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 IMPORTANT
ACROBAT READER SETTINGS

THIS COMIC NEEDS VERSION 9

OF ACROBAT READER OR LATER
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For a better experience reading this comic we recommend

to read it in FULL SCREEN MODE as follows:

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 All the stories in this collection are fictitious
and are intended for the fantasy of adults only.
All characters represented in this story
are 18 years old or older.
You will not exhibit this material to minors
or to any other person that might be offended.

IMPORTANT NOTICE - DISCLAIMER

All characters are 18 years old or older.
This comic contains entirely fictional work based on cartoon characters for
adult entertainment. It shows no real people or events. The characters are shown
participating in CONSENSUAL role-play for their own personal satisfaction,
simulating activities which involve sexual dominance and submission.
No actual toons were harmed in the making of this comic.

SWAN LAKE RAPTORS. All rights reserved.

Published by DOFANTASY dofantasy@dofantasy.com
All reproduction of text or illustrations, partial or total, by whatever means,
forbidden without the express written permission of the publisher.
Violations will be persecuted immediately.
DEAR READER.

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LEGAL NOTICE: Dofantasy is the sole copyright holder for all illustrations and
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means whatsoever (including posting in newsgroups, websites or sharing
networks) is strictly forbidden.
Dofantasy will initiate legal procedures against anyone who does so.
 IMPORTANT NOTICE - DISCLAIMER
All characters are 18 years old or older.
This comic contains entirely fictional work based on cartoon characters for
adult entertainment. It shows no real people or events. The characters are shown
participating in CONSENSUAL role-play for their own personal satisfaction,
simulating activities which involve sexual dominance and submission.
No actual toons were harmed in the making of this comic.
 mine too! bondage role-play i s so
thrilling! I getto actoutall my Oh yes! Being humiliated and
I’
ve been usi
ng mytoy fantasies and really getinto the acti
on! ke a complete sex
treated li
to getjuiced up for I almostpass outfrom the powerful object reallyturns me on!
thi
s comic! I’
m so orgasms! It’s the best! I can’t getenough!
horny,mypanti es
are soaked! Do you enjoy
humili
ation
fantasies as
much as I do?

And because
it’
s all
make-beli eve
we can go
wild!

© DOFANTASY.COM Wow! That’

s Me too! save
Since we’re all toons, whatI li
ke! some of that
when the action gets Rock hard delici
ous cum
hot,we never have to meat! for me!
stop! I’ ng hard
m getti
already. Lets go!
r

di
me

s
i

c
a

l
l

a
c

i
me
s
di

ve always enjoyed rough

I’ I’
m going to give you gi
rls so many
play,and i
tgets myboyfri end orgasms,you’ ll be cross-eyed when I’ m
hot too! Games like this gi
ve ng you sexy beauti
done! Havi es ti
ed up and
us lots of ideas on how to helpless is a fantasyall our readers
spice up our sex life! wantto see. So let’s puton a wild show!
SWAN LAKE RAPTORS
PYAT
DIALOGS SANDOW
 A gli
tteri
ng jeweltwinklesamong
thelightswhich li
netheDanube.
..
Thenationalacademy ofdance.

Pirouette...Pirouette to a pli
e’,and fi
nally
back i
nto the fi
rstposi on. Verygood gi
ti rls!
That’ tfor toni
si ght,butbe back for rehearsal
tomorrow at5:00 p.m.sharp!
That’sitsweeti e,
keep twirli
ng
those long legs
for me...Damn!
I’
d gi
ve myleft
nut to have any
one of these
angels danci ng
on my pole!

Do you want
Whew! I’ m spent! Mr.Gi bson to kiss
I think that i
tand make i t
Mrs.Ki lman likes better? I see
to see us suffer. the wayyou dance
in frontof him!

Tanya,I’ll see
And sweat! My © DOFANTASY.COM you back atthe
panties are chaffing apartment. I’m
mypuss,I’ ve gotto get not leavi
ng here
changed before my withouta long,
cunny i s rubbed raw! hot shower.
 If there’s one thi
ng I’ve
learned after 20 years
of teaching dance,it’
s that I thi
nk you need a
nothing gets a slut Hey! I’m partner...someone who
horni er than shaking her Gwen! There you are! changi ng! can teach you how to
gash on stage... s my li
How’ ttle danci
ng You can’t come ke a sensual
move li
angel? i
n here! young woman...help you
learn how to use your
sexybody...
NO!
Getoff!

And once a slut gets

aroused,i t’
s almost
i
mpossi ble for her
to say“no”!

Stupid
Stop! Whatthe cunt!
hell do you think I gave you
you’re doing? a chance
You’re old enough and you
to be my dad! OOWW! Ri ghtin blew i t.
the balls...you
Yuck! cock-teasing
tramp!
AWWWK!

