The "Lysistrata" and the War

Author(s): H. D. Westlake
Source: Phoenix, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Spring, 1980), pp. 38-54
Published by: Classical Association of Canada
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1087757
Accessed: 21-09-2015 03:37 UTC

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR

H. D. WESTLAKE

IT IS NOTORIOUSLY DIFFICULT for modernreadersto determineprecisely

what seriousadvice, ifindeed any,Aristophanesintendedto conveyto his
audiences about the war in which they were engaged. In the case of the
Lysistratathe difficultiesare perhaps exceptionallyacute because the
tension at home and abroad was such, when the play was writtenand
produced, that a comic poet might well have felt himselflikely to be
endangeredif he were to voice his opinionstoo bluntlyon topical issues.
The firstsectionof this paper (I) will attemptto refutethe widelyheld
beliefthat Aristophanesis seriouslyappealing forthe immediateconclu-
sion of peace. Althoughthis beliefhas not been universallyaccepted, no
one has, so faras I am aware, pointed out in specifictermshow totally
incompatibleit is with the evidence of Thucydides on the situation at
Athens in the period to which the play belongs. To look forany single
politicalrecommendationon whichtheLysistratais foundedis, as I hope
to show,a vain quest, but topical allusionsare moderatelyplentiful,most
of thempertaining,directlyor indirectly,to the war. The second section
of this paper (II) will examine a number of passages and attempt to
determinewhereAristophanesmay be thoughtto be makingan effortto
influencepublic opinion and in what direction.Difficultiesof interpreta-
tion will be encounteredbecause he tends,perhapsdesignedly,to express
himselfratherobscurely.

The firstHypothesis to the Lysistratatestifiesthat the play was pro-

duced in the archonshipof Callias, whose year of officewas 412/11.1
Allusions to contemporaryevents and prominentpersonalitiessupply
only somewhatinexact indicationsof date,2 but none of them seems to
conflictwith the evidence of the Hypothesis,which has, so far as I am
aware,neverbeen disputed.Unfortunately theHypothesisdoes not state,
and thereis no meansofestablishingwithcertainty,whethertheplay was
produced at the Lenaea, held in early February 411, or at the City
1TheHypothesisalso designatesthisCallias as thesuccessorto Cleocritusin orderto
distinguishhimfromanotherCallias whowas archonin 406/5and is statedin thefirst
Hypothesisto theFrogsto have succeededAntigenes.
'In additionto passagesdiscussedbelow,thereis a reference
to therevoltof Miletus
(108), whichtookplace in thesummerof412; hereit seemsto be regardedas a fairly
recentevent.
38
PHOENIX,Vol. 34 (1980) 1.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 39

Dionysia, held in earlyApril.With fewexceptions,modernscholarshave

maintainedthat the earlierdating is to be preferredand that the Lysis-
tratais anteriorto the Thesmophoriazusae, whichhas no Hypothesis.The
arguments in favour of the orthodox view are, in my opinion, as com-
pelling as such arguments can be.3 This problem is not of any great
in
importance considering the issues to be raised in the presentinvestiga-
tion. Topicality is an essential element of Old Comedy, and minor
alterationsmightapparentlybe made shortlybeforea play was produced,
but the wholeprocessof composingtextand music and of assemblingand
trainingthe performersmust have occupied a period of monthsrather
than weeks. Thus the plot of the Lysistratahad almost certainlybeen
workedout, and muchof the play veryprobablyhad been written,before
the end of 412.
An imposingarray of scholars have interpretedthe play as a serious
plea for peace.4 They maintain that Aristophanes,behind a fagade of
fantasy,is earnestlyurgingthe Atheniansto negotiatea settlementwith
the Spartans wherebythe two powersshould re-establishjoint leadership
over a unitedGreece. There mustindeed have been manyAthenianswho
would have been delightedif peace could have been concluded on such
terms,but was a proposalof thiskindrealistic?Was thereany prospectof
acceptance by the Spartans in the circumstancesexistingat the time?
Categorical answers to these questions are provided by Thucydides.
When,at the beginningor 411, Peisanderurgedthe Athenianassemblyto
consentto a modificationof the constitutionand the recall of Alcibiades
in exchangeforalliance withPersia and victoryover the Peloponnesians,
there was at firstbitter opposition. He then challenged the objectors
separatelyto tell him whethertherewas any hope of survival (awrnpLa)5
forthe city, in the desperate situation facingit, unless Persia could be
induced to change sides. They had to acknowledgethat therewas none,
and eventually the assembly authorisedhim with ten othersto initiate
negotiationsforthe implementationof his scheme (Thuc. 8.53.1-54.2).

3The case forthis view has recentlybeen strengthenedby A. H. Sommerstein,7HS 97

(1977) 112-126. An additional complication is that the chronologyof political develop-
ments in 411 has been much disputed.
4Gilbert Murray, Aristophanes (Oxford 1933), whose chapter on the Lysistrata
(164-180) is entitled "The last effortfor peace;" H. Van Daele, Aristophane3 (Bud6,
Paris 1928) 111; W. M. Hugill, Panhellenism in Aristophanes(Chicago 1936) 21-27;
W. Schmid, Geschichteder griechischenLiteratur 1.4 (Munich 1946) 206-208, 319; V.
Ehrenberg, People of Aristophanes2(Oxford 1951) 61-62; F. Ballotto, Saggio su Aristo-
fane (Messina 1963) 49-50, 68-69; T. Gelzer, RE Suppl. 12 (1970) 1481-1482. Even
W. G. Forrest, Phoenix 17 (1963) 10 n.22, who holds unorthodox views about the
Acharnians, is inclined to believe that in the Lysistrata "Aristophanes was arguing for
peace."
5Cf. Lys. 496-501, where ac&~~Lw occurs four times.

