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 Pi

(university of Liverpool)

ANNALS
'" OF
ARCHAEOLOGY
AND
ANTHROPOLOGY
ISSUED BY THE

INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY

EDITED BY

J. L. MYRES
IN COLLABORATION WITH
F. P. BARNARD J.
GARSTANG
R. C. BOSANQUET J. G. MILNE

J. G. FRAZER P. E. NEWBERRY
T. W. GANN T. G. PINCHES

VOLUME I

MCMVIII

LIVERPOOL: AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO., LTD.
:

/
 C. TINLING AND CO., LIMITED
PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF
LIVERPOOL, VICTORIA STREET
 CONTENTS
PAGE
Liverpool University Institute of Archaeology : List of Officers,
Committees, and Staff i-viii

Notes on a Journey through Asia Minor. John Garstang.

With Plates I-XV i

Midas beyond the Halys : a further note on the Black Stone

from Tyana. John L. Myres. With Plate XIII ... 13

The Petty- Kingdom of the Harpoon and Egypt's Earliest Medi-

terranean Port. Percy E. Newberry. With Plate XFI ... 17

On the Title j'j Margaret Murray 23

Two Cults of the Old Kingdom. Percy E. Newberry ... 24

The Copper Coinage of the Ptolemies. J. Grafton Milne ... 30

Hugo Winckler. Preliminary Report on Excavations at Boghaz-

Keuiy 1907. {Review). John Garstang 41

Edoardo Brizio. (Obituary). Thomas E. Peet 48

The Cappadocian Tablets belonging to the Liverpool Institute

of Archaeology. Theophilus G. Pinches. With Plates
XVII-XXXI 49
Notes on Passages in the Cappadocian Tablets. Archibald H.
Sayce 81

The Disputed Flints of Breonio Veronese. Thomas E. Peet.

With Plate XXXII 83
On the Title *-*- W. M. Flinders Petrie 96
Excavations at Sakje-Geuzi, in North Syria : Preliminary Report
for 1908. John Garstang. With Plates XXXIII-XLIX 97
Early Civilization in Northern Greece. A. J. B. Wage, P.
J.
Droop, M. S. Thompson. With Plates L-LI 118

Further Report on Early Civilization in Northern Greece.

A. J.
B. Wace, J. P. Droop, M. S. Thompson 131

111
 LIST OF PLATES
I. Sketch Map of Eastern Asia Minor.

II. Eyuk : Sculptures and Sphinxes flanking the Gateway.

III. Eyuk : View of Gateway from Interior, showing two

Sphinxes, like those in Plate II, uncovered in excavation.

IV-V. Sculptured Stones found near Malatia.

VI. Yamooli : Sculptured Eagle on three Lions, in high relief.

VII. Yamooli : Back view of Sculptured Eagle, showing feathers

replaced by wavy hair, around neck.

VIII. Mount Argaeus (Tope Nefezi near Assarjik) : Hittite

Inscription.

IX. (i) Mount Argaeus : Sketch of the Inscription photo-

graphed in Plate VIII.
(2) Aleppo : Hittite Inscription. {Corf. Inscr, Hitt.
11-111 A) : Sketch, from a photograph.

X. Aintab : Granite Block with Hittite Inscription in three

panels.

XI. Aintab : Side view of inscribed Granite Block, showing

sculpture.

XII. Yavash-Ova-Khan : Milestone of Trajan.

Xni. Tyana:
(i) Inscription on Black Cylindrical Stone.

(2) Inscriptions on bottom and top of same stone.

XIV. (i) Ivory object with Hittite Inscription.

(2)-(3) Killiz : Archaic Bronzes.

XV. (i) KiUiz : Black Stone Seal.

(2) Sakje Geuzi : Sculpture.

XVI. Scenes from the Slate Palette of Nar-Mer.

XVII-XXX. Caffadocian Tablets belonging to the Liverpool

Institute of Archaeology.

XVII. Tablet 3 and its Envelope : (photographs.)

XVIII. „ 14 and its Envelope : sealed envelope 23 :

(photographs.)

iv
 XIX. Tablet I Letter about repairs to a house.

XX. » 2 Letter about commercial matters.

XXI. » 3 Letter about the interest on a loan.

XXII. >j 4 Letter about sundry purchases.

)) 5 Letter about a contract.

XXIII. >3 6 Letter about kulugae and nas battu.

XXIV. >> 7 Record of a loan of silver.

» 8 Contract of adoption and cohabitation.

>> 9 Memorandum of a payment by instalment.
>> 10 Receipt for clothing.

XXV. »J
II Memorandum of a deposit of gold and silver.

J> 12 Memorandum apparently about clothing.

XXVI. >> 13 Letter of invitation, wdth envelope.

XXVII. >> H Contract about a deposit of silver, with envelope.

CXVIII. >> 15 List of payments.

XXIX. » 16 List of payments.

XXX. J> 17 Letter acknowledging payment under a

contract.

„ i8 : Memorandum or receipt.

„ 19 : Fragment of a contract tablet.

„ 20 : Fragmentary tablet.

„ 23 : Sealed envelope,

XXXL Babylonian Tablet : a list of consignments of food,

XXXIL Breonio Flints : (i) typical workmanship. (2) typical

forms.

XXXIII-XLIX. Excavations at Sakje Geuzt^ 1908.

XXXIIL Plan showing position of the mounds and village of

Sakje Geuzi.

XXXIV. (i) Mound A. Jobba Eyuk, from the West.

(2) Sculptured stone protruding from the surface of

Mound A.

XXXV. Mound A, Sculptured Stones : (i) Banquet scene, (2) Lion.

XXXVL „ General Plan, contours, and section.

XXXVII. Mound A, Detail of Excavation, showing superimposed
foundations.

XXXVIII. Portico : (i) General view, (2) Side view showing

Sculptured steps to right.

XXXIX. Portico : Plan and Section showing position of Sculptures.

XL. Portico: Sculptures of the Left Wing, (i) The Procession,
Lion, Sphinx, and Priest-King; (2) Whisk-bearer and
Falconer.

XLI. Portico: Sculptures, (i) of the Right 'Wing, (2) of the

Right Frontage.

XLII. Portico : (i) Sculptured Base supported by Sphinxes,

(2) The same base from behind.

XLIII. Trench A : Section of the Mound outside the Main Wall.

XLIV. (i) Neolithic Pottery. (2) Objects of Flint, Obsidian, &c.,

from the Neolithic Floor,

XLV. Neolithic Pottery : Black incised ware. Forms and

designs.

XLVI-VII. Neolithic Pottery : Black incised ware : fragments.

XLVIII. Stone Seals, showing Forms and Engraved Designs.

XLIX. Painted Pottery from Sakje Geuzi.

L. Zerelia in Thessaly : (i) General view of the mound.

(2) Ringed Vases and other pottery from the eighth
settlement.

LI. (i) Gonnos in Thessaly : Mycenaean Vases.

(2-3) Zerelia : Vase and terra cotta Statuette from the

seventh settlement.

VI
 '#
<rv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT

PAGE
Aintab: Hittite Inscription {see also Plate X) ... 7

Sketch Map of the Delta, showing relative position of the

Western Petty- Kingdoms ... ... ... ... ... 18

Cult objects which appear at the mast head of prehistoric

Egyptian boats (1-12) 24

*
Horns of Consecration '
in Minoan Art (13-15) 28

Breonio : (i) sketch map of Breonio and District ... ... 84

(2) flint axe from Breonio ... ... ... ... 86

(3) Solutrian lancehead from Breonio... 86

Zerelia : (i) cist tomb in the eighth stratum 121

(2) diagram to explain stratification 122

(3) patterns on pottery of ' first period ' according

to Tsountas 123

Dhimini :
(4) patterns on pottery of *
second period ' according
to Tsountas ... ... ... ... ... 124

Chaeronea: (5) patterns on pottery 125

Sketch Map (6) to show the relative position of the sites ... 126

vu
 ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
P. 3. Last line but one : for '
PI. Ill '
read '
PI. IV.'

P. 15. Lines 19-20 and footnote f: the formula BajSa Me/ie/"at9

occurs, not in any inscription published hy Sterrett, but as

the opening words of the perpendicular inscription on the right

side of the well-known '
Midas Tomb.' See also Ramsay,
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia I, p. 329, No. 137 p. 348,
;

add. 25. The inscription from Maximianopolis, quoted as

* published by Sterrett ' {Pa-p. Am. Sch. Arch. Ill (not 77),

p. 612) gives merely another instance of a twofold Phrygian

name.

The longer band of inscription on the '

Black Stone from
Tyana' (PI. XIII, i) has also been published (without commentary,
and with a very imperfect reproduction of the lettering) by
Dr. Hans Rott, Kleinasiatische Denkm'dler aus Pisidicn, Pam-
phylien, Kappadokien und Lykien. Leipzig, 1908 (forming parts

5 and 6 of Studien iiber Christliche Denkmaler, edited by J.

Picker), p. 370, No. 77. In line 3 Dr. Rott reads A^IONI
without question.

The other parts of the inscription (PI. XIII, 2) are published

also by Dr. E. Pridik in the Journal of the Russian Ministry of
Public Instruction, Vol. 328 (1900) 3, 4, p. 26, No. 29.

P. 29, note *, first line, for * S.B.A., 1902-3,' read '

B.S.A., 1902-3 *

the reference is to the Annual of the British School of Archaeology

in Athens.

vni
 NOTES ON A JOURNEY THROUGH
ASIA MINOR
By JOHN GARSTANG

While awaiting the ratification of our concession to make

excavations in North Syria last summer we spent some time
examining and photographing the llittite monuments of Asia Minor.
Our party included the Rev. M. Linton Smith, w^ho copied and will
separately publish the Greek Inscriptions Merr Horst Schliephack, ;

who was mainly responsible for the photography and Mr. Arthur ;

AVilkin, whose voluntary help contributed much to lighten our

labours, particularly when moving from day to day. The expenses
of this exploration were generously borne by Sir John Brunner,
Bart., Mr. Ralph Brocklebank, Dr. Ludwig Mond, and Mr. Robert
Mond. Our destination was near Aintab, and our route from rail-
head at Angora may be seen from the accompanying map (PL I) to
have been arranged to keep steadily in that direction while visiting
as many sites of antiquity as possible.

The following were the chief places visited and objects noted :
—
—
15th May, 1907. Cheshme-Keupru Stone lion (photographed). :

—
16th May. Haidar-Sultan Marble columns, well, and shrine
:

(photographed).
17th May. — Denek-Maaden : Miscellaneous small objects seen
(PI. XIV, No. 1, and p. 11, below).

—
18th May. Sekili-Khan and Yeni-Khan : Turkoman encamp-
ment (women photographed).
19th May.— Hatibin-Keui : Architectural fragments and Greek
inscription. Kuchuk-Nefez-Keui Columns : and inscriptions,
Romano-Greek. Keutlek Greek inscriptions: in walls of Mosque,
&c. (copied).
20th May. —Buyuk-Nefez-Iveui : Architectural fragments
&c. (photographed) ; numerous inscriptions in the village and
cemetery (copied).
21st and 22nd May. — Boghaz-Keni Temple site and Dr.
Winckler's excavations ; numerous photographs and measurements.
23rd and 24th May. —Yazili-Kaya : Set of photographs with
details, notes and plan.
A
 2

25tli and 26tli May. —Eyuk: Uncovered the old and some
new sculptures ; set of photographs and plan of gateway.
27th to 29th May. — Boghaz-Keui : The Acropolis ;
photographs
of details of architecture and of site.
30th May. —Yuzgat : Number of coins and small objects
examined.
31st —
May. Keller Bought a small archaic gold coin,
:

ohv. a lion's head with mane. Greek inscriptions in Church (copied).

1st —
June, 1907.^ Boghaz Layan Greek inscription in the Konak
:

(copied).
2hd to 4th June. —Kaisariyeh: Examined small objects, seals,
on Mt. Argseus; copied
terra-cotlas, &c., in bazaar; visited Assarjik
and photographed Hittite inscription (PI. YIII, IX, 1).
—
5th June. Chok-Geuz-Keupru, Halys L. bank Greek graffiti :

on rock. Yamooli, Halys R. bank; Stone sculptured eagle

(PL VI, VII).
6th June.- —Bogche : Halys L. bank, below : Re-copied and
photographed the large inscription.
7th June. Yavash-ova-Khan, between Inje-su and Develi Kara-
hissar : Roman milestone (PI. XII).
8th to 11th June.—Andaval, Nigde, Bor: Miscellaneous
enquiries and photographs.
12th June. — Kilise(Kizli)-Hissar (Tyana) : Copied several Greek
inscriptions and one Phrygian (PI. XIII) ;
photographed aqueducts,
ruins and inscriptions.
13th and 14th June. Bulghar-Maaden —
Collated and photo- :

graphed the well-known Hittite inscription on the rocks.

15th June. — Cilician Gates: Numerous photographs.
17th June. — Tarsus : Examined and photographed the ancient
walls.
18th to 2Qth June. —Adana : Very few small antiquities
some coins.
21st June. — Missis : Numerous Greek inscriptions and founda-
tions (copies and photographs).
24th June. —^Alexandretta : Examined bronzes, seals, &c., in
merchants' hands.
28th June. —Killiz : Numerous seals and small objects in the
bazaars (e.g., PI. XIV 2-3, XV 1).
 29tli June. —Huru-Pegamber (Kyrrlius) : Pliotographs of the
ruins; several inscriptions.
30th June. — Eowanduz-Kale : Photographs of the medieval
ruins, and of local racial types (men and women).
1st July, 1907. — Arslan-Kalesi and other ruined sites on the
plateau.
2nd July. —Aintab : Hittite inscription (PI. X, XI) and small
antiquities.
4th July — Sakje-Geuzi (Sakche-Geuk-Su) : Examined the site;

several Ilittite sculptures (PI. XY 2). Kartal : photographs of local

racial types.
5th July. —Karadinek, &c. : Photographs of ruins ; mapped the
track from Kartal to Rowanduz-Kale.
6th July. — Re-visited
Kyrrhus and Killiz.
—
7th July. Azaz Greek inscription.
:

8th July. Aleppo — Photograph of the old Ilittite inscription

:

(PL IX 2) copy of another in Aramaic, &c. many small antiquities

; ;

in hands of dealers.
The results of our work at Yazili-Kaya and Eyuk, with some
notes taken at r)0ghaz-Keui by Herr Winckler's courtesy, will b6
shortly published more fully than is possible in the scope of this
report. In addition to the observations we were able to take as to
various problematical details concerning these famous monuments,
we were also able to secure a complete series of photographs from
both places; and it is the more desirable to publish these, in that
there is no volume in English which fully describes them, nor has
anything been done of late years to supplement the pioneer works
of Perrot and of Humaun by which they have become known to
scholars. We postpone also any detailed account of our doings in
Syria, which was chiefly of an ethnographic character, as we propose
to resume work there this autumn. This report is thus confined to a
brief some of the more striking Ilittite and other
account of
monuments which were brought to light during our jouniey.

The ScuLrTURED Stones from Malatia (PI. TV, Y) are

obviously of Ilittite origin. They are apparently four in number,
and the sculptures upon them are remarkable. In the first (PI. Ill,
top) the young god stands upon a bull and is approached by a priest
bearing what may be a lituus, followed by a smaller figure guiding
a goat or ram. For tbe figure of the god, compare the sanctuary of
Yazili-Kaya and the Karabel sculpture * and for the central idea ;

compare the sculptures upon the left hand of the gateway at Eyuk,
PI. II. Certain hieroglyphic signs near the heads of the chief
persons in this scene may be recognised; they seem to form two
groups, one possibly referring to the deity and one to the priest.t
The second scene (PI. IV, bottom) represents a priestess
approaching a winged deity, and followed by a smaller figure like-
wise leading a small animal. Both of the main figures have their
analogies also at Yazili-Kaya.
The third scene (PI. V, top) represents two Hittite figures, in
characteristic short tunic. The head-dress of these two is clearly
the same as that of the great god of the Hittites as represented both
in the great and small galleries at Yazili-Kaya. The design suggests
metal work, and the same remark seems to apply to the baton, or
whatever the object may be, which is carried over the right shoulder
of the rear figure. The foui-th stone (PI. V, bottom) seems to be
inverted, and to show the hands of the fire-god among flames or
lightning.
For procuring and sending these photographs and for what little

information is to be learned about them, we are very much indebted

to Mr. H. H. Riggs of Kharput. It is very unfortunate that as yet
practically nothing has transpired concerning their discovery ; and
that the stones, as Mr. Piggs points out, have obviously been
'
touched uj) ' for the purposes of the photograph. It is even possible
that there are only two stones in all, in which case they must have
been rearranged considerably after the first picture was taken.

Eagle near Yamooli (PI. VI, VII). The situation of this

monument is on the somewhat wild right bank of the Halys river,
between the two bridges named Chok-Geuz-Keupru and Tek-Geuz-
-Keupru, which are on the roads from Yuzgat and Angora respec-
tively to Kaisariyeh. The nearest village is Yamooli, which is 40
minutes further down the stream. The river in its course frequently

• Messersohmidt : Corptis Inscr. Hett. II-XXXIX,

t Professor Sayce identifies the group of three hieroglyphs on the right (namely the
two hands with a group of four short strokes between them) as one which in other texts
seems to mean ' priest.'
ilows between steep and rocky banks, which, rise here and there more
prominently to heights varying from 500 to 800 feet. A path follows
the river side for the most part, winding along the narrow strip of
land between the river and the heights which overlook it. Other
tracks take the higher ground, which is, however, covered thickly
with loose rock and stones, and perhaps for this reason desolate and
unattractive. The eagle is found on a knoll of this kind, but did
not, evenwhen upon its pedestal, command an extensive view of the
river, though barely 100 metres distant. The ground rises
immediately between the monument and the ravine through which
the Halys flows just there; but a little way up stream the banks are
more gentle and the w^ater comes into view at a bend.
This remarkable monument represents a gigantic eagle of stone
(body, wings, legs and claws), sculptured in the round, and standing
upon a solid base carved in bold relief with the design of a seated lion
within each of the three panels at the front and sides. The height
over all is 2'20 metres. The tail of the eagle descends down the
back almost ground level, projecting there 10 cms. (PI, YII).
to the
It appeared that the whole monument was originally set up on a
platform of stones some five metres distant this platform had been
;

prepared with some care, though it is of undressed stones, or of

stones with only the top surface dressed. It was, however, partly
uprooted, and it was no longer possible to judge the direction which
themonument had faced, or how, indeed, an object of this great size
had moved comparatively so far in falling upon its side as it now
lies.

The head of the eagle is broken away and could not be found.
Upon examining the neck, it may be seen even in the photograph
that the feathers with which the bird is covered here give way to a
hair-like representation, shown in two clusters of hair curling finally
towards one another. This may indeed be only an attempt to
reproduce the down around a full neck in much the same manner as
upon the legs; on the other hand, it may represent hair, and it

remains possible that this was a composite and human-headed

emblem. The significance of this fact is apparent. The plumage
upon the bird is represented upon the breast with a boldness
accordant with the great size of the monument. The details will be

best realized from the illustration (PL VI). Upon the back some of
 6

the detail work of the breast is repeated but for the most part the
;

work is more conventional, the feathers being represented by bauds

of herring-bone pattern running down the full length of the body,
diverging upon the shoulders and then converging gradually so as
to cross the tail. The legs are shown covered with down, and the
extremities are strongly executed.
The base of this monument presents several points of interest.
In each of the two visible panels there is represented a lion in an
attitude not exactly crouching, but as though partly supporting the
weight upon the shoulders and back. The shoulders are too high
for an ordinary recumbent position, though otherwise the details of

the attitude are reposeful. The left leg crosses over the right, the
tail curls up from between the legs back over the hip, and the face of
the animal in each of the two visible cases looks outwards. These two
lions both present their right sides outwards, but it is not possible
to be certain, as the monument lies, of the details iipon the hidden
panel. The width of the base, excluding the tail, is 116 centimetres.
There is one further feature which is both curious and difficult

to explain, namely the ridge of stone upon which the eagle is perched
and which continues down the sides to enclose the lions (PI. VII).
This ridge alternately narrows and expands repeatedly, with
the effect of a succession of globes or nodules joined together. It
might almost be taken to represent a writhing serpent, though there
is little else to support this view. It seems none the less to be
deliberately emblematic.
A good account of monument, with two photographs, was
this
published in the early part of this year by Mr. W. A. Robinson,*
who seems to have visited the place about the same time as ourselves.

Other Hittite Inscriptions (PI. VII, VIII, IX, X, XI). It is

not necessary to say much about these Hittite inscriptions; those

from Assarjik and Aintab are unrecorded, and that from Aleppo
(PI. VIII 2) is a revised version from a photograph of the old
inscription.!
The first of these is found on the slope of Mount Argaeus, above
Kaisariyeh (Caesarea), at Tope Nefezi near Assarjik. It is on a

• Proc. 8.B.A., Jan., 1908, p. 85.

t Messerschmidt, CLE. II-III A.

living rock, weathered and cracked, facing south. The inscribed face
is full of blursand scratches and other pitfalls for the unwary
copyist, for which reason we reproduce also an enlargement of one
of our photographs. It is 112 cms. in length; the whole height
over the dressed surface to the top of the inscription is 57 cms., the
lower uninscribed band being 20 cms. in height. This band, though
uninscribed, is none the less fairly marked here and there with a

AINTAB. HITTITB INSCRIPTION : PHOTOGRAPHED IN PLATE X.

number of graffito signs, and one or two similar markings help to

confuse the upper register. These we could not copy ; in fact, our
visit was paid during a violent mountain hailstorm, and our
photographs were taken during a lull when the sun was just about

to set. The first interesting feature about the inscription is that it

is incised, as is the Bogche stone on the Halys. Professor Sayce
regards it with much interest, and suggests as a possible interpre-
tation that it records a successful sportsman's bag of 22 birds.'
*
 The Aintab stone is smaller and carved in relief. It was seen
and photographed by Messrs. Linton Smith and Schliephack near a
school at the place mentioned. may have been the corner stone
It

of a building, as the sculpture and inscription adjoin. The style

of the work from such details as remain may be recognized as similar
to other monuments from this portion of the Hittite country. Like
the inscription from Assarjik, it seems to contain several hieroglyphs
that are new, or which are at any rate written in unfamiliar guise
the ink drawing herewith reproduces what seem to be the essential
markings.
Professor Sayce has already republished the Aleppo inscription
from the photograph which we supplied to him {Proc. S.B.A.,
June, 1908), but it should be said at once that it is difficult

to reconcile some of the signs as he reproduces them with the

photograph or with our hand copy. The pen drawing (PI. IX,
fig. 3) is derived entirely from the two latter sources, irrespective
of the earlier published copy [C.I.H. II-III A) or of any attempt to
make it '
read.' Some of the signs are extremely doubtful, and
though readings might be conjectured, we have given only what
seemed to us to be clear. The second main sign of the second line,
for example, may readily be allowed to suggest at the present time
a whip with the lash coiling below it. In these matters of restoration
we await further light.

EoMAN Milestones, [a] Yavash-ova Khan, between Inje-su and

Develi-Karahissar : Large cylindrical stone hollowed as a trough
for animals to drink, alongside a well on east side of the Khan in the
yard. Length 220 cms. by 80 cms. diameter —Gritstone (PI. XII).

mRAIANOAVG
GERMAN ICOPONTMAX
TRIBPOTESTCOSIII
PPRESTITVITPERPOM
PONIVMBASSVMLEG
AVGPROPR
{X)XXX

Traiano Aug(usto) Germanico pont(ifici) max(imo) trib(unicia)

potest(ate) cos III p(atri) p(atriae) : restituit per Pomponium Bassum
leg(atum) Aug(usti) pro pr(setore). (X)XXX.
The grammar of the inscription is not without parallel. Other
inscriptions of the same governor occur in several records from Asia
Minor mucli roadwork went on there in Trajan's earlier years.
:

The reading and note are kindly supplied by Professor Haverfield.

The suggestion of XXXX for XXX as originally copied by us is also
due to him, and after considering the photograph (PL XII) it seems
only reasonable to accept it, though it is curious that my own and
Mr. Linton Smith's copies agreed in every particular, even to the
reading XXX.' The milestone was about latitude 38° 25' N. and
'

longitude 35° 10' E., on the high road between the ancient Sadacora
(Inje-su) and Cyzistra (Develi-Karahissar), and this spot was almost
exactly 40 Roman miles from Caesarea (Mazaca), assuming the road
followed much the same course as at present.
(b) Village of Eski Yapan, one hour (five miles) west of Alaja.
Probably the Alty Yapan of Kiepert's map, about latitude 40°
* '

8' N. by 34° 44' E., on the road from Sungurlu to Alaja (Etonea ?).

Height about 140 mm., cylindrical.

IMPCAESMANTONIO
QORDIANOSEMPRON(I)
ANOROMANOAFRICA
NOSENIORIPIOFEL
IC(l)INVICTOAVGETI

i.e., Imp. Caes M. Antonio Gordiauo Semproniano Romano Africano

Seniori pio felici invicto Aug(usto), et i(mp). . .

This is and possibly the letters ETI

a milestone of Gordian I,

are tlie beginning of a clause intended to introduce Gordian II, his

son and colleague, and possibly also never completed owing to news
that their 22 days' reign was ended. A stone of each occurs in
Pamphylia.
It was Mr. Riggs who first kindly communicated to us the fact
of this inscription, and a note from his pocket-book, in the train
from Aleppo. The revised reading is due again to Professor
Haverfield. At
same place we learn of a lion sculptured
the
in red sandstone,and we are indebted to the same gentleman for a
photograph. In some ways this resembles the architectural
crouching lion at Eyuk, but it is both badly weathered and built
into a low wall. It seems to have a length of one metre or there-
abouts. The attitude of the animal is half sitting, half crouching.
The shoulders are raised well above the paws a great part of the ;

head is missing.
 10

The Black Stone of Tyana (PI. XIII, 1-2). This stone

was seen, photographed and copied by three of us (with some
difficulty) in the yard of a house at Kilisse (Kizli) Hissar (Tyana).
It is much broken, and we only found seven fragments, which,
however, fitted together well owing to the hard granitic nature of
the stone. had been cylindrical, about 25 cm. only in height and
It
86 cm. in diameter. The outside had borne seven parallel lines of
inscription apparently running all round. The top and bottom had
been differently arranged the latter had apparently
: been divided
into parallel rows for the purposes of inscribing, while the former
was arranged in concentric rows, as is plainly shown in PI. XIII 2.

The inscription is clearly houstrophedon, the lines reading (as

was commonly the case with Hittite) alternately from right to left

and left to right. The letters of this inscription are with one
exception quite familiar in the Phrygian alphabet. There are two
examples of the more exceptional letter, namely, the arrow-like
sign which occurs in the second and fourth complete lines ; this is
presumably a double form of T. If it may be permitted (in the
lack of any more suitable type) to transliterate this inscription, it

would seem to read somewhat as follows, the brackets enclosing

doubtful signs, and omitting the first incomplete line :
—
1. Left to Right. IV?(MILA) MEME(U)IS |
|

2. Right to Left. A TEZA(P) ATION(I?)

] |
|
(E)
3. Left to Right. OIT UMEN M(?L?)
| |

4. Right to Left. N ATIOS M(E)

\ |

5. Left to Right. N BATAN E(F)

| |

In the second line the reading TEZAP or TESAP is tempting.

But the point of most obvious importance is the parallelism of
ATION {I. 2) and ATIOS {I. 4), which is sufficient to indicate an
Indo-European language, t
Tliere seems to be no reason to doubt the Phrygian origin of this
inscription, and this opens up the question of communication.
Now in riding from Bogche to Inje-su, we were struck by the
remarkable traces of an ancient road which we passed and re-i)assed
and followed for several miles as we approached the latter place.
The signs of wheels were deep-scored in the surface rock, over a

• Line 1 for (U) read (K) lino 2 for Z read perhaps S.

;

t For a further note on this inscription, see p. 13 below.

 11

width in places of 30 or 40 metres. It was an absolute duplicate

of the portions of the Royal Road of the Phrygian country as
described by Ramsay. We followed it for several miles approaching
Indje-su, and we picked it up only for a short stretch on leaving
ludje-su next morning for the south. Unfortunately, our long day
and long inscription at Bogche had exhausted our day's supply of
photographic plates, so we have no picture of this interesting road
to reproduce. It is, however, readily traceable for five kilometres,
and it lies roughly between latitude 38° 38' 30" N. by 35° 4' E. and
38° 36' 30" N. by 35° 6' 30" E. i.e., it tends in direction almost
;

N.E. from Indje-su, and was traced by us from a distance of about

five kilometres from that place, nearly to the village called Bozdja

on Kiepert's map (only that we were riding in the reverse direction).

It is noteworthy that near Bogche on the Halys the natives pointed
out several places as we rode down the bank where it is possible to
ford the river in ordinary dry weather. Also there is an ancient
road tending more or less in that direction, on the north side of
the river, marked in Kiepert's map *
Alte Str. Sultan Murads II.'

This digression about the road is not evidence concerning the stone,
except in so far as it shows that at any rate one direct line of

communication with the North and thence with the Phrygian

country was probably already well established, and the road much
used, as early at least as the date of this inscription.
Professor Sir W. M. Ramsay attributes the occurrence, so far to
the south-east, of an inscription in an alphabet allied to the Greek,
to the influence of trading Greeks from their early colonies on the
Cilician coast.

On Plates XIV, XV, there are reproduced a few interesting

objects, as well as a portion of a fine sculpture from Sakje. The
most important of these is the Hittite carving on ivory shown in
PI. XIV 1. This can hardly have been a seal in ordinary use, as its

inscribed faces are not conveniently formed for ordinary sealing

purposes, but it finds its readiest classification among objects of that
kind. The shows the object in form and the two inscribed
illustration
faces, all enlarged by about half natural size. On the one face a
kingly figure in tunic stands with one arm outstretched, and a
group of three hieroglyphic signs is repeated on each side. The
 12

figure on the other face is robed, but the details are less easy to
explain. The black stone seal from Killiz (PL XY 1) is also a
remarkable object, including among its devices clearly the god
Sandes, and another face inscribed with a series of fascinating signs.
The scale of this reproduction is the same as the former; both of
these drawings have been skilfully and very faithfully executed by
Mr. J. Grant.
The bronzes from Killiz (PL XI Y 2) need little com-
little

mentary. The technique of horseman may be compared with that

of the clay horseman (probably of early Iron Age fabric) published
by Professor Myres in Journ. AnthrojJ. Inst. XXXIII, PL xxxix 1, 2.
The sculpture from Sakje-Geuzi (PL XIY 2) is one of several
which we saw near the mounds which characterize that remarkable
Hittite site. They were all in the well-known style of the Marash
and Zinjerli sculptures. There was a second stone showing a lion in
movement and a third representing a figure seated at a table with
;

another figure, upright and ministering, at the opposite side.

Further notes about this place and about our observations in the
north of Syria, particularly in the Afrin valley, may be appropri-
ately held over until the return of our present expedition.
lAverpuol Ammls of Archaeology nnd AnUtropologn, Vol. I. i

PLATE I.

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

SKETCH MAP OP EASTERN ASIA MINOR, SHOWING ROUTE IN BLACK.

Liverpool A. A. A., I'd/. I. PLATE II.

V
i
 A
LiverjiiKil A. A., Val. I.
PLATE III.

^ 4

^'iH

jb&iA«L^I

HA F
^^^1 '"
i. V
B <^^^
^^p/ m
Liicrjwol A.A.A., Vul. 1.
PLATE IV

>

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA .^^NOR.

SCULPTURED STONES FOUND NEAR MALATIA, EAST ASIA MINOR.

Liverjiool A. .4. .4., Vol. I.
PLATE V.

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

SCULPTUEED STONES FOUND NEAR MALATIA, EAST ASIA MINOR.

Liverpool A.A.A., I'ul. I.
PLATE VI.
Livtrpuol A.A.A., Vol. 1. PLATE VII.

1
Liverpool .4.A.A., Vol. I.
PLATE Ylll.
yV

--*>«.

•*«<<
--^.-,

'--••V

rv*.:"
Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. I.
PLATE IX.
(K
Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE X.
.-v

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

AINTAB. GRANITE BLOCK WITH HITTITE INSCRIPTION IN THREE PANELS.

Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XL

A JOURNFA' THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

AINTAB. SIDE VIEW OP INSCKIBED GRANITE BLOCK. SHOWING SCULPTURE. HEIGHT, 50 CM.
LiveriHxil A.A.A., Vol. I.
PLATE XII.

.-r

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

YAVASH-OVA KHAN. MILESTONE OF TRAJAN.

Liverpool A. A. A,, Vul. I.
PLATE XIIL

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

Fig. 1.— TYANA. INSCRIPTION ON BLACK CYLINDRICAL STONE; BROKEN.

Fio. 2.— TiANA. INSCKlt'TlONS ON BOTTOM (TO LEFT) AND TOP (TO RIGHT) OF SAME STONE.
Liverpool A.A.A., Vot. I.
PLATE XIV,

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA MINOR.

/, 1

Pig. 1— ivory OBJECT WITH HITTITE INSCRIPTION. FKis. 2-a.

KILLIZ. ARCHAIC BRONZES.

^
Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XV.

A JOURNEY THROUGH ASIA ]SIINOR.

.r-ry

b c

Pio. 1.— KILLIZ. BLACK STONE SEAL.

Fio. 2.-SAKJE-GEUZI. SCULPTURE.

 13

MIDAS BEYOND THE HALYS

A FURTHER NOTE ON THE BLACK STONE
FROM TYANA
By JOHN L. MYRES.

The sudden return of Professor Garstang to Asia Minor in the

course of the present summer prevented him from completing the
revision of that section of his report of lastyear's journey (pp. 10-11
above) which deals with the '
Black Stone from Tyana,' bearing an
inscription in what appears to be the Phrygian character and
language. The photographs of the stone have been submitted to
other members of the Staff of the Institute of Archaeology, and have
also been seen by Professor Sayce, Mr. J. A. R. Munro of Lincoln
College, Oxford, and Mr. J. G. C. Anderson of Christ Church, to
each of whom the Editor of the Annnh is indebted for valuable
suggestions and help in the interpretation of the document.
It is clear from the photographs on Plate XIII that the inscription
is in an archaic form of Aegean alphabet, very closed allied

to that of the well-known inscriptions of the Midas City, and other

sites in Phrygia. But this is the first occasion on which a monument
in this script has been found so far to the south-east as Tyana. The
stone on which the inscription is placed seems to have been a
cylindrical drum, with flat sides (or ends) of about 86 cm. diameter,
and a cylindrical surface about 25 cm. high. Of the circumference,
only a length of about 37 cm. at most is preserved, and as it has
unfortunately no indication that the lines of the inscription on this
surface do not run round the whole, or a considerable part, of the
circumference, we must reconcile ourselves to the probability that
only a small proportion is preserved of the contents of any one line.
That the object did not stand upon either of its flat sides (or ends) is
probable from the fact that both of these flat surfaces bear traces of
closely- written inscription wherever they are preserved. As, however,
the monument must have stood upon something, it follows that if it did
not stand on one of its flat sides,some part of its cylindrical surface
must have served as its support, and consequently must have been
invisible and uninscribed; so that it is probable after all that the
B
 14

lines of the inscription on this surface did not extend over the whole
of the circumference of the drum, nearly 2*9 m. in length, though,
as hinted above, they may well have covered a good deal of it.

The alphabet of the inscription is represented, in the parts which

are preserved, by the following letters : —A B . AE . . . A(?) MN
On . . ST T, together with a letter which does not occur in the
Greek alphabet, shaped thus, ^ , like a broad arrow with the point
uppermost. This letter is already known to occur in the Phrygian
inscriptions, and is there given the value of w or qu, for it is written
either alone, or immediately after a h. Professor Sir William
Ramsay regarded it as an abbreviated form of a hop pa* but in the
syllabary of Cyprus the same symbol has the value of ti, and as
Professor Garstang has suggested, the question should be considered
whether, in a district so nearly opposite Cyprus, this symbol may
not have had the value of a dental, perhaps the it sound, which occurs
frequently in place names in Asia Minor, and is actually represented
in the alphabet of Halicarnassus and Mesambria by a variety of T^
with drooping cross-bar. This letter occurs three times in the
inBcription before us; in line 3 and line 5, in the same word,
A^IOS, A^ION?! and ; again in line 11, on one of the flat surfaces,

unfortunately without any other letter clearly legible near it.

The words of the inscription are separated, as is usual in

Phrygian inscriptions, by vertical rows of three punctuation-dots •.

It is consequently possible to recognise stems and terminations

within each group of symbols. Several words in the inscription are
fortunately quite clear, BATAN in line 6, A4^IOS in line 5,

OITTMEN in line 4 1 ; TE^AN in line 3 X A^ION?!, also in line; 3,

where the final I is very faint, and I think doubtful.

The two uppermost lines are very much damaged. Line 1 shows
signs of a A at the extreme left, and one or two more strokes are
quite doubtful. The only interest, for our present purpose, of this

mutilated line is that it assures us of the shape of the lower part of

the A of the script.

* Ramsay, A Study of Phrygian Art, Journal of Hellenic Studies, X, 187.

f The punctuation mark indicated by Professor Garstang between T and T is very

difficult to find on the photograph, and I doubt its existence.