You thi
nk the
world ci rcles
around your pretty
face and tight
cherry?
The world isn’
t
that nice,brat!
s me...li
It’ sten.
I’
ve gotthe name
and address of an
18 year old vi
rgi n
with the bodyof a
stri pper,but
you’ve gotto move
fast. She’ s going
to the cops
You’re a pig,Mr.Gi bson! tomorrow...don’ t
Tomorrow I’ m going to ask...she lives with
the di
rector and tell three other
© DOFANTASY.COM her aboutthi s,then I’
m sluts...yeah,a
going to the police. whole gaggle of
Until then,staythe fresh poon!
hell awayfrom me!
Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
 The canvass that ensued was terribly exciting—Douglas alone, of
all the Presidential candidates, bravely taking the field, both North
and South, in person, in the hope that the magnetism of his
personal presence and powerful intellect might win what, from the
start—owing to the adverse machinations, in the Northern States, of
the Administration or Breckinridge-Democratic wing—seemed an
almost hopeless fight. In the South, the Democracy was almost a
unit in opposition to Douglas, holding, as they did, that "Douglas
Free-Soilism" was "far more dangerous to the South than the
election of Lincoln; because it seeks to create a Free-Soil Party
there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result cannot fail to be a South
united in her own defense;" while the old Whig element of the South
was as unitedly for Bell. In the North, the Democracy were split in
twain, three-fourths of them upholding Douglas, and the balance,
powerful beyond their numbers in the possession of Federal Offices,
bitterly hostile to him, and anxious to beat him, even at the expense
of securing the election of Lincoln.
Douglas's fight was that the candidacy and platform of Bell were
meaningless, those of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, Sectional, and
that he alone bore aloft the standard of the entire Union; while, on
the other hand, the supporters of Lincoln, his chief antagonist,
claimed that—as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas
men, Bell men, and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a
"fear that," in the language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr.
Lincoln to the Presidency, they would wake up and find that they
had no Country for him to preside over"—"therefore, all three of the
parties opposing Mr. Lincoln were in the same boat, and hence the
only true Union party, was the party which made no threats of
Disunion, to wit, the Republican party."
The October elections of 1860 made it plain that Mr. Lincoln would
be elected. South Carolina began to "feel good" over the almost
certainty that the pretext for Secession for which her leaders had
been hoping in vain for thirty years, was at hand. On the 25th of
October, at Augusta, South Carolina, the Governor, the Congressional
delegation, and other leading South Carolinians, met, and decided
that in the event of Mr. Lincoln's election, that State would secede.
Similar meetings, to the same end, were also held about the same
time, in others of the Southern States. On the 5th of November—the
day before the Presidential election—the Legislature of South
Carolina met at the special call of Governor Gist, and, having
organized, received a Message from the Governor, in which, after
stating that he had convened that Body in order that they might on
the morrow "appoint the number of electors of President and Vice-
President to which this State is entitled," he proceeded to suggest
"that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as will
prepare the State for any emergency that may arise." He went on to
"earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham Lincoln's
election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this State
be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves the
mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am
constrained to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is
the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. The
indications from many of the Southern States justify the conclusion
that the Secession of South Carolina will be immediately followed, if
not adopted simultaneously, by them, and ultimately by the entire
South. The long-desired cooperation of the other States having
similar institutions, for which so many of our citizens have been
waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are true to ourselves,
will soon be realized. The State has, with great unanimity declared
that she has the right peaceably to Secede, and no power on earth
can rightfully prevent it."

[Referring to the Ordinance of Nullification adopted

by the people of South Carolina, November 24, 1832,
growing out of the Tariff Act of 1832—wherein it was
declared that, in the event of the Federal Government
undertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The
people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves
absolved from all further obligation to maintain or
preserve their political connection with the people of
the other States, and will forthwith proceed to organize
 a separate government, and do all other acts and
things which Sovereign and independent States may of
right do."]

He proceeded to say that "If, in the exercise of arbitrary power,

and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United
States should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to
meet force by force"—and promised that the decision of the
aforesaid Convention "representing the Sovereignty of the State, and
amenable to no earthly tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to
the letter." He recommended the thorough reorganization of the
Militia; the arming of every man in the State between the ages of
eighteen and forty-five; and the immediate enrollment of ten
thousand volunteers officered by themselves; and concluded with a
confident "appeal to the Disposer of all human events," in whose
keeping the "Cause" was to be entrusted.
That same evening (November 5), being the eve of the election,
at Augusta, South Carolina, in response to a serenade, United States
Senator Chestnut made a speech of like import, in which, after
predicting the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said: "Would the South
submit to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican
Congress, which will claim the right to construe the Constitution of
the Country, and administer the Government in their own hands, not
by the law of the instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the
Country, nor by the practices of those who administered seventy
years ago, but by rules drawn from their own blind consciences and
crazy brains? * * * The People now must choose whether they
would be governed by enemies, or govern themselves."
He declared that the Secession of South Carolina was an
"undoubted right," a "duty," and their "only safety" and as to
himself, he would "unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze,
and, with the spirit of a brave man, live and die as became" his
"glorious ancestors, and ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears
of an insolent foe!"
 So also, in Columbia, South Carolina, Representative Boyce of that
State, and other prominent politicians, harangued an enthusiastic
crowd that night—Mr. Boyce declaring: "I think the only policy for us
is to arm, as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election
of Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by
the most direct means, to withdraw from the Union. Then we will
not submit, whether the other Southern States will act with us or
with our enemies. They cannot take sides with our enemies; they
must take sides with us. When an ancient philosopher wished to
inaugurate a great revolution, his motto was to dare! to dare!"
 CHAPTER VI.

THE GREAT CONSPIRACY

MATURING.
The 6th of November, 1860, came and passed; on the 7th, the
prevailing conviction that Lincoln would be elected had become a
certainty, and before the close of that day, the fact had been
heralded throughout the length and breadth of the Republic. The
excitement of the People was unparalleled. The Republicans of the
North rejoiced that at last the great wrong of Slavery was to be
placed "where the People could rest in the belief that it was in the
course of ultimate extinction!" The Douglas Democracy, naturally
chagrined at the defeat of their great leader, were filled with gloomy
forebodings touching the future of their Country; and the Southern
Democracy, or at least a large portion of it, openly exulted that at
last the long-wished-for opportunity for a revolt of the Slave Power,
and a separation of the Slave from the Free States, was at hand.
Especially in South Carolina were the "Fire-eating" Southrons jubilant
over the event.

["South Carolina rejoiced over the election of

Lincoln, with bonfires and processions." p. 172,
Arnold's "Life of Abraham Lincoln."
"There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever
'Fire Eaters' most did congregate, on the morning of
November 7th. Men rushed to shake hands and
congratulate each other on the glad tidings of Lincoln's
election. * * * Men thronged the streets, talking,
laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed on a
 hateful, treacherous sea, whom a sudden breeze had
swiftly wafted within sight of their longed-for haven."
p. 332, vol. i., Greeley's American Conflict.]