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40 PHOENIX

This meeting of the assembly was very probably held either shortly
beforeor shortlyafterthe productionof the Lysistrata.6The outcome of
the debate reflectscurrentopinion about the war: even those Athenians
to whomtheprospectsofalteringtheconstitutionand recallingAlcibiades
were abhorrentevidentlyfeltthat drasticmeasures,whichmightinvolve
the sacrificeof deeply held principles,wereunavoidable ifAthenswas to
avoid defeat. Unless the impressioncreated by the narrativeof Thucy-
dides is wholly misleading,hardly any Athenians can have expected
Sparta even to considerpeace proposals whichdid not virtuallyamount
to an Athenian surrender.Even Peisander and his fellow-conspirators,
who hoped to gain the supportof Persia throughAlcibiades and thereby
win the war (Thuc. 8.48.1), did not, when these hopes were dashed, at
firstcontemplatenegotiationwith Sparta: theirintentionwas ratherto
continue the war as best they could (63.4). It was only when, after
usurpingcontrolof the state, they became increasinglyalarmed by the
violenceoftheoppositionto theirregimethat theymade severalattempts
to negotiate a settlementof some sort with the Spartans. They argued
that it was reasonable for Sparta to adopt a more indulgentattitude
towards themselves than towards "the untrustworthydemocracy"
(70.2-71.3; 86.9), but theirmain concernwas to secure Spartan backing
to protect them against,theirenemies at home and at Samos (90.1-2).
They cannot have been optimisticthat even the overthrowof the de-
mocracywould induce the Spartans to treat Athenswith any degreeof
leniency, since they instructedtheir envoys to make peace "on any
possible termsthat were at all tolerable" (90.2). Their overturesin fact
achieved absolutelynothing(cf. 91.1), apart fromsecuringa bolt-holefor
most of themwhen the oligarchywas overthrown(98.1).
As scholarshave pointed out,7the Athenianswere in a somewhatless
desperatesituationwhentheLysistratawas producedthan theyhad been
a yearearlier.Few Greekshad thenexpectedthemto survivethe summer
of 412 (Thuc. 8.2.1-2), but they had shown remarkablepowers of re-
coveryand, aided by lack of effectiveco-operationamong theirenemies,
theyhad sufferedno crushingdefeatsand had even regainedsome of the
allied citieswhichhad revolted.It is, however,clear fromthe evidenceof
Thucydides mentioned in the preceding paragraph that, despite this
6Sommerstein(above, n.3) 11.4-120.
7K. J. Dover, AristophanicComedy(London 1972) 158, seems to me to exaggerate
somewhat the extent of the Athenian recovery, but later (161) he pertinentlyasks
whetherin 411 peace could have been obtained except at the cost of intolerable con-
cessions. G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, Origins of the Peloponnesian War (London 1972) 368,
also states that, while Athens "had even begun to recover a little," Sparta would cer-
tainly not at this time have been willing to grant readily acceptable terms.He insists,
however,that "the Lysistratais a plea forpeace" withoutsuggestinghow in the circum-
stances Aristophanescan have thoughtthat this goal was to be attained.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 41

improvement,the prospectof inducingSparta even to considertermsof

peace whichrankedthe two powersas equals was almostnegligible.Only
afterthe Athenianshad won theirvictoryat Cynossema (late summer,
411) can theyhave begun to entertainhopes of negotiatinga settlement
without being forced to make totally unacceptable concessions. Only
aftertheirmuchmoredecisivevictoryat Cyzicus (early summer,410) did
Sparta actually offerthemtermsof peace, and thesewereon a statusquo
basis, whichwould have involved the renunciationof all formersubject-
allies then in revolt. It is not in theoryimpossible that Aristophanes
could actuallyhave believed that a reconciliationwithSparta of the kind
that he is thoughtto be advocatingin theLysistratawas feasibleat the
beginningof411. Yet, ifhe did, he musthave been strangelyblind to the
realitiesof the situation,which were only too obvious to others,or else
unreasonablyoptimistic.Neitherchargecan be sustained.
The play has in fact an uncharacteristicundertoneof depressionand
anxiety,as has oftenbeen noted.8Aristophanesbetrayshere and there,
perhaps unwittingly,his awareness that Athensis engaged in a struggle
forsurvival. It is true that a note of optimismmightbe thoughtto be
detectable in the attitude attributedto the Spartan woman Lampito in
the opening scene. She firstexpressesa desire forpeace (117-118) and
then,afterrathergrudginglyconsentingto supportthe sex strikebecause
"there is a need forpeace" (144, a strangelyinexplicitphrase,whichdoes
not necessarilyapply to theSpartansalone), sheundertakesto make every
effortto inducehermenfolkto agreeto a just settlement(168-169). There
is, however,no indicationanywherein the play that the Spartans gener-
ally, who had embarkedupon a renewalof theirconflictwithAthenswith
confidenceand optimism (Thuc. 7.18.2-3; 8.2.3-4), were already war-
weary and might be expected to consent to terms considered by the
Atheniansto be acceptable.9In a numberof passages scatteredthrough-
out the play there are unmistakable traces of gloom. In the firstscene
Lysistrata avoids an explicit referenceto the destructionof Athens
because it might be considered to be ill-omened (37-38). Later she

8P. Mazon, Essai sur la compositiondes comidies d'Aristophane (Paris 1904) 124;
G. Norwood, GreekComedy(London 1931) 246-247; Murray (above, n.4) 165; Ehren-
berg (above n.4) 62; C. H. Whitman, Aristophanesand the Comic Hero (Cambridge,
Mass. 1964) 205-206. This depressionmay account forthe lack of sparkle in comparison
with other comedies, though the bawdiest scenes are dramatically effectiveand the
verbal dexteritywith which the poet produces a copious flowof puns and innuendoes is
as conspicuous as elsewhere.
91n 1080-1081, where the Spartan spokesman expresses willingnessto agree to what-
ever termsof peace are proposed, his reasons are entirelysexual and not political. The
Thebans (representedin this play by the beautifulbut dumb Ismenia, who accompanies
Lampito as an ambassadress, 86-89, 696-697) are known to have benefitedhandsomely
fromthe war (Hell. Ox. 17.3-5 Bartoletti).