I Here Professor Garstang reads TESAII, but the 11 symbol in line 12 is

differently formed, and Professor Sayce thinks there are traces in line 3 of the lost
up-stroke of the N.
 15

Line 2 is more legible, though it does not show well on the

photograph : it reads from left to right, and begins clearly with T
then follows a very obscure letter, which may be T, T or I ; then fairly
clearly MIAA ; the cross-bar of the A is clear, and the form of the
A sufficiently plain to distinguish it from the A-like (or A-like) letter
in line 13 on one of the flat surfaces of the stone. Professor Garstang
read this letter as A ; and he noted that the same combination of
symbols recurs at the end of line 4.* But, as Mr. J. A. K. Munro points
out, there is every justification, in a Phrygian inscription, in reading
the group as MIAA, and regarding it as the name of the celebrated
Phrygian king, Midas.
That the group MIAA represents a proper name is rendered more
probable by the group which follows it; the limits of which are
certified by a clear punctuation-mark at the end of the line, and a
less clear one after the A of MiSa. This group reads MEMETIS
the last two strokes of the second M are not very clear, but Professor
Sayce, who recognised the significance of the group, is satisfied of
their existence. The word is already known as a Phrygian proper
name in a closely allied form in the inscription Ba^a MefieFai^
from Maximianopolis, published by Sterrett,t and it is certainly
tempting to read the words Muha Me/xeut? in the same sense.
The only other group which is repeated within the limits of our
inscription is that already alluded to in lines 3 and 5, A^IOS,
A^MONI. Here we seem to have the same stem A^IO- with two
different case-terminations, (1) -OS and (2) -ON, or -ONI. It is

unfortunate that the obscurity of the I after the X prevents decision

as between a form analogous to the Greek second declension,' and *

one analogous to the Greek third.' It would be good to be assured

*

that this word A^IOS could be related to the wide-spread name of

Atys (or Attys). Is it possible that this name itself in its earlier
forms had the sound </m (= Aquios), and that this sound (as so often
in the south-eastern group of Aryan speech in Europe) becomes
transformed later into t ?

The only other point which is worth noting in regard to the

grammar of the inscription is the repeated occurrence of terminations
in -AN and -EN thus we have BAT AN in line 6, -OITTMEN and
:

* Note, further, that the letters MI- recur once more at the left hand end of line 6.
t Papers of tJie Avierican ScJiool of Archaeology, II, 612.
 16

TE2AN in line 3, together with an isolated N before BATAN in line

6; the termination -EN before A-'MOS in line 5, and perhaps the

form A^ION, as above hinted, in line 3.

The inscriptions on the flat ends of the block are almost illegible.
The line marked 7 seems to begin the inscription on that face of the
stone. An A, and a F next to it on the left, are all that are quite
clear. To the right of the A is either a punctuation mark or an E
with very short cross-bars. In line 8 the group NA is clear, and a
little before it the upper part of an E, and perhaps of an M,
suggesting the group -MENA. Lines 9 and 10 are wholly destroyed
in line 11 comes the symbol 't^ already noted. Line 14 seems to read
nmir, or perhaps, nilllA, or IimiN; but lines 12 and 13 are
almost illegible in the photograph.* Line 13 shows traces of an M at
the left-hand end, and then, after a break, TAAET, but the A is much
broken, and of a curious curvilinear form which raises doubt ; line 12
is almost entirely destroyed, but there is a fragmentry O nearly
opposite the A in line 18.
As to the date of the stone, the lettering, which is somewhat
maturer and more rectilinear than that of the Phrygian inscriptions,
suggests the early part of the seventh century B.C., and if the reading
MiSa, and the interpretation of it which is suggested here, be
upheld, there is strong reason for regarding the monument as
belonging to that great Phrygian monarch, of Greek tradition and
Assyrian history, whose opposition to the Asiatic adventures of
Sargon belongs to the first four years of that king's reign, i.e.,

722 to 718 B.C.

* It will be seen that this portion of the inscription has been photographed upside-
down. The lines arenumbered in their proper sequence on the stone.
 17

THE PETTY-KINGDOM OF THE HARPOON

AND EGYPT'S EARLIEST MEDITERRANEAN
PORT
By PERCY E. NEWBERRY

The second register of the obverse of the Palette of Nar Mer

(see PI. XVI, fig. 1) shows a scene of the King, accompanied by a
single attendant, smiting a kneeling foe.Before the king is a falcon
perched on a papyrus-bush, and holding by a human hand, which
issues from its breast, a cord which is passed through the nose or
upper lip of an enemy's head. This scene has been interpreted* as

representing Nar Mer's conquest of the '

Chieftainf of the
Petty-Kingdom of the Harpoon.'
The precise limits of this Petty-Kingdom in the earliest historical
times cannot, on the material at present available, be ascertained.
We know, however, that it was situated in the North-western
corner of the Delta on the shore of the Mediterranean, and at the
time of the Third Dynasty, when it formed an Egyptian province,
was bounded on the East by the nome of Ha-ha, on the
it
^^^
South-east by the nome of ^ Net, and on the South-west by the

uome of V^ Ament. A reference to the sketch map on p. 18 will

show that must have included within its

it boundaries the Canopic
mouth It was apparently one of the earliest and most
of the Nile.
important of the settled kingdoms of Egypt, for its ensign occurs
more frequently than that of any other petty state on the decorated

* Sethe, Beitrage eur altesten geachichte Aegyptens, p. 14.

f Note that Nar Mer's foe is figured of nearly the same size as Nar Mer himself,
while the servant behind him ia less than half his stature this, according to the usual
;

Eg5^tian convention, would indicate that he was a person of nearly equal rank. For
the cult-object of a district, meaning the chieftain of that district, see my paper On '

the Horus-title of the Kings of Egypt,' in the Proceedings of the S.B.A., 1904, p. 295,
and cf. Miss Murray's note on the title Seiner luiti, infra, p. 23.
 18

pottery of prehistoric times. * Its capital appears to have been

Senti-nefer, and the cult object of its inhabitants the Harpoon.
This Harpoon deity isoften mentioned in the Pyramid Texts, in the
Book of the Dead, and other religious works, but as the Harpoon
itself was also a word-sign for na, '
one,' its true significance has
not been generally recognised.

""'*'''/^^/

SKETCH MAP OF THE DELTA, SHOWING RELATIVE

POSITIONS OP THE WESTERN PETTY-KINGDOMS.

The hieroglyphic monogram to the right of Nar Mer's figure has

been interpretedf as meaning that the Horus-Falcon (i.e., the
Chieftain! of the Kingdom of the Falcon, here Nar Mer) leads into

• On these decorated vases there are sometimes represented two boats bearing the

ensigns {^ and IN while on others are figured three boats with three different ensigns,

h nr,and R:, These undoubtedly represent the three north-western petty-kingdoms

of 'the Harpoon,' 'the Mountain,' and 'the Crossed Arrows' —the petty-kingdoms

which formed in historic times the contiguous nomes of

"^Y^.
iJp , and ^
t Erman, in A.Z., XXXVI, taf. 12.

I
Sco P.S.B.A., XXVI, p. 299. For the identification of the bird, formorly
supposed to be the hawk with the falcon, see Loret, Bull, de I'Inst. franc, d'urch.
orientate, III, fasc. 1, Caire, 1903.
 19

captivity 6,000 * prisoners. The sign of the staket with head

transfixed has not as yet been explained, but on the analogy of
inscriptions similarly placed in later scenes of a king smiting a
fallen foe, it should be an ethnic sign. Now we actually find that
\^ is used in the Pyramid Texts as a determinative of a word

%k _-^ %^ Aker, the name of a race of men who, in the Book of

the Dead (Ch. CLIII, A.) are described as the '
ancestors of the
blood-drinkers and of Ra.' A glance at the features of the face on
the stake, and at the head of the Harpoon Chieftain whom Nar Mer
is smiting, will at once show that these people were of a different
racial type to their conquerors, whose characteristic features are
exemplified in the portrait of Nar Mer and his attendants. There
are, in fact, many indications that throughout historic times this
corner of the Delta was inhabited by a race foreign to the Dynastic
people, and the scene on our palette would show that their Ethnic
name Dynasty was Aker. In the Pyramid
at the time of the First
Texts their generic name appears to have been Hau, Fenmen,' the '

people from whom, as we know, the Egyptians jealously guarded

certain magical formulae given in the Book of the Dead. Herodotus
(II, 18), speaking of the inhabitants of that part of Egypt bordering
on Libya (i.e., to the West of the Canopic branch of the Nile), says
that they deemed themselves Libyans and not Egyj)tians, and did
not even speak the same language. In late Ptolemaic times, this
North-western corner of the Delta formed the nome of Metelis,
QO-called because it was inhabited mainly by immigrants (/Lteri/Xu?).

The fact seems to be that, rather than representing immigrants, this

foreign population preserved the least mixed surviving elements of a
pre-dynastic people which had, before the coming of the Dynastic
Egyptians, been spread throughout the Delta and the Nile Valley
from Aswan had gradually become absorbed by the
to the sea : t they
Dynastic peoples in Upper and Middle Egypt, but in Lower Egypt,
and especially in the North-western Delta, they had, at the epoch
of the First Dynasty, retained their racial type. The scene on the

• The six papyrus flowers equal the six T s of later periods,

t I take the "^m* -sign to represent a prisoner's stake.

J With this point I shall deal in a paper on the Ensigns of the Prehistoric
'

Decorated Pottery,' to be published in the next issue of these Aniials.

 20

jffar Mer Slate Palette would therefore record tlie last struggle of
these people for political supremacy in Egypt.
Turning now to the reverse of the Palette, we see in the second
XVI, lig. 2) a scene showing Nar Mer accompanied by
register (see PI.
a priest and an attendant, and preceded by four standard-bearers,
viewing ten slaughtered men who are arranged in two vertical rows
with their severed heads between their feet. The facial type of these
slain captives is the same as that of the chieftain represented on the
verso, and above them is carved a group of four hieroglyphic signs
^^ ^ „^K which are evidently descriptive of the scene beneath.
P
No satisfactory explanation of these signs, however, has as yet been
given ; what, then, is their signification ?

The scene on the observe of the Palette, as we have seen,

represents Nar Mer smiting the Chieftain of the Petty-Kingdom of
the Harpoon, and this gives us a clue as to the interpretation of the
lasttwo signs of the group in question. They are a Falcon perched —
upon a Harpoon with a boat below. Now, the boat with a harpoon
above it SHp was, as is well known, the ensign of the Harpoon
nome of later times, the only difference being that whereas the boat
in Pharaonic times has four or more upright posts ( ?) in it, here on
the Nar Mer Palette it is without them. The Falcon upon the
Harpoon yet remains to be explained ; this on the analogy of the
well-known royal title ^ '
Horus, Conqueror of Nubt (Ombos*)'
would imply that the Harpoon Petty-Kingdom had been vanquished
by the Falcon Chieftain, as we have seen had been the case from the
scene on the obverse of the Palette.
Now if these decapitated prisoners represent the people of the
Harpoon Petty-Kingdom — in which lay the Canopic mouth of the

Nile —then we may recognise in the ^^ A-ur,f '

the Great
Door,' or '
Port,' which precedes the Harpoon and boat, a reference
to a gate or obstruction barring the entrance to the river — a frontier
post — probably the name of a stronghold of the Harpoon Country.

* Sethe, in Garstang's Maliasna, p. 19. Compare also the ' Horus of Hebnu,' the
falcon on the back of an Oryx (Brugsch, Religion und Mytlwlogie, s. 664).
t Other references to the A-ur are to be found in the Paleimo Stone (Obverse,
row 3, no. 7) in Ahydos, III, pi. X, 24 Brugsch, Rec. des Mon., pi. LXIII, 30, and in the
;

Book of the Dead.

Live'rjtool A. A. A., Vol. I.
yO PLATE XV]

SCENES FROM THE SLATE PALETTE OP NAR jMER.

Pio. 2.— NAR MER'8 ENTRY TO THE A-WR.

Pig. 1.— NAR MER SMITING THE CHIEFTAIN OP THE HARPOON.

(Prom the Zeifschriff fiir Aegyptische Spi'acJie, Vol. 36.)
 21

Frontier posts were, we know, called pj 'Doors'; at Coptos*waa

the A khashhet, '
Door of the Highlands,' the frontier post which
barred the route to the Red Sea, and Elephantine on the southern

frontier of Egypt was called the 14: A-res, 'Door of the South,'

which latter name would imply that there was another '
Door on
'

the north, though not necessarily described as the '

Door of the
North,' but, on the analogy of other Delta place-names, simply as

'
the Door.' Erment, in Upper Egypt, was named | q'y ® ' ^^®

Southern On,' in contradistinction to I q 'On (Heliopolis),' and

Dnmnil 'the Lake of the South (i.e., the Fayum),' in contra-

distinction to
^^^ 'the Lake' (i.e., of Mareotis?). In the A-ur

of Nar Mer's Palette, therefore, we may recognise the name of

Egypt's earliest Mediterranean port — an ancient Alexandria of a

period earlier than 3000 B.C. — on
mouth of the Nile.
the Canopic
The A-ur cannot as yet be fixed with any
actual site of this
certainty, but it is obvious that it must have been somewhere near
the mouth of the river, and it is perhaps worth noting that Strabo
(XVII, 1, 6) remarks that the former Kings of Egypt, content with
'

home produce, and not desirous of imports and thus opposed to

foreigners, especially to Greeks, established a military post at this
spot to keep off intruders and gave to the soldiers as their habitation
what was called Rakotis, which is now that part of Alexandria which
lies above the dockyards, but was then a village.' He also tells us
that four schoeni from Alexandria was a port named Schedia, where
the Governors of the Egyptian provinces embarked in their vessels '

with cabins when they started out to visit the upper parts of the
country.' '
Here,' he continues, '
is collected the duty on merchandise
as it is transported up or down the river. For this purpose a bridge
of boats is laid across the river [to form a bar], and from this kind
of bridge the place has the name Schedia.' It may be that in
Schedia we have the actual site of the A-ur of the earliest historical
times.

Similarly, in Roman times the Custom houses were at Syene for the Nile trade
*

{C.I.G.,iii, 4863-4889) at Koptos for the desert road from the Red Sea (Petrie, Koptos,
;

0. VI) and at Schedia 240 stades above Alexandria (Strabo, XVII, 1).
;
 22

This identification of tlie geographical position of Nar Mer's

conquest throws light on an interesting historical problem. If, as

some scholars have thought, Nar Mer was Aha's successor, and
Aha = Menes, then Menes could not have ruled the whole Kingdom
from the Mediterranean to the First Cataract, for the Harpoon
Petty-Kingdom in the extreme north was as yet unconquered. This,
I think, is a strong argument against the identification of Aha with
Menes, which, it must be remembered, has rested solely upon the
reading of a single ivory tablet found by M. de Morgan at Nagada,
and to which an alternative interpretation could be given. The
whole of the archaeological evidence, as Professor Petrie and I have
always maintained, places Nar Mer as Aha's immediate predecessor,
and on some of Nar Mer's sealings which are preserved in the
Ashmolean Museum, his name actually alternates with Men, which,
on the analogy of other royal seals of the First Dynasty, would
indicate that Men (Menes) was really his personal name. The scene
on the Palette on this interpretation would therefore actually record
the final stage in the conquest of the Delta by the Horus Chieftain
of the South —the establishment, in fact, of the Egyptian monarchy
by Menes.
 23

ON THE TITLE pf'T^,

By MAEGARET MURRAY

The title j'T ^mr-wHi is generally translated as *

Sole Friend,'
*
The only Companion,' Unique Friend,' and so on. Apart from the
*

incongruity of a greatnumber of persons all bearing the title of Sole '

Friend at the same time, the grammatical construction makes it appear

'

that the usually accepted translation is not accurate.

The word WH'i cannot be taken as the adjective qualifying Sinr,
for the adjective required would be w'', i§mr w^ means ' The only
Companion,' so ^mr wH'i must have another meaning. is

invariably written with a T, which cannot be the feminine enduag,

Smr being a masculine noun and the title being held only by men.
It can only be a Nisbe-form, and is apparently derived from the
infinitive of the verb IP/, ' To be alone ' ; this being a III ae inf. verb

the infinitive ends in T, wH.

Smr-wH'i, then, is two nouns, and may be a double title, The '

Companion, the Unique One '

; or it may be a single title, i.e., two
nouns connected together by the direct genitive, *
Companion of the
Unique One,' that is, of the King.' '

There is, however, another explanation possible, which is that WH

is the actual name of the harpoon itself. The shape of the hieroglyph

used to signify the word W'' '

One is that of the single-barbed
'

harpoon of prehistoric times. The double-barbed harpoon, whether

'"— or —
•<
is not used as a hieroglyph in the early periods ; but the
three-barbed harpoon, "•-«~, in late times represents the word M^bl,
'
Thirty,' also a numeral. If, then, the word WH means *
Harpoon,'
WH'i would be *
He of the Harpoon,' or '
The Harpooner ' ; and the
whole title would then read Companion of the Harpooner.' Seeing
'

how great a part the Harpoon plays in the Myth of Horus, and how
the King is identified with Horus, it would seem that WHi, 'The

Harpooner,' is one of the titles of the King.

I have to thank Dr. J. H. Walker for several suggestions in
connection with this paper.
 ;

24

TWO CULTS OF THE OLD KINGDOM

By PERCY E. NEWBERRY
One of the cult-objects which appears at the mast-head of boats

figured on the decorated pottery of prehistoric Egypt, represents a

two-, three-, four-, or even five-, crested mountain (figs. 1-4). In the
hieroglyphic inscriptions of historic times this cult object, raised on
the sacred perch, ^ , is sometimes two-crested (fig. 7), but more

12 3 4

ll
^^W yi^^
It

o to ^2

generally three-crested (fig. 8). Where the colour of the sign* has
been preserved it is of a pinkish yellow variegated with red to
represent rocks and sand, with a line of green at the base to indicate
fertile land or sea.t It is important to note that the simple hiero-

• Griffith, Hieroglyphs, pp. 30, 31, cf. Ptah-lietep I, 26, tig. 210.

+ The worship of "~^ was, as we shall see, confined in Egypt to the North- Western

Delta. No such range of mountains or hills is anywhere known in Northern Egypt

the sign, however, might well represent the silhouette of Crete as seen upon the
northern horizon by some adventurous mariner a couple of days sail from the Egyptian
coast. I point out later (see below, p. 28) that this mountain deity was afterwards
'
'

blended with Zeus, 'the God of the mountain tops,' who, according to one tradition,
was born on Mount Ida or Mount Dicte in Crete.
 25

glyph *-•, is generally used in historic times as a word-sign for

*
hill ' or '
mountain,' while the hieroglyph iaj without the sacred
perch, is used from the Fourth Dynasty onwards as a word-sign for
'
foreign country,' and as a determinative for names of '
foreign

countries.'
The name of this cult object or divinity is given in the Pyramid

Texts as J ^*^ HA (il/. 331,699), or ^| ^^ J^AHW* (iV.850),

the reading being confirmed by a punning text of the Twelfth Dynasty

where yT ^ is assonant with 8«g j fL yv

* Haui.i At Edfu a

Ptolemaic inscription gives the reading |T1 HY.t In late times

J^^
this divinity seems also to have been named -r— KHASh cr —•— ^ |

KHASTI.^
The seat of his cult was the city of T P S ^ KhasuuH (the Xois of

the Greek geographers), in the North- Western Delta, the sacred name

of which was ^^ nut HA, 'the town of HA,' or** "^ per HA^
'
the House of HA.' In prehistoric and predynastic times HA gave
his name to the whole district or petty-kingdom tt of which Xois was
the capital, but as early as the Third Dynasty (probably much earlier)

this district had already become merged in that of the J^ '

Bull,' for

from that date onwards to the Ptolemaic period the province was

known as J-l^ or m^ Ha-ka.tl

* This form may be compared with the Semitic Yahw^, a name which is believed
to have been adopted from some foreign source. Yahwe, it may be pointed out, was
essentially a mountain god,' and his connection with the bull at Bethel and Dan is
'

mentioned in 1 Kings, XII, 26-30.

Lacau, Rec. des b-avaux, XXIX, p. 158.
f
Richemonteix, Edfu in M.M.A.F., X, p. 198 cf. Piehl, Sphinx I, pp. 62, 63.
\ ;

§ Brugsch, Oeogr. Diet., p. 1013.

t Idem, pp. 1016, 1302.
Brugsch, Geogr. Did., p. 1295.
II

•• Idem, p. 738.

^^ The mountain '

as a district or petty-kingdom ensign is found on the great
'

Macehead King (see fig. 5 and cf. Quibell, Hierakonpolis, pi. XXVI, c.l).
of the Scorpion

\\ Much
confusion at present exists concerning the identification of the Egyptian
nome-ensigns with the Greek nome-names, and it is practically impossible on the
material as yet available to fix the precise limits of the various nomes. For a notice of
the nomes of the North- Western Delta see Hogarth's paper in J.H.S., XXIV, p. 1.
 ;

26

This province of Ha-ka was bounded on the west by that of the

Harpoon, on the south-west by thai of the Shield and Arrows, on the
south by that of the Bull, and on the east, at all events during the Old
Kingdom, by the province of the Ibis.* It was in this province that
was situatedt the famous city of Pe (Buto), the centre of the cult of
the serpent Goddess Uazyt.
From the Twelfth Dynasty onwards Ha is usually described as
neh amentet, '
Lord of the West ' ;t in the Eighteenth Dynasty we read

of him as ^^ j|^ "^ Ha em sheta, HA in '

Sheta '
; § in the Twenty-

sixth Dynasty he is the jieter aa, "

great god,'f[ neb pehti, '
Lord of

Power '
;|| and in Ptolemaic times he is described as neb ma-nu, '
Lord

of the Sunset Lands,'** | | © n |

• ^^^ Temehu, * Ruler of the Temehu
[ |

(Libyans),'** and>-. tZher tep du, *

Chieftain of the Mountam.'** He

was also called neb 1 =f A ® Samsu,ff 'Lord of the town Samsu,'

and as Khas he was neb .^' i ^ Re-nefer, '

Lord of Ee-nefer

(Ounouphis).' On the exterior wall of the Great Temple at Philae

HA is described as kheb-kheb Shaasu, '

smiting the Bedawin.'tt
But little is known as to the role HA played among the Egyptian gods.
The Dynastic Egyptians seem to have looked upon him as a sort of

'
foreign ' deity, an idea which his name ^T" indeed suggests — but that
he was one of the most ancient gods of the Delta is clearly indicated
by the occurrence of his emblem on the decorated vases of prehistoric
times. At the coronation of the sovereign it was his priest who, after
the public coronation, led the king away to purify him with the

* No mention of the nome of Sam-behudet has yet been found during the Old
Kingdom.
f See Palermo stone (recto), 1, 2, No. 2.
I XII dyn., Rec. des travaux, XXIX, p. 157 Osorkon, Naville Fest. Hall, pi. XII ;

Ptolemaic, Bergmann Hier. Inschr., pi. LXVII also Cairo Mus., No8. 22104, 22105. ;

§ Naville, Der al Bahari III, 63.

ir Brugsch, Geogr. Diet., 1155, 1291.

II
Rec. des travavx, XXIV, p. 161.
*• Brugsch, Geogr. Diet., 1291.

tt Idem, pp. 1165, 1291.

It ChampoUion, M.E., I, pis. LXXVH, LXXXIV.
 27

'
waters of all-satisfying life.'* At the Sed festival, which also dated
from ancient times, his high priest was one of the six officiating

priests who conducted the ceremonies of the purification of the king.t

In the Pyramid Age his High Priest was the | q Khet HA,
*
Follower of HA,'t and at Gizeh Dr. Reisner has recently discovered
the tomb of a Royal Son of the period of Khufii who bore this title,
showing that must have been then one of considerable distinction
it ;

in the Twenty-8econd§ and Twenty-sixth Dynasties^ he was the

^^-^^^^ ^-^i ^ *i*l6 which is found again in a text of the

iT f

time of Darius.ll His ordinary priests were henu neter.**

In the Fifth Dynasty there twice occurstt a title | Q^ • • • khet

'
khet-ipnQBt of the Double Axe,'t1: which it is possible may be connected
with HA, for in the Twenty-sixth Dynasty is recorded an Amasis

who was J / 1
1
' Priest of HA of the Double Axe ? '§§ This suggests

that the title

| Q^ may be a variant of f q^ HA khet. That
this is so is indicated by a comparison which can be made with an early
Minoan divinity. Mr. Arthur Evans has pointed outlfH that there existed
in Minoan Crete and the Aegean a God of the Double Axe, with whom
was associated a cult object which he has called the Horns of Consecra- '

tion.' This object he describes as a kind of impost or base terminating

'

at the two ends in two horn-like excrescences.' Typical examples of

this Minoan cult object are shown in figs. 13 and 14, and a comparison of

* Naville, Der el Bahari, III, pi. LXIII.

+ Naville, Fest. Hall., pi. XL.
+ L.D., II, 27, 48, 64.
§ NavUle, Fest. Hall., pi. XII.
H Rec. des Travatix, XXII, p. 179; XXIV, p. 161.

II
Ibid., XXIII, p. 85.
** A.Z., 3S, 116. Cairo Mus. Funerary Statuettes, 47361, 47440.

ft Mar. Mast, D. 38, now in the National Museum at Copenhagen, No. 5129;
Borchardt'8, Abusir, p. 120; M. A. Murray, Iitdex, pi, XXXIV.

J I
The Double Axe as asymbol is found as early as the First Dynasty in Egypt
(PetrieiJ.r.J., VII, 12, and Quibell, HierakonpolisU, LXVIII).
§§ A.Z., XXXVIII, 116.

nil Evans, Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 37, fP. 16.
 28

them with the^ of the prehistoric, and the "^ of the historic Egyptians
can leave no doubt that these two cult objects are really one and the
same. Now the Double Axe is often figured on Minoan monuments,
actually issuing from these so-called '
Horns of Consecration,'
and on Mycenaean remains it is generally associated with the

bull* which has its counterpart in the Jn|^ which, as we have seen,

occurs as early as the Third Dynasty in Egypt. On a larnax from

Palaikastrot the Double Axe is represented issuing from between two
arm-like objects raised on a pillar (see fig, 15), which may be compared
with the Ka, which is, I believe, a variant sign in Egypt of the Bull. This

Fig. 13

a/1
Fig. 14 Fig. 15

would suggest also that the pillar so frequently found in Minoan and
Mycenaean cult scenes may be the equivalent of the mast of prehistoric
and the sacred perch of historic Egypt.
With this '
Mountain God ' of early Crete and the Aegean, the
historic Zeus, ' the Father of Gods and Men,' was early blended. He
was, as we know, worshipped on mountain tops, and though Mount
Olympus was his chosen home,t he was believed to have been born on
Mount Ida or Mount Dicte in Crete,§ where, as an infant, he was

* Schuchardt, Schliemann's Excavaticms, p. 249.

t B.S.A., Vol. VIII, pi. XVIII.

\ In the Peloponnese we also find the worship of Zeus established in a primitive
form upon several conspicuous mountains,

§ He is hence called Kp7]Ta<y€vr)<i, 'ISat09, or AiKTaco<i, Head., Num. Hist.,

382. The sacred animal of Zeus Kretagenes was the bull.
 29

concealed by his mother Rhea* with the help of the Kouretes ; Mount
Ida also, according to one tradition, contained his tomb.t He was
Zeus 'A/c/>ato9, *
the god who dwells on the heights,' and Pausanias
says that the a^akyM of Zeus fjbeCkixto'i was wrought in the form of

a pyramid at Sicyon (the pyramid =a mountain ?) ; and a religious

monument of the same kind is the conical stone that appears on coins
of Seleucia with the inscription Zev? Kdaio<i, '
the god of the
mountain.'
With Zeus the Double Axe was also associated.! Zeus Labraundeus
*
the god of the Double Axe '§ was the warrior god of Caria ;1[ on a
coin of Mausolus (4th century, b.c.) he is represented carrying a spear
and bipennis,!! while on the coins of Mylasa** we see him in the midst
of his temple wielding axe and spear. The Double-headed axe that is

a device on the coins of Tenedostt was probably also his emblem.

* The snake was consecrated to Rhea (Evans' Report in S.B.A., 1902-3, p. 92) and
one of the most ancient towns in the province of HA, as I have pointed out, was Pe, the
seat of the worship of Uazyt, the Snake goddess of Lower Egypt.
t The Cave of Zeus in Mount Ida was identified in 1884 {Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in
Athen, X, 1885), pp. 59-72, 280 sq.
* On the subject of the Double Axe see Frazer, Pausanias, V,
pp. 308-9, and Arthur
Evans, Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult, p. 8, sq.
§ Head, Coins of the Aiwievis, III, A, 33-35.

^f Head, Hixt. Num., p. 523.

II
Ibid., p. 529.
*• Head, Coins of the Ancients, PI. A, 5.

tt Head, Hist. Num., p. 476, sq.

 ;

30

THE COPPER COINAGE OF THE PTOLEMIES

By J. GRAFTON MILNE

One of the problems arising in the study of Ptolemaic

numismatics is the determination of the values represented by the
copper coins ; and, although several solutions have been proposed,
none seems to satisfy all the requisite conditions. The earlier

theories havemainly been upset by the new evidence drawn from

papyri and ostraka, which has been summarised by Drs. Grenfell
and Hunt in Appendix II to Tehtunis Papyri Part I and their ;

article, with which I am mainly in agreement, will be taken in the

present paper as a starting point so far as literary sources are
concerned. The conclusions reached therein which are of chief
moment my
argument are the following that the ratio of value
for :

of the silver and the copper drachma (as units of account) in the
reigns of Soter II, Ptolemy Alexander, and Neos Dionysos was from
500 : 1 to 375 :
1 ; that the copper coins of Cleopatra VII, weighing
15-20 grammes and 7-10 grammes respectively, were issued to pass
for 80 and that the ratio of silver to copper
and 40 copper drachmae ;

(for purposes of coinage) at this time was approximately 30 1 :

further, that there was probably a definite official rate of exchange

between silver and copper in the third century B.C.
In the first place it must be postulated that the copper coinage of
the third century B.C. should be treated independently of that of the
later Ptolemaic period. It is clear that in the reign of Epiphanes,
about 200 B.C., the monetary system of Egypt was materially
altered : up to this time a silver standard was in use, and values were
expressed accordingly in drachmae, obols, and chalki ; but after the
change the normal form of statement of accounts is in copper
drachmae, the sums being almost universally in multiples of five,
and obols and chalki only appear when the copper is converted into
silver. So much is shown by literary evidence the effect of the :

change on the coinage will be considered later.

Further, it is necessary to point out that, even when there was a
dual standard of silver and copper accepted, it is practically out of

the question to suppose that the copper coinage would be issued at its
 31

bullion value. During the whole period over which evidence as to

values exists, the market price of copper has varied far more widely
and far more rapidly than that of silver and though it is hardly
;

likely that the Alexandrian Exchange saw such violent fluctuations

as have occurred recently in London, it may be taken as almost
certain that there would be sufficient rise or fall from time to time
to upset any attempt to adjust the weights of the copper coins to
their value as metal on the silver standard. For its own protection,
every government issuing a copper coinage for use in connection
with a silver one has been obliged to provide against the price of

copper appreciating to such a degree as to make the value of the

copper coins as bullion greater than their nominal value, and
consequently has had to adopt a coinage-ratio of silver and copper
allowing a sufficient margin for this purpose. This fairly obvious
principle seems to have been overlooked in some of the theories
dealing with the Ptolemaic coinage.
There is one great difficulty which makes it practically impossible
at present to treat the whole of the copper issues of the Ptolemies
exhaustively in the consideration of their values ; and that is, that
their classification as regards date has not yet been by any means
settled. In some cases even the locality where the coins were struck
is doubtful, and it is not clear whether they were intended for
circulation in Egypt, Cyprus, Cyrene, or Phoenicia. But there is

far more diversity of opinion as to the periods to which many pieces

are to be assigned ; and the latest classification — that of M. Svoronos
—although a distinct improvement, especially as regards its scientific

basis, on any previous one, does not appear to have reached a

satisfactory conclusion in reference to many of the types. The only
way in which more definite evidence could be procured on this poiat
would be by the careful examination of hoards of Ptolemaic copper
coins and unfortunately, though such hoards are frequently found
;

in Egypt, I am informed that they almost always pass into the hands
of the metal dealers and are melted down.
A few hoards, however, have come into my hands and these ;

have been almost entirely composed of a restricted number of types.

The same types are those most frequently found among the
miscellaneous lots of coins which I have seen from excavations at
different sites in Egypt. It is worthy of note that I have not found
 t

32

third century types associated with later ones in hoards; and also
that the hoards of third century types are small, as a rule, compared
with those of later date.*
The types which are most commonly found probably represented
the most important denominations of the copper coinage, and will
therefore be taken as the main examples to be discussed in this
paper. These types are, for the third century B.C. :
—
(a) Poole, Philadelphus 157-163 = Svoronos, Philadelphus 412, 446, 462.
(b) Euergetes I 87-88 = Euergetes I 964.

(c) >)
89-91 = . »> 965.
(d) 106-108 = , Philopator 1125-1126.

>> 109-110 = 1127-1128.

Euergetes I 974.
(/) Philopator 35-38 = f

\ Philopator 1166.
'

(!7)
Epiphanes 69-71 = , Euergetes I 992.
(h) II 72 = ) )) 993.

and, for the later period :

—
(i) Poole, Euergetes II, 6-11, 67-77 = Svoronos
|gfp°t^^*e7 l23tl235.
(k) „ Soter II 24-30 = „ Philometor 1424.
(l) „ „ 31-35 = ,, ,, 1426.

In the consideration of the copper coins of the third century B.C.

there are two points which require preliminary treatment. The

first is the determination of the coinage ratio of silver and copper,
and as to this no direct evidence exists. It is true that for certain
purposes (for instance, in the payment of specified taxes), the
government only accepted copper at a discount of about ten per cent.
as against silver, which might be taken to suggest that this was the
margin over the normal ratio of values of silver and copper in the

•As instances of the association of third-century types in hoards I may give

the composition of three small hoards which I examined in the Cairo Museum.
The letters denote the types according to the list given in the body of the article.
(a) 1
24 5 10
21 9 8
f 14
9
5
6
6
6
40 13 14
7 6 6
(h) 6 5 8
fThe references are to R. S. Poole, Catalogiie of Greek Coins in the British
Museum, The Ptolemies (London, 1883), and J. N. Svoronos, ra vofiia/Jiara rov
Kpdrovi T&v TlrdXefiaLcov
 83

market taken by the officials of tlie mint but even so, this would
;

be of little assistance, as there is no record of the market values in

this period, and if the reason for the discount was to secure the
payment in copper of the full amount of the tax in metal value as
distinguished from nominal coinage value, it would have been
expected that the discount would have applied to all payments of

taxes, whereas in many cases, including some of the most important

sources of revenue, copper was taken by the government at par. In
the absence of any certainty, it is perhaps safest to assume that the
coinage ratio at this period was about the same as it was in the time
of Cleopatra VII — approximately 30 1— and to : test this hypothesis
by means of the coins.*
In the second place, the question arises what means were adopted
to enable the public to distinguish the denominations of the copper
coins. It seems necessary to assume that fixed denominations
existed : the only alternative is that when a payment was made in
copper the sum was weighed out, which would, in effect, nullify the
whole purpose of a coinage, and would also be at variance with the
formulae used in official documents of the period referring to the

rates atwhich copper would be accepted. It can hardly be supposed

that the government would announce that it would receive copper
at the rate of twenty-four obols or twenty-sixand a quarter obols to
the stater if If payments
the obol did not exist in a concrete form.
had been made by weight, it would follow that the object would have
been to obtain copper at its bullion value, and the natural formula
would have been that copper would be received at the current
market rate of exchange. But, if it be granted that fixed
denominations existed, there are no marks of value on the early
Ptolemaic copper coins to enable these denominations to be
distinguished; nor can they be separated by their types, as these
were commonly the same on the pieces of different sizes in the same
issue. The remaining means of distinction are weight and size, and
an examination of a long series of Ptolemaic copper coins of the
*The ratio of about 30 1 is one which is commonly found in coinages of silver
:

and copper under settled governments. At Rome, indeed, about 268 B.C., the
ratio was 120:1, but the circumstances there were exceptional. A silver coinage
was just being introduced, and it was natural that the new metal should be
rated highly as against the old copper currency, the more .so as the metal content
of the copper as was rapidly diminishing. When a more stable condition of
affairs was attained under the early Empire, the ratio at Eome was approximately
30:1.
 34

third century will show that in any given type the diameter is more
constant than the weight, though the two naturally bear a fairly
close relation to one another. The variation in weight of individual
specimens is as much as twenty per cent, from maximum to
minimum, even where the diameter is almost exactly the same. It
seems probable, therefore, that in common use the copper coins were
distinguished by their size, and this will explain the bevelled flans
found almost throughout the Ptolemaic copper series, which were
clearly turned before the coins were struck ; this expedient was
adopted in order that the pieces should conform to a regular size.

