian family. The peoples have diverse cultures
although there are similarities, like the belief in animism. Several groups living apart from
each other have similar practices such as the tattoo and betel nut chewing cultures which
are common to many indigenous groups throughout the country. The presence or
absence of either practice among the groups depends on the level of acculturation
achieved. Non-indigenous Filipinos

stopped tattoing their bodies a long time ago as a result of their conversion to
Christianity.

The Indigenous/Non-indigenous Dichotomy

When the Spaniards came to the islands more than three hundred years ago, they saw
native inhabitants with similar cultural traits. In the colonization process, many groups,
especially those inhabiting the lowland and coastal areas, were forcibly Christianized and
made to adapt western practices. Over the years the Christianized inhabitants forgot
their traditional cultures and imbibed western values and practices. Meanwhile, those
who refused to be baptized and colonized moved to the uplands and joined those who
fought the intrusion of Spanish colonial rule. They were the ones who managed to
maintain their cultures up to the present. The westernized and colonized peoples - who
formed the majority - discriminated against the minority groups that kept their traditions
and life ways. In the Philippine state that was later created, the non-indigenous Filipinos
became the decision makers in government. The policies and programs that they drew up
further led to the marginalization of the indigenous peoples.

The Land Problem

The Spanish colonial government passed the Regalian Doctrine which declared
that the islands belonged to the Spanish Crown. This immediately dispossessed
the inhabitants of their ancestral lands. At the same time, the Church,
colonizers and local elite appropriated for themselves vast tracts of lands with
the blessings of the government. The disenfranchised inhabitants became
tenants of the landlords. This led to the rise of a peasant class among the
colonized Filipinos. The feudal relationship increased during the American colonial
period when the state enacted laws further depriving the people of their lands such as
the Philippine Bill of 1902. This rejected the traditional way of establishing land ownership
and declared that people must apply for paper titles, a difficult and costly process for the
majority. The Mining Law allowing big business to set up mining operations led to the
displacement of indigenous peoples in the Cordillera region where the people have long
been engaged in simple gold mining activities. Meanwhile, succeeding development
projects such as commercial logging, dam construction and plantation agriculture also led
to further disenfranchisement of the people, mostly indigenous peoples. An influence of
westernization is the concept of private property as against collective rights to land and
resources. The privatization of land which began during the Spanish colonial rule became
more acute during the American period when big business in terms of extractive projects
and commodity production intensified. This notion of commodifying land and resources
for profit clashed with the indigenous peoples’ concept that land and resources must be
for the common good

Economic and Political Organization

The majority of the indigenous peoples are still agriculture-based although they are small
owner farmers. Traditional shifting cultivation is now limited due to land pressure. In
Mindanao, this practice resulted in the loss of land by the indigenous groups, when they
left their fields for some time to fallow. Migrants then came in and took over the lands. To
indigenous peoples, land and its resources are necessary to their physical and cultural
survival. As custodians of the land, indigenous peoples take care of the productive and
reproductive power of the earth and its resources. This harmonious relationship and
rational management of the ecosystem define a people’s ethnic identity and also ensure
the cultural continuity of the group.

While they get sustenance from the land, they take the responsibility of caring for it by
extracting only what is needed. Because they were able to retain their cultures, they
remain repositories of a broad range of indigenous knowledge which today is recognized
as sustainable and viable. The entry of the cash economy is eroding the traditional way of
looking at and managing resources. In indigenous peoples’ areas where commodity
production has been introduced, such as commercial vegetable farming, sustainable
management practices have declined. In the Cordillera province of Benguet where the
production of temperate vegetables was introduced by the Americans in the 1930s to
meet the needs of the expatriates, this profit-oriented industry resulted in the conversion
of forestlands and rice lands into vegetable gardens. Sustainable management practices
have given way to destructive practices such as the intensive use of chemical inputs
which destroys the soil and poisons the water sources.