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42 PHOENIX

reportshaving heard public commentsby Athenians on the desperate

shortageof manpower (523-524); and when she is apparentlyabout to
draw attentionto heavy losses in hoplites,presumablythosein Sicily,the
Proboulos,withunusual sensitiveness,cuts her short,biddingher not to
rake up painful memories(589-590). In a passage which will be cited
again below"' the chorus of old men and old women undertake not to
attack individual citizens but to adopt a benevolent attitude both in
speech and action: LKUav' TrapaKetitva (1043-1047). These
y&pTa KaKa Kal r&
passages, as well as others in which the imprintof despondencyis less
striking(496-501, 591-597, 655, 772), belong to the real worldin which
Athensis engaged in a bitterstruggleto avoid defeat,and not merelyto
the make-believeworldof the plot.
There is, therefore,no doubt that Aristophanesfullyunderstoodthe
perilsby whichAthenswas beset and was saddened by his consciousness
ofthesituation.Why thendid he apparentlyproposea solutionwhichwas
in the circumstancesprevailingat the timetotallyimpracticable,as most
of his audience musthave realised? Only two scholarshave, so faras I am
aware, examined this problem at all searchingly.The firstof these in-
vestigations,by M. Croiset,was publishedsome seventyyears ago," the
second, by H. J. Newiger,quite recently.12 These scholars are to some
in
degree agreement:they both reject the orthodox view that the play
advocates the immediateconclusionof peace, but both maintain that it
does put forwardanother single recommendationwhich Aristophanes
urges Athens to adopt. They disagree, however,in definingwhat this
single recommendationis. Croiset suggeststhat, while it is impossibleto
"discover in the Athenianmasses a minorityof the sort that would have
been inclined to propose peace," the aim of Aristophanesis to foster
ideals which, though temporarilyshelved during the current crisis,
appealed to many as a basis forfuturepolicy and mightindeed be attain-
able soonerthan was generallybelieved (133). This explanationdoes not
provide an adequate solution of the problem.Old Comedy is normally
concernedwith the presentratherthan the future,and it would be with-
out parallel for a play to be devoted mainly to recommendationsfor
action in circumstanceswhich might never arise. Croiset later charges
Aristophaneswith mistakenlyimaginingthat the Athenians merelyby
adopting a more generous attitude towards their subject-allies could
regain the willingallegiance of those in revolt (142-143). Evidence from
the play which has been cited above shows that he can hardly have
conceived this optimisticnotion.'3
47.
10Below,
"Aristophanes and thePolitical Parties at Athens(Eng. trans., London 1909) 131-143.
"GriechischehumanistischeGesellschaft,Studienund Untersuchungen 27 (1975) 185-192.
'3Above,41.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 43

Newigerputs forwardan interpretationwhichis somewhatmore con-

vincingbut not whollysatisfying.In his opinion14 the keynoteof the play
is to be found in the passage (572-586) in which Lysistrata uses an
elaborate similefromthe processesof wool-technologyto expound to the
Proboulos measureswherebythe Athenianstate should be reformedand
improved: blackguardly persons, together with those conspiring to
appropriatepowerforthemselves,are to be eliminated,and supportmust
be sought fromeveryonewith loyal feelingstowards Athens,including
metics,aliens,debtors,and colonists.'5As Newigerpointsout, thepassage
foreshadowsthe celebratedappeal forunityin the Parabasis of the Frogs
(686-705, cf.718-737). There is no doubt that theplea forunityvoiced by
Lysistrata is important and must certainly be intended to be taken
seriouslyby the audience. The dangersarisingfromdisunitywereindeed
attested by the developmentsof the next few months,when the rift
between the Four Hundred at Athens and the armed forcesat Samos
nearly brought the war against the Peloponnesians to an abrupt and
disastrousend. Neverthelessthepassage is to a largeextenta digression."
Whereasthe twomain strandsof theplot are thesex strikeand theseizure
of the acropolis by the women, both designed to revolutioniseforeign
policy and to enforcethe conclusionofpeace withSparta, Lysistratahere
turns for the moment to domestic policy, which, though occasionally
touched upon elsewhere,is a side issue in this play. When she firstem-
barks upon her simile,she applies it to measures forending the war by
negotiation (567-570), and it might be argued that a preliminaryre-
quisite forprogressin this directionwas to effectgreaterunity at home
and therebyrecoversome of the power which had been lost abroad.'7
There is, however, no indication here that Aristophanesintended to
conveyany such notion,and, as has been pointedout above, theplay does
not appear to regard a reconciliationwith Sparta as a prospect forthe
futurewhichmighthave to be deferredfora considerabletime."8A basic
objection to the explanationpersuasivelyadvanced by Newigerseems to
me to be this: althoughmembersofthe audience werefarbetterable than
modern readers are to distinguishbetween serious advice and comic

140p.cit. 187, 190-192.

'6Aristophanes has been thought by a number of scholars to be proposing in this
passage a complicated programmeof constitutional reform.As is shrewdly noted by
V. Paronzini, Dioniso 11 (1948) 38, theirreconstructionsof his alleged recommendations
differwidely from one another, and some are almost absurd. He is not necessarily
advocating anything more specific than the need for severity towards enemies of the
state and generositytowards its friends.Cf. 767-768, which might be interpretedas a
general warningto the Athenians against civil strife.
x6Rogerson 574; Wilamowitz on 580.
17Cf.Dover (above, n.7) 161.
18Above,42.

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44 PHOENIX

fantasy,how can they have been expected to appreciate that the para-
mountrecommendationof thisplay is conveyedin a briefpassage which
is only tenuouslyconnectedwiththe centraltheme?The plea forunityin
the Frogs is different
in some importantrespects.It is made in the Para-
basis of an otherwisenon-politicalcomedy,whichwas producedin a very
differentpolitical climate, and its recommendationsare much more
specific.It may be doubted whether,ifthe Parabasis of the Frogshad not
survived,theelaboratesimilein theLysistratawithits call forunitycould
have been regardedas the keynoteof the play.'9 Despite its undeniable
importanceand earnestnessthis passage is neithermore importantnor
more earnest than othersdiscussed below which are more closely linked
to the plot.