While, however, the weights of the copper coins were not

carefully adjusted, to judge from the variation just mentioned, they
were quite distinct as between coins of different sizes, and the
average weights of the coins as grouped by size fall into a fairly

regular series. As has been shown by Drs. Grenfell and Hunt, it is

natural to suppose that the relation of weight connotes a relation of

value ; and therefore, while the practical distinction of the
denominations in Egypt may have been secured by size, it will be
most convenient them here on the basis
to discuss of weight.
The first of the types of copper coins named in the list given
above fortunately is one as to the dating of which there is general
agreement. Mr. Poole and M. Svoronos both place the pieces of
this type in the reign of Philadelphus, and there seems no reason to
dissent from this opinion. They may be taken, therefore, as the
earliest of the copper coins which the evidence of hoards shows to
have circulated commonly in The average weight of
Egypt.
specimens of this type is about 95 grammes, the heaviest examples
ranging up to 105 grammes. Under Philadelphus silver was being
struck on the Phoenician standard, and if a ratio of 30 1 between :

silver and copper was taken for purposes of coinage, a drachma's

worth of copper would be about 110 grammes. It would seem,
therefore, quite reasonable to suppose that these coins were copper
drachmas on the silver standard, struck with an average weight
somewhat below the nominal. This hypothesis can be tested by
other examples.
Types (h) and (c) also belong to a series the date of which is

generally accepted as certain. The series, which includes coins of

eight distinct sizes, but of the same type, with three exceptions, is
 35

distinguished by the monogram ^ on the reverse, and is placed

in the reign of Eiiergetes I.* The largest of the coins is distinctly
smaller in diameter than the coin of Philadelphus, which has been
taken above as a copper drachma, measuring about 43 millimetres
as against 48, and is also considerably lighter, having an average
weight of about 72 grammes and a maximum of 76. It is a familiar
economic fact that the weight of coins of a given denomination,
especially in the case of a token-coinage, tends to diminish with
successive issues, and therefore we may justifiably take the
72 gramme coin of Euergetes I as of the same nominal value as the
95 gramme coin of Philadelphus. The diminution in weight to the
extent of 25 per cent, in a period of perhaps thirty years is not by
any means unexampled.! If, then, the 72 gramme coin was a
copper drachma, the remaining smaller coins of the eight sizes
should represent some recognised fractions of the drachma. That
they not only represent recognised fractions, but fall into a series

such as would be required for ordinary purposes of account, will bo

obvious from the following table :
—
Mftximuin
Diameter. Denomination.
weight.

Poole 87 = Svoronos 964 .. . 70 grammes . .. 43 lu.m. .. 1 draclim.a

„ 89 = 965 . . 38 „ .. 35 i> •• i = Triobol.

„ 92 = 966 . .24 .. 30 ,, • I = Diobol.
„ 93 = 967 . . 13 ,, .. 25 »i •• i = Obol.
,, 95 = 968 . . 6 ,. .. 20 ,, ••A = Hemiobol.
„ 96 = 969 . . 5 ,, .. 17 >) "A - Trichalkus
970 .. . 3-15 ,, . 16 )> '^k = Dichalkus.
„ 98 = 971 .. • 1-7 ,, . 13 >) ^ = Chalkus.

There is not the same agreement in regard to the dating of the

remaining coins in the first part of the given above as in the case
list

of the three types already discussed. Types (</) and (e) obviously
belong to one series, as do also {g) and (A) and in each case the
;

*The three exceptions as regards type are the fifth, sLxth.and eighth in order
of size; the fifth has on the reverse a cornucopia on the left wing of the eagle
instead of in the field; the sixth and eighth have on the obverse the head of
Alexander instead of the head of Ammon. These smaller ones would be more
difficult to distinguish by size than the larger denominations; the latter varied
from one another by at least five millimetres in diameter, while the former
varied by two or three millimetres only. Tlie slight diflerence in types may
therefore have been introduced to assist in marking the dift'erent values.
tin the first half of the third century b.c. the weight of the Roman as
dropped from 10 to 2 ounces.
 1

36

average weight of the coin named second is approximately half of

that of the first ;
(d) and (g) are of the same size as the coin of

Euergetes I taken in the last paragraph to be a copper drachma, and

(/) is only slightly smaller, measuring 39 or 40 millimetres in
diameter as against 42 or 43 ; and, if they were judged by size, all

could readily be taken as of the same denomination. But the

weights show more variation (d) weighs on an average 67 grammes,
:

(/) 44 grammes, and (g) 73 grammes. If, therefore, they may be

dated by comparison of weights, the earliest would appear to be (g),

which would be practically contemporary with the series of
Euergetes I last discussed and this would agree with the
;

classification of M. Svoronos, who ascribes this type to Euergetes I.

Next would come (d), probably a few years later, and here again the
ascription of the type by M. Svoronos to Philopator would be
satisfactory. But (/) would not, on our hypothesis, agree with his
dating. He places coins of this type with the letter E on the reverse
under Euergetes I, and those with the letter A under Philopator.
The average weights of both groups are approximately the same,
and show a considerable diminution from that of (d), which has been
accepted above as belonging to Philopator. It would appear more
probable from the weight that (/) falls under the reign of Epiphanes,
and represents the final stage in the diminution of the third century
copper drachma, which would thus have fallen to less than half its
weight in the reign of Philadelphus.
Turning now to the second period of the Ptolemaic coinage, we
had better start with the issues of Cleopatra YII, although the
latest in point of time, as their value has been almost certainly
determined. The copper coins of this reign are marked as
representing 80 and 40 copper drachmae respectively, the average
weights being about 19 and 9*5 grammes. Now it is perfectly clear,
from the literary evidence, that the copper drachma, from the reign
of Epiphanes onwards, had ceased to be regarded as a coin valued
on the silver standard it was, in fact, a mere unit of account, and
;

in business transactions was quoted at varying rates of exchange as

first century b.c from 500
against silver, these rates varying in the :

to 375 : 1. by the government of coins stamped with a

But the issue
face-value of a certain number of drachmae necessarily implies that
they would be issued at a definite ratio to the silver coinage which
 37

was still the standard in Egypt, though it would be quite possible

that the ratio adopted by the mint would not be accepted in
mercantile circles, or even in official accounts, and that the coins
themselves would not be taken at their face-value.* The
denominations chosen for the coins of Cleopatra YII suggest a
solution. At first sight 80 and 40 drachmae do not appear to be
natural selections ; 100 and 50 would have been more likely. But
the maximum rate of exchange for the copper drachma against
silver at this period was 500:1, and, if a slightly lower rate
of 480 1
: is taken, the reason for the issue of coins valued at 80
copper drachmae is clear ; they were obols on the silver standard.
And the choice of this particular ratio was probably encouraged by
the fact that it would be convenient for conversions of fractions of

the silver drachma, as five copper drachmae would be the equivalent

of half a silver chalkus.
The consideration of the values of other copper coins issued after
the change in the reign of Epiphanes is more difficult, as the
majority of the issues vary widely in weight and size —far more so
than the coins of the third century. To take a single instance, one
of the commonest of Ptolemaic copper coins is the small one named
last on the list given above. The diameter of specimens of this type
ranges from 16 to 22 millimetres, and the weight from 3*2 to 9*5
grammes. Of course, as the coinage was in every sense purely a
token one, there was no special reason for attempting to standardise
the weight but, if the coins which bore no face-value were to be
;

recognised readily, would have seemed desirable that something

it

like a fixed diameter should have been observed. This type is,
however, sufficiently distinct in size from the only other ones in
common use.
Further, no distinct evidence before the reign of
there is

Cleopatra VII as to the denominations which were issued, and the

choice of 80 and 40 drachmae then shows that the values of the
earlier copper coinsneed not be sought in the multiples of the
copper drachma which would seem at first sight most natural. But,
as has been pointed out by Drs. Grenfell and Hunt, all sums of
*The idea of a coin being rated below its face value in the country of its
issue, even in may seem strange to modern European minds. But
official circles,
the practice exists even now in the East; thus the medjidieh, which is nominally
worth twenty piastres, and is accepted as such in Constantinople, is reckoned at
nineteen piastres only in Smyrna.
 38

copper drachmae mentioned in papyri and ostraka of this period are

multiples of five, with a few apparent exceptions which admit of

explanation, and a five-drachma piece would therefore presumably

be the smallest in circulation. The existence of such a coin is
witnessed to by Heron of Alexandria, when he speaks of a
irevrdhpa'xjJ^ov voixia-jxa as being used to start the automatic
machines which supplied water at the entrances of Egyptian
temples.*
The dating of the coins is also as doubtful as in the third
century, for, although there are a certain number of types which
bear the distinctive titles of Euergetes II, Soter II, Cleopatra YII,
and another Cleopatra, probably II or III, as well as a few coins of
Antiochus lY issued for Egypt, these are by no means the commonest
types found in hoards or sporadically. The three types which are
by far the most numerous are those named in the list given above,
and the specimens vary so much, not only in weight and size, as
already noted, but also in style and execution, as to suggest very
strongly that their issue was spread over a long period of time, and
I am inclined to think that the same types may have been retained
from an early period in the second century till the middle of the
first, probably with a gradual diminution in the size of the coins.

However, though would be quite in accordance with the

this
conservative traditions of the Ptolemaic coinage, which presents the
unusual spectacle of a long series of Hellenistic kings issuing their
standard silver currency with the portrait of the founder of their
race instead of their own, and without any allusion to the distinctive
personality of the reigning monarch, even in the legend, t it is not
absolutely necessary to accept the theory. Two or three large issues
may have flooded the country with copper coinage so as to dominate
the currency for a century, as was the case in the Roman period with
the tetradrachms of Nero.
Type {i) is the most frequent of occurrence in hoards, and of this
coin specimens varying in diameter from 35 to 25 millimetres are
found together, many bearing on the reverse the monogram Rl
Different examples of this type have been classified as belonging to
distinct denominations and various reigns. M. Svoronos groups the
coins without a monogram in three classes, respectively 35, 30 and

*See Heron, Pnettmatica I, xxi.

tThe closest parallel is in the coinage of the Pergamene kings; but this was
much less important, and briefer, than that of the Ptolemies.
 89

25 mm. in diameter, as belonging to Epiphanes (Nos. 1233, 1234,

1235), and those with the monogram as struck in Cyprus for

Philometor (No. 1384). But, while it is true that JA* (or rather
FA) is the usual symbol of the mint of Paphos in Cyprus, the
great frequency with which this type is found in Egypt militates
against its attribution to Cyprus. Coins of unquestionably Cypriote
mintage occur occasionally in Egypt, but they never, to my
knowledge, form a considerable portion of hoards.* And the
separation of the specimens into three denominations by size
becomes very difficult when a large series is under examination, as
they do not fall into well-marked classes but grade almost
imperceptibly from one to another. may, however, be observed
It
that the monogram only occurs on the smaller examples, measuring
from 28 millimetres downwards. I would suggest that the whole
series represent copper obols on the silver standard, the largest being
the earliest in point of date. As the rather scanty evidence for
exchange ratios in the early part of the second century seems to show
that they were then higher than at the end of the century,
apparently about 600 : 1, these obols may have been valued at 100
copper drachmae. In the course of the century the size of the coins
diminished, and exchange ratios when the ratio was about
fell, till,

480 : 1, make the obol pass for 80 copper

the government decided to
drachmae instead of 100, and to mark the change of value introduced
the monogram, the combination of T and A being intended to
signify 80 copper drachmae = 1 silver obol.
Types (k) and [l] are practically identical except in size, but,
though both have a wide range of variation, they are always
distinguishable without difficulty. The larger coins measure as a
rule from 34 to 28 millimetres in diameter, sometimes being as small
as 25 millimetres ; the smaller ones seldom measure more than 20
or less than 16 millimetres. The former are associated in hoards
with type and possibly represent the same denomination, and in
(i)

that case the smaller ones, which average about 6 grammes in

weight, as against 24 grammes for the larger, would be naturally

*A few Cypriotecoins of Ptolemaic times have been found at Naukratis, and

I have seen two Roman period from Egypt. ITiese, however, are doubtless
of the
mere chance occurrences. I have never come upon other than isolated examples
of coins struck outside Egypt between the Greek conquest and the time of
Diocletian, except Roman gold, and one hoard of Roman sestertii of the third
century a.d. from Alexandria.
 —;

40

taken to be a quarter of them in value ; that ia to say, they would be

dichalki on the silver standard, and pass for twenty-five or twenty
copper drachmae, according to the ratio of exchange
A distinct objection to this supposition, however, is that it

would make the smallest copper coin in common use in Egypt a

twenty or twenty-five drachma piece, whereas the statements of
accounts preserved would require ten and five drachma pieces.
There are, indeed, a certain number of coins of smaller size
Svoronos, 1720-1723 and 1845; Poole, Soter II 49-56 —measuring
from 12 to 15 millimetres in diameter, and averaging about
3grammes in weight, which might, consistently with this theory, be
ten drachma pieces. But this leaves no coin to represent the five
drachma piece mentioned by Heron, and it might seem preferable
to forsake assessment according to strict weights and take the coins
last mentioned to be worth five drachmae, and the 6 gramme coins
ten drachmae.*
Finally, it may be suggested that the real meaning of the change
in the position of the copper currency during the reign of Epiphanes
was a monetary reform.' The copper drachma had been diminished
*

in weight during the previous century to the extent of more than

half, and, while the regulations of the government for tax collection
provided in many cases for the acceptance of copper at par with
silver, there was probably a very heavy rate of discount against

copper in the open market. To solve the difficulties and avoid the
loss thus arising, Epiphanes, or his officials, abandoned the coinage

of the copper drachma in its old relation to the silver standard, and
made it a mere term of account in the new copper currency.
In conclusion, I must say that the hypotheses advanced in this
paper, though they appear to me to be the best for explaining the
facts that have come under my observation, do not claim certainty
of proof. them rather in order to indicate the lines
I have advanced
on which I think investigation should proceed, and especially in
the hope that they may lead to the preservation of some of the
evidence as to the relations of Ptolemaic coins which is constantly
being destroyed in Egypt.
'
' —
*The question of small change in Egypt that is, what coins were used for
—
the lowest values is a very difficult one to solve, especially for the Roman period
in the third century a.d. no coins but tetradrachms are known to have been
struck, yet sums of obols and chalki continue to appear in documents. I hope
shortly to publish a paper dealing with this point.
 41

DR. WINCKLER'S DISCOVERIES OF HITTITE

REMAINS AT BOGHAZ-KEUI *
Boghaz-Keui is a pleasant village situated in tlie heart of Asia
Minor; it marks the site of Pteria in Cappadocia, and of the earlier
Khatti, the chief city of the people of that name. The chief visible
features of this site are its massive rampart and walls, which enclose
most of the higher ground. Within the circuit there are also some
prominent rocks crowned with walled fortresses. On the Acropolis
there are the traces of several buildings; but just at its foot the
lowest courses of a sanctuary built in massive stones are the most
noticeable and probably the best known feature of this ancient site.

The famous sculptures known by the Turks as Yazili-Kaya

(' inscribed rocks ') are situated amidst some limestone rocks some
two miles away to the East. About four or five hours' ride to the
North there is also the small village of Eyuk with its series of reliefs
and gate-sphinxes, sculptures obviously coeval with a number of
those at Boghaz-Keui. These monuments are among the most
important of Asia Minor, and they began to attract the increasing
attention of scholars about the same time as the Hittite problem
itself.

The place was first visited by Texier as early as 1830, and later
Perrot re-visited its ruins and made them famous by his descriptions
and drawings. Then Humann took plaster-casts of the reliefs at
Yazili-Kaya, and made a plan of the ancient city walls and buildings.
In 1890 Chantre did some excavations on the site, the results of
which would have amply justified him in continuing his work.
Scholars of different nations have also visited this place and its
neighbourhood, with the result that it has gradually become well
known, so much so that an admirable description is to be found in
Murray's Guide-book.
Hugo Winckler was attracted to the site in the autumn of 1905,
and he was so much impressed by what he saw and heard, that he at
once sought for and rapidly obtained an arrangement with the
Turkish Government to make excavations there. He is to be
congratulated on having been the first to have the initiative and

* Hugo Winckleb, Preliminary Report on Excavations at Boghaz Keui, 1907.

{Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Oesellscha/t. Berlin).
 , 42

good fortune to undertake tlie work of excavating what soon proved

to be the Hittite capital. His campaign in 1906 determined the
first

nature of the and its importance, disclosing as well a great

site

number of documents from the royal archives. This work had

been done largely for the German Asia-Minor Society. The next
year, however, the German Imperial Archaeological Institute added
its support, both by grants of funds and by attaching a number of
archaeologists to the expedition.
The first-fruits of this work are described in the monograph
before us. The site is large, and, though work was continued for
several months, it will require many more years to complete this
exploration. Numerous inscribed tablets were found, both on the
slope of Buyuk-Kale, a chief part of the Acropolis, and in some
chambers just eastward from the lower temple of which we have
spoken. Others again were found in unexpected corners. These
tablets were obviously a part of the royal archives; but as in the
case of Assurbanipal, most of this documentary
of the librar-y
treasure must be regarded as lost, only scanty portions remaining.
Such as have been translated, however, have contributed new
chapters to history. Many tablets or fragments of them were of a
kind similar to those from Tell-el-Amama in Egypt, which have
shed so much light upon the Ancient East. Others, indeed the
majority, however, are in an unknown language, which Dr. Winckler
surmises may have been that of Arsawa.
The most important of those which can be deciphered is a fairly
complete copy, found halfway up the slope, of the treaty concluded
between the great King of the Hittites, Hattu-sil (the Kheta-sar of the
Egyptian Inscriptions), and Rameses the Great. This one discovery
has placed the whole enquiry as to the Hittite peoples and the
history of Asia Minor upon a new and scientific basis. In the first
place a definite date is determined from which to make calculations

and to begin the chronology of the Hittite kings. Next perhaps in

interest is the location of the seat of government for the Hittite
peoples at the height of their power. With these facts as guides,
Archaeology should rapidly discover an associated series of ruins
and remains, to tell us of the culture of this time and place. Turning
to the more intrinsic evidence which this discovery affords,
we find the King of the Hittite tribes treating on equal terms with
 43

the Pharaoh of Egypt. The correspondence between the Courts of

Khatti and of Thebes was carried on for the most part in the common
language of diplomacy, familiarly called Assyrian, being written in
the cuneiform script. It may be gleaned from these writings that
the preliminary negotiations for the treaty extended over many
months, and were carried on with a *
thoroughness due to the
dignity of both chanceries.' Its tenms and its conclusions were
communicated formally to the King of Babylonia, in response it
would seem to an enquiry. It is clear that the Hittite King held
proper diplomatic relations with the Kings of Babylonia and of
Egypt. The part played by the royal ladies in these negotiations is
and illumination it would not be surprising to find
full of interest ;

from further evidence, that amongst the Khatti at any rate the
heritage of sovereign power was matriarchal.
Invaluable as this discovery was, it does not minimise the
importance of the other records. We find at one time that a treaty
was completed with the Amurri (the Amorites) also and later that ;

Amurri [temp. Hattu-sil) was vassal to the Hittites,

the Prince of the
and was brought to trial for certain offences at the request of the
King of Babylonia. The correspondence with the Babylonian court
is in general more instructive than that with the Egyptian; the
former is concerned with affairs of state and diplomacy, with
corresponding glimpses of contemporary history; while the latter
consists largely of letters of reproach or enquiry on the subject of
dowries and presents, seemingly more often promised than sent.
One thing which is apparent in the correspondence with Babylonia
is the dread felt by both powers alike, of the growing strength of
Assyria.
There are a number of documents also which throw considerable
light upon the Hittites themselves. Amongst these, one of the time
of Mattalul gives a list of the gods in the Hittite Pantheon, while
the edict of Dudhalia names also a number of towns and cities. It
has even been possible to make out, here and there, the genealogies
of several generations of the royal families. The greater part of this
work is devoted to a fascinating record of the internal politics and
frontier disturbances parallel with the Tell-el-Amarna letters. The
main feature of this is the struggle for supremacy over the Hittite
peoples between the Kings of Mitani and of Khatti, records of
 44

compacts broken, of threats and minor expeditions, and boasts of

victories, which, however, seem for some generations to have made
no permanent impression. '
Why hast thou plundered the left bank
of the Euphrates which belongs to Tushratta : if thou plunderest the
lands on the left bank of the Euphrates, then will I plunder those of
the right bank.' The suggestion through these writings is that
the Khatti, if not the more powerful, were at any rate the more
aggressive. A treaty was concluded between Subbiliuma and the
successor of Tushratta, and not long afterwards it would seem that
the Khatti certainly got the upper hand, and under Hattu-sil the
Great the Hittite tribes were largely banded together in a
confederacy in their wars with the Egyptians, and in their effort to
ward off the ever-growing menace of Assyria.
When these documents are published more fully, they will take
place side by side with the Tell-el-Amarna letters as the basis for our
conceptions of the history of Western Asia in the second millenium
B.C. The records of relations between the Hittite peoples internally,
and between these, whether separately or in combination, with the
other great powers, Assyria, Babylonia and Egypt, are definite
history, which will replace the present condition of inference or
conjecture. One thing is clear, however, that the Hittite peoples
were respected by those other powers, whose civilisations have
until now been better known. It is no small tribute to the insight
of scholars like Sayce and Wright to find their ideas and theories of
thirty years ago so remarkably substantiated.
This is only a preliminary report, and we must be grateful to
Professor Winckler for what he has been able to give us in so short
a time. He would seem in his selection of material for immediate
treatment to have been guided, unconsciously may be, by the
tendency of his own views on the main Hittite problems. We do
not propose to discuss these here : it would hardly be possible or fair
to attempt to do so, especially as they are expressed rather as
questions awaiting solution than as the author's own opinions. If,
however, we may attempt to read the author's mind between his
lines, and somewhat confused mass of material and
to disentangle a
suggestion, would appear that Herr Winckler recognises two main
it

branches of the Hittites, namely the Mitani and the Khatti. The
languages of these two, though allied, are as different as Latin and
 ;

45

Greek. As
any difference of race, he nowhere expresses an
to
explicit opinion, though in general terms he seems to regard the
former as a Syrian and the latter as a Mediterranean people. Of
these branches he regards the Mitani as the more advanced {' weiter
vorgeschobenen ') and the oldest settled to these he attributes the ;

raids which overcame the first dynasty of Babylon, about 2000 B.C.,
and probably also the settling of Hittites here and there in southern
Palestine. To the appearance and expansion of the Khatti he
attributes the disturbances in the North of Syria during the Tell-el-
Amarna period. This, movement, however, did not reach as far
Boutli as Palestine.

In reference to the deities of these peoples, which are disclosed

as the guardians of the treaty between them, he finds, firstly, a
strong Babylonian element, including the Sun-god, who, however, is
in this case feminine, as among the Semites. Among the Khatti,
however, the king was the Sun-god, and this anomaly suggests a
difference in culture-origins. Secondly, the common deity to the
Hittite peoples was Teshub, with a group of kindred deities, which
he regards as national but also domiciled (' ansassigen '). Thirdly,
from the Mitani side he finds mention of Mithra and Varuna and
of Indra. From this he argues an Indo-Germanic element, which
' '

he seeks and finds in the Kharri, or Horites. This portion of the

report is the least satisfactory. There is a plunge into theories
which may indeed be based upon a clear judgment of all the evidence
before the author, but the materials are not all before the reader
the arguments and the sequence of the data are confused, and the
conclusions hesitating and obscured. There is, however, one state-
ment which is worthy of attention, '
We have to deal with a people
not only Indo-Germanic but closely allied to the Aryan stock.'
So far as time and health have allowed him, since his return
from the site last autumn, Herr Winckler has made a praiseworthy
effort to reduce his documentary and philological material to order,
and to study and publish its more striking details. Fifty-eight of
the seventy pages of this report are the work of his pen. When,
however, we pass on to seek that further general information, or
some outline of it, for which all archaeologists are waiting
expectant, we meet with little but disappointment. Dr. Curtius
gives no note upon his study of the pottery, and Herr Kohl's survey
 46

of the site is equally withheld. The description of the buildings

of Boghaz-Keui, by G. Puchstein, is scrappy and unenlightening.
In the first place it fills only 13 pages, of which five are covered with
poor reproductions of otherwise interesting photographs. In the
next place we get no detailed information of the results of these new
excavations. Most of the space at the writer's disposal is occupied
with general references to the nature and strategic features of the
site, brief descriptions of its walls and gates, and other information
well-known already and published in the standard guide books.
This much we may gather, however, that in addition to the well-
known temple (the so-called Palace), the traces of four other
buildings have been found, of which three seem to have been temples
and one a palace. These all lie in the higher ground of the
Acropolis. In general, their plans are of Mediterranean rather
than Oriental character. The Palace, it is stated, was peculiarly '

North Hittite.' The excavators found traces in some of the ruins

of masonry carried up in timber and mud-bricks, upon foundations
of quarried stone. One of the newly excavated gateways is
illustrated by a photograph it was decorated on one side with the
;

full length relief of a man in typical Hittite dress, whom the author
supposes (without obvious reason) may have been one or other of
the kings whose names Winckler has found in the tablets.
These items of information are all we are vouchsafed in this
report ; much is obviously withheld, but in some respects it would
appear that the methods of work were lacking in scientific

thoroughness. In referring, for example, to the discovery of

inscribed tablets in the ground east of the visible remains of the
great lower temple it is said that they '
were picked up among the
foundation walls, now hardly traceable.' If this is all the excava-
tors can tell us, their work has been in vain. Doubtless the record
will be supplemented in due time ; but the statement is so vague,
the point so full of importance, that we await an amplification with
some anxiety. For these very tablets are the bed-rock of our
chronological inferences with regard to Hittite work ; they give the
initial date to all historical treatment of the Hittite monuments;
it is, therefore, a matter of utmost consequence to know the precise
detail of their discovery. During our expedition of 1907 we visited
this site and spent several days among the ruins. As a result of
 47

what could at the most be but a cursory examination, we came to

the conclusion that it seemed possible that the stratum of the tablets

had to do with a series of walls extending outside those visible on

the surface, which they enclosed, indeed, but from which they were
disconnected both by a difference of level and by a visible difference
of axial direction. In other words, it seemed possible that the
building visible upon the surface (as described by Perrot and
Chipiez) was smaller and of later date than that whose ruins
Winckler has disclosed and made famous. This possibility was
indicated to the excavators at the time, to whose courtesy it is due
that we were able to examine not only the old ruins but the new work
so far as it was then advanced. For obvious reasons we do not wish
to trespass upon the privilege we enjoyed but in the interests of
;

knowledge, the question, once raised, deserves the most careful

answer; forif this suggestion proved true, all conclusions, at any

rate that were based upon resemblances of plan and architectural

detail between the visible temple and other portions of the site,

would require serious modification, and would not lead us to believe

that the excavators had, as they claim, established the '
possibility
of placing on a secure basis the enquiry as to the period and culture-
cycle to which the finds at Boghaz-Keui belong.'
J. Garstang.
 48

OBITUARY
Italian palethnology lias suffered an irreparable loss
by the death
of Prof. Edoardo Brizio, who died very suddenly at Bologna on
May 5th, 1907. Prof. Brizio had for many years been director of
the Museo Civico of Bologna, which under
had become onehis care
of the most important prehistoric collections in The sphere Italy.
of his researches was naturally the region round Bologna, where he
occupied himself mainly with the civilization of the bronze age as
seen in the hut-villages of that district.
From 1877 to 1903 he produced a vast number of articles and
brochures on various subjects connected with Italian prehistoric
archaeology, to give even an abridged list of which would require
too much space. In 1898 he was able to give what had so long been
hoped for, a connected account of his views as to the prehistoric
periods. This appeared in his Epoca preistorica, written as an
introduction to a *
History of Italy by a Society of Professors.' In
this work he set forth, with more detail than ever before, his theory
as to the race of the people who built the lake-dwellings and
terrenmre of North Italy. For Brizio these people are not an
invading race from the North, but simply the old neolithic Liguri
of Italy in a later stage of development. With this is closely
connected his idea that the Yillanova civilization of the early iron
age was not a development of the terremare culture, but was
contemporary with it, being introduced by invaders (Umbri) from
the North, and developing in the district around Bologna while the
terremare were still flourishing in the neighbouring provinces of
Reggio, Modena and Parma. This view, however strange it may
seem to us, was no idle fancy on the part of Brizio, but was supported
by considerations of some weight ; indeed, in the days when he first

propounded it, it certainly explained the existing phenomena. "With

the ever increasing mass of evidence arising against it, it seems
almost safe to prophesy that the loss of its ablest exponent will
prove its death-blow.
All those who knew Brizio personally, and who had experienced
his open-hearted kindness, will mourn the loss, not only of an
archaeologist, but of a man. His place will be hard to fill.

T. E. Peet.
 49

THE CAPPADOCIAN TABLETS BELONGING

TO THE LIVERPOOL INSTITUTE OF
ARCHAEOLOGY
By THEOPHILUS G. PINCHES, LL.D.
WITH PLATES XVII-XXXI

The first text of the class known as Cappadocian came before

my notice in 1878 or 1879, shortly after entering upon my duties as
an Assistant in the British Museum. This document was a small
tablet which had been bought by the Trustees in 1876 from S. Ali
Shan, of Constantinople. My attention was more especially called
to it by a tablet of a somewhat similar nature, and evidently in the
same script, which I saw in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris in
1881, and was allowed, by the kindness of M. Babelon, to copy.
Both these tablets were published by me in the Proceedings of the
Society of Biblical Archaeology in the same year, and Professor
Sayce, who was much interested in the discovery, made some
exceedingly valuable remarks thereon, and a noteworthy attempt to
translate the Museum tablet. Naturally, there was not sufficient
material to enable much to be done in the way of translation, as the
strange script, with its unusual values for the characters (which
naturally led the student astray), did not allow the nature of the
language to be recognised with any certainty.
tablets were More
acquired by the British Museum and were studied
several years later,
by Professor Sayce and myself, when the occurrence of well-known
Semitic Babylonian forms enabled us to see that the language of at
least a part of the inscriptions was in all probability Semitic
Babylonian. The publication, in 1891, of the Golenischeff
collection* by its possessor established the fact that the language of
the tablets was Semitic Babylonian or Assyrian beyond a doubt, and
set the study of these inscriptions upon a really sound basis indeed, —
the talented owner's monograph upon these documents is one of the
most important contributions to the subject, and worthy of the
greatest praise. In 1893 Professor Fried. Delitzsch wrote a

* Vingt-quatre Tablettes cappadociennes, de la Collection W. Golenischeff. St.

Petersburg, 1891.
 60

monograpli* upon the subject, characterised by the scientific

accuracy for which he is renowned, and giving much material of

value, including a most useful word-list. Last year, in the pages of
Babyloniaca,\ Professor examined the texts of
Sayce again
GolenischefP,which he had been able to revise, considerably
improving the copies, and translating nineteen of them, together
with one published by Scheil, one in his own possession, one acquired
by Professor Sir W. M. Ramsay, and three others acquired by
M. GolenischefE. The Americans possess a considerable number,
which, when published, will undoubtedly add much to our
knowledge and enable more perfect renderings to be produced than
is at present possible. To these must be added one in the de Clercq
collection, and one or two in private hands.

The Language of the Capjmdocian Tablets

M. Golenischeff established beyond a doubt that the language
was Assyrian, whilst it was recognised from the first that the style
of writing resembled very closely the ancient Babylonian. The use
of the Assyrian system of dating, and the constant occurrence, in
names, of A.sur or Asir, the national god of the Assyrians, lead one
among whom these tablets had their origin
to suppose that the people
was an Assyrian colony. Whether Assyrians or Babylonians,
however —and the style of the writing is rather Babylonian than
Assyrian, as well as the numerous impressions of cylinder-seals, such
as is shown by the envelope of No. 14 (PL XYIII) —they inhabited
a district sufficiently distant from the country of their origin to
make the language which they spoke a distinct dialect, with different
pronunciation of the words, different values to the characters, and a
different vocabulary with trade-expressions of its own. These
peculiarities naturally introduce difficulties into the translations,
especially in the case of the letters (Nos. 1-6 and 13). Even in the
current speech of ancient Babylonia and Assyria the epistolary style
is difficult enough, and it may easily be estimated how much more
so the communications in a district so far from the literary centre of

* Beitrage zur Enzifferung und Erklarunpf der cappadokischen Keilschrifttafeln, von

Friedrich Delitzsch. DesXIVBandes der Abhandlnngen dcr philologisch-historischen
Cla'se der Konigl. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, No. IV. Leipzig:
S. Hirzel, 1893.

t A. H. Bayce, Tht Capi^adodan Cuneifotvt Tablets, pp. 1-46.

 61

those ancient empires would be, surrounded, as they were, by many

different dialects, both Semitic and non-Semitic, from which they
can hardly have failed to borrow from time to time such expressions
as they needed.
The following translations must, therefore, be regarded merely
as provisional renderings, capable of considerable improvement when
our material is more plentiful, or when other material —such as
explanatory lists —comes to light. In any case, the studies of other
specialists in this domain are certain to effect improvements, and it

is with this hope that the following renderings, imperfect as they

necessarily are, are given to the world.

The Date of the Tablets

With regard to the date of these inscriptions there is considerable

difference of opinion. The style of writing suggests a period
preceding 2000 B.C., the epoch of the Dynasty of Babylon —that to
which the celebrated Hammurabi belonged. It is very possible,
however, that they are of a much later date than this, as the ancient
style of the documents may be simply due to the conservativism of
the scribes, and doubt may be legitimately expressed whether
Assyria, at that early date, was sufficiently important to have
established a post so far from the capital. Emigration, however,
may account for the presence of the colony there, and it may not
have had at first any political significance. Letters from Assur-
bani-apli's library at Nineveh suggest that it may have been the
beginning of Assyrian influence in Cappadocia, a district of which,
called by them Kusu (Cush), seems to have become a horse- and
mule-breeding province at that late date (650 B.C.), and there are
indications that it may have been so also in ancient times.
The eponyms for this district probably differed from those in
Assyria itself, as their names are to all appearances local. As given
in the tablets belonging to the Liverpool Institute of Archaeology,
they are Itinadi (No. 3), Gat-ina-zuin No. 7), Ilu-rabi (Goleni-
scheff 4), Sa-gati-Asur-nada (Gol. 6), Abil-Addi* (Gol. 9), and
Sagati-qadda (Professor Sayce's tablet). As Delitzsch points out,
several of the names in these texts are practically identical with
certain names of eponyms in the Assyrian eponym-canon.
• '
Tha Son of Pladad,' the Biblical Bar-Hadad.
 52

Peculiarities in the Writing of the Tablets

These inscriptions contain many peculiarities in the use of the

characters, probably due to the colony having so long been separated

from the parent-state. Thus ^ is generally used for ti, not Ai,

whilst tu is generally expressed by L>_I> du, and la by T^ , lal.

Tarn seems to be generally indicated by the native form y{^^^, dam

(No. 2, 1. 6, etc.), instead of i]. It is noteworthy that the words
are often divided by a vertical wedge, sometimes the full height of
the character, but often shorter. The division of words was also
customary with the scribes of the Armenian district, who used two
oblique wedges for the purpose. It is rare in A say ro-Baby Ionian
texts. As was usual in Babylonia, the characters are ranged with
their tops against ruled lines.
The appendix contains one of those tablets from Lagas (Tel-loh)
in Southern Babylonia, referring to consignments of drink, food,
and oil. is of an earlier date than
It the inscriptions from
Cappadocia, and belongs to the period of 117 years between the
reigns of Dungi and Ibi-Sin, about the middle of the third millennium
before Christ.

The Cappadocian Tablets

No. 1. Letter about Rejyairs to a House

The greater part of a finely-written and well-baked tablet,

47 mm. high by 48*5 mm. wide. Colour light yellowish grey. The ten
lineson the obverse are written larger than the text on the reverse
and edges. The characters have their tops ranged against ruled
lines, and towards the end slant upwards. When complete, the
height was probably just over 55 mm.
A-na Ellil-ba-ni
ki-bi-ma |
um-ma
3. Ta-ri-is-ma-tum-ma
A-su-me be-tim sa wa-as-ba-ni-ni
ki-ma be-tum an-hu-ni
I
 53

6. ap-la-ah-ma |
li-bi-tam
i-na ta-as-i-im |
us-tal-bi-in.-ma
e-me-ra-am |
e-ti-me-ir ]
a-su-me
9. ku-su-ri |
sa ta-as-pu-ra-ni
kaspa sa si-bu tu-si-bi-lam
a-na-ah ]
ku-su-ri ]
li- . . .

About nine lines lost.

Rev. ib(?)-ba-lu(?) . . .

u-za-ba-ah-ma |
ta-as-a
3. a-di a-ta j
a-na-ku a-na
XL a-ta a-na ma-nim .

a-la-ki-ga |
kaspu |
zi-tam |
sabit(?)
6. a-bi-ni |
ta-la-ma-ad-ma |
li- ku-ga
u li-ziz I
i-nu-a-ab a-na
te-ki-li u li-sa-nim
9. la ta-la-ak |
i-na ba-ni |
wa-sa-i-ga
a-su-me |
ga-li-ti-ni du-na-di
um-ma a-ta-ma |
a-na beti da-ni
12. a-bi-sa |
la du-si-ri si-ga-ti-ki-ma
i-na be-tim |
lu-du-si-ib-ma be-tam
Edge between the end of the reverse and the beginning of the
obverse :
—
mas-ga-at-ki |
lu-ta-sur 1
1 ki-ma du-uz-ni*
15. ma-ti-ma |
ba-za-sa u si-la-za |
u-la
ip-si I
a-ni |
is-du |
lim samauti
. . is-ti-a wa- .... ta-mu-wa
Left-hand edge :
— I

18. du-us-ti-sa-ma )
a-na bet a-be-sa . . .

ma-si-a-tim |
ta-ta-na-la-ak-ma ....
la dam-ga-tim as-ta-na-me-si-ma . .

21. a-wa-ti sa-ma-a-am u-la (erasure t)

|

ta-mu-wa
A provisional free rendering :
—
Say then thus to EUil-bani It is Taris-matum.' Concerning the :
'

house where we dwell, as the house was going to ruin, I was in fear,
and I have had the brickwork relaid in the rubbish, and thrown a
fence around (it). Concerning the enclosure about which thou
• Or, dividing the second character, du-se-hu-ni.
t The erasure shows traces of ta-mu, the first two characters of the next line.
 54

sentest, thou hast caused money for the repairs to be brought —may
the dilapidation of the enclosure [be set right]
is made( ?),... he destroyed .... and the rubbish( ?)
. . . Until the time I -went to ... and thou, for what
.