Despite the entry of the cash economy, indigenous peoples have not entirely lost their
traditional cultures. Spirits of the ancestors and those in the environment still need to be
propitiated. Among the Benguet Kanakanaey in the Cordillera, rituals performed in rice
agriculture are still performed even as the people converted their rice paddies into
vegetable gardens. In other areas where subsistence agriculture is still the main
economic activity, sustainable agriculture and forest management practices co-exist. This
is supported by the presence of a strong indigenous socio-political organization that
ensures that traditional practices-including taboos and rituals-are carried out. The
decision-making body is composed of the council of elders who decide by consensus.
Among other groups, decisions regarding community matters are made by the headman
or datu, with or without consultation with the people. This has allowed big business to
encroach into indigenous people’s territory by getting the approval of only one person. In
addition, to make it easier for development or extractive projects to be implemented in
ancestral domains, the State appointed datus or headmen in the communities and made
them signatories to documents approving the projects. In areas where the social
organization is strong and cohesive, this strategy is met with opposition, with the people
rejecting the authority of the appointed datu Despite the encroachment of a commodity
economy, indigenous peoples have not entirely lost or rejected their traditional cultures.
When the Ibaloy of Benguet converted their rice paddies to vegetable gardens, they
continued to perform the rituals used in rice agriculture. Also, some forestlands were not
cleared because of the muyong practice where families took care of forest lots for agro
forestry purposes.
 Indigenous Peoples’ Issues
I. Poverty and low income ( image borgenproject.com )

Marginalization, exclusion, exploitation and

discrimination characterize the IPs in the
Philippines. Poverty and low levels of
education are common features in their lives.
Child labor is an alarming concern. Many IPs
such as the Tédurays in Maguindanao, the
Subanens in Zamboanga del Sur, the T’bolis
in Saranggani, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat
and the Bukidnons in Bukidnon dwell in
ancestral domains work as tenants or
laborers on farms which are privately owned
by non-IPs. In some cases, agriculturally
developed and irrigated areas have been titled to non-IPs before the IPRA (Zamboanga
del Sur) and the lands the IPs’ get are not fertile or have been damaged by diseases or
chemicals (Sultan Kudarat and Davao City). Their farm area is small and pasturelands,
which cover the biggest portion of the ancestral domain are not productive as well. Their
economic activities are highly vulnerable to natural conditions such as dry and rainy
seasons which affect their income. Lack of irrigation systems and other agricultural
technologies, limited farm areas, inadequate farm inputs and shortage of capital lead to
low production. Root crops are produced in small scale and if not sold in the markets, are
mainly consumed by the families. Poor access to markets severely limits their economic
improvement. They have to sell their agricultural produce in the market, which is far.
Accessibility is marred by poor road condition and lack of transport. There is seldom
regular transportation to and from the markets. The Subanens in Zamboanga del Sur and
the Manobos in North Cotabato, walk for a couple of hours or ride on horses to take their
crops to market. These poor conditions of roads seriously threatens food sufficiency in IP
communities, as the case of the Bontoks in Mountain Province, where landslides
frequently erode the roads during the rainy seasons which are often closed. Due to
limited food supply outside of the community, the IPs experience food shortages.

Increase of prices of basic commodities lead to inability to purchase food leading to

hunger and malnutrition. For additional income, the IP families are engaged in non-farm
activities, such as broom making by the Atis in Capiz and the Manobos in North Cotabato;
basket making among the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat; weaving in the Bontok community in
Mt. Province and the Bukidnons in Bukidnon; rattan gathering and charcoal making in the
Mamanwa community in Northern Samar, the Dumagats in Aurora, the B’laans in Sultan
Kudarat, the Atis in Capiz; begging and vending in Cebu City and construction work in the
communities of Bontoks in Mt. Province and the Atis in Guimaras for which they do not
generate adequate incomes for their basic needs.
 II. IPs who do not dwell in ancestral domains ( image: ucanews.com )

Poverty is higher among the IPs who do not

dwells in ancestral domains and/or who do not
have land titles and land security. Those who
own land have enough food since they usually
produce root crops and raise livestock.
However, food sufficiency of those who do not
have land security is severely threatened by the
fact that they do not have land to till or the
available land is too small to produce enough
crops, as in the Atis in Antique and Negros
Oriental and the Badjaos in Cebu City. Furthermore, the situation of the Mamanwas
indicates that landless IP communities who are not fully recognized by the government
and external entities are in a serious situation. They experience food shortages. In Negros
Oriental, Antique and Capiz, they suffer from hunger. For them, food shortage is the
major reason for their inability to send their children to school. Hungry children do not
have the energy to go to school which results in repetition or drop out. In the areas where
lack of food is serious, child labor is widely practiced accounting for dropping out of
school.