What basis then can there be for believing that in the Lysistrata
Aristophanesintended to convey to the Athenians any serious advice
about the war in whichtheywere engaged?The themeof the play is the
schemeproposedby Lysistrataforsecuring-amutuallyacceptable peace
between Athens and Sparta and the successfulimplementationof her
scheme throughthe support of her own fellow-countrywomen together
with women fromSparta and elsewhere.The means wherebythis end is
achieved are whollyfarcical,supplyingthe foundationforthe multitude
of sexual jokes on whichthe play is largelydependent; the end itself,as I
have triedto show,must have been knownto almost the entireaudience
to have been, at the time of the performance,a vain dream.20Conse-
quently the play might be deemed to be totally devoid of any serious
element,a conclusion readily acceptable to anyone who considersthat
Aristophanescomposedhis comedieswiththe sole object of providinghis
audiences withentertainment. This theory,in its crudestformat least, is
manifestlyuntenable,as scholarshave convincinglymaintained.2 In the
Parabaseis of some earlierplays, which are certainlynot intendedto be
mere extravaganza, Aristophanesrepudiates it himself.22It might be
"1A passage in the Lysistratabelieved by some scholars to be the Parabasis (614-705)
is so abnormal that it should perhaps not be ranked as a Parabasis at all. It is struc-
turallyincomplete, and, more important,it does not interruptthe development of the
plot but continues the conflictbetween the choruses of old men and old women; cf.
Schmid (above, n.4) 324 n.3; Gelzer (above, n.4) 1483. The absence of a normal Para-
basis may be thought to corroboratemy view that Aristophanes does not in this play
put forwardany broad political recommendation.
20Above,39-41.
"2Whitman(above, n.8) 5-8; de Ste. Croix (above, n.7) 355-371 (who seems to me to
overstate a good case); F. H. Sandbach, The Comic TheatreofGreeceand Rome (London
1977) 29-32 (which came to my notice only when this paper was almost completed).
2Cf. Ach. 633-645; Knights509-511; Wasps 1023-1028; Peace 736-738.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 45

argued that the Lysistratais a special case because of the exceptionally

tense situationin whichit was composed and produced. If, however,the
poet had feltthat theinclusionofcommentson thecontemporary political
scene mightproduceviolentrepercussionsand even prejudicehis purpose
in introducingthem,he could have decided against writinga predomi-
nantly political play, as he apparentlydid when planning the Thesmo-
phoriazusae.The Lysistratadoes, however,contain a numberof topical
allusions, though fewer than occur in earlier plays or in the Frogs.
Some of these allusions are evidentlyintroducedmerelyto provide the
foundationof passing jokes, but others,which tend to be more complex
and may contain no patently comic element,seem to have at least a
seriousundertone.The play in factconformsbasically to what appears to
have been the normal practice of Aristophanes.He is not urging the
acceptance of his convictionson any single broad issue but seeks, in
additionto amusinghis audience,to educate and influencepublic opinion,
especially the opinion of more discerningspectators, on a variety of
topics, mostly connected with the war, in some instances in a single
passage and in othersin a group of widely separated passages. He evi-
dently foundhimselfcompelledto be morewaryherethan in otherplays
when touching upon controversialquestions of public concern, both
externaland internal.For this reason it is in some passages not easy for
modernreadersto be sure what views or recommendationshe intendsto
convey,and even among membersof his audience some uncertaintymay
have been felt.Examination of some allusions to the presentand to the
past will suggestthat on a numberof issues he is verymuch in earnest.
A passage in the formalspeech of Lysistrata to the Athenian and
Spartan representativesassembledforthe finalreconciliationis of special
interestherebecause thereis littledoubt that it is designedto give serious
advice on relationsbetweenAthens,Sparta and Persia (1128-1134). She
claims to be justifiedin censuringboth Atheniansand Spartans equally:
thoughsharinga commonreligiousheritage,like kinsfolk,
exOpwov
7raprpTwvf3ap3&pwpv7paTrevanr
"EXXV'asay'paSKal rbXets
dl7rbXXvrT (1133-1134)
The meaningof theselines is by no means clear,perhapsdesignedly,and
they have been variously interpreted.Most scholars link a7parebldan~
with the precedinggenitiveabsolute, some of them emendingfap#dpwp
to Oap3apqc.23This interpretationis not easily reconcilablewith the evi-
dence ofThucydideson relationswithPersia at the time.The dangerthat
the Persians mightsoon be in a position to dictate to the Greeksdid not
arise fromthe strengthof Persian armed forcesin the westernsatrapies
but fromtheimmensewealthof theGreat King. The militaryresourcesof
23Cf.Blaydes on 1133; Wilamowitz on 1133; Dover (above, n.7) 170.

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46 PHOENIX

Tissaphernes were so limited that he was unable to crush the rebel

Amorgesand had to enlistthe aid of the Peloponnesiansforthispurpose
in the summerof 412 (Thuc. 8.28.2-3); and it is verydoubtfulwhether,
when theLysistratawas being written,anyone at Athenscan have heard
of the mysteriousPhoenician fleetwhichwas later reportedto have been
assembled at Aspendus.24A more convincinginterpretationis to link
aopaTeranT with arbXXvr and to take it as a reference to hostile move-
mentsby Greeksagainstone another,25 such as the Spartan occupationof
Decelea. The passage thus means: "though barbarianenemiesare in the
offing,you are by militaryaction tryingto destroyGreeks and Greek
cities."26 Aristophanes is here critical of the Peloponnesians, as the
scholiast recognises,forallyingwith Persia and acceptingPersian subsi-
dies to finance a war against fellow Greeks, but the preceding lines
(1128-1132) show that he is also criticalof the Athenians.27 Even if the

"4Peisander evidentlydid not referto it whenencouraging the Atheniansto believe

thatPersiacouldbe inducedto changesides(53.1-54.2);andin theaccountofthesecret
negotiations heldwiththeintention ofimplementing hisplan theonlymentionofships
is thedemandby Alcibiadeson behalfofTissaphernes thatthePersiansshouldbe free
to sail wherever theypleasedand in whateverstrength (56.4). This demand,apparently
an afterthought, was probablyintendedto be so unreasonablethat theAtheniandele-
gates wouldbe forcedto breakoffnegotiations, cf. M. S. Goldstein,CSCA 7 (1974)
160-161.
2'Blaydes originallyemended to This emendationis
attractive:someonelinkingthe wordo7paTebaTt -T7parvLact.
withthe genitive absolutecould well have sub-
stitutedthesingularfortheplural,believingit to be moreappropriate.
26According to V. Coulon,REG 66 (1953) 52-53, who develops an interpretation
favouredby someearlierscholars,thepassagemeansthatthe Greeksare fighting one
anotherwhenbarbariansare availableas enemies,i.e., whenit wouldbe moresensible
to band togetherand fightPersia.He claimsto have foundparallelsforthissenseof
Tra vOPTwp in Clouds776-777and elsewhere in Aristophanes.In suchpassages,however,
the meaningis thatsomeonehas, or possesses,something, whereasthisinterpretation
of thepassageunderdiscussionis thatthe Greekscan have the barbariansas enemies
iftheyso choose.WithoutrToluwP orsomesuchwordthemeaningsuggestedby Coulon
can hardlybe extractedfromthepassage.Dover (above, n.7) 170 n.8, pointsto what
may be a closerparallelin Aesch.Eum. 864, but thepassagehas beenvariouslyinter-
preted.In any case, what evidenceis therethat Aristophanes, despitehis antipathy
towardsbarbarians,favouredtheidea, so strongly advocatedin thefourth century, of
a crusadeagainstPersia?
27S. L. Radt,Mnemos.27 (1974) 14,and Sommerstein (above,n.3) 121n.60,whoboth
pointtoKOwVl in 1129,arefully in myopinion,in concluding
justified, thattheAthenians
as wellas theSpartansare reproached hereand in rejectingtheviewof Dover (above,
n.7) 170,who maintainsthat the criticism appliesto the Spartansonly.Dover states
that "untilabout the end of Januarythe Peloponnesians wereknownto be receiving
Persiansupport,whereastheAthenianshad forat least threeyearsbeengivingactive
supportto a nativerebellionagainstPersianrulein Asia Minor."The revoltofAmorges
had in factbeen crushedin the summerof 412 (see above), manymonthsbeforethe
productionof the Lysistrata.It is also questionablewhetherthe Athenianswerein
league withhimforany considerableperiodand whethereitherside renderedto the
otheranything morethantokenaid, cf. Phoenix31 (1977) 319-329.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 47