Meanwhile any number of joint resolutions looking to the calling of

a Secession Convention, were introduced in the South Carolina
Legislature, sitting at Columbia, having in view Secession contingent
upon the "cooperation" of the other Slave States, or looking to
immediate and "unconditional" Secession.
On the evening of November 7th, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia—a
Secession fanatic who had come from thence in hot haste—in
response to a serenade, declared to the people of Columbia that:
"The defense of the South, he verily believed, was only to be
secured through the lead of South Carolina;" that, "old as he was,
he had come here to join them in that lead;" and that "every day
delayed, was a day lost to the Cause." He acknowledged that
Virginia was "not as ready as South Carolina;" but declared that "The
first drop of blood spilled on the soil of South Carolina would bring
Virginia, and every Southern State, with them." He thought "it was
perhaps better that Virginia, and all other border States, remain
quiescent for a time, to serve as a guard against the North. * * * By
remaining in the Union for a time, she would not only prevent
coercive legislation in Congress, but any attempt for our
subjugation."
That same evening came news that, at Charleston, the Grand Jury
of the United States District Court had refused to make any
presentments, because of the Presidential vote just cast, which, they
said, had "swept away the last hope for the permanence, for the
stability, of the Federal Government of these Sovereign States;" and
that United States District Judge Magrath had resigned his office,
saying to the Grand Jury, as he did so: "In the political history of the
United States, an event has happened of ominous import to fifteen
Slave-holding States. The State of which we are citizens has been
always understood to have deliberately fixed its purpose whenever
that event should happen. Feeling an assurance of what will be the
action of the State, I consider it my duty, without delay, to prepare
to obey its wishes. That preparation is made by the resignation of
the office I have held."
The news of the resignations of the Federal Collector and District
Attorney at Charleston, followed, with an intimation that that of the
Sub-Treasurer would soon be forthcoming. On November 9th, a joint
resolution calling an unconditional Secession Convention to meet at
Columbia December 17th, was passed by the Senate, and on the
12th of November went through the House; and both of the United
States Senators from South Carolina had now resigned their seats in
the United States Senate.
Besides all these and many other incitements to Secession was the
fact that at Milledgeville, Georgia, Governor Brown had, November
12th, addressed a Georgian Military Convention, affirming "the right
of Secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South
Carolina in the step she was then taking," and declaring that he
"would like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a
seceding Southern State! For every Georgian who fell in a conflict
thus incited, the lives of two Federal Soldiers should expiate the
outrage on State Sovereignty"—and that the Convention aforesaid
had most decisively given its voice for Secession.
It was about this time, however, that Alexander H. Stephens vainly
sought to stem the tide of Secession in his own State, in a speech
(November 14) before the Georgia Legislature, in which he declared
that Mr. Lincoln "can do nothing unless he is backed by power in
Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority
against him. In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a
majority of four against him." He also cogently said: "Many of us
have sworn to support it (the Constitution). Can we, therefore, for
the mere election of a man to the Presidency—and that too, in
accordance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution—make a
point of resistance to the Government, and, without becoming the
breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, withdraw ourselves
from it? Would we not be in the wrong?"
 But the occasional words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the
few far-seeing statesmen of the South, were as chaff before the
storm of Disunion raised by the turbulent Fire-eaters, and were
blown far from the South, where they might have done some good
for the Union cause, away up to the North, where they contributed
to aid the success of the contemplated Treason and Rebellion, by
lulling many of the people there, into a false sense of security.
Unfortunately, also, even the ablest of the Southern Union men were
so tainted with the heretical doctrine of States-Rights, which taught
the "paramount allegiance" of the citizen to the State, that their
otherwise powerful appeals for the preservation of the Union were
almost invariably handicapped by the added protestation that in any
event—and however they might deplore the necessity—they would,
if need be, go with their State, against their own convictions of duty
to the National Union.
Hence in this same speech we find that Mr. Stephens destroyed
the whole effect of his weighty and logical appeal against Secession
from the Union, by adding to it, that, "Should Georgia determine to
go out of the Union I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause
is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be
the ultimate course of all."—and by further advising the calling of a
Convention of the people to decide the matter; thus, in advance, as
it were, binding himself hand and foot, despite his previous Union
utterances, to do the fell bidding of the most rampant Disunionists.
And thus, in due time, it befell, as we shall see, that this "saving
clause" in his "Union speech," brought him at the end, not to that
posture of patriotic heroism to which he aspired when he adjured his
Georgian auditors to "let us be found to the last moment standing
on the deck (of the Republic), with the Constitution of the United
States waving over our heads," but to that of an imprisoned traitor
and defeated rebel against the very Republic and Constitution which
he had sworn to uphold and defend!
The action of the South Carolina Legislature in calling an
Unconditional Secession Convention, acted among the Southern
States like a spark in a train of gunpowder. Long accustomed to
incendiary resolutions of Pro-Slavery political platforms, as
embodying the creed of Southern men; committed by those
declarations to the most extreme action when, in their judgment, the
necessity should arise; and worked up during the Presidential
campaign by swarming Federal officials inspired by the fanatical
Secession leaders; the entire South only needed the spark from the
treasonable torch of South Carolina, to find itself ablaze, almost from
one end to the other, with the flames of revolt.
Governor after Governor, in State after State, issued proclamation
after proclamation, calling together their respective Legislatures, to
consider the situation and whether their respective States should
join South Carolina in seceding from the Union. Kentucky alone, of
them all, seemed for a time to keep cool, and look calmly and
reasonably through the Southern ferment to the horrors beyond. In
an address issued by Governor Magoffin of that State, to the people,
he said:
"To South Carolina and such other States as may wish to secede
from the Union, I would say: The geography of this Country will not
admit of a division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi River
cannot be separated without the horrors of Civil War. We cannot
sustain you in this movement merely on account of the election of
Mr. Lincoln. Do not precipitate by premature action into a revolution
or Civil War, the consequences of which will be most frightful to all of
us. It may yet be avoided. There is still hope, faint though it be.
Kentucky is a Border State, and has suffered more than all of you. *
* * She has a right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason,
and moderation and patriotism shall be heard and heeded by you. If
you secede, your representatives will go out of Congress and leave
us at the mercy of a Black Republican Government. Mr. Lincoln will
have no check. He can appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed.
The Congress will then be Republican, and he will be able to pass
such laws as he may suggest. The Supreme Court will be powerless
to protect us. We implore you to stand by us, and by our friends in
the Free States; and let us all, the bold, the true, and just men in
the Free and Slave States, with a united front, stand by each other,
by our principles, by our rights, our equality, our honor, and by the
Union under the Constitution. I believe this is the only way to save
it; and we can do it."
But this "still small voice" of conscience and of reason, heard like a
whisper from the mouths of Stephens in Georgia, and Magoffin in
Kentucky, was drowned in the clamor and tumult of impassioned
harangues and addresses, and the drumming and tramp of the
"minute men" of South Carolina, and other military organizations, as
they excitedly prepared throughout the South for the dread conflict
at arms which they recklessly invited, and savagely welcomed.
We have seen how President Andrew Jackson some thirty years
before, had stamped out Nullification and Disunion in South Carolina,
with an iron heel.
But a weak and feeble old man—still suffering from the effects of
the mysterious National Hotel poisoning—was now in the Executive
Chair at the White House. Well-meaning, doubtless, and a Union