III. Access to health services ( image: who.int )

Most of the communities have poor of access to formal health

services or medicines. They are usually assisted by a
traditional birth attendant called hilot when they deliver at
home. This is due to the problems of accessibility,
affordability and acceptability to their cultures and customs.
Birth registration is done. The major reasons for default in
birth registration are inability to pay the registration fee; not
having a marriage certificate that is required for birth registration; and distance to
registration offices.

IV. Access to Water

Access to safe water sources is seriously limited in

some areas. Atis in Capiz, walk for an hour to
fetch water from a spring. The Badjaos in Cebu
City purchase water. During dry seasons, they
experience difficulties in procuring water because
springs usually dry up. This shortage brings about
sanitation problems. People reduce the frequency
of washing clothes and taking of baths.
Image : who.org.com

V. Access to Sanitation

Many of the IPs does not have water-sealed toilets.

Some do not own toilets at all. Those who do not
live in ancestral domains or who do not have land
titles tend to have more hygienic issues than those
living in ancestral domains, in the cases of the
Badjaos in Cebu City, the Atas in Negros Oriental,
the Atis in Guimaras and the Mamanwas in
Northern Samar. Many households do not have
toilet facilities. They tend to dispose human
excrement in the surrounding areas and the river.
Image : dandc.eu

VI. IP mothers

Early and arranged marriages are common among the

women in some communities. They tend to have low
educational attainment and but eager to send their
children to school. Image : medium.com

VII. High incidence of school drop out

A large number of out-of-school children and youth is

evident among the IPs. Low levels of income are
major factors that limit access to basic education.
The main reason for an IP child to stop going to
school is the lack of funds to purchase school
supplies such as papers, pencils and uniforms. The
NCIP’s educational program is limited to granting
support interventions only through its Educational
Assistance Program. Many IP children are engaged in
work, such as farm work and/or Hacienda labor, scrap gathering, selling vegetables and
working as housemaids to support their own education. Inability to bring packed lunch to
school is also a major reason for children to stop going to school. This is one of the
common reasons for parents to fail in sending their children to day care centers as seen
in the case of the Manobos in North Cotabato. Distance to school and associated cost of
transportation to and from the school is the third reason for dropping out. Indigenous
Communities in the Philippines: There are also IP children and youth who have never
been enrolled in any formal school in some communities. For instance among, the
Mamanwas in Northern Samar, nearly every child and youth has never been enrolled in
any formal school. They desire to go to school and their mothers share this aspiration.
The situation of the Mamanwa community suggests that IP children whose communities
lack land titles and have not been fully recognized by the government and other external
bodies tend to lose their opportunity to study.

VIII. Bullying and discrimination

Physical distance should not be the only factor in

accessibility to education; psychological concerns should
also be considered. IP children and youth are frequent
victims of discrimination and bullying at schools where IPs
and Non-IP students co-exist. This finding is common in
almost all the communities studied. Many IP children had
painful experiences of being bullied and discriminated both
at the basic and tertiary education levels. IP children are verbally abused and treated in a
discriminatory way. In most cases, the children endure the bullying although it hurts
them. Being discriminated and bullied were the most hurtful experiences that they ever
had in their lives. Aside from the devastating emotional impact it pushed them to drop
out of school. Even when IPs is well-educated, discrimination persists unemployment
recruitment. Moreover, the Ati children in Antique who have been seriously bullied at
school are unwilling to enroll or use their own language because people would notice that
they are Atis.

IX. Out-of-school youth

More serious attention should be paid to out-of school youth in IP communities. They
either do

not have a chance to enroll or eventually drop out from formal school because of financial
difficulties. They have been working to help their family since they were young. However,
they strongly hope to return to school and dreaming to have professional jobs. Many out-
of-school youth mentioned that dropping out was the saddest experience that they had in
their lives. Some of them were hesitant to talk about these. However, they wanted return
to school.