Lysistratawas produced before the meetingof the assembly at which

Peisander propoundedhis scheme forenlistingPersian aid, most Athen-
ians must have been aware that intrigueswere afoot with this end in
view. Aristophanes,who in the openingscene of the Acharnians(61-127)
and in some passages of other plays (cf. Knights478; Peace 107-108)
shows repugnance towards any dealings with barbarians, certainly
abhorredmilitarycollaborationwith themby Greeks,especially against
otherGreeks.He is hereseekingto deterthe Atheniansfromincurringthe
same guilt as the Peloponnesianshad already incurred,but he evidently
thoughtfit in the circumstancesto convey this warningwith extreme
caution, amountingalmost to ambivalence. Many of his audience must
have understoodwhat he meant.
A similarwarinessis traceable throughoutthe Lysistratain the treat-
ment of political leaders. The choral ode sung by the old men and old
womenwhen finallyunited into a singlechorusbeginswitha declaration
that because of the present troubles they have no intention of dis-
paragingany citizen(1043-1048). Indeed neitherin the remainderof this
strophe(1049-1071) nor in the antistrophe(1189-1215) is any Athenian
mentionedby name."8This principleof excludingpersonal attacks on
individualsis observedgenerallythroughouttheplay withfewexceptions.
The effeminateCleisthenesinevitablyturnsup in a comedy so largely
devoted to sex (621, 1092). Uncomplimentaryremarks are also made
about Demostratus, who was responsiblefor proposals relatingto the
Sicilian expedition,but he is mentionedmainly because the Proboulos
wishes to recall that, while these proposals were being debated in the
assembly, cries of mourningwere heard fromwomen celebratingthe
festivalofAdonis,a contingencyregardedas an evil omen (387-398). The
minorpoliticiansTheogenes and Lycon, who are attacked in otherplays,
receivementionhere only as the husbands of disreputablewives (63-64,
270). A passing referenceto Eucrates, the brotherof Nicias, implies
disapproval (102-103), but the point is obscure.29
It is therefore
surprisingto finda passage damningPeisander,probably
the most powerfulfigurein Athens at the time and known to be the
instigatorof designs to revolutioniseAthenianpolicy, both foreignand
domestic.The briefbut trenchantattack upon him by Lysistratacannot
be intended,as many referencesto public figuresare, merelyto raise a
laugh. It is indeed not strikinglywitty. It is surelydesigned,as some
scholarshave concluded,30to conveyadvice of some kindon the intrigues

"8ContrastBirds 1553-1564 and 1694-1705, produced three years earlier.

"2Accordingto the scholiast he accepted bribes and was a traitorand a foreigner,but
these charges are certainlynot based on reliable evidence, cf. Wilamowitz on 103. The
absurdity of regardingthe brotherof Nicias as a foreigneris noted by Rogers on 103.
0oCf.F. Sartori,Le eterienella vitapolitica ateniese(Rome 1957) 115-116, who maintains
that Aristophanesis referringto the increasingactivities of political clubs.

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48 PHOENIX

of Peisander and others,of which many of the audience must have had
some inkling.As was doubtless advisable in the circumstances,the pas-
sage is circumspectlyworded,and its meaning and implicationsare not
altogetherclear, at least to modern readers. Lysistrata explains to the
Proboulos that the womenhave seized the acropolis"to keep the money
safe and to stop you making war because of it" (488). When he asks
indignantlywhetherit is because of money that men make war, she
replies:
KatLTcXXa 7e76 Y7T' EKVKI7t1.
ydp
'vaIIHe-avppos ExoLKXhrreLpxolrT'S rSxoveTs,
&pXacs
PK:KW'P. o 6' ob~y
&el TtPvaKop0opvyVY 'roD^' OiVeKa"
6po.'TWPy(489-492)
ot r'- ov
LfO1eoXratc 7y&p &pypLOp707 obK'tAL i1KaOXatO.
In 411 Peisanderhad alreadybeen a prominentpoliticianfora long time,
probably since the opening years of the Archidamianwar. Derogatory
referencesto him occur in earlierplays of Aristophanesand in fragments
by othercomic poets:3 he is said to have been a glutton,a coward,and,
most importantin the presentcontext,a warmongerwho made money
out of the war. During most of his career he was evidentlya typical
demagogue,and the accusationsagainst him in the passage quoted above
are among those to which demagogues were traditionallysubjected in
Old Comedy. Aristophanesuses KvK-vwhenportrayingCleon stirringup
troubleat home and abroad32and frequentlychargeshim and otherswith
misappropriationof public funds,mainlythroughopportunitiesprovided
by thewar.33It is importantto observethat Lysistratauses past tensesin
thefirsttwosentencesofherreplyto the Proboulos: the turbulencewhich
is said to have givenPeisander theopportunityto steal is assignedby her
to the past, and it extended over a considerableperiod (&eL),so that it
must relate to his career as a demagogue." On the otherhand, since she
proceeds to refer to the present (6pcr'Twv 0 rLfPovXovratL)
and to the future
L
(obVKKt j KraOeXwoL), she is not concerned only with his activities,now
apparentlyended, whenhe was a typicalwarmongering demagogue.The
passage should probably be interpretedas a warning,which,if Aristo-
phanes had not felthimself to
compelled wrap up his meaningmorethan
31A.G. Woodhead, AfP 75 (1954) 131-146, assembles the evidence and discusses his
career, cf. W. J. McCoy in The Speeches in Thucydides(ed. P. A. Stadter, Chapel Hill
1973) 78-89. Unfortunatelythe Peisander by Plato Comicus cannot be accurately dated,
and no fragmenthas survived.
32Knights363, 692; Peace 270, cf. 654.
33From many passages in the Knightsit will sufficeto cite 823-827, 1147-1150. Other
passages on embezzlementinclude Ach. 5-6; Clouds 351; Wasps 554; Birds 1111-1112;
frag. 40.
34Sommerstein([above, n.3] 113-114) is convincingon this point but less convincing
when he makes the rather desperate suggestion (n.21) that Aristophanes may have
altered the tenses at the last moment.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 49