[didst thou delay (?)] thy going? Thou knowest the outlay
for our father's house (.''). Let him wait for thee, and let him
stay —he will rest for refreshment and talk. Try not to make
thy escape. Concerning our friend( ?) thou directest thus As thou :
'

hast not caused her father to go to the strong place, thy serving-
woman( ?) shall dwell in the house, and may she keep the house (as)
thy refuge, as thou hast proposed(?).' She has never had property
or grain at any time. Now from the 8th day, as she has related, [she
lay in] the dust, she then sent (a messenger) forth to the house of
her father. She travelled by night, and .... misfortunes.
I listened to her, and [was hoping] to hear the (whole) account, (but)
she has not related (it).

Line 1. Taris-matum, the sender of the letter, was evidently a

female, as the possessive pronouns in lines 12 and 14 of the reverse
also imply.
Rev., line 1. The third character may be ru or lu, but the latter
seems to be the more probable, the slanting wedge being apparently
due to an accident.
Line 2. The traces after ta-aJ seem to be those of a.

Line 5. dlaki-ga is for dlaki-ka (see also lines 6 and 9). The
feminine form of the pronoun, however, is -ki, not -gi (see lines 12
and 14).

Line 5. Zitam is probably for sttam, accusative, with mimmation,

of situ, 'outgoing.'

Line 6. Liku-ga is possibly for liqu-ka, 'let him wait for thee,'
which, however, does not to all appearance occur elsewhere in the kal.

We might also read lidur-ga, for litur-ka, '

let him return to thee.'

Line 7. Inuak is for the more usual (later) indh, from ndku,
'
to rest.'
Line 8. Ana tekili H lisani^^, would literally be 'for eating
{dkdlu, '
to eat ') and tongue.' For the form tekilu, compare tehiltu

from dhdlu (also tebelu, Muss-Arnoldt, Assyr. Diet, p. 1245). If the

root be takdlu, the meaning of takilu would be '
help,' *
consolation,' or
the like.
 55

Line 9. Lit. 'go not,' etc. Wasai-ga is for tvasai-ka, from

{w)asu '
to go forth.'

Line 10. Dunadi for tunaddi, from nadii, 'to throw, to lay
down.'
Line 12. Dusiri is probably for tiiJeri, from drii (Jensen). See
Muss-Arnoldt, Assyr. Diet., p. 91.
Line 13. Lu-dusib is for lu-tusib, from {w)asdbu, '
to sit,' etc.

Line 14. Masgat-ki. The noun is probably from masqatu, from

saqti, '
to be high,' and probably indicates a high, out of the way
place. Duzni or dusehuni ia for tuzni or tuse/mni.
Line 15. Matima baza-sa u silaza ula ibsi, lit., '
at any time her
property and her grain was not.' Baza-sa would be for busd-sa and
silaza for sillat-sa, but these comparisons are given with all reserve.
Line 18. Dustiza-wa for tustesd-ma, from {w)asu, line 9.

Line 19. Musiati^ probably for musiati^. Tatanalak is the

tan-ioim of kal from dldku, '
to go.'

Line 20. La damgatim = Id damqdtim. As taname- si-ma =

astaname-si-ma (tan-form of kal from samu, *
to hear,' of which the
oblique form of the infinitive seems to occur in the next line (/ama"»)-

No. 2. Letter about Commercial matters

A thin irregularly-formed tablet, 49 mm. high by 39 mm. wide,

with nine lines of writing on the obverse, two on the edge below,
eight on the reverse, and two on the edge below the reverse. The
text is ill-preserved, and many of the characters are therefore
uncertain. Colour greyish yellow.
A-na Dan-nim To Daimu
ki-be-ma um-ma say then thus :

3. Lu-lamazi-ma It is Lu-lamazi.

Qa-ri-.*.-tam Qaritu,
gubatu lu-bu-sa-am the clothing
6. sa zu-uh-ri-im of the youth,
zu-bu-ul-ta-ga thy grain,
nu-nu a-ta-tam (?) fish . . .

9. ip-zu ...
. . . siss^rit . . . 16 . .

-sum

* A fragment of baked clay, probably part of the envelope, adheres here. Possibly
nothing is lost at this point.
 —

56

12, na-m(?) -a

na-as-a-ku-um I bring ;

§inipat siqli (?) hurasi 2/3 of a shekel of gold

15. na-ni-a-lam
na-as-a-ku-um I bring.

a-di a-ta When thou

18. ti-su-ma hast (this) then,
kaspu kas-su the money in full

ki-ma (or -ba) ni-ir (?) as (?)...

21. lu-be-lam-ma let me bring.

This text is exceedingly difficult to copy, partly in consequence of

its bad preservation, and the rendering, such as it is, is given with
all reserve.

Line 5. The small corner-wedge, as well as the downward wedge

on its left, are not so clear as I at first thought, and may be due to
damage which the character has received. Moreover, traces of a

horizontal wedge appear within, leading to the probability that it is

an elongated ku, i.e., suhatu, '

clothing/ as a determinative prefix.

No. 3. Letter ahout the Interest on a Loan

A large fragment of a well-baked tablet, 48 mm. high by 52'5
mm. wide, with twelve lines of writing on the obverse, two on the
edge below, eleven lines on the reverse, and two on the left-hand
edge. Well-preserved. Colour greyish red.

u-si-bi- he caused to be br [ought ?] . . .

3. ni-is-ta-me .... we heard

a-ra me-ir-e |
ni- . to the sons we ... .

ua-as-ba-ar-ti |
. . My message
6. ta-as-me-a a -ma . . thou has heard
su-ma si-mu-um si- if the price (?)....
i-ba-si-ga |
e |
su- is to thee, do not
9. ta-ti-in u am-r[a thou hast given, and
ma-zi-am-a-na a-s[ur- sufficiency (?) for Asur- ....
si-ip-ri-su-nu ]
ti-na- their message
12. lu-bi-el um-ma me-ir-u- let me bring thus : hia
Edgeni-ni-a-ma-ra ^^ ^on
Ili-amara
lu-ni-el-ki a-ni-na let us receive, even us
15. ku (?)-um-su esra-Sis§et ma-na fisret [Siqli] instead(?) of him 26 mana 10 shekels
Bev. kaspi ha-bu-ul-ni a-ti-ni of silver our interest I have given.
kaspu ga-du-um zi-ip-ti The silver with the profit
18. im-i-id-ma ii-du he has augmented, and from
ftrhi (hi) ab-sa-ra-ni the month AbSaranu
li-mo-im i-ti-na-du of the eponymy of Itinadu
 — :

57

21. a-\va-zu a-na ^sret am-ra M (?) his word for 10

ni-ig-mur-ma lib-ba-a§ . . . we accepted and his heart

la is-du kip-hu .... which from ....

24. a-ti wa-ah-su sa-na .... until
lu-ta-Bi-a-tum |
iz- . . . .

. . . . i

Left-hand edge :
—
. . . . ga-ru-um rl-b«-it-ni the judge (in) our district
. . . . -ik-ni a-hi of my brother (?)

Line 14 (edge). The traces of a character at the beginning are

possibly those of the last on the first of the two lines on the edge,
after ri-be-it-ni If this be the case, perhaps we ought to read
ri-be-it ni-tic^' '
the district of the enclosure (?).'

Line 28 (left-hand edge). Instead of a Ai, a-di (? for a-di=addi,

'
I have set ') is possible.

No. 4. Letter about sundry Purchases

Upper part of the obverse and lower part of the reverse of a small
tablet, 23 mm. high by 38 mm. wide, with six lines of writing on
the obverse, eight on the reverse, three on the edge below, and two
on the left-hand edge. Writing good. Colour light yellow.
A.na gum-Uu Bin To §um-Sin
ki-bi-ma um-ma Bay then thus
A-mur-Istar u A-bu-^-lim-ma it is Amur-lstar and Abu-^lim.
Salset subati sa-ga-tim 3 priestly (?) garments
i-na si-im le-i-ga with the price of thy grain
ni-i§-[a-ma-qu-ma] . . -ku we have purchased for thee and

Reverse :
—
§a of
kaspu kaS-[§u] .... silver in full ....
3. liSie^rit liqli ultu an-na 16 shekels from the lead(?)
ni-is-a-ma-qu-ma we have purchased for thee and
an-na Gimil-zu-in na-§a-a-^jjj the lead Gimil-Zuin has taken away.
6. la i-mu-a |
i-na He did not speak (?) concerning
ma§-ki-u-tim securities
wa - zi - e he went forth.

9. an-na ga-nu si-ba-a(?)-am(?) The lead, an amount(?) of 3eventy(?)

. . sikli kaspi [a]-na . . shekels of silver for (?)

. . rabJ-tim great
 58

Left-hand edge :
—
sa bu-zu ta-a who hast [taken] the goods ....
tal-ki thou hast received

Line 6 of the obverse is restored by comparison with line 4 of the

reverse.
In line 9 of the reverse the last character but one may be la
instead of a {sibalam?).

No. 5. Letter about a Co)Uract

A flake of a large tablet, probably part of the reverse, 49 mm.

high by 51*5 mm. wide, inscribed with parts of fourteen lines of
writing. Well written. Colour greyish red.

. . . . ki a

3 ma-na .... maua

. . . . -ar I
u-si-bi-lam (?) .... caused to brought.
. . . -tim I
a-sar |
a-mu-tam .... the place of the agreement (?)

6. I
ta-ti-in |
um-ma Thus Manu-ki- [Asur;?)]
ma-nu-ki-a- [sur] thou hast given.
-ma-i-ra ma-ti-ga a-na a-wa-tam tim- sent (?). Thy country at the word
|
. .

-ti-in um-ma Gimil-Istar-ma a-na gave. Thus Gimil-Istar then to

I
|

9. ma-nu-ki-A-sur-ma a-ta a-mu-tam Manu-ki-Asur then thou an agreement

| |

. ti-ma A a-na-ku i-ra-me

.
I
then and I |

. .-nam a-da-an si-im

. | [the mat]ter (?) I decided. The
|

a-lit[-ti?] price of the child (?)

12. . Gimil-Istar |
a-na ma-nu-ki-a [-sur] Gimil-Istar to Manu-ki- A [sur ?]

. . . . a a-su-me |
a-mu-tim . and with regard to the agreement
-nam 1 a-na . . . .... to

No. 6. Letter about '

kulugae '
and '
nasbattu'

A baked-clay tablet, 66 mm. high by 54 mm. wide, with portions

of fifteen lines on the obverse, two on the edge below, sixteen on the
reverse, and two on the edge below the reverse. Much damaged,
especially the left-hand portion. Colour grey.
si-ki [To . . . ]-siki.

-ma(?) [say the] n

8 -us-ki-ilu Addi-ma [thus :] (it is) . . -uski(?)-Addu
l)U-lu-ga-e the ^ulugae
ga be-it-ra let loose (?)

6 as-pu-ra-ni-ma I sent and

a-ra-ab-ku-nu
as-me-bu-ma . . . your entering (?) I heard it and
 59

. . . a(?)-ua-ku-ma (iub-bd(?)-ani . . . I(?)then the tablet (?)

ta(?)-a-ba e-ga-a ta-as-ta-me good will send round, thou shalt hear.
12. hu-lu-ga-e ta-e-ir-ma Return the ^ulugae, and
Lftmur-A-sur li-ik-ru-bu-ni-qu let LAmur-Asur speak favourably to thee.
urn-ma ku-ud-ma ua-as-bat-tam thus Hasten (?), the nufbattu ^ultigae
:

15. e-ba-as |
wa-ar-ki make. Afterwards
na-as-bat-tim l)U-lu-ga-e the nashattu hulugae
u-ta-ar 6 sa-gu . . . he will return and
18. na(?)-ak*-bat-tam e-ba-as . . Make (?) [then] the receptacles (?) . . .

a-ba-e-a - ma . . . and
ba-al I
•wa-ar-ki (7) [he] will bring (?). Afterwards
21. [ua - a]s - bat-tun arl)U isten the nasbattu (in) the 1st month
la-ak um-ma a-na-ku ma . . shall go. Thus I then

ti I
wa-as-ba-ku ru-ba-am . . . am staying. The prince
24. . . . -tarn clan-tia-tam a-na-ku a strong I

hu-lu-ga-e ni-bu-ul-ma . . . we have brought the [tulugae, and

-utt-tim ur-du-ni-ma the . . . have descended and
27 si u-si-zi-u-ui-a caiised to go forth

. . ma- . -du
la du-nu-ni a- our brothers
hi-ni descended
30. u im sa-a-ki(?) ga-ga . . .

-ni-ku ni-ti-in . . . we have given,

. . a-na-ku . . . . . . I

33. . . sa(?) ir(V)-tum(?): . . .

. . -ba-al . . . will bring

. . i(.')-ma

Line 6. The characters ni-ma may belong to line 5, in which case

the reading would be (5) -ga be-it-ra-ni-ma (6)
as-pu-ra.
Being a very mutilated tablet, it is impossible to obtain any con-
nected sense from its inscription. The nature of the objects designated

by hulugae and nasbattu, whicli would probably form the key to its

interpretation, is uncertain. From their being placed in apposition in

line 16, they might be regarded as of similar meaning. But, perhaps,
we have to insert '
and ' between '
He will afterwards return the
nasbattu (and) the /mlugae.' The root of the former word is possibly Jll!^,
in which case it would be for masbattu. If from 12?^ (which seems
unlikely), the Hebrew Hl-itp (ni-^). 'monument,' might be com-

pared. Hulugae is possibly a Snmero-Akkadian word, and may be a

plural form, with the Semitic-Babylonian terminal e.

Probably a mistake for as. t Or part of ta (. -tatim).

I Or sa-gu, as in line 17.
 :

60

No. 7. Record of a Loan of Silver

Baked-clay tablet, 47*5 mm.

by 42*5 wide, inscribed with higli
nine lines of writing on the obverse, one on the edge, and five on the
reverse, the lower part of which is blank. Colour reddish ochre.
Perfect. Trace of an envelope adhering to line 11 (the first of the
reverse).
Samnet |
Mqli kaspi za-ru-ba-am 8 shekels of pure silver
i-zi-ir 1
Be-la-azag-a a loan Bela-azaga
3. m^r Ni-ra-ah-zu-lu-li tarn.•ga-ru son of Nirah-zululi, the agent,
i-Su-a-li i-na mu-ru-um has borrowed. In Muru™
i-sa-ga-al-suin he shall repay it.

6. Sa za-ra-tim |
li-mu-um At the month Zaratu, eponymy
sa ga-at |
i-na-zu-in of Gat-ina-zuin

a-na e-ti-su |
i-§a-ga-al he shall repay (it) punctually.
9. su-ma la i-5a(-ga*)-al If he do not repay (it)

Edge ki-ma a-wa-at like an order

Bev, ga-ri-im zi-ib-tam of the judge the interest
12. u-za-ib. Pau Bu-zi-a shall be fixed. Before Buzia
m§,r En-nam-A-sir son of Ennam-Asir
p&n Su-ma-li-ku-a-sur before Sumaliku-A§ur
15. m&r Qa-ma-a-gur son of Qama-ASur.

Line 1. The wedge on the rigbt of the numeral (8) seems to be a

division-mark like those in lines 2, 6, etc. ; but if not, we must read
tistt, ' 9.'

Muru^ in line 4 seems to be the name of a city, and one would

expect that it lay in the district from which these tablets came. If
so, it was possibly named after the Muru in Babylonia, which was a
centre of the worship of Hadad or Eimmon. The Babylonian city
may, however, be intended.
Ana ete-su means, literally, '
at its (proper) time.' See Muss-
Arnoldt, Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian language, under ettu. It
is from this phrase that the well-known grammatical series of tablets

ana etti-su (generally read ana itti-su) takes its name.

No. 8. Contract of Adoption and Cohabitation

A baked-clay tablet, 4 cm. high by 42"2 mm. wide, with nine

lines of writing on the obverse and eight on the reverse (including
the rounded edge between the two). About a centimetre of the end
of the obverse is broken away, with the top right-hand corner of th.e

* Omitted by mistake of the scribe.

 .

61

reverse, rendering lines 1-11 imperfect. Yellow ochre on the

obverse, deepening to grey at the middle of the reverse. No traces
of an envelope, though the document probably had one originally.
Ta-ta-li-i-sa-ti- [i ?] a Tatali-isatia(?)
*
su-be-a-ni ga a-n [a] .^ubeaniga to
3. me-ir-u-tim |
zu (?) . . . sonship [has taken]
si-im-nu-ma-an Simnu-man
mar Ta-ta-li-i [-sa-ti-ia(?)] son of Tatali-i [satia ?]
6. su-be-a-ni-ga |
e- . . . Subeaniga has [taken?]
ga-tam is-ti-ni (his) hand, together
us-bu-u I
su-ma they have dwelt. Whether
9. ta-bu-u su-[ma] it remains good or
Bsv. la i-ti-ab-su-nu be not good to them,
si-im-nu-ma-an Simnu-man
12. u su-be-a-ni-ga zuf . . . and Subeaniga . . .

u-si-su-bu-su-nu he has caused them to dwell.

P4n A-la-na Before Alana ;

15. pto Ha-ma-la-ni before Hamalanu

pdn Tam-ni-il)-§u before Tamnihsu;
ytxx Di-is-ta-ah susar before Distahsu, the scribe (?).

Free rendering: — Tatali-isatia( J') [has adopted] Subeaniga as

his son. Simnu-man, son of Tatali-isatia, has [taken(?)] the
hand of Subeaniga (and) they have dwelt together. Wliether it be
their wish or not, (Tatali-isatia) has caused Simnu-man and
Subeaniga to dwell [( ?) together].
The mutilation of the tablet makes the translation doubtful, but
probably it is correct in the main. The absence of a pronoun leaves
the sex of Tatali-isatia( ?) —
uncertain it may be a woman, and not a
man, which is intended.

No. 9. Memorandum of a Payment by Instalment

A cushion-shaped tablet, 28*2 mm. high by 31 mm. long, with
four lines of writing on the obverse, one on the edge, and two on
the reverse followed by a ruled line ; characters large ; colour grey.
[Salsu?] sussanu ma-na [3]2/3 manas
Ijamsu siqli kaspi 5 shekels of silver (of)

3. Hu- lu- su Hulusu

mfi,r Ku-be-a-sir son of Kube-Asir
ga - ta - turn an instalment
6, ga-da ai-im of the price of

eri I
sa a-sir-ilu Samsi (si) the copper of Asir-Samsi.

In PI. XXIV,
* fig. 8, the traces marked at the end of line 2 may really belong to
the end of line 3.
t Or, perhaps, lu.
 — ;

62

No. 10, Memorandum or Receipt for Clothing

Cushion-shaped, section nearly oval, length 28"5 mm., height

16*5 mm., thickness 7 mm. Corners rounded. Obverse three,

edge one, reverse three, edge two, left-hand edge one, total : ten
lines of writing. Colour pinkish yellow ochre.
Isten subatu su-lu-a-am 1 hiltidjii-gamixent (of)

samnu bar siqli 8 1/2 shekels;

3. sina Bubatu ku-ta-ni 2 kutani-gaiinents (of)

Edgeirbi-§eru GINA-TA 14 shekels each, (and)

Rev. irba iSton Bubatu ki-in 41 fcin-garments.
6. i - ti • in he gave
i - nu - me when
a-na Gi-ga-tim(?) to Gigatu(?)
Edgei-li;?)-a he departed(?)
Left-hand edge :

i-U- )
(and; went.*
kuf

No. 11. Memorandum of a Deposit of Gold and Silver

Cushion-shaped, with rounded corners, the reverse (which is

uninscribed) slightly flatter than the obverse. Length 33'5 mm.,

height 24'2 mm., thickness 8 mm. Colour greyish yellow ochre,
varying in one place almost to black. Four lines of writing.
§ina su§§an ma-na irbit sanabi §iqli 2 2/3 manas 4 1/3 shekels
kaspi A sibit siqli of silver and 7 shekels
hurasi of gold

itti I-kib-ilu with Ikib-llu

No. 12. Memorandum, apparently about Clothing

Upper half of the obverse (lower half of the reverse) of a tablet

originally cushion-shaped. Present dimensions 37'5 mm. long by
26 mm. wide and 7*2 mm. thick. Obverse four and reverse four
lines. Colour greyish yellow ochre. Reverse much roughened and
not very legible.
Sanabi ma-na sina siqli 1/3 of a mana 2 shekels ;

TUG HI-DUBA sina sussi LAL a HI-DUBA-garment (of) 120 less two
MINA giqli shokelsf
3. TUG HI-DUBA bar siqli a HI-DUBA-garment (of) 1/2 shekel
a-na sa-na-ne (?) to Sanane (?)

• Or, possibly, * when to Gigatu (?) Ilia went.' f That is, 118 shekels.
 — — —

63

Reverse :
—
ana to

TUG(?) . . . a-ti(?) . . garment? . . . until? . .

3. TUG HI . . . bar siqli . . . Hi- . . -garment, half a shekel .

ga bi-i§ u
There are marks on the left-hand edge which may be the remains
of characters.

The above rendering is given with all reserve.

No. l'3a. Letter of Invitation

A baked-clay tablet, perfect, inscribed on the obverse with ten,

on the edge with one, on the reverse nine, on the edge below with
one, and on the left-hand edge with one lines of writing. This
document, which was found in 13b when it was opened, measures
4G mm. high by 39'5 mm. wide, and 15'5 mm. in its thickest part.
The general shape is that of a flat cushion. The colour is a warm
yellow grey.
Obverse.
A-na Ha-nu-nu ki-be-ma To Hanuuu say then
um-ma Wa-la-wa-la-ma thus : It is Walawala.
3. a-na-kara |
mu-ur-a-am I am the friend

§a ta-mu-ri-a whom thou lovest.

As-me I
A-ma kam j
suma As for Amakam if
6. sa-li-im |
a-mu-ur-su-ma he is well, see him, and
a-bu-tum |
ti-ir-taga Abutum thy relative

u ti-ir-tu-su and his relative

9. li-li-kam-ma let him comfi and
li-ziz I
li-nu-uh stay — let him rest.

Edge a-na-kam |

Reverse
12. la ni-ra-si may we not have
a-bu-tum Abutum ?

a-bu-tum Abutum,
15. su-ma be-li if, my lord,

a-ta ti-ir-tan-nu thou (art) our relative.

ar-hi(?)-is li-li-ku let him come quickly.
18. ga-ar-na-ba Garnaba
u-si-be -lam-ga I have caused to be brought to thee,
ti-ir-ta-ga-ma but thy relative,
Edge :

21. me-ku-um Mekun>

Left-hand edge :

la i-li-ga-am has not gone.

 —

64

The rendering of tkis inscription seems to depend on the meaning

of tirtu, which appears to be a synonym of kasu, '
entails,' and siru,
'
flesh.' Naturally one of the same *
flesh '
may be regarded as a
'
relative ' (cp. Gen. ii, 24).* Adopting this rendering of the word,
the translation would be much as given above, or, in a free
rendering, as follows :
—
Say then thus to Hanunu : It is Walawala. I am the friend
whom thou lovest. As for Amaka^i, if he be well, see him, and let
Abutum, thy relative and his relative, come and stay, that
he may have a rest. I (and mine), may we not have Abutu™?
(As for) Abutu™, if, my lord, thou (art really) our relative, let him
come quickly. I have caused Garnaba to be brought to thee, but thy
relative, Meku^^, has not come.
Aldku, from which lilikamma (line 9), liliku (line 17), and iligam
(for ilikam) come, means both '
to go ' and *
to come.'
Line 1. Hanunu name Hanon (>r)2n)-
is the well-known
Line 2. Walawala is probably the name by which Tuitui,^ the
sender of the letter, was known among the members of his family
and tribe.

Lines 3 and 4. Muru and tamuria are seemingly from the same
root, the latter presupposing a verbal infinitive kal mard'u. This is

probably connected with the commoner mdru, '

child,' and muru,
'
young animal.' In these inscriptions the form mer^u '
son,' also

occurs. It is therefore possible that the forms mar and mer, found
in the bilingual-lists, are for mar^u and mer'u.

Line 8. The strange character T^-^J occurs twice in the address

of the letter (see PI. XXVI), in each case followed by u. This leads
one to suppose that the syllable which it represents ends with that
letter. The consonant preceding it should be t (see lines 7, 16 and
20), making, as the value of the character here required, fit.

Line 11. If the verb in the next line be, as the form suggests,
the first person plural, it is probable that a word is left out here
indeed, the upright wedge after anaJca^ points to that probability,

as a division-mark unnecessary when the line contains only one

is

word. AnaJca'^' Id nirasi Ahutu^, I not we have Abutum,' I have '

After sendinpf in the MS., I came across an old copy of the tablet
Rm 122, where
(line 14) tSrtu (= tirtu) is explained by kimtu, family,' and confirms this. '

t See the address on the envelope, p. 66.

 65

therefore rendered as '

I (and mine), may we not have Abutu»ii.' It
is not impossible, however, that anaka^ also stood for the plural,
'we.'

Line 17. The character jT] from this passage and from the
fourth line of the address on the envelope, should end with i. Arkis
'quickly,' seems to be the word required here, hence the adoption

of hi. It is probably a variant of XT^ which, in Babylonia and

Assyria, had developed into ^ and W, and is the same as
^
in lines 7, 8, 16, and 20.

N^o. l'3b. Sealed Envelope of the Letter No. 13a

This is the envelope of the preceding, and measures 56 mm. long

by 48mm. high, and 26mm. thick. On the obverse are four lines
of writing,two at the top and two at the bottom, the space between
being occupied by the impression of the sender's cylinder-seal, which
is repeated on the reverse, and on all four edges, as far as space would
allow. The crack across the obverse lengthwise existed when the
object was bought, and extended to the reverse when the inner
tablet was taken out. When the fragments were rejoined, without
the small tablet being within, the slight gape of tHe crack on the
obverse was reduced.
The cylinder-seal impression shows a design which is almost
grotesque in its primitive delineation of the subject chosen. In
front (on the left) is a four-wheeled waggon or cart, of which the
two near wheels only are represented. The vehicle is peculiar in
upon
shape, having a high erection in front, and a lower one behind,
which the driver sits, towering high, however, above the front
portion. His outer garment is of a pattern arranged in rows,
suggesting the more carefully engraved dresses of the Babylonian
cylinder-seals of about 2500 b.c, which seem to have been intended
to represent goatskin. His left arm, enshrouded in this garment,
he holds against his breast, his right, which is bare to the shoulder,
being bent at the elbow, with the hand extended. Apparently he
issupposed to be holding the reins, but, if so, they would seem to be
merely looped over the fingers, which are held upwards, the thumb
widely separated. The waggon or cart is drawn by four horses,
all of which are seen in their entirety, there being no attempt at
G
 66

perspective, though the more distant horses decrease in size some-

what. The reins, which are three in number, extend upwards, and
then bend at an angle until they reach the driver's hand. The
middle rein would seem to be fringed, or else they were attached
to each other by cords or thongs for the greater part of their length.
The wide separation of the horses was on account of the engraver
not wishing to superimpose them when executing the work, and
the carrying of the reins over the horses' heads was due to the same
reason. The two rectangular objects on the high front of the vehicle
may have had something to do with holding the reins in position,
though they are not shown as even touching them.
Behind the cart and its driver are two rows of figures. The
upper one represents ivro animals, probably intended for goats,
horned, and standing face to face. The herring-bone arrangement
on their very rectangular bodies is apparently intended to represent
their hair. Their tails, which, like their bodies, are inordinately
thick, stand erect, and on each sits a bird with longish beak, each
facing the same way as his respective goat. A man in a round hat,
and clothed in a tunic reaching as far as the knees, seems to act as
drover. His right arm is bent at the elbow, and his hand raised.
No left arm is visible.

In the lower range are five men, two looking to the left, and
three to the right, facing the others. They seem to be similarly
clothed to the one with the goats above. They are all in the same
attitude, with the right arm bent at the elbow and the hand raised,
and no attempt has been made to show the left arm. From their
attitude, it might be said that they were engaged in conversation.
This part of the design in two ranges is shown, in part, twice —as in
a rotary press, designs on cylinders could be repeated as long as
there was length of material to receive the impression. The reverse
of the tablet being rounded, and also extending slightly farther
right and left than the obverse, though it omits the figures on the
extreme right, it repeats, in the upper range, the *
drover,' the
right-hand goat, and a portion of the other; and in the lower range
the upper portions of four of the five figures.
The four lines of inscription on the obverse are as follows :
—
A-na Ha-nu-nu To Hanunu.
dubbi tu-u-i-tu-u-i tablet of Tftitfli.
 67

Oylinder-impression.
a-bu-tum a-na wa-at Abutu'" to the land
dub-be-im i-hi (?)-id of the tablet he invites.

Two other cylinders with designs similar to that on this tablet

are published in De Clercq's Catalogue Methodique et Raisonne,
PI. XXYII, figs. 284 and 286. The former, which is by far the
better of the two, shows the shaft of the carriage extending between
the two central horses, and four men below (that is, on the left-hand
side of) the chariot. Behind the chariot in the upper range, are two
goats rearing, and crossing each other so that their bodies suggest
a figure like that of the letter X. To the right of these is the group
consisting of the goat-herd and his goats, the man being in this case
on the In the lower range are two other animals rearing and
left.

— —
crossing each other lions, perhaps and, on the right, beneath the
goats, three figures kneeling upon one knee. These last face the
spectator, the central one having the arms bent at the elbows, and
the hands raised. The other two hold towards the central one, in
an upright position, standards surmounted by the crescent moon
with the sun's disc within. All three men have long ringlets, and
the two flanking figures are horned, suggesting some connection
with the similar figures whose lower parts are those of bulls, which
are found in many designs on Babylonian cylinders. As the animals
drawing the chariot in the de Clercq example have short tails, it is
possible that they are not intended for horses. In front of them^
high and low in the design, are two birds, perhaps intended for fowls
rushing from the danger of the oncoming vehicle. No. 286 is a
smaller cylinder, the design on which shows the chariot, charioteer,
four horses, and some emblems, which last probably take the place
of the two rows of figures behind the chariot. The work in the case
of this last example is rougher than the others, the horses being
represented by thick and thin lines, and their proportions suggesting
rather dachshunds than the animals generally used to draw chariots.
It is not improbable that the carriage is the chariot of the
Sungod, the goats being those of Tammuz
god of the rising
as the
and the setting sun, and typifying the light fleecy clouds illuminated
with his rays, as the Babylonian inscriptions imply. They would in
that case be the parallels of the flocks of Helios in Greek mythology.
 — — —

68

14a. Contract about a Deposit of Silver

A baked clay tablet, perfect, inscribed with 19 lines of writing

7 on tbe obverse, 10 on the reverse and edge below, and 2 on tke
left-band edge. This document was found in 14b when it was
opened, and measures 37-5 mm. high by 40" 1 wide, and 16*2 mm.
thick. The colour is a cold reddish grey.

Obverse.
Sussan ma-na kaspi 1/3 of a mana of silver

za-ru-ba-am bi-u-la-at pure, (as) capital (?) of

8. gimil-istar pi-sa-a-na Gimil-Istar, Pl-sa-Ana

i-ti-in i§-ti has given. For
kaspi uq-ta-al tha silver responds
6. a-ku-za a-bu-su kaspu Akuza, his father. The silver

el-ki iS-du he has received. From

Reverse.
wa-ti i-za-ri-du-ni the time they made the contract (.'),

9. a-ti hamlet §a-na-at for 5 years

is-ti pt-§a-a-na for Pl-sa-Ana

u-sa-ab he shall reserve (it)

12. la i-sa-mu-hu-ma he shall not retain*

u la u-zi-su-ma and shall not transfer it

iS-ta-mu-ihu-ma (if) he retain and

15. i-ti-zi iina ma-na kaspi transfer, 2 mana of silver

i - sa - qal he shall pay.

PAn I-ti-ilu Addu Before Iti-Addu

Left-hand edge:
18. m&r a-sir-semi sou of Alir-Semi;
pfi,n I§tar-ba-li-el before Istar-balel.

14b. Envelojye of the Contract 14a; sealed and endorsed

This is the envelope of the preceding, and measures 49*5 mm.

high by 44 wide, and is 29 mm. thick. It bears the same inscription
as the inner tablet, 6 lines being on the obverse, 1 line on the edge
below, 5 lines on the reverse, 2 on the edge below that, and 2 lines
on the left-hand edge 16 in — all. Wide spaces have been left
between the first and second, fifth and sixth, sixth and seventh,
seventh and eighth, eleventh and twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth,
and fifteenth and sixteenth lines to accommodate the impressions of

• Root samd^u, apparently meaning to profit by,' in the Assyro-Babylonian dialect

'

to thrive.' Iltamu^u in lino 14 is from the same root.

 69

cylinder-seals with whicli these spaces, with the sides, are covered.
The designs which they bear are as follows :
—
jN'o. 1 (on the obverse). Height of the cylinder about 16'5 mm.
A seated deity, bearded, clothed in a goatskin robe, his seat also
covered with the same material, holding a cup in his right hand.
His right arm and shoulder are bare, but his left are hidden under
his garment. In front of him (to the left) is a two-faced figure
(technically designated *
bifrons ') standing, clothed in a tunic of
smooth material. This strange being holds a crooked instrument in
his left hand, and a short sword in his right. Facing the seated
deity is a divine attendant, apparently female, clothed in a goatskin
robe, and wearing a horned hat, leading the owner of the cylinder
into the presence of his god. The latter is beardless, implying some
priestly office. He is clothed in a long robe reaching to his feet,
and so arranged that his left shoulder and arm, instead of his right,
are bare. The two lines of inscription read as follows :
—
A-sir-semi A§ir-§emi
^T^-<^fll
^^'^gf mS,r Amurrl son of Amurrii

As the witness's name is given on the tablet as Iti-Addu,* it is

clear that he used his father's cylinder. The inscription on the

cylinder reveals the fact that his grandfather was named Amurru,
*
the Amorite,' a race whose members settled as far east as
Babylonia, and may even have given kings to that country about
the time when this tablet was written.
No. 2 (on the obverse). Height about 15 mm. A seated deity,
beardless (probably female), clothed in a goatskin robe leaving only
the right shoulder and arm bare, and holding in the right hand a
cup. A divine attendant, dressed in a long goatskin robe reaching
to the feet, advances, introducing the owner of the cylinder robed,
but beardless, and wearing a hat. Behind (to the left), are two
naked male figures, bearded, and having their hair arranged in
enormous ringlets descending to their shoulders On the off side
their hands are clasped, and with their near hands they seem to
point to the object between them, perhaps a small conventional form
of the sacred tree. Above, before the seated deity, is the crescent

* '
Iti-Addu son of ASir-semi,' envelope, line 1.
 ;

70

moon with the sun within; between the introducer and the
worshipper is a human head looking to the right, and apparently-
wearing a hat. The design has a single line as border above and
below.
No. 3 (on the edge below the obverse). The same repeated.
No. 4 (on the upper part of the reverse, upside down). Original
height about 18-5 mm. A bearded deity, clothed in a goatskin robe

and wearing a horned hat, seated on the back of a lion looking to

the right. The right shoulder and arm of the deity are bare, and
an oblong depression suggests that, as in the case of the other
designs described, he holds in his hand a cup. In front, an
apparently naked but belted figure seems to approach the deity, with
the knees bent as if infirm. Behind is a man in a long fringed robe

holding up his right hand as and followed by a

if in salutation,
second, in a similar attitude. Behind the deity seated on the lion
is a deer or similar animal rearing towards the left, but having its

head turned the other way, apparently towards an animal which

seems to be springing upon it, with open mouth and outstretched
paws —probably a lion. Farther to the right other animals were
represented, as may be seen by comparing the duplicate impression
on the right-hand edge. Before the deity are certain emblems, the
easiest recognizable being a vase in the form of a gourd, and the
crescent moon holding the sun's disc within. The cross upon the
disc is apparently a conventional representation of his rays, as seen
in other similar designs.
This is probably the cylinder- seal of Istar-balel.
Nos. 5 and 6 (on the lower part of the reverse and the edge below
the reverse) are duplicate impressions of No. 1.

No. 7 (on the left-hand edge) is the same as No. 4.

No. 8 (on the right-hand edge) is a duplicate of No. 2.

Though the text on the envelope

is the same as that on the inner

tablet, it is repeated here on account of the names of the owners of

the seals being given at the beginning, and the different divisions
of the lines.

Obverse.
Kvinuk i-ti-ilu Addu m&r a-sir-semi Seal of Iti-Addu, son of Agir-semi

(Here is inserted the first cylinder-impression, bearing the name

of Iti-Addu's father and grandfather.)
 ; .

71

kunuk istar-ba-li-el beal of Istar-balel,

3. m4r gimil-ku-bi-im kunuk a-ku-za son of Gimil-kubi ; Beal of Akuza

kunuk gimil-iStar. sussan ma-na kaspi seal of Gimil-Istar. 1/3 of a maua of
za-ru-ba-am pure silver
bi-u-la-at gimil-istar (as) capital (?) af Gimil-Istar,

(Here comes the second cylinder-impression.)

Edge.
6. pl-sa-a-na i-ti-in Pl-sa-Ana has given

(Here the second cylinder-seal is repeated.)

is-ti kaspi uq-ta-al For the silver responds

Reverse.