So far, the government has attempted to promote alternative education through the
Alternative Learning System (ALS), but this falls short of what is needed by the majority
of the out-of-school youth who want to study at formal schools. Majority wanted to go
back to the same grade where they stopped at formal
school even if it means that they would study with
younger children in the same class, while few wanted
to get a literacy education.

X. Children at risk/ Security concerns

Non admission of involvement in armed conflicts is

due to the fear of consequences. There were signs of
security-related concerns that cannot be disregarded
in Northern Samar and Maguindanao. One cannot
overlook the possibility of IP children’s involvement in
armed conflicts in other parts of Samar and Mindanao.

Image : up.edu.ph

XI. Human trafficking

There is the concern that indigenous children in certain areas have been possibly
recruited as

house helpers by brokers, but are eventually forced to be sex workers in Bukidnon and
Sultan

Kudarat.

XII. Working children and child labor

IP children and youth largely assist their parents daily in

various forms of tasks, such as fetching water, cooking,
washing clothes and baby-sitting their siblings. Some
are engaged in income generating activities, such as
rattan gathering, charcoal making, working as laborers
in farms, working as construction workers, selling
vegetables and working as house maids in cities. The IP
children whose community lacks land security engage in
more arduous works, such as gathering scrap irons among the Ati communities in Antique
and Guimaras, working as Hacienda laborers in the Ata community in Negros Oriental and
begging by the Badjao children in Cebu City. In some cases, work prods the children to
repeat the same grades at school enroll late, drop out of formal school and be unable to
be enroll in any formal school. Out-of-school children engage in economic activities to
support their families at an early age.

XIII. Early marriage and girls’ education

Early and arranged marriages are common among the mothers’ generation. The women
who married early stopped schooling before they marry. Many of them have low
educational attainment. Economic benefits mainly through bride price are reasons why
parents encourage them to marry early. To be forced to marry at an early age and lose
the educational opportunity are extremely painful experiences. These women wanted
their own children to go to school as the B’laan community in Sultan Kudarat.

Recommendations & Strategies

1) Mainstreaming indigenous peoples’ concerns in the delivery of basic services
Access to basic services, livelihood programs and basic social infrastructures are
priorities in indigenous communities. Yet, they are often marginalized and their access to
various basic services is severely limited. It is imperative that the government’s programs
and policies be formulated to ensure the adequate provision of basic services to
indigenous people, develop most of human capabilities and involving them in policy
design and implementation at local and national levels. Strategies to improve their socio-
economic well being in modes that are acceptable and appropriate to them should be
developed. The norms and practices of indigenous cultures need to be understood and
incorporated to address inequity.

2) Implementation of existing legislations on IP’s participation in governance

Self-determination is of utmost importance to indigenous people. However, their
circumstances prevent them from representation in decision- making in local governance.
There are major legal bases for the indigenous peoples’ mandatory representation to
local policy-making/legislative bodies. These have to be recognized and put into practice.
The Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) or R.A. 8371 states “ICCs/IPs have the right to
participate fully, if they so choose, at all levels of decision-making in matters which may
affect their rights, lives and destinies through procedures determined by them as well as
to maintain and develop their own indigenous political structures. Consequently, the
States shall ensure that the ICCs/IPs shall be given mandatory representation in policy-
making bodies and other local legislative councils.” (Chapter IV, Section 16, IPRA-Republic
Act No. 8371.) They should be equipped with capabilities for this participation. Local
Government Code 1991 R.A.7160 states that one representative from the urban poor,
indigenous cultural communities or disabled persons shall be added to representatives in
Sangguniang Bayan (Section 446, R.A. 7160), Sangguniang Panlungsod (Section 457,
R.A.7160) and Sangguniang Panlalawigan (Section 467, R.A. 7160) as follows: “In addition
thereto, there shall be three (3) sectoral representatives: one (1) from the women: and,
as shall be determined by the sanggunian concerned within ninety (90) days prior to the
holding of local elections, one (1) from the agricultural or industrial workers, and one (1)
from the other sectors, including the urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, or
disabled persons.” This provision should be strictly enforced. LGUs are usually not aware
of the aforementioned terms in the legislations. It is important for these provisions to be
fully understood and implemented to enable indigenous people to adequately participate
in their governance and address their issues to improve their situation.