usual, mighthave been expressedsomewhatas follows:"Peisander may

appear to be making a political volteface, but in view of his record for
conventionaldemagogueryit would be mostunwiseto trusthim. His aim
may well be, as it has been hitherto,to featherhis own nest." Such a
warning,issued beforethe oligarchicalcoup took place, was abundantly
justified by subsequent developments if there is any validity in the
verdict of Thucydides, who, while creditingthe leading oligarchs with
outstandingability,utterlycondemnstheirmethodsand theirmotives.35
They chose to continue their revolutionarymovement in their own
interestswhenthe prospectof assistance fromPersia, whichhad been the
ostensible reason for it, was no longer feasible.36The "officeseekers"
accused by Aristophanesof having,jointly with Peisander, caused dis-
turbancesin the past in order to provide themselveswith opportunities
for thieving (490-491) were presumably,like him, formerlyextreme
democrats and warmongerswho are now imitatinghis political meta-
morphosis prompted by equally selfish motives.37Thucydides in his
account of the situationat Athenswhen the overthrowof the democracy
was imminentnotes that the conspiratorsincluded men whom no one
would ever have expected to turnto oligarchy(8.66.5).
Anotherpassage may well be designedto suggestthat the prosecution
of the war on the otherside of the Aegean would be adverselyaffectedif
the looming threat of political disruption at home were allowed to
develop. The old menhave climbedto the acropoliscarryinglogs intended
foruse in burningdown the gates. When theyfindthe burdenexhausting
35See my conclusions in Ryl. Bull. 56 (1973) 199-215.
3"Sommerstein([above n.3] 122-123) maintains that, although Alcibiades is nowhere
mentioned by name, certain passages (390-397, 589-590, 1093-1094, 507-515) are
designed to deter the Athenians fromconsentingto his recall, which was one element in
the plan sponsored by Peisander. While it is very difficultformodernreaders to deter-
mine where there are veiled hints which mighthave been perfectlyclear to contempo-
raries, these passages do not seem likely to be intended to referto Alcibiades. Their
inclusion may be explained on other grounds. The firsttwo have already been cited
(above, 47 and 42). The referenceto the Hermocopids (1093-1094) is surely inserted
solely to provide the opportunityfora bawdy joke, which is in fact among the wittiest
in the play. The mentionof a decision by the assembly to make an addition to a peace
treaty (507-515) could well refer,as noted by Wilamowitz on 513, to an occasion other
than one recorded by Thucydides when Alcibiades was involved (5.56.3), and the pas-
sage, even if it does referto this occasion, is admirably effectivein its context without
necessarilyremindingthe audience of the part played by Alcibiades.
37Theremay be a link, as Sartori (above n.30) maintains, between these officeseekers
and the persons mentioned later in the textile simile who "conspire together
(avvutaraMAvovs)and form themselves into clumps in order to gain offices"(Airl rals
ApXatit, 577-578). Thucydides uses tvviaraoOca of oligarchical conspirators,8.65.2;
66.1-3, cf. 54.4 on the oligarchicalclubs canvassed by Peisander, whichexisted iari tKaiss
Kal IpXyai. It is, however,not clear whetherthe two groups of officeseekers mentioned
by Aristophanesare identical.

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50 PHOENIX

because of theirage, theirleader asks, "Who of the generalsat Samos will

be willingto lend a hand with the wood?" (313). Some modernscholars
have sought to explain the passage by suggestingthat help is requested
fromyoungermen whose physique would be bettersuited to the task of
handlingthe logs.38This interpretationis unsatisfactory.It is true that
elsewherethe play presupposesthat many Atheniansof militaryage are
absent on active service(cf. 99-104), and a considerablenumberof these
must have been at Samos, but why should the chorusleader referspeci-
ficallyto the generalsthere,who were not necessarilyyoungand strong?
Why also should he implythat some of themmightbe preparedto help
while others mightnot? The narrativeof Thucydides makes very clear
that, throughoutthe periodleading to the establishmentof the oligarchy
at Athensand whileit remainedin power,the attitudeof the generalsat
Samos, who were in a position to influencetheir troops,was a crucial
factorin the developmentof the situation." The appeal by the chorus
leader for support fromthe generals in suppressingthe revolutionary
movementof the womenwho have seized the acropolismay be intended
to suggestthat those of the generalsat Samos who feltthat the prospect
of Atheniansurvivalmightbe wreckedby politicaldisruptionshould use
theirpowerto halt thespreadoftherevolutionarymovementknownto be
beingplanned by Peisander and his confederates.-0 It is truethat the old
men are representedas blusteringfools and very unsympathetically
treated until they become reconciledto the old women (1043), but, in
conformity withthe traditionalillogicalityof Old Comedy,Aristophanes
evidently uses them as his mouthpieceelsewherein the play.41
Some supportforthis interpretationof the referenceto the generalsat
Samos may be thoughtto be supplied by a scholiumon the passage, even
though it is rather muddled. Accordingto this scholiast Didymus and
Craterus stated that Aristophanes is making a riddling reference
(alvirre7Oaf)
to Phrynichus.Now of the generals serving at Samos in
412/11 Phrynichusis the onlyone knownforcertainto have opposed the
schemeto winPersiansupportthroughAlcibiades,and indeedThucydides

38Wilamowitzon 313, cf. Rogers on 313.