man at heart, his enfeebled intellect was unable to see, and hold
firm to, the only true course. He lacked clearness of perception,
decision of character, and nerve. He knew Secession was wrong, but
allowed himself to be persuaded that he had no Constitutional power
to prevent it. He had surrounded himself in the Cabinet with such
unbending adherents and tools of the Slave-Power, as Howell Cobb
of Georgia, his Secretary of the Treasury, John B. Floyd of Virginia,
as Secretary of War, Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, as Secretary of
the Interior, and Isaac Toucy of Connecticut, as Secretary of the
Navy, before whose malign influence the councils of Lewis Cass of
Michigan, the Secretary of State, and other Union men, in and out of
the Cabinet, were quite powerless.
When, therefore, the Congress met (December 3, 1860) and he
transmitted to it his last Annual Message, it was found that, instead
of treating Secession from the Jacksonian standpoint, President
Buchanan feebly wailed over the threatened destruction of the
Union, weakly apologized for the contemplated Treason, garrulously
scolded the North as being to blame for it, and, while praying to God
to "preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all
generations," wrung his nerveless hands in despair over his own
powerlessness—as he construed the Constitution—to prevent
Secession! Before writing his pitifully imbecile Message, President
Buchanan had secured from his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S. Black
of Pennsylvania) an opinion, in which the latter, after touching upon
certain cases in which he believed the President would be justified in
using force to sustain the Federal Laws, supposed the case of a
State where all the Federal Officers had resigned and where there
were neither Federal Courts to issue, nor officers to execute judicial
process, and continued: "In that event, troops would certainly be out
of place, and their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the
Courts and Marshals there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided.
Without the exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to
the civil service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no
matter what may be the physical strength which the Government
has at its command. Under such circumstances, to send a military
force into any State, with orders to act against the people, would be
simply making War upon them."
Resting upon that opinion of Attorney-General Black, President
Buchanan, in his Message, after referring to the solemn oath taken
by the Executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,"
and stating that there were now no longer any Federal Officers in
South Carolina, through whose agency he could keep that oath, took
up the laws of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807, as "the only
Acts of Congress on the Statute-book bearing upon the subject,"
which "authorize the President, after he shall have ascertained that
the Marshal, with his posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or
criminal process in any particular case, to call out the Militia and
employ the Army and Navy to aid him in performing this service,
having first, by Proclamation, commanded the insurgents to
'disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within a
limited time'"—and thereupon held that "This duty cannot, by
possibility, be performed in a State where no judicial authority exists
to issue process, and where there is no Marshal to execute it; and
where even if there were such an officer, the entire population would
constitute one solid combination to resist him." And, not satisfied
with attempting to show as clearly as he seemed to know how, his
own inability under the laws to stamp out Treason, he proceeded to
consider what he thought Congress also could not do under the
Constitution. Said he: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the
Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into
submission a State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually
withdrawn, from the Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it
must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon
Congress to declare and make War against a State. After much
serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such
power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department
of the Federal Government." And further: "Congress possesses many
means of preserving it (the Union) by conciliation; but the sword
was not placed in their hands to preserve it by force."
Thus, in President Buchanan's judgment, while, in another part of
his Message, he had declared that no State had any right,
Constitutional or otherwise, to Secede from that Union, which was
designed for all time—yet, if any State concluded thus wrongfully to
Secede, there existed no power in the Union, by the exercise of
force, to preserve itself from instant dissolution! How imbecile the
reasoning, how impotent the conclusion, compared with that of
President Jackson, thirty years before, in his Proclamation against
Nullification and Secession, wherein that sturdy patriot declared to
the South Carolinians that "compared to Disunion, all other evils are
light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all;" that
"Disunion by armed force, is Treason;" and that he was determined
"to execute the Laws," and "to preserve the Union!"
President Buchanan's extraordinary Message—or so much of it as
related to the perilous condition of the Union—was referred, in the
House of Representatives, to a Select Committee of Thirty-three,
comprising one member from each State, in which there was a very
large preponderance of such as favored Conciliation without
dishonor. But the debates in both Houses, in which the most violent
language was indulged by the Southern Fire-eaters, as well as other
events, soon proved that there was a settled purpose on the part of
the Slave-Power and its adherents to resist and spit upon all
attempts at placation.
In the Senate also (December 5), a Select Committee of Thirteen
was appointed, to consider the impending dangers to the Union,
comprising Senators Powell of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia,
Crittenden of Kentucky, Seward of New York, Toombs of Georgia,
Douglas of Illinois, Collamer of Vermont, Davis of Mississippi, Wade
of Ohio, Bigler of Pennsylvania, Rice of Minnesota, Doolittle of
Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa. Their labors were alike without
practical result, owing to the irreconcilable attitude of the Southrons,
who would accept nothing less than a total repudiation by the
Republicans of the very principles upon which the recent Presidential
contest had by them been fought and won. Nor would they even
accept such a repudiation unless carried by vote of the majority of
the Republicans. The dose that they insisted upon the Republican
Party swallowing must not only be as noxious as possible, but must
absolutely be mixed by that Party itself, and in addition, that Party
must also go down on its knees, and beg the privilege of so mixing
and swallowing the dose! That was the impossible attitude into
which, by their bullying and threats, the Slave Power hoped to force
the Republican Party—either that or "War."
Project after project in both Houses of Congress looking to
Conciliation was introduced, referred, reported, discussed, and voted
on or not, as the case might be, in vain. And in the meantime, in
New York, in Philadelphia, and elsewhere in the North, the timidity of
Capital showed itself in great Conciliation meetings, where speeches
were applauded and resolutions adopted of the most abject
character, in behalf of "Peace, at any price," regardless of the
sacrifice of honor and principles and even decency. In fact the
Commercial North, with supplicating hands and beseeching face,
sank on its knees in a vain attempt to propitiate its furious creditor,
the South, by asking it not only to pull its nose, but to spit in its
face, both of which it humbly and even anxiously offered for the
purpose!*
 [Thus, in Philadelphia, December 13, 1860, at a
great meeting held at the call of the Mayor, in
Independence Square, Mayor Henry led off the
speaking—which was nearly all in the same line—by
saying: "I tell you that if in any portion of our
Confederacy, sentiments have been entertained and
cherished which are inimical to the civil rights and
social institutions of any other portion, those
sentiments should be relinquished." Another speaker,
Judge George W. Woodward, sneeringly asked:
"Whence came these excessive sensibilities that cannot
bear a few slaves in a remote Territory until the white
people establish a Constitution?" Another, Mr. Charles
E. Lex (a Republican), speaking of the Southern
People, said: "What, then, can we say to them? what
more than we have expressed in the resolutions we
have offered? If they are really aggrieved by any laws
upon our Statute-books opposed to their rights—if
upon examination any such are found to be in conflict
with the Constitution of these United States—nay,
further, if they but serve to irritate our brethren of the
South, whether Constitutional or not, I, for one, have
no objection that they should instantly be repealed."
Another said, "Let us repeal our obnoxious Personal
Liberty bills * * *; let us receive our brother of the
South, if he will come among us for a little time,
attended by his servant, and permit him thus to
come." And the resolutions adopted were even still
more abject in tone than the speeches.]