(In this space is the third cylinder-seal, upside down.)

a-ku-za a-bu-su kaspu el-ki Akuza, his father. He has received
the silver
9. is-du wa-ti i za-ri-du-ni From the time they made the contract (.')

a-ti hamset sa-na-at is-ti for five years, for

pi-sa-a-na u-Sa-ab Pi-sa ana he shall reserve (it)

(Here is impressed again the cylinder-seal of the first witness.) Iti-

Addu.
Edge.
12. la i-sa-mu-hn-ma ho shall not retain,
u la u-zi-su-ma and shall not transfer it.

(The cylinder-seal of the first witness here appears again.)

is-ta-mu-hu-ma (If) he retain and

Left-hand edge :
—
15. i-ti zi sina ma-na kaspi transfer, 2 mana of silver

(Here the fourth cylinder-seal is repeated.)

i - sa - qal he shall pay

No. 16. List of Payments

A portion of the left-hand side of a large tablet, giving, where
longest, about half the lines of writing, or somewhat less. Height
about 7 cm., width 47 mm. Colour grey. The original thickness is
uncertain, the back having been broken away.
. . . -si

. . . -um-a
. . . -nu-a
a-sir-ma-lik Asir-malik
i (?).ziz-zu tisit siqli remain. 9 shekels
 72

6 ta (?)-a mkt a-la-bi-im . t (?)& son of Alabu

. . . . -sir-i-me-ti mkv ti-qu (?) [A] sir-imeti eon of Tiqu (?)

addu (?)-bi-la-ah mar . Addu (?)-hilah, son of

gimil (?)-a- . . . Gimil-a- . . .

9 irbet siqli a-sir-e-mu-ki 4 shekels Asii'-emuki

. . . . bar siqli a-sur-i-ti half a shekel Asur-iti

. . . . -sur (?) hamisserit siqli -sur : 15 shekels Asir-nisu
a-sir-ni-su

12 ma-na kaspi mana of silver

-a-sir -Asir

-na (?) hamsot siqli mana 5 shekels

15

Of the reverse only one character, in, remains. It is written

on the right-hand edge, and seems to be part of the word, i-ti-in,

'
he has given.'

No. 16. List of Payments

The middle portion of a large tablet having on the obverse the

remains of 10 lines of writing in a rather bad condition, and on the
reverse portions of 10 lines better preserved. Height about 66 mm.,
width about 85 mm., greatest thickness 33 mm. Colour reddish
grey.
Obverse.
. . za(?) . .

. . el(?)-tim li-

. . . . in
-turn . . is .

siqli kaspi tuppi shekels of silver, tablet

6. i-na dub-bi-im sa by the tablet of . . .

sa-du-a-tim
ti ga-ri-im . . . and the judge
. . fi . . . . and . .

. kaspu (?) . . silver (?)

Reverse :

-bu-ni-ni i§ - du . . . . . . . -Bunini. From

ba-ni sanabi ma-na hamset siqli . . . 2/3mana 5 shekels. . . .

ma-na liamset siqli kaspi a- . . . mana 5 shekels of silver . .

siqli kaspi nu-bar e-lul(?) . . . shekel of silver

ma-na hamset Siqli kaspi su-qu-bu-um, mana 5 shekels of silver ....
ma-na kaspi §u-bi-§i mS,r izin (?)- mana
. of silver Subisi son of lzin(?)-
ba-ni fi,rad-§a-ku-na bar ma-na
. . . Arad-sakuna 1/2 mana . . .

la(?)-nim sanabi ma>na kaspi bi (?) . . 2/3 mana of silver

 73

No. 17. Letter acknowledging Payment utider a Contract

Tke upper part of the obverse and the lower part of the reverse

of a medium-sized tablet, 35 mm. high by 51 mm. wide. The obverse

has 6 lines of text nearly complete, and the remains of two others,
whilst the reverse gives the extreme ends only of 4 lines, and the
edge one line — 13 in all. Writing clear. Colour reddish grey.
[A-] na i-ti-a-bi-im ki-be-ma To Iti-abim say then
[uin]-ma i-ku-bi-a-ma thus: It is Ikubia.
3. sisset ma-na lal-es-bar siqli 6 maua less 3 1/2 shekels

kaspi ku-nu-ki za-lu-lu of silver, the contract of Zalulu,

m&r am-ri a-na-as-a ku-um sou of Amru, I have received. Instead

6 kasap si-im-ii" Am-an-na of the silver of Sim-Am-anna
. . i siqli [kaspi] shekels [of silver]

Here a considerable gap.

Rev.
-ir

3 am
sa-la(.')

Edge. . -sa (?) wa-ar-zi ga-ri-su(?) . . by the decision (?) of his (?) judge

A line of writing on the left-hand edge apparently completed the

inscription.

No. 18. Memorandum or Receipt{?)

A probably the lower right-hand corner of the reverse of

flake,

a small tablet, 27 mm. high by about 28 wide, with the ends of

8 lines of writing.

. sina bar siqli 2 1/2 shekels

za-bat-za-bat
ta-ma-nu-um
zu-si sussan ma-na 1/3 maua
C siqli si-im subate . . . shekels, the price of the clothes
. . . . li-ziz .... may it remain
. . . . ru (?)-be (.?)-ma ....
This being a mere flake, no trace of the inscription on the other
side is preserved.

No. 19. Fragment of a Contract-tablet

Lower part of the obverse and upper part of the reverse of a
small tablet, 24 mm. high by 45*5 mm. wide, and about 9 mm. thick.
On the obverse are portions of 3, on the edge 3, and on the reverse
 —

74

4 lines of writing, rather badly preserved. Colour greyish yellow

ochre.
. . . hu-um ...
zu(?)-ru-um su(?)- ...
3. . . sa . . . . .

Edge . . a-me . . . is-ti-

^"
parap ip-ru a-me-sa 5/6 of an ijjru Amesa
6. i-di- . . -nini {?) will pay (?)

Rev. ana ga-ri-im to the judge (?)

ki

9 el

la

As the text is very mutilated, a trustworthy rendering of what

remains is impossible.

No. 20. Fragment

The lower left-hand corner of a small tablet, 2 cm. high by 27 mm.
wide, and 14 mm. thick. It has the remains of the beginnings of
9 lines of writing. Colour a dull red.

ti-ib

3. a-la lu (.?)

ga - ar
Edgoi-ba-
Rev. um-ma i-

a - na 0-

. . . ma
9

Left-hand edge :

am

No. 21. Clay Seal of a Parcel

A fragment of a clay bulla, 17 mm. high by 41 mm. long. This
object was a lump of clay roughly shaped up, and apparently pressed
into the knotted cord bag or other which tied the opening of a
receptacle containing objects of value which were consigned for
delivery to another person, probably the buyer. The impressions
of material, which was not, to all appearance, a cord, point to the
receptacle having been a bag or basket made of rushes. A smooth
portion hollowed out on the under-side suggests that the clay was
pressed together firmly, over the opening of the bag and the cord
which fastened it, upon a knob. It is to be noted that the impression
 76

of material,which does not look like string, but which would seem
to hare been made by rushes, may have been used in conjunction
with string to tie up the parcel. The clay is baked rather hard,
pointing to the fact that it was the custom to fire these sealed pieces
of clay after they were taken from the parcel to which they were
attached, thereby preserving evidence, not only of the receipt of the
parcel, but also of the nature of the means taken to secure it.

The clay was originally oblong and roughly oval, and a small
cylinder-seal, in Cappadocian or '
Hittite '
style, was rolled over
the surface. Unfortunately, the design is not complete, the upper
part being broken away. What remains shows, going from left to

right, a projection and two paws, suggesting the forepart of an

animal, a slim, long-legged and long-nosed animal, probably of the
deer-kind, with the legs of a human figure above, perhaps intended
to be standing on it. These are looking towards the right. Facing
to the left, and so close to the deer that he looks as though he were
going to seize it by the throat, is a lion, on whose back a man,
clothed in a long garment open in front, is about to step. The feet
of a smaller figure appear above. Behind this group is a bull, seated
with his forelegs folded beneath him. Upon his back stands a figure
clothed in a long robe which, like that of the personage stepping on
the back of the lion, is open in front. The figure holds the bull by a
cord attached to his nose. To the extreme right is a portion of
another figure also standing, pos.sibly on some animal, and clothed
in a long robe. Directed upwards, between this figure and that on
the bull, are two human feet and the legs almost to the knees, but
the remainder of the body is wanting. The position of the figure
suggests that it was intended to be represented as overthrown by the

figure by whose side it lay.

There is no doubt that the figures standing on animals are
intended for deities, but it is difiicult to identify them in the absence
of the upper part of the design.

No. 22. Clay Seal of a Parcel

Part of a clay bulla similar to the last, about 28 mm. high by

2 cm. wide, showing on the back traces of the fabric to which it had
been attached. Like the other, it has the impression of part of a
cylinder-seal, but in this case almost the entire height is preserved,
 76

tlie lower part being slightly reduced by a fragment of a deep second

impression below. The height of the principal impression is

16 mm., to which one or two millimetres must be added to get the

height of the cylinder by which the impressions were reproduced.

The colour of the clay is nearly black.
On the left is shown a seated deity, wearing a flounced (goatskin)
robe and a horned hat in the usual Babylonian style, his seat being
also covered with a material suggesting goatskin. In front of him
a bead has been engraved, above which is a portion of the crescent
' '

moon with the sun's disc within. Behind, looking to the right, is a
figure (perhaps that of the owner of the cylinder) with a
hemispherical, brimmed
and a robe reaching nearly to the feet,
hat,
but open in front. His right hand is raised. To the right is a
standing figure clothed in a flounced (goatskin) robe and wearing a
horned hat surmounted by a longish point. He seems to hold some
emblem, in his right hand, against his breast. Above, on the left

of this deity's pointed hat, is a '

bead '
like that before the face of the
seated god. On the right of the front-face deity the design is

broken off.

The fragment of an impression below, which was made before

that just described, shows the head of the seated deity, the man
looking to the right, and the standing front-faced deity.
Properly speaking, the seated deity should be on the right, the
division of the design being between him and the standing figure
looking to the right, which in its turn forms the left-hand boundary
of the subject. It is always difficult, hoAvever, to stop at the right
point when impressing these designs engraved on cylinders, hence
the preservation of the seated deity on the extreme left. The
inadvertent repetition of the design is naturally an advantage from
an antiquarian point of view, as it enables parts Avhich would other-
wise be wanting to be preserved, and the nature of the subject to
be better understood.

No. 23. Sealed Envelope of a Document

Part of the envelope or '

case ' of a '
case tablet ' similar to Nos.
13b and 14b, 27*2 mm. high by 26"6 wide, and about 11*5 deep
where the end is preserved, though this is not the full original
 77

depth. The fragment is probably the top right-hand corner of the

obverse, and has at the top the characters an kusa uin su (see PI. XXX),
perhaps the name, or part of the name, of the person to whom the
communication was sent. If this be the case, the characters may
be read Kusum-su, and the meaning of this suggested name would
be *
His god Kusum,' a name similar to the Babylonian Samsia, *
my
Sungod,' and others. Suni-su may, however, mean '
his name.'
The remainder of the outer surface is covered with impressions
of cylinder-seals, that beneath the name (which is impi*essed upside-
down) showing on the extreme right a naked man with beard and
ringlets, front-face, but apparently struggling with an animal on
the right, now lost. On
is a group consisting of a lion (left)
the left
and a bull, the latter homed, and bearded as though having a human
face. His body fronts to the left, but his head is turned to the
right as if to avoid the lion which, also rearing, seems to attack him.
The tail of the bull hangs down, but that of the lion is raised and
curved somewhat like those of the lions seen in heraldic devices.
Immediately behind the lion is another animal, rearing, and facing
to the right. He seems to be furnished with a long arm, and to
grasp the tail of the lion with his hand, suggesting that this was one
of those satyr-like creatures with the upper part of a man and the
lower part of a bull, so often seen in Babylonian designs of this
nature. With his back to the bull (on the extreme left) is another
animal standing on and notwithstanding that it seems
its hind legs,

to be a pendant to the last (as is indicated by the fact that both

are shown with their tails almost between their hind legs), it may
be the creature with which the nude personage is struggling on the
extreme right. It is doubtful whether the remains of an impression
on the side edge at right-angle with this is from the same cylinder
or not.
On the edge above the cuneiform characters is an impression of
a cylinder more in the Cappadocian style. On the extreme right
is a horned bull, kneeling, and having a structure on his back
suggesting the seat or throne of a deity. An attempt seems to have
been made to reproduce in the stone the folds of the animal's skin.
In front of the bull is the figure of a man who has fallen face on
the ground, feet in the air. He is falling on his left arm, the right
being stretched out backwards. Farther to the right is a man
 78

standing on his head, with his hands to the ground to support him-
self. The height of this figure is T*5 mm. including his hat, and
the engraving of hoth figures suggests that ihej are clothed in tunics
reaching to the knees. The question arises whether they may not
be enemies overthrown in battle, but acrobats, and this is rather
supported by the figure of a horse in the attitude of galloping.
The animal seems to be supported upon the feet of the person who
is standing head downwards. To the left of the horse,
and just above the head of the bull, is a stag's head,
horned, and apparently the head of another similar animal,
top downwards. To the right of tho acrobatic group is a
serpent standing on its tail, its upper part, with the head of the
horse, being wanting. Still going to the right, we see the lower part
an object like
of a personage in a robe reaching almost to the feet,
which may have been shown held by the human figure
a fish, a rod
preceding, and the lower part of another personage wearing a robe
long behind, but open in front. The whole design, when complete,
must have been of considerable interest.
The inside of the envelope has the remains of three lines of
writing which was on the tablet within impressed in relief. The

only character recognizable with certainty is p>~ , i, in the second

line.

Ttie Babylonian Tablet

No. 24. TAst of Consignments of Food

An imperfectly baked tablet, 52 mm. high by 3 cm. wide,

inscribed with 12 lines of writing on the obverse, 13 on the reverse
and edges above and below, and one line on the left-haud edge.
The document itself came from Tel-loh, the ancient Lagas. The
style of the writing is ancient Babylonian of about 2700 b.c.

Obverse :
—
la qa kas es qa zi 5 qa of drink, 3 qa of meal,
gi zal a- gam 1 measure of oil,

3. Lu-ma-gan-na lu gis-ku gn Lu-Maganna, tlie soldier.

U qa kas ia qa zi 10 qa of drink, 5 qa of meal,

gi zal a- gam 1 measure of oil.
 79

6. Da-da sukkal sag-gi§ Dada, the messenger of sag-gis.

kin-ti-da gin-na gone with the kin t't.

Es qa kas mina qa zi 3 qa of drink, 2 qa of meal,

9. gi zal a - gam 1 measure of oil,

En-u - mi-ni-ni En-u-mi-nini.

ma-gis-ku gin-na gone to the wooden ship.
12. Es qa kas mina qa zi 3 qa of drink, 2 qn of meal,

Reverse :
—
gi zal a-gam 1 measure of oil,

Si-ri (or Ar)-si-ih lu rim Sirisih (or Arsih), the agent

15. man ia qa kas seg lugal 25 qa of sweet royal drink,
suS nimin ka^ gin 100 qa of standard drink,
u§u qa zi gu 30 qa of gr?/-meal

18. dam pa-te-si Susa (ki) the wife of the viceroy of Susa,
Lu-cliiigir Nin-Gir-su su-i pa-rim Lu-Nin-Girso the barber, agent.
Ei qa kas mina qa zi 3 qa of drink, 2 qa of meal,
21 gi zal d-gam 1 measvire of oil,

Hu-nu-ne-a Himunea,
dam pa-te-f5i Su- gone to the wife of
24 sa (ki)-ku gin-na the viceroy of Susa.
Zi-ga ti {i-mina-kam Removed the 12th dav

Left-hand Edge :
—
iti izin dingir Dun-gi month of the festival of Dungi.

This document is an example of a very numerous class which,

as far as the items are concerned, are always couched in the same
terms — drink, food or meal, and oil. Difficulties sometimes occur
either in the names of the persons to whom these supplies were
consigned, or in their titles or other details connected with them,
as in the case of the text translated above. They are all of con-
siderable interest, however, in spite of their simple nature,
not only for the names, which are sometimes uncommon, but also
for the testimony which they bear to the commerce between
Babylonia and the states on its eastern border. It is unfortunate
that the name of the viceroy of Susa (lines 18 and 23) is not given.
Lu-maganna (line 3) is a gentilic name, meaning Man of *

Maganna,' a district identified with tlie Peninsula of Sinai, or part

of it. Maganna is thought to be the old form of Maan.
In their ordinary signification, the characters kin-ti (line 7) would
mean *
message of life.'
The '
ship (of) wood '
{ma-gis, line 11) was possibly some sacred
 80

ark or shrine. In the Berlin tablet VA. Th. 2458 (Reisner,

T empelurkunden aus Telloh, no. 223) 3 qa of drink, 2 qa of food, and
2 gin of oil are recorded as having gone, in the care of Adi-Sin, the
courier, magis Susa (ki)-da, '
with the wooden ship of Snsa.'
The barber mentioned
' '
in line 19 was probably a priestly official

attached to one of the temples — possibly that of Nin-Girsu, '

the lord
of Girsu.'
In lines 23 and 24 the ideograph for Snsa is divided, part being
on each line. There are indications that the scribe began to write
the determinative suffix hi (the second character of line 24) after the

first half. The complete group for Susa is TrTn Jpf'"' T Jk^'
Liverpool A.A.A.. Vol. I.
o PLATE XVII.

LETTER a3A).-l : ohrerse; 2 edge below obverge ; 3: rtverse ; i eJge below re.vtne, with first line
:
:
of obversec ,; «
5 right-
: .c.
hand rilgewith ends of Itnex ; 6: left-hind edge with laH line of text. »
ENVELOPE (13b).-7: right-haml edge with end of line 3 ; 8: obverse with address; 9:
ed>,e below obrerse ; 10:v/. left-hand
ed;ie ; 11: reverse; 12: edge below reverse. , v^-'
CLAY SEALS.-13: Seal No. 22; 14: Part of a Sealed Envelope {No. 23): upper edge;
15: side.
Lireriwol A..i.A., Vol. I. PLATE XVlll.

CONTRACT-TABJLET (14a).— 1: obvenie ; 2: edge heluw obcerne ; 3: rtverae ; 4: edije below re re me ; 5: riijht-haiul
edge with end» of Hues ; 6 : left-hand edge with last two lines.

ENVELOPE (14b).— 7: left-hand edge with last two lines of text ; f<: obverse; 9: edge beU)w obeerse ; 10: right-hand
edge with ends of lines; 11: reverse; 12: edge below reverse.
CLAY SEAL (21).— 13: impressed surface; 14: back, showing marks of string, etc.
Lirerpdol A. A. A., Vnt. I.
PLATE XIX.

OBVERSE.

REVERSb:.

Pm. 1. LETTER ABOUT REPAIRS TO A HOUSE.

LiievjiiHil A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XX.

OBVERSE.

r-^^TTOT

9.
^ ^Tf
qj-^cr^rTi
Pp-T^q^'

REVERSE.

-rg.

1S.

^WmWM^

mU^m^
Fig. -2. LETTER ABOUT COMMERCIAL MATTERS.
Lifei'iJixil A.A.J. , Vol. I.
PLATE XXI.
%

YP^-^

1 %^ ^ «=-i

ffl^l-^TMC^
Ed3e.

21

»v

^mr

Fiu. ;i. IjETTER about THE INTEREST ON A LOAN.

Lirerpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XXII.

^H

W^i
LEFT-HAND EDGE.

Fi«. 4. LETTER ABOUT SUNDRY PURCHASES.

Pirj. 5. LETTER ABOUT A CONTRACT.

Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
<^
PLATE XXIIl

Obv.

* * Line 10, 'Die Uisl _

character should be t»— T<

fiig^^nr
wmM^Kiw

I.

FWSf^^^^^
L ._. .
'ffifc— ' •

dO

^=^^
53
t<iq€

Fiu. 6. LETTER ABOUT HVLUOAE AND NASBATTU.

Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. I.
^0 PLATE XXIV,

otv
«<> m ,. . .
r^

MK'Itjf^
%k m<'m
ipr^=^w
Eflije.

«^ Im^ 4ff 'ff^l*!

Fio. 7. RECORD OF A I^OAN OF SILVER.

^=~^wm^
* Fig. 8. Line 14 should read as follows —
^ contract OF ADOPTION AND COHABITATION
: Fio. H.

i;^ ]f ^^
Ohv

r_V-'
^
R«y
^ MT^ ?=tTf

Edae

Fio. 9. MEMORANDUM OF A PAYMENT BY INSTALMENT. Fig. 10. RECEIPT FOR CLOTHING.

Lit-erpool .I..I.A., Fo/. I. PLATE XXV.

i"

/Im^^wpt
-m^mm r^ w
A^^Av—
^M^S!^M
Ki(i. 11. MEMORANDUM OP A DEPOSIT OP GOLD AND SILVER.

Obu.

Pig. 12. MEMORANDUM, APPARENTLY ABOUT CLOTHING.

 c\

Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.

^..^ PLATE XXVI.

Obverse

Fig. 13a. LETTER OF INVITATION.

TT^#ffT^^

C>ylmder - Impression

If ^^-W&T!

Fig. 13b. ENVELOPE OF THE ABOVE LETTER, WITH ADDRESS AND

SEAL-IMPRESSION.
Lirerpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XXVII.
^'

^4>fr4iHS! M^fp?
c
^A^n n t3 ^ ^^
(Cylinder- impressiort.') o CCjyIinder- impression.)
'rfj
<n
<u
w
a.
£
Fid. 14b. ENVELOPE: LEFT-HAND EDGE.

r
<u
T3
C
(Ci/linder- impression.)

(Cylmdev-'.mpreM.on.; J
jj lTW^5^)^^^m

i-1
(.Ciilinder- impression.)
~t4t<te7 ¥1 4fcil

(Cylinder- impression)

]^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ 3 ^ H<[^^S--^^ U^ 4^^l/,
(.Cylinder, impression.)

Fig. 14b.
^.^M^
ENVELOPE OF THE CONTRACT. WITH Fi(i. 14a. contract ABOUT A DEPOSIT OF SILVER.
SEALS AND ENDORSEMENT. {See also Plate XVIII.)
Lireri>,<nl A. A. A., Vol. I.
4*^ platp: xxviii.

Remains o"f ttu.

Edge rime on
a lever with ^. ill

lino (3 above)

Fio. 15. LIST OP PAYMENTS.

Lir,Tp<ml A. A. A., Vol. I.
(^ PLATE XXIX.

Fio. 16. LIST OF PAYMENTS.

LinriiiuA A.A.A., r.i/. /.

I" PLATE XXX.

4 Tf ^^'fl-4-f^

REVERSE AND EDGE

Tlie last cJiaractern
in the last line
read as follows
OBVERSE.

Fi(i. 17. LETTER ACKNOWLEDGING PAYMENT UNDER A CONTRACT.

I
W

'J^^. . -u.^ %,

Impression of cylin- (
der-seal Cmen.lionsi
Last character of
etc.).
the line-
p
Fi<i. 20. FRAGMENTARY TABLET. Fig. 23. SEALED ENVELOPE {see also Plate XVIII).
Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. I. ^^ PLATE XXXI.
i'

WM^W^ "^
r^ X

>
pa
m^^m^ r
^'^^fj^H
HTPrMnrMl'

m l4i^M
12 ^I M^lYM

15

11« fS^^^fOTrlM

2J

^4 m^^rn^
LeB hand td^e
S2I

Fig. 24. THE BABYLONIAN TABLET. A LIST OF CONSIGNMENTS OF FOOD.

 '

81

NOTES ON PASSAGES IN THE CAPPADOCIAN

TABLETS
By Professor A. H. SAYCE, LL.D.

Tablet I, line 5. kaspu zitam rather '

money for the journey
(from t^2J'»)-

Lines 11-12. 'Do not send thy maid to the house of Dan(n)u her
father, but let her remain,' etc. The meaning of sigati is fixed by its
equivalence to galiti cp. the sugetu of Hammurabi.
;

Line 14. Masgat = the place of the sigati,' let her keep the
' '

house as thy selamlik.'

Line 17. ? '
[she] searched, re[maining].'
Tablet II, line 7. '
the timber and the youth's clothing are thy
rent ' (from zabdlu).
Line 9. Ipzu, '
there is.*

Lines 11-13. *
on account of ([as-]sam) thy farm I am accountable
for.'

Lines 14-16. *
the 2/3 shekel [for] my farm I am not {larii) re-

sponsible for.'

Line 15. Nani and alam are separate words : see my paper in
Babyloniaca, p. 17, pp. 28-29. Nani-a '
my n.' Cp. Tablet XVII,
lines 3-5.

Tablet III, line 17. Kaspu gadum zibtam imid = 'the money and
bakshish he has taken.'
Tablet IV, line 5, rev. Gimil-Zuin shows that Hommel was right
in suggesting that Sin = Zuin.
Tablet V, line 2. [Manu-] ki-A[sur].
Tablet VI, line 4. huluqae = Abs. kulaqu, 'a garment,' (W.A.L,
V, 28).*
Line 14. Kudma=qudma,' to begin with.* Nasbattum = mourn- '

ing ' ;
'
first make a mourning, (and) after the mourning change (?)
the garment.'
Tablet VII, lines 2-3. * B. has lent, the son of N. has borrowed.'
Line 11. Zibtam rather '
fine.'

• In support of Professor Sayce's comparison, it may be noted that Sarsowsky

compares with liulaqu the Chaldean p^l^n* '
shirt," etc. —T. G. P.
 —

82

Tablet IX, line 6. Gada sini = '

receipt (= gidhdhu) for the price

(of the bronze) ' ; or

Lines 5-7. ? '
as a deposit in view of the price (jgada sim) of the
copper.' Cp. Tablet XVII, line 6.
Tablet XIII. A very interesting text. Tni-tui looks Hittite. At
any rate it would seem to be the native equivalent of the Assyrian
Wala-wala (= Mala-mala), i.e., Egyptian- Arabic gdwi-gdwi beaucoup- '

beaucoup.' The text shows that I was wrong in making tirtu = teretu,
'
orders,' it must, I think, be the Assyrian tei'du, '
boy,' '
slave.' I

should, therefore, translate as follows :

line 6. *
Let Abutum thy
slave and his slave go, stay, and remain : I do not own Abutum '
(1st

person singular with Ist person plural, as in my paper in Babyloniaca,

p. 22, lines 12-13, and as in Egyptian- Arabic). '

Abutum, if thou (art)

his master, is our slave (also). [I have caused Garnaba to be brought

to thee.] Thy slave Mekum has not gone.' Abutii^ = Abuttum.
Tablet Xlllb. anawat = ana awat :
'
Abutum has attended (ikhidh)

to the words of the tablet.'

Tablet XlVa. samdku = '

to develope '
— shall
' not trade with
(it).'

Tablet XVI, line 7. saduatim = *

these.'

Tablet XVII, line 5. The name is Amria. For nasakum see Tablet
III, lines 13, 16.
 88

THE DISPUTED FLINTS OF BREONIO

VERONESE
By T. E. PEET, B.A.

WITH PLATE XXXII

About twelve miles east of the Lake of Garda, and some fifteen
north-north-west of Verona, lies the mountain village of Breonio,
3,000 feet above the sea level. It is quite close to the left bank of
the Adige in the heart of the Monti Lessini. In the comune to
which Breonio gives its name have been found, at various dates since
the seventies, prehistoric stations of different types. They consist of
rock-shelters or caves (covoli), work-shops for flint implements
{officine), and remains of huts {fondi di capanne). Unfortunately,
no co-ordinated account of the excavations near Breonio has ever
been published, and this is one of the reasons which makes the
decision of the question so difficult.
The most important of the caves are those of Molina delle
Scalucce. These were excavated in 1876, and the material deposited
in the museum at The workshops consist merely in masses
Verona.
of flints, cores, flakes, and finished or unfinished implements,
found practically at the surface, showing that at one time various
spots were devoted specially to the manufacture of flint objects.
The huts lie on Monte Loffa, and as far as I can judge from the
material, and from De Stefani's somewhat confused account, they
are probably none of them earlier than the Iron Age, while some
are of the Roman period.
Now the flint implements of Breonio are remarkable in more
ways than one. They include a number of forms of distinctly
paleolithic appearance. The most notable of these are the well-
known tranchel, so common in the kitchen-middens of Denmark and
South Sweden, and the Solutreen spearhead. The occurrence of
these forms, together with pottery, makes it certain that at least
part of the deposit in which they are found belongs to neolithic
times. But in the earliest neolithic huts of Reggio, Emilia and
elsewhere, such forms are unknown. That is new people
to say, the

who beyond all doubt entered Italy bringing the culture known
 84

there as neolithic, were not accustomed to use such implements as

we are describing. It seems, therefore, natural to suggest, as
Pigorini did many years ago, that at Breonio we have the old
paleolithic inhabitants living on under the influence of their new
neighbours, the neolithic invaders (Liguri), from whom they learned
the art of making pottery. Similar phenomena are to be noted at
Rivoli, some eight miles south-west of Breonio, and also on the

FIG. 1. SKBTCH-MAP OF BREONIO AND DISTRICT.

lower part of the Adriatic coast of Italy, especially around the Lake
of Lesina and on the promontory of the Gargano. In all these
methods of working flint were continued and
stations the paleolithic
improved upon, and here, instead of the axe of polished stone used
by the neolithic immigrants, we find that of flaked flint. Thus the
flint industry of Breonio is not the ordinary neolithic industry of
most parts of Italy or Europe, but something of a special nature,
 85

and he who leaves out of account this most important point does not
approach in the right frame of mind the question which has been
raised, as to their genuineness.

Into the controversy which for over twenty years has raged
around these strange flint objects of Breonio, English archaeologists
have in the main refused to enter. In 1905, however, an Englishman,
Mr. H. W. Seton Karr, not only examined the question in Italy, but
also published his results in the form of two letters to the Roman
newspaper La Trihuna, in which he declared the flints to be, without
qualification, false. The only other discussion of the question in
English which is known to me is that by Dr. Robert Munro in his
Archaeology and False Antiquities, published in 1905.* He treats

the subject quite dispassionately, and after quoting some evidence

gathered by the late Mr. T. Wilson, of the Smithsonian Institute,
Washington, and carefully examining the question of the Russian
parallels, he concludes as f olio ws t : — *
That, however, fantastic
shaped flints like those from Breonio should be found only in
stations limited to one small area in Europe, but covering the whole
range of prehistoric times from the Paleolithic period down to the
Iron Age, is the inexplicable residuum of the Breonio problem.'
It will thus be seen that those Englishmen who have dealt with
the subject have decided on the whole against the genuineness of
the flints. I may therefore be pardoned if I attempt to set forth the
question rather from the opposite point of view, and to bring forward
evidence of the genuineness of some at least of the flints, which has
rather been neglected by English writers.

For the benefit of those who have not seen the flints of Breonio,
it may be well to give some description of them. And here it must
be noted that on the majority of the implements no doubt has ever
been cast.For instance, the Solutreen lance-head, the tranchet, the
rectangular knife, the flaked axe —
all these have passed without

suspicion, and rightly so. It is only when we come to the flints of

strange and unusual shape that doubts arise.

These freaks are found in various spots near Breonio. In the
' '

original excavations at Molina delle Scalucce, apparently none were

found. In the museum at Verona there are indeed a few cards of

• pp. 56-80. t P- 80-

 86

freaks among the rest of the Molina material, but they are dated
several years later than all the other cards, which are marked 1876.
Thus we have no evidence that these freaks were really in use at the
time of the neolithic occupation of Molina. Indeed, I am inclined
to think that during the true neolithic age they were not yet being
manufactured.
They are also found in numerous rock-shelters and workshops to
which no precise date can be assigned, and they have also been
picked up almost at the surface of the ground. Finally, they have
been found in the huts on Monte Loffa, which probably all date
from the Iron Age, and last well into the Roman period. Thus there
is good evidence for Pigorini's statement that they were still being

manufactured at the beginning of the Christian era.

Fig. 2. FLINT AXE FROM BREONIO. Fio. 3. SOLUTREEN LANCEHEAD

FROM BREONIO.
So much for the question of date and distribution. We must
now pass on to the shapes of these strange objects. Plate XXXII
gives an idea of the most usual forms (a —n) and (by a photograph)
shows the kind of working. It will be noticed that there is no sign of

the minute flaking which was used in ordinary stations of the later
neolithic period in Italy, and which lasted into the eneolithic and bronze
ages. Here much of the surface of the original flake is left untouched,
and the working is generally applied at the ends and on the edges.
Moreover, the flaking is distinctly rough, and reminds one strongly of
that of the flint axes (flg. 2), or Solutreen lance-heads (fig. 3), from

the same locality.

 J

87

Many of the shapes appear to be developments of the ordinary

arrow-head. This applies to all those shown in PI. XXXII, 1, and
also to figs, (a), and (c). The forms Qi) and (i) are the so-called
(ft)

crescent axe, to which we shall have to return later. Nos. (d), [e), (/)
and (g) give the idea of combs, but it would be difficult to suggest a
practical use for them. Nos. (J),
{k), (I), (m), (w) and (o) seem to be
merely fanciful shapes, but whether (I) represents a man and (o) a
quadruped is a question which it appears to me quite impossible to
settle. The lengths vary from 2 cm. to 10 cm.
Such, then, are the objects whose genuineness is called in
question. But before attempting to decide the point it is necessary
to give some account of the controversy which has raged around
them.

The first find of strange flints was made by Goiran in 1876, but
it was not until 1881 that they attracted the attention of
archaeologists outside Italy. In that year the International
Geographical Congress sat at A^'enice, and De Stefani not only read
a report of his excavations, but also showed specimens of the strange
flints to the meeting.* In 1885t Pigorini published a large object
of piromacous flint shaped like a huge arrow-head. It was found in
the covolo deWorsOy near Breonio. Its length was about 27 centi-
metres, and Pigorini held it to be an object of cult. This, of course,
is immensely larger than any of the '
freak ' flints, and is, I believe,
quite without parallel in Europe. Even before this, in 1884,
Chierici, in publishing a strange crescent-shaped axe of polished
stone, found at Cumarola, compared it with the Breonio flints of

the type shown in fig. 2 {h) and {i). In 1885 he followed up the
comparison in an article entitled The crescent-shaped axe of stone
'

in Italy.' § Here he defended the Cumarola example against the

criticisms of the French archaeologist De Mortillet, who denied that
it came from the grave from which it was said to come, and he also

figured the Breonio parallels, showing one of them still fixed in a

handle of bone. While this article was still in the press appeared
Mortillet's famous Fmix paledethnologiques, in which the genuineness
of the Breonio flints were denied.^

Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana J Bull. Pal. X, p. 156, Tav. VII, 6.

VII, 152-3. § Bull. Pal. XI, p. 129, Tav. V.
t Bull. Pal. XI, p. 33, Tav. IV. IT In L' Homme, Sept. 10th, 1885.
 88

Thus was the contest begun. Pigorini at once published a reply, *

pointing out that De Mortillet, not having seen either the flints or
their place of finding, was scarcely in a position to give any opinion
with regard to them, and adding that he himself had been present at
excavations near Breonio which entirely confirmed De Stefani's
earlier discoveries.
Other Italian archaeologists supported Pigorini, and in 1886
Strobel made the following I have seen and
declaration :
— '

examined the flints of Breonio, and I am persuaded that they are

not of modern manufacture. 't
As De Mortillet continued to question the authenticity, the
editors of the Bullettino di Paletnologia published a report of
Castelfranco, who had been to Breonio to enquire into the matter!
In the course of his report Castelfranco declared that he had visited
all the localities, questioning the persons concerned. As a result
*

of my questions, visits and excavations, I carryaway the conviction

that De Stefani's discoveries are of immense palethnological
importance. I have dug out with my own hands, and seen excavated
in virgin soil several objects of stone of strange forms which at first
surprised me, among them several crosses, a comb, three pointed
flints, lance-heads with four barbs, &c. Besides these strange forms
I found, of course, large numbers of knives, gouges and adzes of
common types.' At the same time Castelfranco wrote a letter to
De Mortillet§ in which he described in great detail the finding by
himself of a flint cross in position in the archaeological stratum.
De Mortillet, however, remained unconvinced.
In the same year, 1886, Mr. T. Wilson, of the Smithsonian
Institute, Washington, and made a report on the
visited Breonio
question. I mention this mainly because Dr. Munro quotes from
this report a number of categorical facts
'
about Breonio, some of '

which are untrue. Thus there is at present no proof that the

district of Breonio was inhabited in paleolithic times, and further,
it is not true that the flints have been found in *
all stations of

whatever period, Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze and Iron,' by the

local excavator of whom Mr. Wilson speaks. In the first place no
stations of the paleolithic period have yet been found, and in the

• UOpinionc, No. 258; Bull. Pal. XI, 171. t Bull. Pal. XII, p. 64.
I Bull. Pal. XII, p. 162.
§ Quoted by Munro in Archaeology and False Antiquities, pp. 66-68.
 89

second place no '

freaks '
have been found even in deposits which can
be definitely assigned to the pure neolithic period. That, moreover,
Mr. Wilson failed to find '
freaks '
in the Molina caves is no subject
for wonder, for these are precisely the spots which were inhabited
in true neolithic times, and where, therefore, such flints are not to
be expected because they were not yet in use.

The next move was made by Pigorini in 1887, when he published

an article pointing out that the strange flints were absent in the
lower strata of the Breonio deposits, i.e., in those of the pure
neolithic period,and that they increased in number as time went on,
continuing to be made in the time of the Roman Republic* At the
same time he compared the Breonio flints with some rather similar
objects found in the Muikow caves near Krakau. To this comparison
we shall return. De Mortillet answered this by a statement that
both the Breonio and the Muikow flints were forgeries, t To this
Pigorini replied in the BullettinX in an article from which I quote
the following, in reference to the small flint crosses on which De
Mortillet had poured peculiar scorn :
— ' Instead of occupying
himself with these, repeatedly affirming their origin in the ardent
faith and Catholicism of the supposed forgers at Muikow and
Breonio, it would have been more useful had De Mortillet explained
how it happens that, in the comune of Breonio, De Stefani,
Castelfranco and myself have dug out these small crosses and other
strange objects of piromacous flint in ancient relic soil, undisturbed

and covered with alpine turf of very old growth.'