13C. W. Fornara, The Athenian Board of Generals (Wiesbaden 1971 [Historia Einzel-
schrift16]) 66, gives the names of those known to have been membersof the board for
412/11. It is impossible to draw up an accurate list of those serving at Samos when the
Lysistratawas produced. Some membersof the board are known to have later supported
the Four Hundred, while others remained faithfulto the democracy.
40Wilamowitzon 313 (last sentence) and Hugill (above, n.4) 49 are inclined to believe
that the passage hints at political unrest. Van Daele on 313 apparently considers that it
refersto the need for militarysuccess, which depended largely upon the generals at
Samos, if Athens was to be saved.
41Cf.all the passages cited below fromthe more distant past (52), apart fromthe
referencesto Artemisiumand the expedition of Cimon.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 51

recordshis objections at considerablelengthin a celebrated passage of

reportedspeech (8.48.4-7). Thus Didymus, who wrotea commentaryon
Aristophanes,apparentlymaintainedthat the appeal forhelp by the old
men to the generals at Samos was addressed primarilyto the chief
opponent of the revolutionarymovementled by Peisander. Admittedly
the scholiast drew a very differentconclusion,but he is demonstrably
mistaken. He goes on to record that Phrynichus acted maliciously
towards the democracy with the result that a decree was issued con-
fiscatinghis propertyand imposingother penalties. It is inconceivable
that Aristophanescan have been referring to the measurestaken against
Phrynichus,whichwerein factposthumous.Even his removalfromoffice
at the instigationof Peisanderon a trumpedup charge(Thuc. 8.54.3) can
hardlyhave taken place when theLysistratawas written,and in any case
it would be inappropriateforthe old men, when asking the generalsfor
help, to draw attentionto accusations against one of them.42It is very
difficultto believe that Didymus, who had a highreputationas a learned
compiler,can have made such an elementaryblunder,and the faultmust
surelylie with the scholiast. Finding in the commentaryof Didymus a
statementthat the verse about the generals related to Phrynichus,to
whichwas appended some further information includinga quotation from
Craterus on the decree issued by the democracy,43 the scholiastis likely
to have mistakenlyconcluded that, accordingto Didymus, Aristophanes
is referring to the measures against Phrynichus.The scholia on Aristo-
phanes are notoriouslyunreliable.4
Some allusions to the contemporaryscene seem to have no serious
undertoneand to be introducedmerely to supply material for bawdy
jokes. Amongtheseare two referencesto the Carystians(1058, 1181),35 of
whom three hundred are known to have later been in Athens in the

42Asecondscholiumon Lys. 313 is almostnonsense.It states that the generalsat

Samos wereveryunfortunate (whichmisrepresents the situationthere)and that the
versemeans"Whichofthemwillwithmegraspthewoodin orderthathe maybecome
moreunfortunate?"
43AsF. Jacoby,FGrHist3 b Komm.(1955) 108,pointsout,thementionof Craterus
doesnotmeanthathe also commented on Lys.313 butthatbyreferring to hiscollection
of AtheniandecreesDidymussoughtto authenticateinformation about the decree
againstPhrynichus.
44H.LloydJones,CP 70 (1975) 197: "One needsno verywideacquaintancewiththe
ancientcommentaries on Aristophanes to knowthattheexplanationin thescholiahas
no authority."
45Accordingto thescholiaon bothpassagestheCarystiansare deridedas adulterers,
but thisexplanationis probablya gratuitousassumption fromthecontexts.My atten-
tionhas beendrawnto Jeffrey Henderson,TheMaculateMuse (New Haven 1975) 126,
who sees herea punningreference to Kapva (nuts),whichhe claimsto have been "a
commonslangterm"fortesticles.Thisexplanation is notinconceivable,buthe doesnot
seemto me to have establishedconvincingly thatKApvawas in factso used.

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52 PHOENIX

service of the oligarchs(Thuc. 8.69.3), and a mysteriousremarkby the

Spartan heraldabout Pellene (996), presumablytheAchaean townofthat
name.46It is also noteworthythat the localities which the Athenians
require the Spartans to hand over to them under the termsof the pro-
posed peace treaty (1168-1170) are chosen solely to provide a series of
sexual puns.47On the otherhand, many allusions to the past, distant or
recent,seem to have been included because they can be used to convey
serious views relevant to the situation at the time when the play was
written.It contains an abundance of references,indeed a largernumber
than in any other extant comedy, to the more glorious episodes in
Athenianhistory.Some of theseepisodes occurredtowardsthe end of the
sixth century in the course of struggles for freedom: the exploit of
Harmodius and Aristogeiton(631-634), the heroicfailureat Leipsydrion
(664-665) and the triumphover Cleomenes,whenhe was besiegedon the
acropolis and forcedto surrenderwith ignominy(274-282). There are
46J.Taillardat, MIlanges Pierre Chantraine(Paris 1972) 255-261, in an ingenious and
persuasive discussionof the passage, emends HIeXXA6vas to maintainingthat
the herald is referringto a Spartan claim to the peninsulaIHIaXXtvas,
of Pallene in Chalcidice and
that there is a punning allusion to a prostitute bearing the same name as the locality
claimed by the Spartans, as is attested by the scholium on the passage. Since the
Spartans had during the past decade hardly concerned themselveswith the Thraceward
region (the contacts mentioned by Thuc. 5.80.2 and 6.7.4 are almost negligible), a
Spartan claim to Pallene does not fiteasily into the historicalcontext, but it may have
been chosen solely forthe sake of the pun. Taillardat may be thoughtto be insufficiently
critical of the scholium, which is contemptuouslyrejected by others (cf. Blaydes, ad
loc.) and, though he shows that a prostitutemight be named after her place of origin,
his evidence relates to cities only, whereas Pallene is a geographical term. Nevertheless,
his explanation is preferableto any previouslyofferedand could well be correct.
47In another connection the aim of Aristophanes seems to me to have been nothing
more profoundthan to cause amusement. D. M. Lewis, BSA 50 (1955) 1-12, has pro-
duced evidence that the priestess of Athena Nike, when the Lysistratawas produced,
was Myrrhineand the priestessof Athena Polias was Lysimache (cf. Lys. 554), closely
akin to Lysistrate. The mother of the Spartan king Agis, who was in command at
Decelea and must have been of all Spartans the best knownto Athenians at the time,was
named Lampito (Hdt. 6.71.2; Plato Alcib. 1.123e; Plut. Ages. 1.1). Dover ([above, n.7]
152 n.3) is sceptical about these links between characters in the play and real persons:
"it seems hard to believe that Aristophanes means us to think of Lysistrata as the
priestess Lysimakhe and of Myrrhine as the priestess Myrrhine." The links, striking
thoughthey are, mightpossibly be fortuitous,especially as Myrrhineis a common name,
but, if they are not, why should anyone believe that Aristophanes means actually to
identifyhis characters with the real persons? On the contrary,he chooses only to give
them the same names, therebydevising an admirable joke, which must have been all
the more effectivebecause his characters,as they appeared on the stage, were doubtless
much younger and perhaps more personable than the august ladies whose names they
shared,just as they are likely to have differedfromthemin being so largelypreoccupied
withsex. To seek moreserious explanations of this curious phenomenon,as suggested by
N. V. Dunbar (CR 20 [1970] 271) and Gelzer ([above, n.4] 1480), seems to me to be
unprofitable.