But the South at present was too busy in perfecting its long-
cherished plans for the disruption of the Union, to more than grimly
smile at this evidence of what it chose to consider "a divided
sentiment" in the North. While it weakened the North, it
strengthened the South, and instead of mollifying the Conspirators
against the Union, it inspired them with fresh energy in their fell
purpose to destroy it.
The tone of the Republican press, too, while more dignified, was
thoroughly conciliatory. The Albany Evening Journal,—[November
30, 1860]—the organ of Governor Seward, recognizing that the
South, blinded by passion, was in dead earnest, but also recognizing
the existence of "a Union sentiment there, worth cherishing,"
suggested "a Convention of the People, consisting of delegates
appointed by the States, in which it would not be found unprofitable
for the North and South, bringing their respective griefs, claims, and
proposed reforms, to a common arbitrament, to meet, discuss, and
determine upon a future"—before a final appeal to arms. So, too,
Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune,—[November 9, 1860.]—
after weakly conceding, on his own part, the right of peaceable
Secession, said: "But while we thus uphold the practical liberty, if not
the abstract right, of Secession, we must insist that the step be
taken, if it ever shall be, with the deliberation and gravity befitting so
momentous an issue. Let ample time be given for reflection; let the
subject be fully canvassed before the People; and let a popular vote
be taken in every case, before Secession is decreed." Other leading
papers of the Northern press, took similar ground for free discussion
and conciliatory action.
In the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives—as also
was shown by the appointment, heretofore mentioned, of Select
Committees to consider the gravity of the situation, and suggest a
remedy—the same spirit of Conciliation and Concession, and desire
for free and frank discussion, was apparent among most of the
Northern and Border-State members of those Bodies. But these were
only met by sneers and threats on the part of the Fire-eating
Secession members of the South. In the Senate, Senator Clingman
of North Carolina, sneeringly said: "They want to get up a free
debate, as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York expressed it, in
one of his speeches. But a Senator from Texas told me the other day
that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from the
trees of that country;" and Senator Iverson, of Georgia, said:
"Gentlemen speak of Concession, of the repeal of the Personal
Liberty bills. Repeal them all to-morrow, and you cannot stop this
revolution." After declaring his belief that "Before the 4th of March,
five States will have declared their independence" and that "three
other States will follow as soon as the action of the people can be
had;" he proceeded to allude to the refusal of Governor Houston of
Texas to call together the Texas Legislature for action in accord with
the Secession sentiment, and declared that "if he will not yield to
that public sentiment, some Texan Brutus will arise to rid his country
of this hoary-headed incubus that stands between the people and
their sovereign will!" Then, sneering at the presumed cowardice of
the North, he continued: "Men talk about their eighteen millions (of
Northern population); but we hear a few days afterwards of these
same men being switched in the face, and they tremble like sheep-
stealing dogs! There will be no War. The North, governed by such
far-seeing Statesmen as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York,
will see the futility of this. In less than twelve months, a Southern
Confederacy will be formed; and it will be the most successful
Government on Earth. The Southern States, thus banded together,
will be able to resist any force in the World. We do not expect War;
but we will be prepared for it—and we are not a feeble race of
Mexicans either."
On the other hand, there were Republicans in that Body who
sturdily met the bluster of the Southern Fire-eaters with frank and
courageous words expressing their full convictions on the situation
and their belief that Concessions could not be made and that
Compromises were mere waste paper. Thus, Senator Ben Wade of
Ohio, among the bravest and manliest of them all, in a speech in the
Senate, December 17, the very day on which the South Carolina
Secession Convention was to assemble, said to the Fire-eaters: "I
tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle in our platform,
that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery from invading
another inch of the Free Soil of this Government. I stand to that
principle to-day. I have argued it to half a million of people, and they
stand by it; they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so help
me God, I will! * * * On the other hand, our platform repudiates the
idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention to
invade or interfere with your institutions in your own States. * * * It
is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to
commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even
wait for any, you say; but, by anticipating that the Government may
do you an injury, you will put an end to it—which means, simply and
squarely, that you intend to rule or ruin this Government. * * * As to
Compromises, I supposed that we had agreed that the Day of
Compromises was at an end. The most solemn we have made have
been violated, and are no more. * * * We beat you on the plainest
and most palpable issue ever presented to the American people, and
one which every man understood; and now, when we come to the
Capital, we tell you that our candidates must and shall be
inaugurated—must and shall administer this Government precisely as
the Constitution prescribes. * * * I tell you that, with that verdict of
the people in my pocket, and standing on the platform on which
these candidates were elected, I would suffer anything before I
would Compromise in any way."
In the House of Representatives, on December 10, 1860, a
number of propositions looking to a peaceful settlement of the
threatened danger, were offered and referred to the Select
Committee of Thirty-three. On the following Monday, December 17,
by 154 yeas to 14 nays, the House adopted a resolution, offered by
Mr. Adrian of New Jersey, in these words:
"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly
recommend the repeal of all Statutes by the State Legislatures in
conflict with, and in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the
laws of Congress passed in pursuance thereof."
On the same day, the House adopted, by 135 yeas to no nays, a
resolution offered by Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, in these words:
"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme
law of the Land, and ready and faithful obedience to it a duty of all
good and law-abiding citizens; Therefore:
 "Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly
recommend the repeal of all Nullification laws; and that it is the duty
of the President of the United States to protect and defend the
property of the United States."