In the same year De Stefani again excavated at Breonio, and
speaking of some freaks then found, he says that they were
'
'

'
gathered and taken out from the firm earth with my own hands in
the
a spot called Praisiello in the district of Ca' di Per, beneath
caves.'

In 1888 the General Direction of Antiquities and Fine Arts,

tiring of foreign criticism, appointed a commission to
enquire into

the matter. On September 13th the commission published its

report.§ The excavations carried out by them may be briefly

described as follows —On Monte Loffa, at a spot outside De

:
Stef ani's

area of excavation, a piece of ground 10 metres by 8 was marked out.

t L'Homrtus, 1887, p.
62.
"Rendiconti delV Accademia del Lincei, Serie 4a, Vol. III.
XITI, 95. § Bull. Pal. XIV, 141.
t Bull. Pal.
 90

Within this a trench 9 metres by 2| metres was dug, the maximum

depth being 1"30 metres. First the surface was removed. This
consisted of turf covered with pieces of rock and bushes. Then the
earth was taken away in successive layers 20 centimetres at a time,
and the objects found in each layer were kept separate. At the end
comparisons were made, and it was seen that the objects from all
depths were of the same type, similar to those previously found by
De Stefani in hut-foundations. They included animal bones, pot
sherds, and flints. Of the latter some were of ordinary types, others
of types peculiar to Breonio, e.g., crosses, combs, &c.
On nearing the virgin soil an ancient wall built without mortar
was discovered. This had apparently formed the ancient retaining
wall of the hut village, and against had been thrown refuse from
it

the village. This wall was carefully removed, stone by stone, by the
excavators, and it was found that some of the refuse, which included
flints of both ordinary and freak forms, had worked its way into
'
'

the crevices between the stones.

This report was signed by Pigorini, Castelfranco, De Stefani,
and six other persons, all of whom were present at the excavations.
In 1889 Virchow visited Verona and reported as follows*: —
'
The question of the genuineness of these flints ought to be
definitely at an end. I, myself, after visiting the rich collection of
Verona, and examining the technique, which is exactly similar to
that of the lance-heads of flint and obsidian, had not the least doubt
as to the genuineness of the Breonio examples.'
Still De Mortillet remained sceptical, and once more published
his views, without, however, making any attempt to refute the
definite statements of Italian excavators, and still without having
taken the trouble to examine the flints at Verona. Pigorini replied
adequately,! pointing out that De Mortillet was refusing to meet
facts, and the matter was allowed to rest.

In 1892 a number of Breonio flints bought from a vendor were

sent from Verona to the Imperial N^atural History Museum at
Vienna, where they were, perhaps rightly, judged forgeries.
So far no English archaeologist, as far as I know, had entered
into the lists, the battle being fought out between the French and

the Italians. In 1905, however, appeared Dr. Eobert Munro's

• Bull. Pal. XV, 85. t Bull. Pal. XVI, 57.

 91

'
Archaeology and False Antiquities,' containing a remarkably fair
and unprejudiced account of the controversy. I cannot find in it
any direct denial of the genuineness of all the flints, but I think
that anyone who reads the passages will agree that Dr. Munro is not
without doubts in his own mind.
In the same year the question was treated in a very different
manner by another Englishman, Mr. H. W. Seton Karr, in two
letters to the daily paper La Tribuna, published at Eome.*

These letters of Mr. Seton Karr are an excellent example of the

a priori method, a method which is in this case totally inapplicable.
Had Mr. Seton Karr read some twenty-five articles dealing with
Breonio in the Bullettino di Pcdetnologia Italiana, he would have
seen that there are a number of hard facts for which he has utterly
refused to allow. In any case he fails to touch the point at issue,
which is not whether some of the freaks are false, but whether
'
'

any are genuine a question which can really only be settled by

;

asking whether any of them were found in the true archaeological

stratum by competent and trustworthy excavators. How utterly
a priori was Mr. Seton Karr's method of argument will be seen from
the fact that in his first letter he says that no similar objects exist
in any museum in the world, except, perhaps, in that of Reggio-
Emilia, and this despite the fact that the largest collection of such
flints exists at Yerona The only evidence produced in this letter
— 'These frauds have,
!

against the flints is as follows: like the true

flints, a patina which covers the whole stone. But in the true
ancient implements the patina does not penetrate beyond the surface
and has been formed by lapse of time and after the implement was
made, in such a way that if a piece is broken the colour of the
interior of the flint or stone is different. This is not the case with
the frauds.' means anything, means that in the frauds
This,, if it

the stone is the same colour within and without, which is hard to
reconcile with the statement in the second letter that the patina
comes away on the application of soap and a brush.
Between the writing of the first letter and the second Mr. Seton
Karr visited Verona. There he gathered a large amount of
information with regard to the antique flint industry, which is

carried on up in the Monti Lessini. In May of the present year I

* May 9th, and July 8th, 1905.

 92

was working in the museum at Verona for about a week, and I

gathered exactly the same information from the attendants as that
quoted by Mr. Seton Karr. It is, I think, beyond all doubt that
'
freak now being manufactured and sold in the district
' flints are
of Yerona; indeed, a museum official in North Italy once said to
me We not only know that they are being made, we know also
:
'

who the makers are.' It is further possible that these flints are now
sometimes buried in the ground in order to be found there by
know no proof of such a case.
excavators, though I
Thus much of what Mr. Seton Karr states in his second letter is
no doubt true, but the conclusions which he draws from it do not
follow. Because Gastaldi discovered a factory of polished stone '
'

axes in the Ligurian Apennines, he did not infer that all polished
stone axes from Liguria were false. Similarly here, too, it is not
only interesting but necessary to know that '
freak ' flints are being
manufactured, but it is not a proof that all the '
freaks '
are false.

In the BuUettino di Paletnologia for 1905,* Pigorini published a

short reply to these letters. In this he made two main points. In
the first place the flints tested at Verona by Mr. Seton Karr were
all admittedly found later than 1884, in which year Mr. Seton Karr
supposes the industry to have begun. Pigorini, however, points out
that as early as 1876, Goiran, in a spot not pointed out by anyone,
but discovered by himself, found, along with ordinary flints, others
of shapes never seen elsewhere. t One of these, a cross, was
illustrated as early as 1879. Again, in 1881, a number of the strange
flints were found by Buffo in an archaeological stratum containing
ordinary flints, bones and other remains, and were shown to the

Geographical Congress at Venice in the same year. No evidence

which Mr. Seton Karr has brought forward has touched the
genuineness of these early finds.

The second point on which Pigorini insists is as follows In : —

1888 De Stefani ceased to excavate at Breonio, as the stations in the
district were well nigh worked out, and in 1892 he died. No further
excavations were carried out, and yet, despite this fact, '
flints of

strange forms are, and have been for some years, sold in Verona,
purporting to come from Breonio ; to this group must have belonged

* Bull. Pal. XXXI, pp. 134-8.

Stefano De SU/ani, la sua vita sue opere. Veroua, 1894,
t A. Goiran. e le

pp. 64-6.
 98

the specimens sent in 1892 to the Imperial Museum at Vienna, and

there judged to be forgeries. Of such flints, said to be from Breonio,
brought into the market since 1888, I have neither bought nor seen
any. Thus I can pronounce no opinion on them, much less can I
assert that they may not be modern imitations of authentic flints

found between 1876 and 1888.'

Thus Pigorini does not deny the possibility that some of the flints

are forgeries; but he maintains, if I do not mistake him, the

genuineness of all those which appeared previous to 1888. It may
be worth adding the testimony of Boule, quoted by Pigorini himself
from V Anihroiiologie, 1905, p. 320:— 'Je tiens de M. E. Cartailhac,
qui a etudie avec soin les collections italiennes, que beaucoup des
silex etranges de Breonio lui ont paru parfaitement authentiques.'
Having given the history of the controversy, we must try to
ascertain whether any facts can be accepted as reliable. First,
however, there are certain axioms which must be kept in mind by
any one who desires to give a judgment on the subject of these flints.
Firstly, he must realise what is the true point at issue. It is not
enough to buy a few strange flints from the keeper of the
amphitheatre at Verona, and to prove that their patina can be
removed by the aid of soap and water. It is not enough to take
refuge in the Herodotean *
man whose name I may not reveal,' who
explains how the flints are made, and where. It is not even enough
to prove that forgery existed even in the early eighties — which,
incidentally, has never been proved. What has to be proved is that
all the flints of strange shape extracted from the earth by competent
excavators are false ; and this has never been done.
who inhabited
Secondly, the critic must realise that the people
Breonio were not an ordinary neolithic tribe such as we find in most
other parts of Italy. They were the descendants of paleolithic
people who inhabited Italy long before the incoming of the Iberi-
Liguri. Their stone weapons were not of the ordinary neolithic
type. The art of polishing stone was unknown to them, while many
of their flint forms were peculiar to themselves. Up in the Monti
Lessini they continued to live, to a great extent uninfluenced by the
newcomers in the plains. What more natural, then, that, as the
artistic taste of the Liguri found its vent in polishing stone and in
working flint with minute accuracy, so that of the older people of
Breonio delighted not in the perfection of the technique, but in the
 94

invention of new and unusual forms ? Surely such a contrast is by

no means without parallel in the history of art.

In the third place, the critic must note that the flints are not
found '
in all stations of whatever period,' as Mr. Wilson states. No
paleolithic stations are as yet reported from Breonio, and those who
scofE at these flints as being impossible among a paleolithic people,
are wasting good sarcasm. Nor are the '
freaks found even in
'

neolithic stations. They occur in stations whose beginning is

uncertain in date, but which lasted until the end of the Roman
Republic. Thus they are the product of a very highly developed
flint industry, one which continued to exist even when bronze and
iron were in common use. I fail to see any improbability in the
fact that such an industry produced unusual forms, especially when
we remember that in other parts of Italy the working of flint had
long been abandoned.
Fourthly, the sceptic must be prepared to face a series of hard
facts, namely, that flints of strange form have been repeatedly
taken from undisturbed earth at Breonio by conscientious and
competent archaeologists. I have given sufficient evidence of this

in summing up the history of the question, and there is no need to

repeat it. He who denies this evidence is either doubting the word
of three of the most distinguished of Italian archaeologists, or he is

accusing them of being the dupes and victims of unscrupulous

forgers. If the last, he has to explain how the flints were so
carefully buried that these archaeologists, with their long
experience of excavation, were unable to detect the disturbance in
the stratification. I doubt whether Mr. Seton Karr could explain
this. According to him, the manufacture of
began in 1884, flints

and in 1888 the Commission made its excavations and report. If

the flints then found at various depths down to more than a metre
were forged, they must, according to Mr. Seton Karr, have been
placed there not earlier than 1884, and in order to get them into
their positions the whole ground must have been disturbed. What
we are asked to believe is this, then : that Pigorini, who has for
years past been excavating prehistoric sites of every type, was
unable to perceive that this ground had been disturbed less than four
years previously.
Fifthly an examination of the patina of certain of the flints

proves nothing as to the rest. Indeed the words of two critics will
 95

themselves show method is. I quote Mr. Wilson

how useless this :
—
'
The forme curiose are almost all of brown flint, which takes on
scarcely any j^atina or varnish, so that from appearance it is almost
impossible to distinguish ancient from modem specimens and now '
;

Mr. Seton Karr:

— 'These forgeries have, like the genuine objects,
a 2Jatiiui which covers the whole stone.' Thus according to one critic

the stone is such that to put on an artificial patina would prove

falsity, while according to the other these clever forgers find their
products so unlike the genuine article that a patina of '
ink and
soot ' is required to assist the illusion.
Lastly I fail to see why the unusual shape of the flints should be
used as evidence in discussing their genuineness. I have already

mentioned that the flint industry we is an unusual

are dealing with
one, one in which such shapes, from being impossible, are not
so far

even improbable. As to the so-called parallels found in Russia,

their authenticity or falsity proves nothing as to that of the Breonio
specimens. If they are genuine, then we have an interesting
parallel, nothing more; if they are false, they aiford no evidence
against *
freak '
flints elsewhere. Those, however, who are interested
in this side issue will find a good account of the matter in Dr.
Munro's book, pages 71-79. Nor does the fact that down to recent
times Breonio had a large industry consisting in the making of
strike-a-lights [acciarini) affect the question. It would, however, be
interesting to know whether the remarkable flint industry of Breonio
has ever rested, or whether it has been carried on from neolithic
times to the present century without a break.

In conclusion we may sum up as follows :

—
(1) It is quite probable, nay, almost certain, that '
freak ' flints

are being forged near Verona to-day.

(2) It is absolutely certain that there also exist specimens which

are genuine, and which date mainly from the iron age and the
Roman period, if not earlier still.

(3) The date at which the forgeries began is not certain, but
there is a probability that it was after 1888.

(4) No critic has a right to deny the genuineness of all '

freaks
'

found at Breonio, until he has read the evidence, visited the locality,
and examined the specimens both at Rome and at Verona. If, in
full knowledge of what has been said by eye-witnesses of the
excavations, he still dares to deny, he is in truth a bold man.
 96

ON THE TITLE —
By Professor W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L.

In corroboration of Miss Murray's paper (p. 23), it may be

mentioned that r--- was recognised as the title of 'chief five

years ago, where Narmer is smiting the '

Chief of the Lake ' (Stud.

Hist. Eg., i, 8, ed. 1903). The word , at that time I took

as an adjectival form (as Erman, Glossar, p. 23), and have always

since rendered Semer Uati as the '
chiefly companion,' a companion
or peer of the rank of a chief. If Erman's adjectival rendering is

set aside, as Miss Murray now proposes, the sense will then be a
*
companion chief,' that is a Uati chief who is accepted as a peer.
Further bearing on this is the important title in the Xllth

dynasty .«^>nnT' ^^^ ^^ *"' — ^^ equal to pp (at least in late

times), it suggests a reading equal to '

4s *
Great One, Chief
^J'
of the South,' or Southern viceroy or vizier. And the use of this title

^n^ , ^>^*i^ ^y Taharqa (Prisse. Mon. XXXII) shews that

it was one of the highest (Stud. Hist. Eg., iii, 301, 1905).

Thus, in lecturing years ago, I had taken the as the

title of tribal chiefs, who, after the unification of Egypt, were

accepted as peers by their overlord the King, and became his
companions.
TAi-eitiiiol A. A. A.. Vol. I. \ PLATE XXXIL

^ J-

Vui. 1. BUKOMO FLINTS: TYPICAIi WOUKMANSHIP.

C^\^^\/\y\y^

J k m n

Fui. 2. BREONIO FLINTS: TYPICAL FORMS.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, IN NORTH
SYRIA: PRELIMINARY REPORT FOR 1908
f
WITH PLATES XXXIH-XLIX

By JOHN GARSTANG

The purpose of this preliminary report is to present a brief

summary of the results of our experimental excavation made during
the autumn of 1908 in the mounds of Sakje-Geuzi, Turkey in Asia.
There has been no sufficient time since our return for an adequate
study of these results, so that they will be stated almost without
comment, while questions of detail and difficult points will be
reserved for a fuller discussion hereafter.*
The expenses of this excavation were borne by the Right
Honourable Sir John Brunner, Bart., M.P., Dr. Ludwig Mond, Mr.
Robert Mond and Mr. H. Martyn Kennard ; and to these gentlemen
our utmost gratitude is due for the prompt generosity which enabled
us, almost at a moment's notice, to take advantage of the Imperial
Irad^, and for this further encouragement given to Hittite
researches.
As in the previous year, our expedition had the advantage of
the voluntary and splendid service of Mr. Arthur Wilkin; while
the photography and artistic work was again entrusted to the able
hands of Herr Schliephack. Some of his photographs are
reproduced as illustrations of this report ; he also made the original
drawings of the seals in Plate XLYIII and of all the pottery
fragments in Plates XLIV-VI ; besides the latter he has made also
a great number of drawings in colour, which it is proposed to
publish in a later article. Since our return, Mr. F. Grant has
revised and re-drawn the plans and diagrams. Our business in
Constantinople was greatly facilitated by the constant friend of
archaeologists, Mr. Edwin Pears, by members of the British
Embassy, and in particular by H.B.M. Consul in Constantinople,
Mr. G. H. Fitzmaurice, C.B., to whose untiring energy was largely
due the issuing of the Trade. At the Imperial Museum of
Constantinople His Excellency Hamdi Bey, who urged us some

* Editor's Note. —
Professor Garstang's early return to Egypt has made it

necessary to print this report without revision by him.

 98

years ago to undertake the excavation of this site, now gave the
most cordial assistance to our expedition, and provided us with
documents which carried us through all formalities to the end of
our work without hitch or delay. Everywhere we experienced the
first benefits of the new regime.
Our journey was by sea to Messina, by train thence by Tarsus
and Adana; thence by horse over the Eastern Cilician plain by
Hamidiyeh to Osmanieh, where we crossed the Giaour-Dagh
mountains, in similar fashion, by way of the Bogche Pass. It was
still August, and the weather, during the earlier part of the ride,

was hot and sultry so we travelled mostly by night. Pushing on,

;

however, by day when we came to the mountains, we arrived at

Sakje-Geuzi within four whole days after leaving Adana. In the
valley, where the mounds of Sakje-Geuzi lie, the weather was still
very trying. The temperature ran up to 105° in the day time, and
fell to 60° during the night the climate, too, though we saw it at
;

its best at this dry season of the year, was unhealthy. Malaria was
prevalent and virulent, and seems to have reduced and weakened
the population greatly. This scourge, however, we happily escaped,
for we pitched our tents well up the slope of the Qurt-Dagh, and
were provided, besides, with nets to both tents and beds.
As our general overseer we had brought Othon Mavromatelli
with us from Constantinople, and soon found other trustworthy men
to act as foremen. These within a few days brought together from
sixty to eighty Turks and Armenians of the district, some of whom
became skilful workmen. Later on, these were reinforced by a
number Armenians from Marash, through the good ofl&ces of the
of
missionaries of that place. On the average we employed about a
hundred workmen throughout our stay.

Physical Geogra'phy of the District of Sakje-Geuzi

Sakje-Geuzi, the site of our work, is marked in the plane-table

map which is reproduced on Plate XXXIII. Its position is in

lat. 37° 12' N. and long. 36° 54' E. It is a small village placed on
a somewhat prominent rise at the foot of the Qurt-Dagh range.
The contour of the horizon to the East and West is shown in the

sketches at the sides of Plate XXXIII : the base line in each case
being towards the middle of the Plate. The positions of peaks
 99

shown in elevation in these sketches are marked in the map by a

small circle connected with the point in question by a line.
To the Soutn of Sakje-Geuzi lies Hassar-Keiii, and to the North
Qurtoba-Keiii ; both villages are similarly situated on the foothills
of the eastern range. Other villages near by in the valley are
Birpanga-Keui and Chirkes-Keui, the latter a Circassian settlement,

as its name implies. Other villages again, outside the immediate

vicinity of Sakje-Geuzi, are not indicated in this map: they lie for

the most part along the foothills of the western chain.

Physical causes make it probable that all the ancient settlements
in this broad valley-plain shared in a common history. Two fine

ranges of mountains, the Giaour-Dagh on the West and the Qurt-

Dagh on the East, with their outliers, shut in the valley almost on
every side, so that the numerous small rivers have some difficulty
in finding their way out towards the South at all several of them
;

indeed, which spring from the heights near Sakje-Geuzi itself,

disappear in the marshy lake at the western side of the valley.
Under these conditions considerable tracts of the district near the
streams are lost in swamp and marsh but otherwise the land is
;

naturally fertile, and yields without much trouble sufficient corn

for the wants of its population. Here and there, in fruit gardens
and vineyards, there are indications that with cultivation it might
become extremely productive; but for the present its undrained
condition and the consequent malaria restrain all development.
In ancient times the physical conditions seem to have been the
same. Yet there are signs and traditions of a numerous population
at any rate down to the 4th century B.C., and it seems necessary
to infer from this that malaria fever had not then begun its
devastations. On every hand are the mounds, large and small,
which tell of ages of settled communities in past times. The famous
Sinjirli, excavated with such remarkable results by the recent

German expedition, lies only a few hours South of the Bogsche

Pass and North-westward thence through the valley to Sakje-Geuzi
;

some fifty sites of various sizes might be counted in the single day's
march. Whatever may have been the causes which were at work
elsewhere in Syria, there seems to be little doubt that in this

district the peculiar mound-like development of these cities resulted

from the ever-present desire to live as high as possible above the
 100

marshy plain. At vSinjirli a natural mound was selected, during

the latter part of the second millenium B.C., as the best site for the
palace and acropolis of a walled town. At Sakje-Geuzi, our own
excavations showed that the mounds were nearly all artificial, and
that they represented the accumulated ruins and ruBbish of

successive ages of occupation of the same spot from primitive

antiquity.

Nature of the Mounds

Of the five mounds, indicated by the A, B, C, D, E in the

letters

map on Plate XXXIII, the largest and apparently the most

important marked B, and called locally Songrus or Songurus-
is that
Eyuh. The great size and the steep sloping sides of this mound are
well shown in the background to the photograph No. 1 on PI.
XXXVIII, which is taken from mound A at a distance of quite a
mile. Trial-pits sunk in mound B showed it to be mainly if not
wholly an artificial accumulation full of stratified history which
still awaits our spade. Its walls and pottery, so far as they could
be observed on the surface, suggest that its development was
collateral with that of mound A, which
we excavated more alone
thoroughly. Mound C, which has the suggestive name of Kefridiz-
Eyuh, was tested similarly, and with the same result. Mounds I)
and E form part of the same local series, but were not closely
examined by us. That in which most of our work was done was the
smallest of them all it is called Jobha-Eyuh, and is marked with
:

the letter A in the map.

Jobba-Eyuk is shown in photograph No. 1 on PI. XXXIV, as it
appeared before excavation, but after it had been already blackened
by our fire v^hich destroyed its vegetation. It lies on gently rising
ground, in u bend of the marshy stream which flows westward past
its northern end along its east side also there is a backwater,
:

overgrown with reeds and bushes. There is a spring of cool water

near by. The artificial part of the mound is not clearly defined;
to the North it rises somewhat steeply, but its outline is unbroken
right down to the spring and stream to the South the rise is very
;

gentle,and the outline of the mound indefinite. If Ave take the line
of unburnt grass which is seen in the photograph, as an approximate
boundary, the mound is about 140 metres in length, and about 90 in
 101

width. The length, as showD on Plate XXXYI, embraces the fifth

contour line to the iNorth-east, and the third to the South-west.

The greatest elevation above the plain is between nine and ten
metres.
Superficial Indications of Antiquity

Jobba-Eyuk was selected for our first experiment for several

reasons. Firstly, it was the smallest, and presumably the least

important in antiquity, and thus less likely than the others to

contain valuable or precious materials which we might unwittingly
damage or lose through the inexperience of the workpeople, and
our own ignorance of the local criteria. Secondly, the time of our
stay was limited. Thirdly, sculptured stones, protruding from the
surface, showed that results of some kind would be accessible
without great trouble. The two best stones which were already
visible, were photographed as they lay, and are reproduced in fig. 2,

on PI. XXXIV. These we had seen on our previous visit in 1907,

and a photograph one of them was published in Annals of

of
Archaeology, Vol. i, PI. XV, fig. 2. This stone shows the lower part
of aman, clad iu a tunic and sandals, standing behind a lion, of
which only the hind leg and part of the body remain but there ; is

little difiiculty in restoring the scene, on the analogy of the well-

known lion-hunt sculpture from Marash. This stone shows also a
rosetteand a rope border its greatest height in its present condition
:

is 90 cm. The body of another lion, in bold relief, lies in the

foreground of PI. XXXIV, 2, and is seen on a larger scale in
PI. XXXV, 2. As in the former instance, the stone is bordered by
a twisted rope pattern. The lion's body is rendered in a bold and
almost heavy manner; and it should be noticed thai the
representation of his mane is not prolonged under the belly. The
height of this sculpture to the top of the lion's back is 108 cm.
Another interesting stone from this mound is shown in the same
Plate, XXXV, fig. 1 . It bears a weathered representation of a table
at which a figure is seated upon a chair, with a second person
ministering at the opposite side of the table. The main features of
this design are well known in Hittite sculpture,* but in other
examples both figures are represented sitting. An instance of it

* This class of sculpture has beeu exhaustively discussed by Messrs. Crowfoot and
linderson in the second part of their Exploration in Galatia-Cis-Halym,' Joar. Hell.
'

Stud.yVdi, XIX, 1899, in connection with a similar relief at Yarro.

 ; — ;

102

which has escaped general notice, because of its badly weathered

condition, occurs among the sculptures at Yazili Kaya, by the great
Hittite site at Boghaz-Keui, in Cappadocia, on the right hand of the
entrance to the Main Gallery.
The sculpture before us is too much weathered to show many
details, but the designs of the table and chair, and the curl of the
hair of the seated figure are distinct and noteworthy features. This
stone was found at the foot of the mound on the eastern side in the
marsh, where it had seemingly been laid down as one of a series of
large stepping-stones. There seems no doubt that it had been
moved in comparatively recent times. On the analogy of the
sculptures at Sinjirli, such a scene may well have formed part of the
series of sculptures which decorate (as we shall see) the walls of the
building which occupied the mound.

Summary of Investigations and Results

The chief results of our excavation of the mound may be grouped
under four heads, referring respectively to
(i) The Main Fortification-Wall which defended the mound
during the principal period of its history
(ii) The Upper Buildings which were found superimposed in the
centre of the top of the mound, and are marked H^, H3, &c., in
PL XXXVII;
(iii) The Portico of a Palace or Temple with Hittite sculptures
still standing in situ, marked T in the General Plan on PI. XXXYI,
and illustrated in detail in Pis. XXXVIII-XLII
(iv) The Trench marked '
A '
in the General Plan in PI. XXXVI,
and represented in section in PI. XLIII. This trench was cut in order
to obtain a section of the outer slope of the mound beyond the main
wall, where we might expect to find successive layers of rubbish
from the mound superimposed in undisturbed chronological order.
In some respects this section through the slope of the mound was
our most important excavation; for it disclosed not only the
neolithic origin of the mound, but also a deep series of stratified
deposits of rubbish, some later than the Main Wall and the Portico,
but some also earlier than they; and all rich in examples of
successive styles of incised and pa^inted pottery. These styles are
illustrated in detail in Pis. XLIV-XLVIII.
 108

Explanation of the General Plan

At this point it will be convenient to explain the system of
notation employed in the Plans on Pis. XXXVI-XXXVII, and to
describe very briefly the purpose of each building, wherever this can
be determined. Greek letters a, ^,y indicate walls, and in some
. . .

cases the different portions of the same wall will be found differently
lettered. Objects found in situ are denoted by small reference
letters a, b, c . . . . and are described under these letters in the list

given below (p. ). Sections cut in the course of our work are
indicated by their depths in centimetres, measured downwards from
the surface-level as zero : two numbers bracketed together beside a
Greek letter record the depths at which we came upon the top and
bottom of the wall in question. A circle with crossed lines within
it indicates a find of the Early Painted pottery; a circle with R
enclosed signifies Roman pottery. The letters B, D, and F are
survey-points only, of which F is the position of the sculptured lion
found on the surface, and figured in PI. XXXV, 2. In the drawing
of the walls, dotted lines represent the surface-buildings; plain
lines, the uppermost buried stratum; dotted shading a third level;
and solid black the fourth, which is that of the Hittite sculptures,
and lies about two metres below the surface. Foundations below
this level are shown as rubble.

The Main Wall

The main defence of the mound consisted of a stout wall
averaging 3'50 metres in thickness. It was built of small stones
rivetted together by stouter facing-blocks; the latter, though laid
roughly in courses, were built together as they best fitted, without
shaping. The wall was strengthened at frequent intervals by
external buttresses, about four metres broad, projecting about a
metre from the wall-face. The corners were strengthened similarly
by rectangular turrets or angle-buttresses of the same projection.
The foundations were for the most part very solid, particularly on
the steep edge of the mound to the J^orth-east, where the masonry
was best preserved. Both there and in Trench V,' four or five '

courses of great stones, suggestive of Cyclopean masonry, represented

the original foundations, and descended to a depth of rather more
than a metre. One such section of the wall from '
Trench A,' on the
 104

North-east side, is shown in PI. XLIII. The surface-level at the

time the wall was built is indicated on tiie outside of the wall by the
bottom of the thick calcareous deposit shown in that Plate and this ;

gives the measure of the depth and strength of the foundations.

Above these foundations the wall is preserved at this point to a
height of nearly two and a half metres the preserved portion,
:

however, probably does not represent the original height of the wall,
which without disproportion may have risen six metres or more.
No gates were found in the course of our brief examination. In
fact, the plan of the main wall, as given on PL XXXVI, must not
be regarded as anything but provisional. The portions actually
traced by us are indicated by line-hatching ; and the dotted portions
are filled in from the probabilities of the case. The North corner,
in particular, must be regarded as problematical, for here we have
departed from the general rectangular outline of the enclosure,
which is modified owing to the suggestion of the surface contour,
and our observations in Trench U.' *
This portion of the wall,
however, we did not examine thoroughly. The external buttresses,
too, along the line of the main wall are probably more numerous

than we have indicated.

Doubtless the principle of defence throughout was that indicated
by these foundations, namely, a high stout wall on the edge of the
mound, as the best protection from assault. The external turrets or
buttresses would afford some slight advantage for enfilading fire
against assailants of the intervening wall-face.

Date of the Main Wall

Such a plan of defence would readily comply with the later

Eoman system of fortifications; but there are other local

considerations which point to a very much earlier origin. The first

of these features is the enclosure of a mound the second is the type
;

of fortification which is well known in early Syria and certain

Assyrian strong-holds. Most conclusive of all is the character of
the coloured pottery found just under the foundations, as well as in
the stratum of earth which was disturbed in laying them;
particularly in Trenches V and N. These confirmed, for the whole
site, the evidence of the complete section made in Trench A, and
illustrated in PI. XLIII. Trench A showed the wall to be built
 105

upon a stratum containing pottery which resembled, if it did not

directly imitate, the painted ware of the latest Mycenaean phase of
Mediterranean art (PI. XL VIII). Even without further evidence,
therefore, the wall might be assigned to a date about the beginning
of the first millenium B.C.
But there is a further fact, which points in the same direction.
The pottery which seemed to be contemporary with the wall was
found overlaying the Later Painted layer above mentioned, in a
thin streak below the Lime Revetment (PI. XLIII) and again just
above the latter. This pottery was of a quite characteristic fabric,
hard, brick-red, and for the most part undecorated. It was of a
distinct type from that of the Later Painted pottery, which lay
stratified below it; and seemed to define, though not seemingly to

exclude, the latest phase of it. Now the same hard brick-red pottery
was found again with, and under, the foundations of the Portico,

marked T in PI. XXXV'I, the sculptures of which, as we shall see,

may be assigned to a date in the ninth century B.C. on the
independent ground of their style. The Main Wall therefore
belongs to the same time as the Portico, or at any rate to a date not
much earlier; it is quite safe to say, somewhere between 1100 and
850 B.C.

The Upper Buildings

The superposed buildings in the top of the mound are represented
in PI. XXXVII, where the central portion of the General Plan from
PI. XXXVI is reproduced on a scale about four times as large.
These Upper Buildings have no special importance, and need not
detain us long.
The dotted lines a represent the position of a comparatively
recent dwelling, probably Kurdish, the ruins of which were visible
upon the surface ; they rested for the most part upon the remains of
the lower building y8. In connection with this upper building a
the following '
finds '
are noteworthy :
—
a = a sculptured stone, showing four legs of a bull, found built
as a corner-stone into the southern corner, with the
sculpture inwards.
6 = a sculptured stone, showing the body and hind legs of a
bull, in thesame style as the lion figured on PI. XXXV, 2.

This stone also was placed face-inwards in the wall.

 106

c = a sculptured stone, adjoining h, and showing tlie lega of a

man found
; in the thickness of the wall.
d = a sculptured stone, showing one leg of a man; found
likewise built in the wall.
To make a more thorough examination of the walls ^ it was
found necessary to remove all the walls marked a. The walls y9
were then followed as far as is indicated in the plan. They were
found at an average depth of 40 cm. below the surface, and had a
height of about 30 cm. Where they crossed the lower wall marked
j-d, the latter was used as their foundation. The building
formed by these walls /S, and marked Hg in the General Plan,
seemed to be of Roman date.
The building below them, marked H3, is probably pre-Roman.
It is also post-Hittite, for its walls, y8, 7, k, X, overlie other walls
which seemed to be contemporary with, if not actually part of, the
Portico of Hittite date. We are therefore inclined to assign it

provisionally to a date about 300 B.C. ; but it may well be earlier.

Before turning to consider the more interesting structures of the
Hittite period, we continue the list of miscellaneous finds connected
with the upper strata as follows :
—
e = a deposit of Roman pottery, found under the walls a, and
level with those marked yS.

/ = a celt of green stone, broken, at a depth of 60 cm.

g = half of a mace head of grit-stone, at a depth of 30 cm.
h = a, button-shaped seal, with the thread-hole broken, at a
depth of 1 metre (PI. XLIX, fig. 2).

i = coin or ornamental piece of metal, corroded; at a depth of

30 cms.
k = a find consisting of two spinning wheels of stone, a piece of
obsidian and a piece of ivory, at a depth of 1'50 m.
Z = a piece of striped pottery and 2 pieces of obsidian, just
outside the wall /8.

n = various specimens of pottery, including one of thin black-

and-red fabric (see p. 116) found in the angle between the
walls yS and 7, and level with the latter,

o =a piece of black pottery and some other fragments.

t =a stone seal (PI. XLIX, fig. 1), depth 1 metre.
Other references, marked in the plan, but omitted in this list,
refer to points of detail which need not be discussed in this report.
 107

The Seals
We append, however, at this point the 'provenance of the other
8eals figured on PI. XLIX.
No. 3, with a design of two horned animals, was found in the
middle of the Portico, about 10 cm. above the pavement in front of
the sculptured sphinxes numbered 9 in PI. XXXIX. This would
give, for its loss, a date about 800 b.c. approximately.
No. 4 was found in re-sifting the earth thrown out in excavating
this Portico, and may thus have been any date between 800 b.c. and
300 A.D., with an observed probability towards the earlier date.
No. 5 was found in '
Trench V,' PI. XXXVI, just outside the
Main Wall, at a depth of 150 cm., and stands related to finds of
coloured pottery in the same trench. This object may be as early
as the Wall itself.

No. 6 was found in front of the lion's head (PI. XXXIX, Slab
No. 12) ; it was probably contemporary with the wall marked fi in
PL XXXVII. It may therefore be dated anywhere between 750 B.C.
and 300 b.c.

No. 7, showing the crude appearance of a human figure, was

found in '
Trench G,' which exposed the foundations beyond the
south corner of the later building, H^ in PI. XXXVI, and is just
indicated in PI. XXXVII. It was at a depth of only 1*10 m. in a
deposit of Roman pottery, possibly of the second century a.d.

The Sculptured Portico

The building marked T in the General Plan (PI. XXXVI) and
described as the Entrance to a Temple on PI. XXXVII, presents
many points of similarity with the local Hilani as described in the
excavation of Sinjirli* ; but our excavation has not proceeded far
enough and nature of the building itself. Some
to disclose the plan
marked in PI. XXXVII. It may be either
of the foundations are
Temple or Palace; and possibly Palace and Temple were one and
the same.t This at all events is suggested by the nature and
• Cf. von Luschan, Ausgrahungen in Sendschirli, Tafel 26, &c. (Berlin, Konigl.
Museen.), and compare the sculptures published in Vol. Ill of the same.
t At Tell-Halaf on the River Khabur, beyond the Euphrates, a very similar Portico
,

or Fa9ade, excavated recently by Dr. Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, is certified as the
'Palace of Kapar, son of Hanpan,' by cuneiform inscriptions on its sculptured slabs.
Cf. von Oppenheim, Der Tell-Halaf und die verschleierte Gdttin., published in Der Alte
Orient, X, 1 (Leipzig, 1908).
arrangement of the sculptures. It is imposaible, however, to bring
our new evidence to bear upon the
and religious organisation
civil

of thesecommunities until excavation has determined the nature of

the other mounds and the relation of the different settlements to
one another. Though not yet completely excavated, this Portico
has none the less an intrinsic archaeological and architectural value,
and is rendered the more interesting by the nature and freshness of
the sculptures and reliefs with which was adorned.it

The upper photograph XXXVIII shows the sculptures

in Plate
standing, as they were found, upon the threshold of flag-stones.
The long step running along the front of the entrance, and shown in
the Plan and Section on PI. XXXIX, was not found until after this
photograph had been taken; and two sculptures forming a return
to the far-corner in the picture had also not then been excavated.

The showed the original arrangement of the

position of these slabs
return on the right-haud side also, which had been much disturbed
before our excavation, probably by the builders of the wail /x already
alluded to; see PI. XXXVII.The main conception of the design
is seen to be that the entrance is guarded by a lion on either side;

while the pedestal in the middle is mounted on two sphinxes. The

line of the wall-frontage may also be inferred from the cutting of
the stone upon the lions' backs, which makes it clear that the
sculptures in front were an addition to this wall and not
architecturally part of it.