3) Formation of Tribal Council to address concerns pertaining to the IPs

IPRA states that “The ICCs/IPs living in contiguous areas or communities where they form
the predominant population but which are located in municipalities, provinces or cities
where they do not constitute the majority of the population, may form or constitute a
separate barangay in accordance with the Local Government Code on the creation of
tribal barangays.” (Chapter IV, Sec.18) Local Government Code R.A. 7160 states, “to
enhance the delivery of basic services in the indigenous cultural communities, barangays
may be created in such communities by an Act of Congress, notwithstanding the above
requirement.” A supportive environment should be provided for the involvement of the
tribal councils. According to NCIP, an Indigenous Peoples Consultative Body (IPCB) has
been formed at the provincial level, ethnographic regional level and national levels. The
creation of tribal barangays is one of the major agendas of the IPCB (“Guidelines in
constituting and operating the indigenous peoples’ consultative body”, prepared by
Assis Development Foundation, Inc. NCIP with the support of International Work Group for
Indigenous Affairs, European Commission, Danish Foreign Ministry). The creation of tribal
barangays has been seen by indigenous peoples and NCIP as one of solutions to their
current suppressed position in mainstream governance. When the current political
mechanism does not fit their heart and system, “the IPs/ ICCs will be more vulnerable and
prone to manipulation, control, exploitation and oppression by the greater majority of the
Philippines society, a situation which has been the experience of the IPs/ICCs especially
through methods of approach in the encroachment by migrant settlers to their ancestral
domains.” These have to be implemented. Monitoring of implementation and
identification of obstacle should be undertaken. However, this may be controversial from
various perspectives. The major issues discussed include political segment with original
barangays, political position in relation to the LGUs and other government agencies and
source of revenue would marginalize the IPs. In the course of the discussion of creation of
tribal council, capacity building of the indigenous people themselves, such as literacy
training, should also be proposed. Clarifications of issues need to be made.

4) Registration of Acts and Events Concerning Civil Status of Indigenous Peoples

Birth and civil registration is not complied by indigenous people. The major reasons are
lack of

knowledge or information on registration procedure, distance from their residence to the

office of local civil registrar, inability to pay the charges especially for late registration
and obtaining a marriage certificate. Cultural factors may also influence compliance,
especially in the IP communities where polygamy is widely practices and people have
one-name/ indigenous name/ tribal name. Administrative Order No. 3, Series of 2004
(NSO Office of the Registrar General) aims to assist civil registrars in registering birth,
marriage, death and other registrable events of indigenous people. Its full recognition
among LGUs and implementation was observed to remain challenge. More efforts need to
be exerted in ensuring the sought for registration.

5) Disaggregation of Census and other Data into IPs and non-IPs

Data at either national or local level are not disaggregated to reflect the situation and
living conditions of indigenous peoples, which further hinders adequate programs against
discrimination. NSO’s data processing should be disaggregated by sex and by each
indigenous peoples’ groups. LGUs similarly should reflect indigenous peoples’ situation in
the socioeconomic profile of the respective province which need to be updated and
trended

6) Coordination between NCIP and LGUs

Inter-agency coordination on indigenous issues can significantly enhance programs
related to indigenous issues. However, effective coordination between NCIP and
PTWG/CTWG is absent. In some cases, the TWGs consider that IP issues are matters to be
dealt merely by NCIP. In other cases, NCIP and TWGs have firstly met in the meeting.
Coordination needs to be enhanced to address the concerns related to indigenous
children. Thus, inclusion of NCIP Regional or Provincial Offices in the PTWG/CTWG is
highly recommended. Likewise, tasks and functions related to coordination should be
spelled out.