[This resolution, before adoption, was modified by

declaring it to be the duty of all citizens, whether
"good and law abiding" or not, to yield obedience to
the Constitution, as will be seen by referring to the
proceedings in the Globe of that date, where the
following appears:
"Mr. LOGAN. I hope there will be no objection on this
side of the House to the introduction of the [Lovejoy]
resolution. I can see no difference myself, between this
resolution and the one [Adrian's] just passed, except in
regard to verbiage. I can find but one objection to the
resolution, and that is in the use of the words
declaring that all' law abiding' citizens should obey the
Constitution. I think that all men should do so.
"Mr. LOVEJOY. I accept the amendment suggested
by my Colleague.
"Mr. LOGAN. It certainly should include members of
Congress; but if it is allowed to remain all 'good and
law abiding' citizens, I do not think it will include them.
[Laughter.]
"The resolution was modified by the omission of
those words."]

It also adopted, by 115 yeas to 44 nays, a resolution offered by

Mr. Morris of Illinois, as follows:
"Resolved by the House of Representatives: That we properly
estimate the immense value of our National Union to our collective
and individual happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and
immovable attachment to it; that we will speak of it as the palladium
of our political safety and prosperity; that we will watch its
preservation with jealous anxiety; that we will discountenance
whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be
abandoned, and indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every
attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or
enfeeble the sacred ties which now Dlink together the various parts;
that we regard it as a main pillar in the edifice of our real
independence, the support of tranquillity at home, our peace abroad,
our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty which we so highly
prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do we see anything
in the present, either in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the
Presidency of the United States, or from any other existing cause, to
justify its dissolution; that we regard its perpetuity as of more value
than the temporary triumph of any Party or any man; that whatever
evils or abuses exist under it ought to be corrected within the Union,
in a peaceful and Constitutional way; that we believe it has sufficient
power to redress every wrong and enforce every right growing out
of its organization, or pertaining to its proper functions; and that it is
a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in Peace and our defense
in War."
 CHAPTER VII.

SECESSION ARMING.