The lower photograph in PI. XXXVIII illustrates further details

of construction. The sculpture which lies on the left in the

foreground, was found lying flat under the upper wall /* it had ;

been moved from its original position, which was in the inner return
of the wall on that side. The two steps on the right in the
foreground are decorated with rosettes and another device familiar
in Assyrian art. Their relation to the building has not yet been
determined ;some clue may be provided when we trace further some
of the adjacent walls of mud brick and red brick.

The Arrangement of the Sculptures

The details of the Portico and the arrangement of its sculptures

are given in the Plan and Section on PI. XXXIX. The reliefs

numbered 1 and 2 are duplicates of Nos. 10 and 11 respectively.

 '

lOf)

and these are reproduced together with No. 12 (the head of the
right-hand Lion) in the photograph on PI. XLI, 2. No. 3 shows the
head and fore part of the left-hand Lion, which resembles that on
the right (No. 12) in every detail. No. 4 is the profile of the left-
hand Lion, followed by the Sphinx, No. 5, and the Priest-King,
No. 6, as seen in the upper photograph on PI. XL. This procession
is continued round the return wall by No. 7, the Whisk-bearer,

and No. 8 the Hoyal Falconer, as shown in the lower photograph

of PI. XL. The right-hand side, as may be seen from PI. XLI,
almost re-duplicates the left, No. 13 corresponding to No. 4, and
No. 14 exactly to No. 5. The remaining reliefs, Nos. 15, 16, and
17, were found misplaced and much broken ; they represent figure."?

in the same costumes ns Nos. 7 and 8.

The remarkable sculpture in the middle, No. 9, shown in front

and back view on PI. XLII, represents a drum-shaped pedestal
supported on two sphinxes, the drum itself being held up on
numerous fingers side by side. The copious ashes and bones, found
against the east .^^ide of this, sugge.st that it was an altar; from its

shape, might be the pedestal of a statue; but from its position

it

between the gate jambs it may with most probabilitv be regarded

as the base of a pillar helping to support the entrance. The last

interpretation was accepted with reason by the excavators at Sinjirli

in respect to similar objects found there ; but at Sinjirli there was
no such architectural difficulty as might reasonably be felt in this

instance.
Character of the Art

These sculptures and reliefs tell their own story better than any
verbal description. Their wonderfully complete preservation enables
us to look upon them with and refreshment after long
satisfaction
contemplation of the weathered from which Hittite art has
reliefs

previously been almost wholly known. They are provincial '

work, but there are about them startling and pleasing features of
admirable quality. The snarling, defiant realism of the lions can
hardly be surpassed in any specimen of oriental art. The motives
are markedly Assyrian, particularly as regards the mythological
representations; the eagle-headed deity, No. 11, for instance, and
the scene which shows two personages fertilising the sacred tree
(No. 10). But to a closer scrutiny there is disclosed, on almost every
 ; ; ;

110

sculpture, sometliing in treatment or in subject whicli stamps the

art as not Assyrian, but local. The crescent under the rosette, in

No. 10, is an illustration, and the absence of the fifth leg in the
profile of the lions is another. The central sphinxes, indeed, are
given a fifth leg to complete the view from behind, but the
resemblance in this case between the features and general appear-
ance of the face suggest a comparison rather with the sphinxes of
Eyuk, north Boghaz-Keui, in Asia Minor. The nature of the
of
designs has led Professor Sayce independently to the conclusion
that these sculptures are the work of the Ilittites of North Syria,
dating between the campaigns of Assur-nazir-pal in B.C. 880, and
the conquests of Tiglath-Pileser III about 730 B.C. This opinion
coincides well with the apparent date of the pottery (vide below) and
with what is known of local history from the inscriptions discovered
at Sinjirli : we may regard 850 B.C. as a reasonable approximation
to a date for these sculptures.

Small Objects from the Portico

Not many small objects were found in excavating this portion

of the site; the seals have been referred to already (p. 107). We
should mention, however, here
(1) a celt with chipped edge, made of grey-blue stone, found
30 cm. above the platform, midway between Nos. 9 and 15 on
PI. XXXIX;
(2) a rough perforated stone hammer, found in the same place at
a height of 40 cm.
(3) a curious stone tray, in the curving form of a figure 8, about
20 cm. in length, found at a level 100 cm. above the site of the wall
enclosed by the sculptures on the left
(4) part of a similar tray, found 50 cm. above the floor behind
the central sphinxes.
None of these objects, however, are clearly as early in date as
the Portico itself.

Trench A : a Section of the Mound, outside the Main Wall

Before concluding this report we must summarise briefly the very
important evidence obtained from a section which we cut at one
end of the mound down to the undisturbed earth on which it stood
 Ill

for in this section the stratification of the fragments of pottery, and

other remains, enables us to trace the growth of the settlement from
a Neolithic origin, through various stages and phases, until the time
when it was by the Main Wall, early in the first millenium
fortified
B.C. By this means we have obtained a chronological outline,
based upon the pottery-sequence, which will enable us henceforth
to study the civilisation of Sakje-Geuzi, in its local aspect at any
rate, from a historical standpoint. The examples of the principal
fabrics of pottery which are figured in Plates XLIV to XLVIII are
only intended to give a general idea of their nature it would be :

premature to enter into a comparative study of them, until we can

publish the evidence more completely.

Methods of Search and Registration

Our observations during the making of this section will be most

easily followed by reference to the XLIII, which
diagram on PI.
represents in elevation the side of a trench varying from 3 to 5
metres in width it is indicated as Trench A in the General Plan
;
'
'

on PI. XXXVI. For better control of the workmen, the whole

length of the trench was divided into sections, each of which was
—
denoted by a reference letter «, &, c, &c. from a at the lowest —
point, on the outer edge of the mound, to g at the top of the slope
immediately outside the Main Wall. In each of these sections a
horizontal layer of about a metre in thickness was being excavated
at one and the same time; and these successive deepenings of each
section of the trench are indicated by a consecutive number, from 1
at the top, to 2, 3, 4 or 5 at the bottom,* according to the total
depth to which each section of the trench had to be dug out in order
to reach the virgin soil on which the mound stood. As in each
section the uppermost layer lay at a different level down the slope
of the mound, the appearance of the floor of the whole trench at any
given moment resembled a flight of steps. In the digging out of
each of these steps to its next lower level, the precise depth at which
each object was found was further defined by its distance in centi-
metres below the top of the layer or step in which it occurred.
Thus, for example, on the first object figured on PI. XLVII, No. 29,

*For ponvenience, steps a, 61, ft'i, and /I are omitted fi'om the Plate as being of
minor importance.
 Ii2

the marks A, d, 3, 120 indicate that it was found at a depth of

120 cm. below the top of the third step in section d of this trench A.
These precautions enabled us to determine the stratification of the
pottery and other remains with sufficient accuracy, notwithstanding
the difficulty involved in the employment of untrained workmen.
All the strata which were clearly defined in the section are shown
and named in the diagram on PI. XLIII ; the nature of the pottery
found in each stratum is briefly summarised by the descriptions up
the left side.
Stratification

At the bottom of all was found the native marl and clay,
corresponding with the general nature and contour of the ground
around; this marl showed the mound itself to be wholly artificial

so far as our excavation penetrated into it. Upon the marl lay
a stratum composed apparently of three layers of charred material
and black earth, each layer roughly 20 cm. in height, but the whole
forming a homogeneous deposit. These we called the Neolithic *

Floors,' on account of the numerous nondescript implements of

and obsidian, pieces of ivory and bone, and clay spindle-whorls,
flint

and the fragments of black pottery with white incised decoration,

which were found within them. Examples of this characteristic
pottery are shown on PI. XLIV. Above these lay a more or less
homogeneous deposit of earthy marl to a height of about 100 cm.,
bounded by a conspicuous streak of lime and other matter.
at the top
This marly stratum we have divided arbitrarily by a dotted line in
PI. XLIII into two portions not physically distinct, on account
of the different types of pottery which are characteristic of the
lower and upper halves. In the former, which we have named
*
Early Neolithic,* the objects and fragments of pottery were in
general less similar to those found in the neolithic floors; in the
latter, or *
Later Neolithic,* we noted in the pottery the beginning
of coloured decoration, with new forms and a new technique, and a
considerable decadence in the execution of some of the older motives.
Above these Neolithic levels were two other strata, clearly defined,
and separated by a layer of small stones, and so pre-eminently
characterised by fragments of coloured pottery, that we have named
them the Earlier Painted and Later Painted periods respec-
'
'
*
'

tively. A layer of black deposit marked the upper limit of the

Liverpool .4. A. A., F(-;. T.
PLATE XXXIII.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZl, 1908.

PLAN SHOWING POSITION OF THE MOUNDS AND VILLAGK OF SAKJE-GRUZI.

LirrrpcHil A. A. A., Vol. I. PLATE XXXIV.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZl. I'.tOH.

lifi. l.-Ml)UNU A, JOBBA KYUK. FROM THK WEST.

Fig. 2.— sculptured STONES PROTRUDING FROM THE SURFACE OF MOUND A.

Liverpool A. A. A., Vol I.
,^ PLATE XXXV

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

Fig. 1.— relief FOUND IN THE MARSH AT THE FOOT OF MOUND A.

Fig. 2.— relief SHOWING THE BODY OF A LION FOUND ON THE

SURFACE OF MOUND A.
 ^
Lirrri""'! A..-I.A., Vvl. I.
PLATE XXXVI.
y
V

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

SPRING ^ *^

N
\
\ N

N
\

- SCALi Of MCTftLS
/
Hoeijo^rAi.

—
^^^ aB "' a- ^JiTt~rm --^
/
N.^ 5E.CTI0N aa

MOUND A : GENERAL PLAN, CONTOURS, AND SECTION ALONG THE LINE a-a.
A, n, C, l>, ainrf.u iiiiiiils. Ti. ('. = Trench C, <tc. m, H3, giiperpoxed honxex (Plate XXXVII). T, portico of paXnce or ItmpU {Phil, XXXIX).
Liverpitol A. A A., f'ul. I.

PLATE XXXVII.

0«
LirerpDol A. A. A., Vol. I.
,V
PLATE XXXVIII.

KXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

I'll,. 1. -PORTICO: (lEXKR.VL VIEW, WITH SCULPTURES /.Y SITV.

Fig. 2.— PORTICO : SIDE VIEW, SHOWING SCULPTURED STEPS TO RIGHT.

Liverpool A A. A., Fo/. /. n PLATE XXXIX.

<
<
z
o
5
y
if)

::i

1
 Linrpool A.A.A., Voh I.
/y PLATE XL.
EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-CtFAJZI, IDOK.

r 4 5 f.

Fi<i. 1.- PORTICO: SCULI'TUHKH OK THK UEFT WINO. THE PROCESSION; LION. SPHINX. AND PUIEST-KING
(Nil III he ml i, .;, ti oil Pliitf .Y.Y.Y7.Y).

6 7 8

Kk;. -2.— PORTICO: THE PROCESSION CONTINUED; WHISK-BEARER AND FALCONER.

(Numbeml 6, 7, S uii Plate XXXIX).
Liverpool A. A. A.. Vol. I.
PLATE XLI.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

14 13 12 11 JO
Fig. 1.— POKTICO: SCULPTURES OP THE RIGHT WING.
(Numbered 10-14 in Plate XXXIX.}

1-2 11 10
Fig. 2.—portico : SCULPTURES OF THE RIGHT FRONTAGE.
iNumbere'l 10, 11, IS in Plate XXXIX.)
Lirnpool A. .4. A.. Viil. I.
PLATE XLII.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJPI-GEUZI, 1908.

Fi.i. 1. POllTK (): SCI'I,F>TURK1) BASK HCI'I'OKTKD HY HPHINXKS.

(.V»m;),ir,/ .'/ ON Pint, .V.V.Y/.V.i

Fid. •>. THE SAME BASE, FROM BEHIND, SHOWING FIFTH LEG OF THE SPHINX.
Liverpoul A. .4. A., Vol. I. PLATE XLIII.
>^V
Liverpool .4. J. A., Vol. I.
\» PLATE XLIV.
EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

Fio. 1. -NEOLITHIC POTTKRY : FRAGMENTS OF BI,.\CK INCISED WARE. TRENCH A, SKCTION 62.

Fig. 2.— OBJECTS OF FLINT, OBSIDIAN, WHORLS, BONE, ETC., FROM THE NEOLITHIC FLOOR.
TRENCH A, SECTION di.
 /.IT ,r//iin/ J.J. .4., Vol. I. PJ.ATE XLV

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

Ad4 Neo:/l
r/%<^/\\\\\W^X^^^ \\

WA
Axl4 Neo.-A

A.bS. Ciii)

A.b.£. Neo.Jl

XKOMTHIC POTTERY: BLACK INCISED WARE. POHMS AND DESIGNS OV FOUR VASliS RESTORKD FROM
FITTED FRAGMENTS.
 lAfer/Hiol J. A. A.. Vol. I.
r PLATE XLVI.
,>

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 190S.

Akz- ^ Aba.

NEOLITHIC POTTERY FRAGMENTS OF BLACK INCISED WARE THE PATTERNS ARE ALL INCISED, AND
: :

SOMETIMES WHITENED, TRENCH A SECTIONS a, M, r2 (AS SHOWN IN EACH CASE).

:
 Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. I.
PLATE XLVII.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 190S.

Ad J 100. aa Ad 5 lU-o

Ada I20. 32.

A.A3 Ad. H-

NEOLITHIC POTTEKY: FRAGMENTS OF BLACK INCISED WARE: TRENCH A: SECTIONS d3, rf4 ; e3, c4 (AS SHOWN).
-Von. 32, 33 rtre decorations on the inside. No. 35 shows the haae of No. 1, PI. A'LT'.
 i
Tjiverimot A. A. A., Vol. I. '
PLATE XLVITI.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZT, 190s.

X A e 3. 120.

A f 4. 50

/Sectum-

3. A f 't. 120.

9. A. tf 4. 70.

4v 4 f 4. 120.

8. A d 4.

9. A f 4 120. woo*"! oCo^.

u^rKj-e (Ml

A«<i.ci>v^ o^<U|>

FRAGMENTS OF PAINTED POTTERY: hOMK OF NEOLITHIC DATE, AND ALL OF EARLIER DATE
THAN THE OREAT WALL.
i
 (K

LivfiiHiol A. A. A., Vol. I,

PLATE XLIX.

EXCAVATIONS AT SAKJE-GEUZI, 1908.

B/ff!';::;:;//

«TONK SKAIiS, SHOWING FOHMS AND ENGRAVED DESIGNS.

 113

latter period, which was found giving way, in the upper part of
e3 and f4, to an age of hard, plain, brick-red pottery, which was
freely found at the bottom of f3. The ground in f4 had been much
disturbed in ancient times in preparing for the foundations of the
Main Wall. The coloured pottery did not seem to have disappeared,
but the red-brick pottery makes its appearance at that point, and
gradually comes to predominate.

The Relative Date of the Main Wall

This Main Wall, as will be seen from PL XLIII, must have

been constructed when the mound rubbish had already accumulated
to the level of the bottom of f3 and the stratum of black earth.'
'

Upon this stratum a large quantity of lime-mortar seems to have

been poured against the wall, and to have run some way down the
slope. Its purpose was obviously to resist subsidence under the
great weight of the wall.* It is possible, though not certain, that

—
•Editor's Note. The interpretation given to this calcareous layer by the
excavators themselves is entitled, of course, to the greatest respect. But the
conclusion to which they have been led by their observations is a most unusual
one, and the data on which it is based seem to be capable of a more ordinary
interpretation. The 'stratiim of black earth' at the bottom of fS will be
generally admitted to mark the grass-grown surface of the mound at the moment
when the Main Wall was planned. Immediately above this comes a layer
containing much ' red-brick pottery. In the sections remote from the Main Wall,
'

this layer is deep and continuous. From dl to the Wall itself, however, it is
interrupted by a rapidly thickening layer of compact calcareous matter, formed,
as the excavators say, bv 'pouring' this matter against the wall, and letting it
run down the slope. The excavators believe that this calcareous matter wa.s
'lime-mortar' and that it was 'poured against the wall' in a fluid state. But
a very cement-like appearance is presented also, when limestone chippings are
piled together and become compacted together by persistent infiltration of the
surface-water; and it is well known that the custom of 'trimming' or 'dressing'
the outer face of a wall after the stones were in place prevailed widelv in ancient
architecture. There is also to be taken into account the limestone-rubbish which
resulted from the construction of the Portico and other buildings approximately
contemporary with the Main Wall. That the calcareous layer is practically
contemporary with the Main Wall is clear from the very small depth of ' red-
brick ' pottery debris which underlies it. For we must clearly reckon from the
'
stratum of black earth ' which, as we have seen, marks the old surface of the
mound, and not from the footing-stones of the Main Wall, which we may fairly
suppose to have been set in a foundation trench excavated for the purpose.
— —
There is, therefore, no reason so far the published section goes to suppose that
the Main Wall was built either earlier or later than the period at which the
'
red-brick ' pottery was introduced. The confused state of the stratum in which
this class of pottery first appears is amply accounted for, as was noted in the
precedinsr paragraph of the report, by the trampling and surface-scratching of
the builders of the Main Wall.
It should perhaps be added that the occurrence of fraerments of painted
pottery within the Main Wall, at a level higher than that of the Portico, does
not bv itself prove that the painted pottery was still being made after the Portico
was built for the soil within was necessarily disturbed in building the Portico,
:

just as that without was disturbed in building the Main Wall.

 —

114

there may have been some short interval of time between the
building of this wall and the strengthening of the slope, and that
this interval is represented at the bottom of f3 by the thin layer of
red-brick pottery just under the lime, especially as the same kind
of pottery was found also just above this lime-revetment. At the
time of excavation this did not seem a probable conclusion, but on
account of the disturbance which was noted, its possibility must be
admitted ; and the inference which could be drawn from thiswould
be that the wall, together with the sculptured Portico within, were
the work of an intrusive red-brick-pottery-people, who took the
mound of the painted-pottery-people and fortified it. The point
requires further investigation, and the impression conveyed at the
time by the excavation of this extra-mural section, was that for
some reason painted pottery began to give way somewhat rapidly,
at the top of f4, to something more utilitarian and that shortly ;

afterwards the fortification was constructed in the middle of the

red-brick-pottery period. This would not imply necessarily any
intrusion, but rather achange of conditions; that the art of painting
on pottery, at any rate, was not destroyed is clear from numerous
finds of coloured pottery within the area, some even at a higher
level than that of the sculptured Portico.
Having now briefly reviewed the characteristics of the phases
through which the mound developed until the first millenium B.C.,

we return to consider some points of detail.

The Neolithic Pottery : A Black Incised Ware

"We postpone our general consideration of the pottery, as regards

technique and distribution, until we are able to reproduce a greater
number of coloured designs. But the discovery of a fabric of black
incised pottery in this region is a sufiiciently definite contribution in
itself to our notion of the primitive civilisation of Western Asia,
and of the early relations between East and West to justify the
immediate publication of a few characteristic examples of this class.
Its character is well shown in the specimens illustrated in the
photograph, PI. XLIY, fig. 1, most of which were taken from the
inner and deeper part of step A6
2, on the neolithic levels. Some of
the specimens are thin :none are coarse the second example, with
;

a zig-zag design, is the thickest and perhaps the roughest. In

 115

nearly all, the clay is of a grey colour ; and the final surface, which
has a brilliant black polish, was seemingly laid on as a slip, and
has in many places partly snipped away, as in the last of the
specimens in the photograph.
PI. XLV reproduces, about three-quarter size, the complete
forms of four bowls of this kind. These are all that could be
sufficiently restored from fragments actually fitting so as to give

the section and diameter without a gap; fortunately, as regards

design, they are fairly characteristic, and in shape they represent a
considerable proportion of the specimens, but the sections given on
the two following plates show that there was a great variety in
certain forms which were perhaps not so common. Of the four
restored bowls on PI. XLV, Nos. 1, 2, and 4 were found in the black
layer of the neolithic floor; No. 3, which tends to be grey in colour,
was found in close proximity to No. 4, but was not actually taken
out of the earth by one of our expedition. These two form part of
the same series as those reproduced in the photograph on PI. XLIV.
No. 2 is the thickest in section, and its colour tends to be brown in
places; it is also the hardest, and seems to have been baked lonorer.

No. 4 is remarkable for its thin texture and the fine colour of its

surface. The pattern of No. 1 is continued on the base, which is

represented on PI. XLVII, No. 35.

Pis. XLVI, XLVII contain a series of designs and forms
which for the most part explain themselves. The following notes
may be of interest. No. 1 ie of grey-brown colour, with a black
slip which tends to break off. No. 14 is of the same colour, with a
smooth surface preserved inside and outside. No. 15 is not very
smooth; the pattern ends at the bottom, and the base is plain.
No. 19 has the slip breaking away, but is not hard-baked. In
No. 20, rudimentary vertical handles had been added to the vessel,
but were not completely pierced. No. 21 is of coarse brown
material, fairly black inside, but tending to red outside, and not
very hard. No. 26 is the section of a fragment of a small stone bowl.
On PI. XLVII the black surface of No. 30 has lost its

smoothness; the pattern is punctuated, and the inside is not so well

finished. No. 31 is hard and not very smooth. Nos, 32 and 33
show patterns on the insides of the vases, the only instances of the
kind. No. 37 is drawn to half the scale of the others it is of warm ;
 —

116

brown texture and seemingly built up in strips of clay. No. 38 is

red-brown on tbe outside, dark on the cross-section, and bard.
No. 41 is of brown colour in section, and seemingly part of a rim.
No. 42 is the neck of a vase of unusual shape in this fabric, though
common later. No. 48, which is drawn on half scale, is very rough,
hand-made like many of the foregoing, brown in colour, and hard.

The Neolithic Pottery : B Painted Ware

This classification of the black and grey-black fragments does
not exhaust the types of pottery found in the Neolithic strata ; thus
from the Neolithic Floor in Ad 4 we get, (1) fragments of black
pottery with incised patterns; hard brown ware, incised; (3)
(2)
grey-black ware; (4) dull-red ware; (5) grey-black incised ware,
and (6) a good specimen of burnished dark-red ware, strongly
resembling a common class of plum-coloured vase from pre-dynastic
Egypt. Even from the 'Later Neolithic' level in Ad 3 we still

have fragments of flint and obsidian, fragments of hard incised

pottery, and of grey pottery, all derivative from purely neolithic

prototypes ; but we find also some specimens of coloured decoration
and new fabrics; as, for example, the neck of a yellowish vessel,
with decoration in dull-red on yellow-red, and another decorated in
black on greenish-yellow.
One specimen from Ad 4 has a special interest ; it is figured
in PI. XLVIII, Nos. 8 and 11. It is somewhat thick —about 8 mm.
— and inclined to crumble : the clay is of brown colour, the surface
yellow, with a black decoration painted thereon both inside and
outside. The pattern on the concave side 8 is merely a series of
broad black bands, but on the surface 11 the design includes
alternating bands of lozenge-shaped devices, filled in fret-wise with
thick parallel lines. In design and fabric, and indeed in every way,
this piece, which was found in the neolithic floor, resembles closely
some specimens found by M. de Morgan in his excavations at Susa,
and well dated by him to the age of Naram-Sin. M. de Morgan has
seen the drawings of our coloured fragments, and together we
all

have compared them with the splendid series of vases which he has
discovered he himself pointed out the striking resemblance in this
;

instance, and the similarity in several other examples of later date,

as for instance in the case of that shown in PI. XL VIII, No. 1.
 117

The result is the more important, in that the coloured pottery of

this site is as peculiar as it is plentiful. Briefly it may be said to

resemble, in its what is known as the Assyrian, rather
earlier phases,
than the Cappadocian But there is no intimate relation with
style.

either, though doubtless resemblance may be traced in colour and

some of the decorative motives. The same may be said of the
coloured fabrics of Palestine, but the colours employed are almost
the only common feature in the early stages, though the forms of
the vases also sometimes correspond. On the other hand, this
painted ware of Sakje-Geuzi has no apparent connection with the
early fabrics of tne Aegean,* which it resembles less than the
'
Aegean ' fabrics found Royal Tombs of
by Petrie in the earlier
Egypt. In all these cases, however, we can find nothing more than
the points of similarity which are common to all early painted
pottery. The resemblance then between our neolithic fragment and
those of Susa becomes the more remarkable and suggestive. If we
are surprised to find that the founders of Troy shared one of their
most characteristic arts with the first settlers in the mound of Sakje-
Geuzi, what shall we say if a further relation is established between
these and the original inhabitants of distant Elam ? It is a far cry,
but a possibility is opened up, which cannot be dismissed until some
better explanation can be given for the appearance of this curious
and isolated specimen of painted ware amid the debris and black
pottery of the neolithic settlements. It is tempting to generalise at
this stage, upon the tendency of these results, but it would not be
wise nor scientific to do so. We can only allow ourselves to feel
more strongly that which a study of Hittite art has already suggested
to many, that in seeking a solution of the Hittite problem, however
much we may be tempted beyond the Caucasus or towards the West,
we cannot escape from the remarkable suggestions of affinity
presented now and again in and around these nurseries of civilisation
on the lower Euphrates. Let us hope for more material on both
hands on which to base our judgment.

*The specimen in Plate XLVill, No. 2, from the level at which it was found, may
1)0 assigned to a century or two before B.C. 1000.
 118

EARLY CIVILIZATION IN NORTHERN

GREECE*
WITH PLATE L AND LI

Last year, in his Annual Report on Archaeology in Greece,

Mr. Dawkins, the Director of the British School at Athens, stated
emphatically that one of the most pressing problems of Greek
Archaeology was the need for determined effort to throw more light
on the chronology and relationships of the early
civilisations of North
Greece. But during the last twelve months our knowledge has been
greatly increased by various valuable publications, and we have
some evidence to enable us to formulate ideas as to the extent and
the chronology of primitive culture in this region. Also, this year,
the writers of this article excavated, with a grant from the
Cambridge University Worts Fund, a site called Zerelia near
Almyro in Southern Thessaly (Phthiotis). All recent students of
the topography of the district have suggested that this mound, which
stands on a hill between two lakes, was the site of Itonosf and the
Temple of Athena Itonia, the patron deity of Thessaly. It will be
remembered that her name was the Thessalian battle-cry, and it is
inconceivable that a site associated with a cult of such importance
in the great age of Greece should altogether be lacking in remains
of the best period. On excavation, however, this conjecture was
seen to be erroneous ; the site of Itonos must be sought elsewhere.
On the top of the mound there is a thin Greek layer amongst some
late and badly built walls. This deposit, from the tiles and black

* Xpj7<7T09 TaovvTa^, At TrpoiaropcKal aKpoTroXec^i Ai/xtjvlov koi

XeaKkov, Athens, 1908, Greek Archaeological Society. Fifty francs.
G. SotikiAdhis, Untersuchungen in Boiotien und Phokis (Atlienisehi Mitteilungen
des kaise7-lich deutschen archdolvgischen Instituts, 1905, pp. 120 ff. Ibid., 1906,
pp. 396 fi.
G. SotiriAdhis, JlpoiiTTopiKa a/yyela ^aLpoiveuL<; koI ^Et\aT€La<i,
*Ei<f)7]fX,epl<; ^ ApyatokoyLK^, Athens, 1908, pp. 65 ff.

H. BuLLE, Orchomenos I {Abhandlungen der konigliche bayerisclie Akademie der

Wissenschaften, I Klasse, Vol. XXIV, Pt. 2), Munich, 1907. Fourteen marks.
T. E. Pebt, The Early Aegean Civilization in Italy (Annual of the British School
at Athens, Vol. XIII, Session 1906-1907). London (Macmillan), 1908.
M. Mayer, Le Stazioni preistoriche di Molfetta (Comniissione provincialt di
Archeologia t Hioria patria, Documtnti e Monograflc, Vol. Vl), Bari, 1904. Ten lire.
R. M. BcBHOwa, The Discoveries in Crete, Second Edition, London (Murray),
1908. Five Bhillings.
t Staehlin, Athsniiche Mitteilungen, 1906, p. 16.
 119

glazed sherds found in it, cannot be earlier than the late fourth
century B.C. Apart from this, no other Hellenic remains were
discovered.
Directly below, however, there was a rich prehistoric deposit,
from six to eight metres thick. This is clearly divided up into no
lessthan eight separate settlements by the successive layers of
burnt and decomposed mud brick from the huts of the villages
running horizontally through the mound, which is about seventy-
five metres long by fifty wide. This important stratification
enables the changes in the development of culture to be traced
throughout by means of the innumerable potsherds and stone
implements that occur in each stratum.
The pottery all through is hand-made, with the exception of a
few specimens from the eighth and latest village. In the first and
lowest settlement it is of two kinds a thin, well-made, red ware,
:

and highly decorative vases with elaborate patterns in red on a

polished white ground. In the first settlement the former
predominates, but in the second their positions are reversed. In
the latter stratum the remains of a well-preserved building were
discovered. Thick walls, of mud-brick, still stand in situ on a dry
course of slabs, and at the ground level outside they are faced with
upright slabs to prevent rain and damp from undermining them.
The and
pottery of the third fourth settlements does not differ from
that of the second, except that the red ware begins to disappear and
the signs of degeneration, which culminate in the later and upper
strata, are already visible. The bulk of the pottery is now a
monochrome polished ware, either grey or red-brown. In the fifth
and sixth settlements the red-on- white ware goes out, and the plain
pottery becomes coarser; at the same time a black polished ware
makes its first appearance. In the two topmost strata, painted
pottery is almost entirely non-existent. Also a very coarse mono-
chrome fabric, ranging in colour from grey-brown to red, was used
from the time of the second settlement, but in greater quantities
later. In contrast to the degeneration of the pottery, an advance is
to be observed in the series of stone axes, for only in the later
villages have they holes bored through them which
for the handles,
in the earlier period were merely lashed on. Thus we have the
interesting fact that the art of this primitive people decayed as they
 120

progressed in technical skill. Fortunately these results, though

important, do not stand alone, for data were also obtained which
are invaluable for establishing not only the succession, but also the
approximate chronology of the various periods. In the debris of
the eighth and last settlement, beneath the Greek layer several
fragments of late Mycenaean vases were unearthed, of the type
known as late Minoan III, like those from the well-known site at
lalysus. No signs appeared of a Mycenaean settlement, so that the
vases must be thought to have been imported. Thus we are enabled
to date the settlement to about 1200-1100 B.C. Accordingly, we can
conjecture that the date of the earliest settlement is not later than
2500 B.C. These eight superimposed settlements seem to belong to
the neolithic age. No trace of bronze was discovered, except a fish-
hook found at the bottom of a previous explorer's
of uncertain date,
trial trench. But sunk in the eighth settlement, and so about the
level of the imported Mycenaean vases, is a series of cist-tombs,
built with limestone slabs. The bodies in every instance were in a
crouching attitude. In some of these, wheel-made vases were
found. One which had bone, glass, and bronze beads, and another
containing the skeleton of a full-grown man, together with a bronze
knife, a bored stone axe and a flint arrow-head, gave the first
definite signs of a bronze-age culture. We can thus conjecture that
North Greece was still in the Neolithic age until the last period of
Mycenaean art, 1200-1100 B.C. At this time a new bronze-using
people seems to have entered Thessaly, and displaced the primitive
inhabitants.
Throughout the plains of Thessaly, similar mounds (known as
maghoules) exist in great numbers. Professor Tsountas gives a
valuable list of sixty-three, by no means exhaustive.
but this is

They are and Macedonia proper. We have

said to occur in Aetolia,
explored others in the Spercheius Valley and in Northern ;

Boeotia Dr. Sotiriadhis has excavated several at Dhrachmani

(Elatea) and Chaeronea. At the latter place all his important finds
are well displayed in the local museum. The mounds are of two
types, low and high. On the former, which are but slightly raised
above the level of the plain, painted pottery is to be found on the
surface. On the latter, which resemble the mound at Zerelia, coarse

ware is found on top and painted pottery beneath. It is thus seen

 121

that a certain number of these settlements were abandoned when the

degeneration of the pottery began.
At Chaeronea and Dhrachmani the painted pottery found by
Dr. Sotiriadhis closely resembles that from Zerelia in fabric and
colour, but differs somewhat in the decorative motives. This

Fto. 1. ZERELIA: CIST- TOMB IN THE EIGHTH STRATUM.

Chaeronaea-Zerelia ware also occurs in the lowest level at

Orchomenos, well below the Mycenaean. We found it in the
Spercheius Valley and in the plain of Pharsala. It is also recorded
that Dr. Dorpfeld has discovered traces of it in Leucas* and at

• Tsountas, op. cit., p. 396, i.

 122

Olympia Going yet further afield, Mr. Peet has pointed out the
great likeness that exists between it and the painted ware from
Molfetta and Mat^ra in Southern Italy (Apulia). It thus seems
that this Neolithic culture spread from Thessaly across the Phourka
pass in Mount Othrys to Lamia, and down past Thermopylae into
North Boeotia. It may
have extended through the
also prove to
passes of Pindus and
Tymphrestus into Aetolia, across the
Corinthian Gulf into Elis, and over the Adriatic into Apulia. It
is to be remarked that the settlements are confined, as far as we
know at present, to the plains and foothills.

Settlements 1 2 8 4 5 6 7 Q

Pine red ware • • • •

1

• ••
I

Red on white ware

Dhimiui ware • ® e • •• • 1

Coarse mnnochrome
AAA AAA AAA fir IBB
1 1 1
1 1 1

Black polished ware • • •^^^""""

Wheel-made vases e • •
Mycenaean sherds • • •
Cist tombs % 9 9
Approximate dates B.C. 2500 B.C. 2000b. c. 1100 B.C.

Fig. 2.—diagram TO EXPLAIN STRATIFICATION AT ZERELIA.

Prof. Tsountas, in his recently published work describing his

excavations at Dhimini and Sesklo, has produced a book of first-rate
importance to all students, because it is to-day realised that it is in
North Greece, and in the possible links with the Balkans and
Central Europe, that light is to be looked for on the ethnological
questions of the Aegaean. The illustrations alone are a mine of
valuable information. The many plates are excellent, and the
figures in the text are exceedingly useful for a proper understanding
of the matter.! Briefly, the results given by Prof. Tsountas of his
excavations are that the earliest period of the Neolithic settlements
began at Sesklo at least as early as the first half of the

t Figures 24a, 24b on pp. Ill, 112 are, however, upside down.
 128

Fourth Millenium b.c. At Dhimini a very few traces of his first

period survive. The bulk of the remains there are of a second period,
which at both sites precedes a third, mainly of degeneration, which,
according to him, was an age of bronze, and began during the
Third Millenium b.c. Cist-tombs of this period, similar to those at
Zerelia, and others of the later Mycenaean Age were found in the
higher levels of the mounds. The first period, which is sub-divided,

is distinguished from the second mainly by a radical change in the

style of the hand-made pottery. As at Zerelia, the earliest pottery

is monochrome, red, and very finely made, and is succeeded by a

m^u^^^^^M
Fio. 3. ZERELIA: PATTERNS ON POTTERY OF 'FIR8T PERIOD,' ACCORDINO TO
T80UNTA8.

ware slightly coarser and painted with red designs on a white

ground. The usual ware of the second period shows chocolate paint
on a cream or reddish ground, with designs combining spiral and
geometric elements, the typical Dhimini ware. This Stone Age
Prof. Tsountas believes to have come to a violent end at the hands
of the new people who occupied the same site until some time prior
to the spread of Mycenaean culture, when the mounds, almost
entirely formed by the deposit from long occupation, were deserted
and used as convenient spots for tombs.
The whole question of these settlements and of the deductions
 124

as to racemovements that can legitimately be drawn from the

changing one of great importance.
styles of the pottery is But for
the moment vre would join issue with Prof. Tsountas on another
question to what period in Thessaly can the name Bronze Age
:

rightly be given? He justly says that the exact date of the

introduction of copper is unknown, but fii^aiov elvau ore r) XPW''^

rod x^'^'^^^ StaBodr] iv %e(T<ra\ia kol ejive kolvt) Kara rrjv BtdpKeiav
T^9 via^ 7r€pi6Sov Kat evcKU rovrov KoXovfjuev avrrjv oXtjv yakKovv
alwva (p. 14). We wish that Prof. Tsountas had given us his
evidence for this statement.*. He uses the words 'xoXkovv aiwva

Fig. 4. DHIMINI PATTERNS ON POTTERY OP SECOND PERIOD,' ACCORDING TO

: '

TSOUNTAS.

to cover both the last long period of deposit, and that of the cist-

tombs, with no distinction between them. But a glance at the

pottery illustrated in Chapters III and V shows that the tombs,
which from the knives and rings figured on Plate IV have every
right to be claimed for a period of bronze, produced pottery of a
type which is distinctly an advance on that shown in Chapter V.
The use of the wheel is far more general in the ware of the tombs.
We would suggest that, in spite of the obsidian trade with the
* At Sesklo two copper axes were found together by the side of a wall of the
neolithic age. He believes that this was not accidental, but that they were buried on
purpose. Ho they cannot be used as evidence that what Prof. Tsountas calls bronze-age
pottery, really belongs to the bronze age.
 125

Aegaean which had existed from the time of the earliest settle-
ments, the use of bronze did not come in till a comparatively late
period represented by these cist-tombs, which can hardly have been
built until the mounds had been deserted by the people who produced
the later or so-called Bronze Age deposit. If Prof. Tsountas has
clear evidence that bronze was in use during that period, we repeat
that we are sorry he does not give it. Speaking of later tombs
which had been made on the site of a settlement rov x"^'^^^
al(ovo<i (p. 122) he says, to, ev rrj eVt;^a)o-6t yevo/ieva evp-^fiara
eivat Te/xdxta TrrfKivcov dyyeiwv koX oKvya fiaXkov rj rjTTOv apria
dyyela, Kepara i\d(f}(ov Kot oara 8ia<f>6p(ov ^cocov i^eipyaa-fiiva,
oiXiyat XiOivai 'a^cvai, irrfKiva a^ovZvXia koI aXka rivd. We
should have liked to find a mention of bronze. We believe that

Fig. 6. CHAERONEA PATTERNS ON POTTERY.