7) Enlistment of Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) of IPs

IPRA states that “Free and Prior Informed Consent-as used in this Act shall mean the
consensus of all members of the ICC/IPs that is determined in accordance with their
respective customary laws and practices: free from any external manipulation,
interference and coercion and obtained after fully disclosing the intent and scope of the
program/project/activity, in a language and process understandable to the community.
However, there are two major concerns in its implementation. Firstly NCIP provincial and
regional offices are not always fully aware of the correct procedure on the FPIC indicated
in the IPRA. A problem arose in antique and Davao city that NCIP Regional/Provincial
officers provided different information when they applied for the certification of FPIC
according to the IPRA. The absence of knowledge about the right procedure among the
NCIP offices caused delays in certificate procurement of FPIC from NCIP. It is necessary
for the NCIP offices to be fully aware of the procedure about FPIC and IPRA. Secondly,
there are controversies that FPIC has been occasionally influenced by external forces. An
allegation by indigenous people in Davao, is that the FPIC is given to development related
companies and entities including mining corporation and logging companies without
consulting indigenous communities. For harmonious collaboration and coordination,
representation by both IPs and non IPs need to be ensured.

8) IP curriculum development
Education should be culturally appropriate to indigenous children. It should also aim at
raising

awareness of the human rights perspective and eliminating discrimination against them.
DepEd has embarked on indigenization of the curriculum. Indigenous Peoples Core
Curriculum (DepEd, Development of Indigenous Peoples Education) which states that
“Making the education and training curriculum appropriate to the unique circumstances
of ICCs/IPs, or what is commonly known as “indigenization of curriculum”, is vital to the
concretization of education’s role to the empowerment, development and protection of
IPs.” (General Framework for the Core Curriculum of Indigenous People’s Education).
There is still work to be done to ensure its implementation. The level of awareness and
understanding of the IP curriculum and its concept differs from one LGU to another. More
situational and culturally specific curriculum must be developed. Education of IPs of their
rights and entitlements need to be undertaken and assistance should be provided in
upholding these rights.

9) Implementation of IPRA in the ARMM

ARMM Regional Legislative Body Resolution No. 269 passed on August 15 2003 allows the
implementation of the IPRA with non-Moro IPs and communities living in ARMM
(Guidelines in constituting and operational the indigenous people’s consultative body,
2004). However the complicated territory issues hinder this. These need to be addressed.

10)Poverty and income levels

The average household income of indigenous people varies from 250 pesos to 5,000
pesos, which are a small percentage of general average of household income of each
region. The average of the IP household income of all provinces is 1,036-1,899 pesos,
which is about 8-15 percent of national average household income. Furthermore,
indigenous people tend to receive lower wages than the regional daily minimum wage
rates. Average daily income of the Atis in Antique Province is 118 pesos, which is 47-61
percent of the regional daily minimum

wage rate. Many of the Atis in Negros Oriental work as farm laborers in Hacienda
plantation and their daily wages is 50 pesos or 120 pesos during harvest season, which is
22 -65 percent of the regional minimum wage (185 – 232 pesos for agricultural workers).
For the Manobos in North Cotabato, the B’laans in Sultan Kudarat and the T’bolis in
Saranggani, farm laborer on Non-IP’s farm is a major cash income source. Their regular
wage is 100 pesos and 150 pesos during harvest season, which are 48-72 percent of the
regional daily minimum wage (209 pesos). The study found that the Tedurays in South
Upi, Maguindanao often work as a farm labor on non-IP’s farm, where they receive 50-70
pesos, which is 25-35 percent of the regional daily minimum wage (200 pesos).
Information on income and expenditures need to be documented vis-à-vis non IPs in the
same area.