While Congress was encouraging devotion to the Union, and its

Committees striving for some mode by which the impending perils
might be averted without a wholesale surrender of all just principles,
the South Carolina Convention met (December 17, 1860) at
Columbia, and after listening to inflammatory addresses by
commissioners from the States of Alabama and Mississippi, urging
immediate and unconditional Secession, unanimously and with
"tremendous cheering" adopted a resolution: "That it is the opinion
of the Convention that the State of South Carolina should forthwith
Secede from the Federal Union, known as the United States of
America,"—and then adjourned to meet at Charleston, South
Carolina.
The next day, and following days, it met there, at "Secession Hall,"
listening to stimulating addresses, while a committee of seven
worked upon the Ordinance of Secession. Among the statements
made by orators, were several clear admissions that the rebellious
Conspiracy had existed for very many years, and that Mr. Lincoln's
election was simply the long-sought-for pretext for Rebellion. Mr.
Parker said: "It is no spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon
us; it has been gradually culminating for a long period of thirty
years. At last it has come to that point where we may say, the
matter is entirely right." Mr. Inglis said: "Most of us have had this
matter under consideration for the last twenty years; and I presume
that we have by this time arrived at a decision upon the subject." Mr.
Keitt said: "I have been engaged in this movement ever since I
entered political life; * * * we have carried the body of this Union to
its last resting place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave."
Mr. Barnwell Rhett said: "The Secession of South Carolina is not an
event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election,
or by the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It has been a
matter which has been gathering head for thirty years." Mr. Gregg
said: "If we undertake to set forth all the causes, do we not dishonor
the memory of all the statesmen of South Carolina, now departed,
who commenced forty years ago a war against the tariff and against
internal improvement, saying nothing of the United States Bank, and
other measures which may now be regarded as obsolete."
On the 20th of December, 1860—the fourth day of the sittings—
the Ordinance of Secession was reported by the Committee, and was
at once unanimously passed, as also was a resolution that "the
passage of the Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and
ringing of the bells of the city, and such other demonstrations as the
people may deem appropriate on the passage of the great Act of
Deliverance and Liberty;" after which the Convention jubilantly
adjourned to meet, and ratify, that evening. At the evening session
of this memorable Convention, the Governor and Legislature
attending, the famous Ordinance was read as engrossed, signed by
all the delegates, and, after announcement by the President that
"the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a Free and
Independent Commonwealth;" amid tremendous cheering, the
Convention adjourned. This, the first Ordinance of Secession passed
by any of the Revolting States, was in these words:
"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South
Carolina and other States united with her, under the compact
entitled the 'Constitution of the United States of America.'
"We the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention
assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and
ordained, that the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the
23rd day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the
Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all
Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying
the amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed; and
that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other
States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby
dissolved."
Thus, and in these words, was joyously adopted and ratified, that
solemn Act of Separation which was doomed to draw in its fateful
train so many other Southern States, in the end only to be blotted
out with the blood of hundreds of thousands of their own brave
sons, and their equally courageous Northern brothers.
State after State followed South Carolina in the mad course of
Secession from the Union. Mississippi passed a Secession Ordinance,
January 9, 1861. Florida followed, January 10th; Alabama, January
11th; Georgia, January 18th; Louisiana, January 26th; and Texas,
February 1st; Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia held back until a
later period; while Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and
Delaware, abstained altogether from taking the fatal step, despite all
attempts to bring them to it.
In the meantime, however, South Carolina had put on all the
dignity of a Sovereign and Independent State. Her Governor had a
"cabinet" comprising Secretaries of State, War, Treasury, the Interior,
and a Postmaster General. She had appointed Commissioners, to
proceed to the other Slave-holding States, through whom a
Southern Congress was proposed, to meet at Montgomery, Alabama;
and had appointed seven delegates to meet the delegates from such
other States in that proposed Southern Congress. On the 21st of
December, 1860, three Commissioners (Messrs. Barnwell, Adams,
and Orr) were also appointed to proceed to Washington, and treat
for the cession by the United States to South Carolina, of all Federal
property within the limits of the latter. On the 24th, Governor
Pickens issued a Proclamation announcing the adoption of the
Ordinance of Secession, declaring "that the State of South Carolina
is, as she has a right to be, a separate sovereign, free and
independent State, and as such, has a right to levy war, conclude
peace, negotiate treaties, leagues or covenants, and to do all acts
whatsoever that rightfully appertain to a free and independent
State;" the which proclamation was announced as "Done in the
eighty-fifth year of the Sovereignty and Independence of South
Carolina." On the same day (the Senators from that State in the
United States Senate having long since, as we have seen, withdrawn
from that body) the Representatives of South Carolina in the United
States House of Representatives withdrew.
Serious dissensions in the Cabinet of President Buchanan, were
now rapidly disintegrating the "official family" of the President. Lewis
Cass, the Secretary of State, disgusted with the President's
cowardice and weakness, and declining to be held responsible for
Mr. Buchanan's promise not to reinforce the garrisons of the National
Forts, under Major Anderson, in Charleston harbor, retired from the
Cabinet December 12th—Howell Cobb having already, "because his
duty to Georgia required it," resigned the Secretaryship of the
Treasury, and left it bankrupt and the credit of the Nation almost
utterly destroyed.
On the 26th of December, Major Anderson evacuated Fort
Moultrie, removing all his troops and munitions of war to Fort
Sumter—whereupon a cry went up from Charleston that this was in
violation of the President's promise to take no step looking to
hostilities, provided the Secessionists committed no overt act of
Rebellion, up to the close of his fast expiring Administration. On the
29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, having failed to secure the
consent of the Administration to an entire withdrawal of the Federal
garrison from the harbor of Charleston, also resigned, and the next
day—he having in the meantime escaped in safety to Virginia—was
indicted by the Grand Jury at Washington, for malfeasance and
conspiracy to defraud the Government in the theft of $870,000 of
Indian Trust Bonds from the Interior Department, and the
substitution therefor of Floyd's acceptances of worthless army-
transportation drafts on the Treasury Department.
Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, also resigned, January
8th, 1861, on the pretext that "additional troops, he had heard, have
been ordered to Charleston" in the "Star of the West."—
[McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 28.]
 Several changes were thus necessitated in Mr. Buchanan's cabinet,
by these and other resignations, so that by the 18th of January,
1861, Jeremiah S. Black was Secretary of State; General John A. Dix,
Secretary of the Treasury; Joseph Holt, Secretary of War; Edwin M.
Stanton, Attorney General; and Horatio King, Postmaster General.
But before leaving the Cabinet, the conspiring Southern members of
it, and their friends, had managed to hamstring the National
Government, by scattering the Navy in other quarters of the World;
by sending the few troops of the United States to remote points; by
robbing the arsenals in the Northern States of arms and munitions of
war, so as to abundantly supply the Southern States at the critical
moment; by bankrupting the Treasury and shattering the public
credit of the Nation; and by other means no less nefarious. Thus
swindled, betrayed, and ruined, by its degenerate and perfidious
sons, the imbecile Administration stood with dejected mien and
folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe.
On December 28th, 1860, the three Commissioners of South
Carolina having reached Washington, addressed to the President a
communication, in which—after reciting their powers and duties,
under the Ordinance of Secession, and stating that they had hoped
to have been ready to proceed to negotiate amicably and without
"hostile collision," but that "the events—[The removal, to Fort
Sumter, of Major Anderson's command, and what followed.]—of the
last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible"—they
declared that the troops must be withdrawn from Charleston harbor,
as "they are a standing menace which render negotiation
impossible," threatening speedily to bring the questions involved, to
"a bloody issue."
To this communication Mr. Buchanan replied at considerable
length, December 30th, in an apologetic, self-defensive strain,
declaring that the removal by Major Anderson of the Federal troops
under his command, from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was done
"upon his own responsibility, and without authority," and that he (the
President) "had intended to command him to return to his former
position," but that events had so rapidly transpired as to preclude
the giving of any such command;