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 THE LYSISTRATA AND THE WAR 53

indirectreferencesto Marathon (285) and Salamis (675), and a Spartan

singer credits the Athenians with victory at Artemisium(1248-1253).
More recentevents mentionedwithpride are the expeditionof Cimon to
Sparta, which Lysistrata representsas having saved Sparta fromthe
helots (1137-1146), and the achievementsof those tough old warriors
Myronidesand Phormio (801-804). The motive behind these reminders
of a gloriouspast is evidentlyto raise morale in a period of stress.Their
introductionmay be comparedwiththeuse of Atticlegendsby Euripides
forpatrioticpurposes. It also foreshadowsthe practice of Isocrates and
otherfourth-century writers,whose adoption of much the same methods
as that of Aristophaneshad a similaraim. There is some misrepresenta-
tion in two of the passages cited above, a normal characteristicof pro-
paganda in timeof war: Artemisiumwas in factindecisive,and the force
sent to Sparta under Cimon was unceremoniouslydismissedbeforethe
revolt was crushed.
The attitudeof Aristophanestowardsthe morerecentpast is strikingly
different.He is criticalof the Atheniansfordecisionswhichhe considers
to have been misguided:theywould not now, he implies,be in a perilous
situationif they had had the good sense to accept the advice offeredby
himin earlierplays. Though nevera pacifist,he had urgedthemto seek a
reconciliation with Sparta provided that it could be achieved with
honour.Even in the periodofhighconfidenceafterthe victoryat Pylos he
continued to favour a negotiated peace, as is seen fromthe Knights
(794-808, cf. 1388-1395), and he evidentlysharedthe view ofThucydides
that the Athenians had acted foolishlyin allowing themselves to be
persuaded by Cleon to reject the overtures repeatedly made by the
Spartans at that time. In the Lysistratacriticismof past policy mostly
takes the formof stricturesby women, especially Lysistrata herself,
againstmenwho had been responsibleforit. In herconfrontation withthe
Proboulos she complainsthat since the outbreakof the Archidamianwar
the men have constantly reached ill-advised decisions and have con-
temptuouslyrefusedto listento any criticismfromtheirwives who tried
to sway themin the directionof moderation(507-528). In several briefer
passages she chargesthemwith mismanagement(432, 1115-1118, 1276-
1278). The Spartan Lampito expresses doubts whether the Athenian
demos,whilein possessionof a fleetand ample funds,could be induced to
be reasonable (170-174), implyingthat it had behaved unreasonablyin
the past. The women of the chorus censurethe men forhaving failedto
make proper use of the financialadvantages gained by their ancestors
fromvictoryin the Persian wars (652-655) and also forhaving passed
decrees forbiddinguncontrolledtrafficwith Boeotia (700-705). In the
exodos an Athenian spokesman deplores the obstructivebehaviour of
envoys sent to Sparta who throughinattentionand misrepresentation

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54 PHOENIX

bringhome conflicting reportsof what was said to them(1228-1235), and

a Spartan singerprays that Atheniansand Spartans alike may abandon
foxydodges in theirrelationswithone another(1269-1270). While it was
traditionalforOld Comedy to poke funat the authoritiesresponsiblefor
the policies of the state, in this instanceAristophanesdoes seem to have
had an axe to grindand to have accordinglydrawn attentionto the con-
sequences arisingfromdisregardof his advice.
The Lysistratahas a war-timeatmosphere,comparablewiththat of the
zAcharnians,though the situation has now become much graver. To
readerswithexperienceof modernwars the hardshipsand shortageshave
a familiarflavour.Because Athenswas at war withBoeotia, the importa-
tion of Copaic eels was discontinued,and the absence of this prized
delicacy is noted with regret(700-703, cf. 36). Almost the only point of
interestin two choralpassages based on the tediousrepetitionof a primi-
tive joke (1049-1071, 1189-1215) is the presuppositionthat ordinary
Athenian citizens were ill-suppliedat the time with food, not only for
festaloccasions but even fordaily use, also with various luxurygoods
including clothing, and even with money.48Shortly before the final
reconciliationis concluded,the representatives of both sides look forward
impatiently to the long postponed resumptionof agriculturalpursuits
(1173-1175). A passage in which Lysistrata and Calonice express their
contempt for the frequentspectacle of men shoppingin the marketplace
equipped in full armour presents a lively picture of war-timeAthens,
though the joke somewhat laboured (555-564)."9 More generally,the
is
play makes a subtle appeal to the many Athenians who, depressed by
sufferings resultingfromthe war and also by the fearof defeat,musthave
in
indulged wishfulthinkingand, with the illogicalitycommonin such
conditions,have said to themselves,"How wonderfulit would be if
suddenlywe could be friendsagain withthe Spartans as we once were,so
that all our troubleswould be ended."
The Lysistratais a play about peace but not an appeal to the Athenians
to try to make peace. On the other hand, its aim, unlike that of the
Thesmophoriazusae produced in the same period of danger and stress,is
notonlyto entertainthe audience. Some of,thoughnot all, its allusionsto
the presentand the past are designed to offer,in guarded terms,advice
and commenton issues which were in the public eye at Athens at the
beginningof 411.50
ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

48Thestrictures
on thispassageby Dover (above,n.7) 154are fullymerited.
49Thuc.8.69.1reflects
similarconditionsfroma different
angle.
501am gratefulto Professor
D. M. MacDowellwhosecomments on an earlierversion
of thispaperhave beenmostvaluable.

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