Indigenous World 2020: Philippines

https://www.iwgia.org/en/philippines/3608-iw-2020-philippines.html

The situation of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines is still gloomy. Development

aggression has intensified, with various mining, energy and other so-called ‘development’
projects encroaching on Indigenous territories. Human rights violations are likewise
escalating, with Indigenous activists comprising most of the victims. In 2019, the UK-
based international watchdog Global Witness has declared the Philippines as the world’s
deadliest country for environmental defenders, with 30 deaths recorded in 2018.
China-funded projects violating Indigenous Peoples’ rights

After the Philippine government signed numerous loan agreements with the government
of China in 2018, various issues hounded the loan agreements for the Chico River Pump
Irrigation Project and the Kaliwa Dam project. Both projects are located in Indigenous
territories in the Cordillera and Calabarzon regions affecting at least 3,765 Indigenous
people. Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) denounced the lopsided loan agreement.
Meanwhile, opposition to the China-funded Kaliwa Dam project has intensified as the
project will displace over 1,400 Indigenous Dumagat families and affect more than
100,000 peoples. Indigenous Peoples and various groups criticized the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) for issuing an environmental compliance
certificate despite stiff opposition to the project.

Another China-backed project that affects Indigenous Peoples’ is the New Clark City,
which is envisioned by the government to be the first smart and green city in the country.
The first phase of the project, which housed a “state-of-the-art sports facility” has already
displaced over 27,500 members of the Aeta Indigenous people & further expansion of the
project threatens to displace around 500 Aeta families. The latest deal of infrastructure
program is the proposed 250-megawatt South Pulangi Hydroelectric Power Plant (PHPP)
project, which will flood 2,833 hectares of Indigenous lands in four towns near Davao
City and will affect residents of 20 communities. The million dollar contract agreement of
China Energy Engineering Co Ltd in April 2019 without the consent of the affected
communities has been met with alleged militarization, harassment, indiscriminate firing
and extrajudicial killing.

Mining and other energy projects

Large-scale mining remains a constant threat faced by Philippine Indigenous Peoples. In

August 2019, Cordillera Indigenous Peoples formed the Aywanan Mining and Environment
Network in opposition to the mining applications of the Cordillera Exploration Company,
Inc. (CEXCI) which covers 72,958 hectares of land in the ancestral lands of the Indigenous
Peoples in the Cordillera and parts of Ilocos Sur. Petition-signing against the mining
applications of CEXCI started in August 2019 and is continuing. In Didipio, Nueva
Vizcaya, a people’s barricade which started in July 2019 led to the temporary suspension
of the gold and copper mining operations of multinational company Oceana Gold. The
company’s mining permit expired in June 20 after 25 years of operation. Pending the
renewal of its permit to operate, the company appealed to continue its operations but
this was denied in a regional trial court. Communities affected by the mining operations
opposed the renewal of the company’s mining permit. They have long been complaining
of the environmental destruction and human rights violations committed by Oceana Gold.

In Mindanao, the Lumad Indigenous Peoples continue to oppose at least three mining
tenements that were approved by the government and cover around 17,000 hectares in
the Pantaron mountain range, which straddles the provinces of Davao del Norte, Davao
del Sur, Bukidnon, Misamis Oriental, Agusan del Norte and Agusan del Sur. The Pantaron
range is the main source of the major watersheds in the region. In the energy front, aside
from hydropower projects the Kalinga geothermal project of Aragorn Power and Energy
Corporation and Guidance Management Corporation, in partnership with global energy
company Chevron, is about to complete its exploration stage. The project covers 26,139
hectares in Kalinga province.

Escalating attacks against Indigenous Peoples’ organisations and human rights defenders

Following the issuance of Executive Order 70 in December 2018, attacks against

Indigenous Peoples through the formation of the Task Forces to End the Local Communist
Armed Conflict intensified. Executive Order 70 is part of the government’s “whole-of-
nation” counter-insurgency operation plan which has an “Indigenous People-centric”
approach. In the implementation of Executive Order 70, the Department of Education
ordered the closure of 55 Lumad schools, leaving 3,500 students and more than 30
teachers out of school and jobs. The closure order was based on claims that the
Salugpongan schools are teaching students to rebel. The Lumad Indigenous Peoples
decried this injustice that only deprives Lumad children of their right to education.

The unfounded labelling of Indigenous Peoples’ organizations and human rights

defenders as communist terrorist groups and members make them vulnerable to various
forms of human rights violations.The criminalization of Indigenous human rights
defenders is continuing. From 2016 to August 2019, trumped-up charges caused the
arrest and detention of at least 196 Indigenous people, 36 of whom remain unjustly
imprisoned