[The seizure by the Secessionists, under the

Palmetto Flag, of Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie;
the simultaneous raising of that flag over the Federal
Custom House and Post Office at Charleston; the
resignation of the Federal Collector, Naval Officer and
Surveyor of that Port—all of which occurred December
27th; and the seizure "by force of arms," December
30th, of the United States Arsenal at that point.]

and concluding, with a very slight stiffening of backbone, by

saying: "After this information, I have only to add that, whilst it is
my duty to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of the public property of
the United States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they
may come, by such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do
not perceive how such a defense can be construed into a menace
against the city of Charleston." To this reply of the President, the
Commissioners made rejoinder on the 1st of January, 1861; but the
President "declined to receive" the communication.
From this time on, until the end of President Buchanan's term of
office, and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, March 4th,
1861, events crowded each other so hurriedly, that the flames of
Rebellion in the South were continually fanned, while the public
mind in the North was staggered and bewildered, by them.
On January 2nd, prior to the Secession of Georgia, Forts Pulaski
and Jackson, commanding Savannah, and the Federal Arsenal at
Augusta, Georgia, with two 12 pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000
muskets and rifles, and ammunition in quantity, were seized by
Rebel militia. About the same date, although North Carolina had not
seceded, her Governor (Ellis) seized the Federal Arsenal at
Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and other fortifications in that State, "to
preserve them" from mob-seizure.
 January 4th, anticipating Secession, Alabama State troops seized
Fort Morgan, with 5,000 shot and shell, and Mount Vernon Arsenal
at Mobile, with 2,000 stand of arms, 150, 000 pounds of powder,
some pieces of cannon, and a large quantity of other munitions of
war. The United States Revenue cutter, "Lewis Cass," was also
surrendered to Alabama.
On the 5th, the Federal steamer "Star of the West," with
reinforcements and supplies for Fort Sumter, left New York in the
night—and Secretary Jacob Thompson notified the South Carolina
Rebels of the fact.
On the 9th, the "Star of the West" appeared off Charleston bar,
and while steaming toward Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Rebel
batteries at Fort Moultrie and Morris Island, and struck by a shot,
whereupon she returned to New York without accomplishing her
mission. That day the State of Mississippi seceded from the Union.
On the 10th, the Federal storeship "Texas," with Federal guns and
stores, was seized by Texans. On the same day Florida seceded.
On the 11th, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the mouth
of the Mississippi River, and Fort Pike, dominating Lake
Pontchartrain, were seized by Louisiana troops; also the Federal
Arsenal at Baton Rouge, with 50,000 small arms, 4 howitzers, 20
heavy pieces of ordnance, 2 batteries, 300 barrels of powder, and
other stores. The State of Alabama also seceded the same day.
On the 12th—Fort Marion, the coast surveying schooner "Dana,"
the Arsenal at St. Augustine, and that on the Chattahoochee, with
500,000 musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges and 50,000
pounds of powder, having previously been seized—Forts Barrancas
and McRae, and the Navy Yard at Pensacola, were taken by Rebel
troops of Florida, Alabama and Mississippi. On the same day, Colonel
Hayne, of South Carolina, arrived at Washington as Agent or
Commissioner to the National Government from Governor Pickens of
that State.
On the 14th, the South Carolina Legislature resolved "that any
attempt by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be
regarded as an act of open hostility, and a Declaration of War."
On the 16th, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, developed his
mission, which was to demand of the President the surrender of Fort
Sumter to the South Carolina authorities—a demand that had
already been made upon, and refused by, Major Anderson.
The correspondence concerning this demand, between Colonel
Hayne and ten Southern United States Senators;—[Senators Wigfall,
Hemphill, Yulee, Mallory, Jeff. Davis, C. C. Clay, Fitzgerald, Iverson,
Slidell, and Benjamin.]—the reply of the President, by Secretary Holt,
to those Senators; Governor Pickens's review of the same; and the
final demand; consumed the balance of the month of January; and
ended, February 6th, in a further reply, through the Secretary of
War, from the President, asserting the title of the United States to
that Fort, and declining the demand, as "he has no Constitutional
power to cede or surrender it." Secretary Holt's letter concluded by
saying: "If, with all the multiplied proofs which exist of the
President's anxiety for Peace, and of the earnestness with which he
has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter,
and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up
within its walls, and thus plunge our Common Country into the
horrors of Civil War, then upon them and those they represent, must
rest the responsibility."
But to return from this momentary diversion: On the 18th of
January, Georgia seceded; and on the 20th, the Federal Fort at Ship
Island, Mississippi, and the United States Hospital on the Mississippi
River were seized by Mississippi troops.
On the 26th, Louisiana seceded. On the 28th, Louisiana troops
seized all the quartermaster's and commissary stores held by Federal
officials; and the United States Revenue cutter "McClelland"
surrendered to the Rebels.
On February 1st, the Louisiana Rebels seized the National Mint
and Custom House at New Orleans, with $599,303 in gold and silver.
On the same day the State of Texas seceded.
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