:

Troy is too far off to afford trustworthy analogies (p. 363), nor do
we think that the Cycladic culture is any sure criterion of dates in
Thessaly. By itself the trade in obsidian from Melos, which was a
thing apart, is no warrant for assuming that bronze was imported
with it, or that there was any connection close enough to
affect the peoples of Thessaly materially.
The two periods of the
Stone Age differ fundamentally in the style of their painted
pottery (e.g., typically, plates YII and IX). We hardly think that
 120

Prof. Tsountas makes it clear whether he believes that the seconil

grew naturally out of the first, or came in by force of conquest, A

comparison of the list of sites with his map shows that in the north,
along the Larissa railway line, the two periods appear well mixed,
but in the south, round Pharsala and Zer^lia, the earlier
preponderates. Now it is fairly certain that the first period did not
pass into the second in every place. At Zerelia, for instance, the

Fio. -SKETCH MAP TO SHOW THE RELATIVE POSITION OP THE SITES.

6.

D. = Dhimlni. S. = Sishlo, A, = Athens. Myc. = Mi/ceaae.

L. = Lamia. Z. == Zerilia. AE, = Aegina. 8p. = Sparta.'

second period is almost entirely absent. It is represented only by

a few sherds mixed in every case with those of the first period. It

seems impossible to believe that there is any connection of growth

between them. The true solution probably is that the distinction
is geographical as well as chronological. That is, the second style
was brought in at a slightly later period, and in the north was
 127

superimposed. Elsewhere, by Pharsala and Zer^lia, it hardly

penetrated, and the first style lasted on until, in one place the second
in another the merged simultaneously into the period of
first,

degeneration and coarse monochrome pottery, which survived until

the introduction of bronze at a late date.
Also, although Prof. Tsountas speaks of stratification at Sesklo,
he gives no details ; in fact, in one passage he distinctly mentions
that he found both styles of pottery mixed together (pp. 74, 159).
As regards the incised ware, which he divides between the two
periods, it is remarkable that though plentiful at Sesklo and
Dhimini, it hardly occurs at Zerelia, nor have we observed any on
other Thessalian neolithic mounds. Further, the neolithic pottery
of Thrace, which is nearly all incised, also shows a combination of
geometric and spiral decoration.* It is possible that it, too, like the

Dhimini chocolate-on-cream ware, is local, and did not penetrate as

far south as Phthiotis.
There is a further chronological point on which it will be seen
that Prof. Tsountas' results do not agree with those from Zerelia.
Relying on the likeness of one vase from Sesklo, which he assigns
to the Bronze Age, to others found in the First City at Troy
(figs. 199, 294) he suggests that his Thessalian Bronze Age, and
Troy I, are contemporary. That is to say, in Thessaly the Bronze
Age began about 3000-2500 b.c, long before the Mycenaean period.
But the stratification at Zerelia seems to prove that bronze was
unknown in Thessaly before the Mycenaean Age, and that this
so-called Bronze Age of Prof. Tsountas flourished about
1800-1200 B.C.

It is to be hoped that the publication of the Orchomenos pottery,

which will be awaited with great interest, will further enlighten
us on this point. At this site four strata were found. In the
lowest, ware of the Chaeronea-Zerelia style occurs, and the fourth
stratum belongs to the late Mycenaean Age.t We thus seem to
have a sequence similar to that at Zerelia. It should also be
observed that some of the intervening pottery, called '
Minyan ' by
its excavators, resembles that from the cist-tombs of Sesklo,

• Seure-Degrand, Bull. Corr. Hell, 1906, pp. 369 fl., cf. especially fig. 87 on p. 402.
t The third stratum is said to be of the older Mycenaean period, but no details of
its pottery are yet published.
 128

Dhimini and Zerelia. Perhaps the similar tombs found by

Dr. Dorpfeld in Leucas come into this context.
To sum up, we believe that the neolithic mounds of North Greece
date from about 2500 b.c. or earlier, and that about 2000-1800 b.c,
when the degeneration in the painted pottery occurred, many of
them were abandoned. The red-on-white Chaeronea-Zerelia ware
extends from Chaeronea in the south to the Thessalian plains, and
apparently as far west as Leucas and Olympia. The chocolate-on-
cream Dhimini ware occurs only in Thessaly, especially in the
Larissa-Pherae district, and seems not to have penetrated far in
Phthiotis, or near Pharsala. About 1200-1100 b.c, Mycenaean
influence reached the Gulf of Pagasae, and apparently the neolithic
folk of North Greece for the first time came into close contact with
the bronze-users of the south. The coarse monochrome bronze-age
pottery of Prof. Tsountas we believe not to be due to an invasion of
a new people, but to an artistic decay ; for at Zerelia the transition
from painted to plain ware takes place gradually. On the other
hand, the true bronze-age cist-tombs which seem to be somewhat
later than the late Mycenaean Age, are probably those of an
invading race from the north. Perhaps these same people were
at a later period the makers of the undeveloped Thessalian geometric
pottery of the early iron age, such as that found at Marmariani,*
Skyros,t and Theot6kou.+
From the foregoing summary it will be seen that the early
culture in North Greece should be treated separately from that in
the south, for we observe that the neolithic age in the north
apparently lasted till late Mycenaean times. Although the
obsidian trade from Melos is a proof of relation with the Aegaean,
yet the pottery is distinct. The painted Chaeronea-Zerelia ware,
which has some patterns in common with the styles known as Early
Minoan II and III, is totally different in fabric. In Crete the
wheel was in use, and the painted ware is not hand-polished.
Further, the fact that the only Mycenaean vases found in the
north are all of Minoan III, as at
the latest period (Late lalysus) is

another argument against early Minoan connection, with the

• TIpaKTiKa, 1899, p. 101.

t Brit. School Annual, XI, p. 79.
t Brit. School Annual, XIII, p. .321
 \
lArertmul A. J. A., I'c/. T.
^ PLATE L.

I
EARLY CIVILIZATION IN NORTHERN GREECE.

Fui. l.-ZERELIA IN THE88ALY: GENERAL VIEW OF THE 'MAGHOUIiA' MOUND FORMED

BY THE PREHISTORIC SETTLEMENT.

Fig. 2.— ZERELIA. RINGED VASES AND OTHER POTTERY FROM THE EIGHTH SETTLEMENT.
 'V

TJi;n,«„l A. A. A.. Vol. I. -i) PLATE LI.

EARLY CIVILIZATION IN NORTHERN GREECE.

Fui. 1. GONN'OH IN THESSALY : MYCENAKAN VASES IN THE MUSEUM OF ALMYKO uibiml \ scale).

Fid. 2.— ZERELIA: VASEPROM THE Fig.3.— ZERELIA TERRA COTTA FIGURE
:

SEVENTH 3ETTLEMENT. FROM THE SEVENTH SETTLEMENT.

{iiboiit \ unile.) {about A seale.)
i
 129

possible exception of Kamares ware is said

Orchomenos, where ' '

to occur.* Dr. Sotiriadhis, who has found a bronze-age tomb near

Dhrachmani, wishes to see a connection with Cycladic culture. But
although the tomb contained beaked jugs one with the so-called —
'
butterfly-pattern/ common in Crete—the relationship of this
isolated tomb to the neolithic settlements in the same region is
obscure. Nor do his comparisons of fabrics and patterns seem
convincing, although he states that some sherds exactly resemble
others from Aegina, and are Aeginetan imports Into Boeotia.
Further, the terra-cotta statuettes from the north differ from the
well-known Cycladic types. t Consequently for the present our
verdict on the question as to whether the early civilisations of North
and South Greece are connected must be non-proven.' '

As regards the west, we have already referred to Mr. Peet's

paper, in which he points out the striking resemblance of some of
the ware from Molfetta and Matera, in Apulia, to North Greek
pottery. But here again the fabric differs, and we must suspend
judgment till neolithic sites in Aetolia and Epirus have been
explored.
Turning to the north, we have to consider if there can be any
relationship with the early pottery of Servia, Thrace, Galicia,
Bessarabia, and Central Western archaeologists are
Europe.
confronted by no more difficult problem than the elucidation of the
sporadic finds from these districts, but Prof. Burrows gives us an
able summary of them as far as they are at present accessible.! In
the appendix to his second edition, he adds fuller information about
the more recent finds in Servia, but for the present, while Macedonia
remains a terra incognita, our knowledge is far from complete for ;

we do not even know the northern limits of the Thessalian wares.

It is a far cry from Dhimini or Zerelia to Galicia, nor are the
resemblances of the fabrics sufficiently striking. must wait for We
systematic exploration until we can agree with Dr. Hubert Schmidt
that early Greek civilisation came from Central Europe, or with

* The sherds from Orchomenos in the Chaeronaea Museum, so labelled, do not

seem to be Cretan.
t A few possible resemblances may be noted on plates XXXVII and XXXVIII of
Tsountas' book.

I
BuBBOws. The Discoveries in Crete. London (Murray), second edition, 1908
Appendix.
 180

Dr. Wosinsky that tlie primitive culture of Central Europe is derived

from the Aegaean. Of North Greece itself we know all too little.
Further excavation of early sites in this region is absolutely
necessary.
A. J. B. Wage.
J. P. Droop.
M. S. Thompson.
 —

131

EARLY CIVILIZATION IN NORTHERN

GREECE: A FURTHER REPORT AND
PROGRAMME OF RESEARCH FOR 1909
WITH PLATE L AND LI

[Since the revievv- of recent enquiries into the Early Civilization

of Northern Greece was put in type, the writers have returned to
Greece to continue their work. Before leaving England Mr. "Wace
found time to deliver, before the Liverpool Branch of the Classical
Association, a fully illustrated lecture, describing last season's
excavation of the prehistoric mound at Zerelia in South Thessaly.
The interest excited by was such that a sum of £30 has
this lecture
been raised by friends of the Institute of Archaeology, and placed at
the disposal of Mr. Wace and his colleagues for further work during
the summer of 1909.
The report, which follows, describes the preliminary researches
which were necessary before a site could be selected for this further
work. It had been hoped, at first sight, that early settlements,
like those of Thessaly, might be found also in Western Greece. The
report, however, shows that they are not yet recognizable, and that
it will be necessary to follow them westward step by step from the

area in which they are known already, until their precise limit is
discovered. A further report will be published in the next volume
of these Annals, as soon as excavation is over. Ed.]

December 20th, 1908

Dear Professor Myres,
Since our arrival in Greece we have been continuing our
researches on the early civilization of North Greece. Our first
visit was to Olympia, where we examined the early pottery and
buildings excavated by Dr. Dorpfeld. Neither seem to have any
relation with Thessalian finds. The pottery is a coarse, hand-
polished, and hand-made ware, decorated with incised ornament
which from the Thessalian.
differs in character The shapes of the
vases are also dissimilar. We also explored parts of the plain of
Elis between Pyrgos and Patras, but found no prehistoric mounds.
After leaving Olympia we explored parts of Southern Aetolia,
hoping to discover prehistoric mounds in this region like those so
 132

common in Thessaly and Phocis. We travelled from Patras by

way of Kryoneri and Missolonghi to Aetolico, whence we went
through, the Kleisura pass to Mataranga. Then, after exploring
the southern shores of the lakes of Anghelokdstro and Agrinion, we
went to Agrinion. We examined the country between this town and
the Achelous, and returned by rail down the Achelous valley to
Aetolico, whence we explored the plain towards Oeniadae. After
a visit to the ruins of Pleuron we returned to Patras. In spite of a
careful examination of the country and persistent enquiries amongst
we found no trace of any prehistoric or early site. We
the peasants,
may, perhaps, conclude that the early inhabitants of Aetolia were
not '
mound-builders '
like those of Thessaly.
After a few days in Athens we went to Thessaly to Almyro,
travelling by way of Chalcis, where we examined in the local
museum the pottery and other finds from Cycladic tombs in the
neighbourhood. At Almyro we spent over a fortnight cleaning,
mending, and sorting our finds from Zerelia. When our study of
them was finished, and all the drawings and photographs necessary
for the report of the excavation* had been made, we arranged the
most important objects in a case in the local museum. The rest of
the pottery, not wanted for exhibition, will be sent to Athens, and
it is hoped that the Greek Government will make a grant of

duplicates to be sent to England.

At Almyro and Volo we also studied the early pottery found by
Dr. Arvanitopoullos at Phthiotic Thebes. This includes a good
deal of incised ware similar to that from Thrace, of a peculiar
polished red ware decorated with patterns in white paint, and of a
remarkable ware attributed by Tsountas to the Bronze Age, which
has decorations in a thick pink or white paint, t These wares have
been found before in Thessaly, but never in such quantity.
In Phthiotis we visited Thebes, P;^rasos, and several other early
sites. Later we travelled to Larissa and spent two days examining
prehistoric mounds to the east of the city, and between it and
Tj^rnavo. We next went by way of Dhemerli past Sophadhes and

*To be published in the next Annual of the British School. London : Macmillan.
Vol. XIV. See also Plates L and LI herewith.
t Tsountas, At irpolaropLKaL axpoTToXei^ Atfirjviov koI Xecr/cXov,
pp. 244 ff, pi. 12. Athens, 1908.
 138

Kardliitza to Phanari Maghoula, examining all tlie early sites we

could.
We then returned to Volo by way of Irini, where we planned the
early building discovered there. Dr. Kourouniotis, who excavated
this mound, has courteously invited us to publish the pottery and
objects he discovered. This work we hope to undertake, although
the finds may not be very important.
One curious fact revealed itself as a result of our explorations in
W. Thessaly. West of Kardhitza and in the plain between
Phanari (Ithome) and Trikkala not a single prehistoric mound is

to be found, whereas by Sophadhes, Pharsala, Larissa, Yelestino,

and Almyro, they are common.
On our way back to Athens we re-visited Chaeroneia to re-
examine the early Phocian pottery in the Museum there. This
now appears to have only a superficial likeness to the early
Thessalian wares. They differ principally in the painted patterns,
and in the shapes of the vases. It thus becomes all-important to

carry out our proposed excavation of the early sites discovered by

us, this spring, near Lamia, in the Spercheius valley. This should
enable us to determine more clearly the relationship of the early
pottery of Phocis to that of Thessaly. But since in Homer the
Spercheius valley is grouped with S. Phthiotis as part of Achilles'
dominions, it may be legitimate to conjecture that the early culture
of this region will resemble the S. Thessalian rather than the
Phocian. As a secondary excavation, if funds and time permit,
we suggest an examination of one of the prehistoric mounds near
Sophadhes at the site of the ancient Kierium. This should reveal
the character of the early culture of western Thessaly.
Finally we may note that we have found sherds of late
Mycenaean pottery near Larissa and Pharsala, and that we have
photographed in the Almyro Museum three vases of the same style
and period from Gonnos at the west end of the pass of Tempe.* It
thus appears that the late Mycenaean civilization extended all over
Thessaly. At Chaeroneia we also saw the pottery from Orchomenos.
This includes an enormous quantity of ring-footed cups so many, ;

in fact, that we may conjecture Orchomenos to have been their place

of origin. We found vases like this in the eighth settlement at
Zerelia, about 1100-1200 c.c.t In Thessaly they have also been
* Eeproduced in Plate LI, 1. f See Plate L 2
 184

found at Sesklo,* at the early mounds of Aidin and Karabairam,t

in tlie first shaft grave at Mycenae, J at Thoricus in Attica, and in
the latest city at Phylakopi in Melos.§ It will thus be seen that
these vases, which always occur with late Mycenaean ware, may be
of great importance in helping to date early sites.
We hope that you approve our plans for excavations. As our
researches proceed, we will report to you from time to time.

Yours sincerely,

A. J. B. Wage
J. P.Droop
M. S. Thompson

* Tsountas, loc. cit., p. 139, fig. 40. t Tsountas, loc. cit., pp. 8, 12, Nob. 38 and 60.

I Schliemann, Mycenae, p. 154, fig. 230.

§ Excavations at Phylakopi, in Melos, p. 154. London : Hellenic Society, 1904.

 1 2 98
2
3 9 8 2 26 1 613 2 1 1 1 ——
3 73 2 2 2

186

INDEX
A-khaskhet, '
Door of the Highlands,' 21— Assurbanipal's library, at Nineveh — 42,
A-res, '
Door of the South '
(Elephan- 51
tine)— 21 Assur-nazir-pal 1 10 —
A-ur, Great Door,' or
' '
Port '—20, 21 —
AssjTia 43, 44, 50
Achelous— 132 Assyrian artistic infliience at Sakje-
Achilles— 133 Geuzi— 110-111
Adana, antiquities from — Asur or Asir 50 —
98 Athens— 118, 132, 133
Adige, the river 83 — Attica— 134
Adriatic— 122 Axe, double—27, 29
Aegean alphabet, inscription on stone „ stone— 119, 120
from Tyana, an archaic form of 13 — „ copper, found at Sesklo 124
Aegacan— 117, 122, 125, 130, 128, 130 Azaz, Greek inscription at —
Aegina 129 —
Aetolia— 120. 122, 129, 131, 132
Aetolic6— 132
Afrin valley, observations made in — 12 Babelon, M.-^9
Agrinion 132 — Babylonia—43. 44, 50
Aidin— 133 Balkans— 122
Aintab stone — —
Batan 16
„ Hittite inscriptions at 3, 6 — Beads, bone, glass, bronze 120 —
Aker, an ethnic name 19 — Bedawin 26 —
Alaja (Etonea ?)— —
Bessarabia 129
Aleppo, inscriptions published by Prof. BibHothfeque Nationals, Paris 49 —
Sayce—8, 9 Bipennis 29—
„ Hittite inscription 3, 6 — Birpanga Keui —99
Alexander 35 — Black Stone of Tyana— 10, 13
Alexandretta — Boeotia— 120, 122, 129
Alexandria 21 — Bogche, on the L. banlc of Ealys river —
Almyro— 118, 132, 133 „ incised inscription —
Alty Yapan, of Kipert's map (see Eski „ to Inje-su, traces of ancient road
Yapan) — —10, 11, 98, 99
Amasis 27 — Boghaz-Layan, Greek inscriptions —
Amon — 35 Boghaz-Keui, Hittite remains at 41
Amorites, Amurri 43 — 1, 2, 102, 110
Amurri, Prince of the 43 — Bologna, researches by Professor Brizio — 48
Ancient Road, between Bogche and Bor—
Inje-su — 10 Boule, M.— 93
Andaval — Boustrophedon inscription (Black Stono
Anderson, J. G. C— 13 of Tyana)— 10
Anghelokastro — 32 1 Boz-dja, ancient road — 1
Angora — Breonio—83. 84, 85, 93, 94, 95
Antiochus IV— 38 Breonio Flints 89 —
Apulia— 122, 129 Brizio, Prof. E.—48
Aqueducts, at Kilise Hissar — Brocklebank, Ralph —
Aramaic Aleppo
inscription, copies at — Bronzes, at Alexandretta —
Architectural fragments, Hatibin Keui — Brunner, Sir John, Bart., M.P.— 1, 97
„ „ Buyuk-Nefez- Buffo—92
Keui— Bulghar Maaden. Hittite inscriptions at —
Argaeus, Mt., Hittite inscription at — 2, Bull, as cult object 25 —
Arrow-head, flint 120 — Bulle, Dr. H.—
118
Arslan- Kalesi — Bulletino di Paletnologia 88 —
ArvanitopouUos, Dr. 132 — Burrows, Prof. R. M.— 118, 129
Arsawa 42 — Buyuk-Kale, numerous inscribed tablets
Assarjik, on Mt. Argaeus — foimd at 42 —
„ inscription at — Buyuk-Nefez-Keui, architectural frag-
„ Hittite inscriptions — ments —
 2 129 2 9 9 1 2 8

136

Caesarea (Mazaca) — Demnark —83

Calcareous deposit, Sakje-Geuzi 104,113 — Denek-Maaden, miscellaneous small
Canopic mouth of the Nile 20 — objects seen—
Cappadocia—51, 52, 102 Develi-Karahissar—
Cappadocian tablets 49, 52, 81 — „ „ Roman milestone —
Caria— 29 Dhemerli— 132
Cartailhac, E.— 93 Dhimini— 122, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129
Castelfranco, P.— 88, 89, 90 Dichalki (Ptolemaic)—40
Caucasus 117— Dicte, Mt.— 28
Celts of green and grey stone — 106, 110 Diocletian 39—
Chaeronea— 120, 121, 128, 133 Disputed flints of Breonio Veronese 83 —
Chalcis— 132 Dorpfeld, W.—121, 128, 131
Chalki—30 Double Axe— 28, 29
Chantre, E., (excavated at Boghaz- „ Mef- priest of the 27—
Keui, 1890)—41 Drachmani (Elatea)— 120, 121, 129
Cheshme-Keupru — Droop, J. P.— 130, 134
Chierici, G.— 87 Dudhalia, Edict of 43—
Chirkes-Keui, a Circassian settlement 99 — Dungi —52
Chok-Geuz-Keupru, bridge on the Halys
—
river 2, 4
Cilician Gates — —
Eagle, near Yamooli 2, 4, 5
Cist-tombs— 120, 123, 125, 127 Eagle-headed deity 109—
Classical Association, Liverpool Branch Edfu, Ptolemaic inscription at —25
—131 Egypt— 30, 31
Cleopatra VTI, copper coins of —30, Egyptian kings. Aha, Nar Mer=Mene8
33, 36, 37, 38 22
Coin, archaic gold— Elam— 117
Coins, found at Yuzgat— Elis— 131, 122
Coins of Seleucia — 29 Emilia—83
Coin, or ornamental piece of metal (Sakje- Epiphanes—30, 32, 37, 39
Geuzi)— 106 Epirus— 129
Coinage of the Ptolemies 30 £E. — Eponyms 51 —
Constantinople 37 — Erman, A.—96
Coptos—21 Erment, the southern On 21 —
Corinthian Gulf— 122 Eski Yapan, Roman milestone found
Cults—24 near —
Cult objects, mountain, bull 24 — —
Evans, A. J. 27
Cumarola 87 — —
Euphrates 117, 44
Curtius, E. —45 Euergetes 1—32, 35, 36
Cush (Kusu)—51 Euergetes 11—38
Crete—28, 128, 129 Eyuk— 1, 2, 9, 41, 110
Crescent at Sakje-Geuzi 110 —
Cylindrical stone hollowed as a trough
—8 Fayum —21
Cyprus— 14, 31 —
Fish-hook, bronze 120
Cypriote mintage of Ptolemaic coins —39 —
Fitzmaurice, G. H. 97
Cyrene 31— Flint implements (Sakje-Geuzi) 112;
Cyzistra (Develi-Karahissar) — —
Axe (Breonio) 86
Flint Implements of BreomD (Solutrian)
—83,85
Dawkins, R.
M., Director of the
British Schoal, Athens 118 —
De Clercq Collection {C'ltalogiie Galatia-Cis-Halym 101—
Methodique et Raissonne) 67 — Galicia— 129
De Morgan, J.— 22, 116 —
Gargano 84
De MortUlet— 87, 88, 89, 90 Garstang, Prof. J.— 13, 14, 97
De Stefani, S.— 87, 88, 89, 90 Gastaldi, B.— 92
Deities of the Hittite peoples, Teshub, Geographical i'ongress, Venice, 1881 87, —
Mithra, Vanma, Indra 45 — 92
Delitzsch, Professor Fr. 49, 51 — German Asia Minor Society 92 —
Delta—26 German Imperial Archaeological
Delta, N.W.— 19 Institute—42
 1 —9 1 1 9 39
22 1 23 23 22 22 3 3
3 2 832
1 1

im
German Expedition to Sinjirli —99 Hommel, F.—81
Giaour-Dagh— 98, 99 Horns of Consecration —27, 28
Gods Ahu-Jia-hy,
: Khas, Khasti, Korus— 20, 18
Yahwe 25 — Horites, Kliarri— 45
Goiran, A.— 92, 87 Humann, F.— 3, 41
Golenischeft' Collection — 49, 50 Hunt, A. S.— 30, 34. 37
Gonnos— 133 Huru-Pegaflrber (Kyrrhus) —
Gordian I, milestone of —
Gordian II —
Graffito signs — 2, 7
Grant, J.— 12, 97 lalysus — 120 \

Greece— 122, 118 Ibis— 26

, ,
early civilisation in northern — 1 1 8, Ibi-Sin—52
122 Ida, Mt.— 28, 29
Greek tradition — 16 Imperial Museum at Vienna —90, 93
„ inscriptions — Inje-8u —
„ „ Missis — „ Roman milestone —
„ „ Azaz — „ traces of ancient road 10, 11 —
Keutlek— Irini— 133
„ Keller— Istar-balel —
70
„ „ in the Konak, Boghaz —
Itonos 118
Lajan — Ivory objects (Sakje-Geuzi) 106, 112 —
„ „ Kilise (Kizli) Hissar —
Grenfell, B. P.— 30, 34, 37

Kaisaiiyeh (Caesarea) — 2, 6
Kamares ware 129 —
Ha, Egyptian Divinity —29 Karabaii'ara —
133
Kadad— 60 Karadinck —
Haidar-Sultan — Kardhitza— 133
K alicarnassus — 14 Kartal—
Halys river 2, 4, 5 Kefridiz-Eyuk— 100
Hamadlyoh — 98 Keller, small archaic gold coin bought
Ifamdi Bey, H. E.—97 at—
Hammurabi —51, 81 Kennard, H. Jlartyn 97 —
Ha-ha, Bull nome —25 Keutlek, Greek inscriptions —
Harpoon, petty kingdom of the — 17 Khas (Khasti)— 26
cult object— 18. 23 Khasuu —25
Harpooner, the 23 — Khatti, chief city of ancient Hittites —41
Hassar-Keui 99 — Khatti—43, 44, 45
Hatibin-Keui, architectural fragments Kierium — 133
at— Ivilise(Kizli)Hissar (Tyana) —
Hattu-sil—42, 44 Killiz, numerous seals and small objects
//aw— 19 in the bazaars —
Haverfield, Prof. F.— „ black stone seal from 12 —
Hellenic remains (Thessaly) — 118-9 „ little bronzes from 12 —
Heron— 38, 40 Kleisura pass — 132
Henu-neter, ordinary priests — 27 Knife, bronze — 120
Helios— 67 —
Koptos 21
Hieroglyphic sign of the Mountain —24 Kouretes —29
Hittite art— 109, 117 Kourouniotis, Dr. — 133
carving on ivory— 11 Kryoneri — 132
in North SjTia — 110 Kuchuk-Nefez-Keui, columns and
inscriptions, Bulghar-Maaden — inscriptions, Romano-Greek —
„ Kaisariyeh — Kurdish— 105
„ Aintab — Kusu (Cush)—51
„ Sakje-Geuzi — Kyrrhus —
„ Aleppo —
„ Assar jik and Aintab
—6,7 Lagas (Tel-loh)—52
remains at Boghaz Keui — 41 Lake of Garda 83 —
sculptures— 102, 103 Lake of Lesina 84 —
 5 5 9 1 32 2 9 — 3

188

Lamia— 122, 133 Nagada, ivory tablet found at 22 —

Larissa— 126, 128, 132, 133 Naram-Sin 116 —
Leucas— 121, 126 Nar-Mer, palette of 17 —
Libya— 19 Nar-Mer— 96
Libyans —26 Naukratis, Cypriote coins found at— 39
Liguri, neolithic invaders of Italy 84 — Neolithic fragment 117
liion, carved on base of Eagle monument, Neos Dionysos 30 —
Yamooli — Nero—38
„ sculptured in red sandstone — Newberry, Prof. E.— 17, 24
„ sciilptured(Sakje-Geuzi)— 101, 103, Nigde—
108 Nomes, Ha-ka, Net, Anient, Metelis—
17, 19

Mace-head of grit-stone — 106 Ostraka—30, 38

Macedonia— 129, 120 On (Heliopolis)—21
Malaria—98, 99 Obsidian— 100, 112, 124
Marash— 12, 98, 101 Oeniadae — 132
Marble columns, at Haidar-Sultan — Olympia— 128, 131
Marl— 112 Orchomenos— 121, 127, 129, 133
Slarmariaui — 128 Osmanieh —98
Mattalul—43 Ounouphis, Be-nefer —26
Matera— 122, 129
—
Mataranga 132
Mausolus 29—
Mavromatelli, Othon 98 —
Maximianopolis 1 — Pagasae, Gulf of— 128
Mayer, M.— 118 Palace of Kapar, son of Hanpan — 107
Mediaeval ruins at Rowanduz-Kale — Palaikastro 28 —
Melos— 125, 128, 133 Palette of Nar Mer — 17
Mesambria — 14 Palestine—45, 117
Messina 98— Pamphylia —
Midas beyond the Halys 13 — Pantlieon, Hittite
list of gods 43 —
Midas City— 13, 15 Paphos, Ptolemaic mint of 39 —
Milne, J. Grafton— 30 Papyri— 30, 37
—
Minoan Crete 27 Parma 48 —
Missis, numerous Greek inscriptions — Patras— 132
Missolonghi — 132 Pausanias —29
Mitani, Kings of —43 Pears, E—97
,, and Khatti, two main branches Pe (Buto)—26
of the Hittites— 44, 45 Peet, T. E.— 83, 118, 129, 122
Molfetta— 122, 129 Perrot, G. descriptions of drawngs of
Modena —48 Boghaz Keui 41 —
Molina delle Scalucce —85, 86, 89 „ pioneer works of —
Mond, Dr. Robert— 1, 97 „ and C. Chipiez 47 — I
Mond, Dr. Ludwig— 1, 97 W. M. Flinders— 22, 96, 117
Petrie, Prof.
Monte Lessini—83, 91, 93 Petty Kingdoms The Harpoon,
:

Monte LofEa—83, 86 Mountain, Crossed An-ows 18 —

Mountain god 28 — Phanari (Ithome)— 1 33
Mount Othrys— 122 Phanari Maghoula 133 —
Muikow caves near Krakow —89 Pharsala— 121, 126, 127, 128, 133
Munro, R.—85, 88, 90, 95 Philadelphus— 32, 34, 35, 36
Munro, J. A. R.— 13, 15 Philometor— 32, 39
Murray, Miss Margaret 23, 96 — Philopator—32, 36
Murray's Guide Book, description of Phocis— 132, 133
Boghaz Keui 41 — Phoenicia 31 —
Museo Civico of Bologna 48 — Phourka pass — 122
Muss-Amoldt 60 — Phthiotis— 127, 128, 132
Mycenae — 134 Phthiotic Thebes— 132
Mylasa—29 Phylakopi— 133
Myres, Prof. J. L.— 12, 13 Phrygia— 13
 1 —2 ; 1 9 3 —

1S9

Phrygian inscription at Kiliso Hissar — Royal Road of the Phrygian'country—

„ alphabet (Black Stone of 11
Tyana)— 10 Royal Tombs of Egypt 117 —
Pigorini, L.— 84, 8G, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, Royal Falconer 109 —
93 Rowanduz-Kale, medieval ruins —
Pinches, T. G.— 49
Pindus, pass of 122 —
Pleuron— 132
Poole, Prof. R. S.— 32, 34, 40 Sadacora (Inje-su) —
Port of Egypt (earliest)— 17 Sais— 18
Pottery, incised and painted 102 — Sakje-Geuzi, several Hittite sculptures
eai-ly painted —
103 ; Roman 103, — —3, 11, 12
106, 107 ; coloured— 104, 107, 110, ,, —
excavations at 97, 98, 99,
111, 112, 114; resembling painted 100, 111, 117
ware of Mycenaean phase 105 ; — Samsu 18 —
later painted 105 — brick-red Sandes, the god 12 —
—
;

105 ; striped — 106

black and red ; Sargon 16
106 ;black— 106 black with ;
Sayce, Prof. A. H.— 7. 8, 13, 15, 44, 60,
white incised —
decoration 112; 49, 81, 110
—
red-brick 113, 114; painted Schedia— 21
113, 114, 121, 122, 124, 126; SclieU, Fr.— 50
Neolithic — 114; Neolithic black Schliephack, H.— 1, 97
incised ware — 114; Neolithic Schmidt, H.— 125
painted ware — 116; hard incised Sculptured stone, sho\ving legs of bull
116; — 116; thin, well-made
gi-ey 105
red ware — 19 Orchomenos— 127,
1 ; „ „ showing the body and
129 " Minyan" — 127 Chaerouea-
; ; hind legs of a bull
Zerelia — 128 geometric— 128
; ; 105
131 Phocian— 133
; „ ., showing the legs of a
Praisiello— 89 man 106 —
Priests, Khet Ha ; Amlchet Ha ; priest of „ stones— 101
the Double Axe— 27 „ sphinxes — 107
Pteria in Cappadocia 41 — Seals, at Killiz, Alexandretta, Kaisariyeh
Ptolemy Alexander, 30 ; see also 2 12
Euergetes, Philadelphus, Philomc- „ 97
tor, etc. „ from Sakje-Geuzi 106-7 —
Ptolemies, copper coinage of the — 30 „ button-shaped 106 —
Puchstein, G. 46 — Sed festival— 29
Pjrasos— 132 SekiU-Khan —
Pyrgos— 131 Senti-ncfer — 18
Servia— 129
Sesklo— 122, 124, 127, 134
Qiirt-Dagh—98, 99 hoard of Roman 39
Sestertii, —
Qurtoba-Keui— 99 Seton Karr, H. W.—85, 91, 92, 94, 95
Sicyon— 29
Smjirli— 12, 99, 100, 102, 107, 110, 109
Rakotis— 21 Skyros- 128
Ramsay, Prof. Sir Wm.— 11, 14, 50 Smith, Rev. M. Linton— 1, 8, 9
Rameses the Great 42 — Smr—23
Reggio— 48, 83 Smr-u'cti —23
Reisner, Dr.— 27, 80 Smyrna —37
Re-nefer (Ounouphis) —26 Solutreen lancehead from Breonio 86 —
Rhea—29 Songrus (Eyuk)— 100
Rimmon —60 Sophadhes— 132, 133
Riggs, H. H., of Kharput—4, 9 Soter 11—30, 38, 40
RivoU— 84 Soteriadhis, G.— 118, 120, 121, 129
Robmson, W. A.— South Sweden—83
Roman milestones —2, 8 Spercheius Valley— 120, 133
Romano -Greek columns and inscrip- —
Sphinxes, sculptured 107, 108, 109
tions — Spindle-whorls of clay 112 —
Rome—33 Spinning wheels of stone 2, 106 —
Rosettes in Assjrrian art — 108 Staehlin, Dr.— 118
 — 4
98 9 3 I — —2 2 11 1 42 ——

140

Sterrett, J. R. S.— 15 Turkoman encampment. —

Stones from Malatia — Tuehratta—44
Stone hammer, rough, perforated 110 Tyana— 13
Stone lion at Chesme Pleupru — Tymavo— 132
Stone tray 110 — Tymphrestus, pass of — 122
Strabo— 21
Susa—80, 116, 117
Subbiliuraa 44 — Uazyt—29
—
Sun-god 45
Sungurlu —
Syene— 21 Vases— 116, 119
Syria, observations in the north of — 17 „ Mycenaean,
late Minoan III 120
„ 104
3, wheel-made— 120, 133
Svoronos, J. N.—31, 32, 34, 30, 38, 40 Velestmo— 133
Verona— 83, 85, 95, 90
Virchow 90 —
Von Oppenheim, Dr. Max Freiherr — 107
Tammuz d7 Volo— 132, 133
Tarsus, ancient walls — 2, 98
Tebtunis papyri —30
Tek-Geuz-Keupru, bridge on the Halys Wace, A. J. E.— 130, 131, 134
river — Walker, Br. J. H.— 23
Tell-el-Amama—42, 43, 44 Wcti—23
Tempe— 133 Wliisk-bearer, sculptured — 109
Temple of Athena Itonia (Thessaly) Wilson, T.—85, 88, 89, 94, 95
118 Wilkin, A.— 1, 97
Tenedos—29 Worts Fund, Cambridge University 118
Teshub—45 Winckler, II.—41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47
Tel-loh, the ancient Lagas —78 Wosinsky, M.— 130
TeU-Halaf — 107 Wright, W.—
44
Terra-cottaa, examined at Kaiparij^h —
43, 129
Thebes—43 Xois—25
Theotokou— 128
Thermopylae 122 —
Thessalj (Phthiotis)— 118, 120, 124, 125, Yahwe, 25
128, 131, 132, 133 Yamooli, on the Haljs river —
Thoricus— 133 „ Eagle monument —
Thompson, M. S.— 130, 134 Yarre— 101
Texier 41 — Yavash-ova-Khan, Roman milestone at
Tiglath-Pileser III— 110 —8, 2, 25
Thrace— 127, 129, 132 Yazili-Kaya —
Toinb, of bronze age 129 — Yeni-Khan —
Tope-nefezi, Hittite inscription fo\md at Yuzgat —
—6
Trajan —
Trilckala— 133 Zeus—28, 29
Trough— Zeus Labraundeus —29
Troy— 125, 127 Zinjirli sculptures — 12
Tsountas, Prof. Chr.— 120, 122, 123, 124, ZereUa— 118, 120, 121, 126, 129, 131,
125, 126, 127, 128, 132 132, 133

C. TINLING AND CO, LTD, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF LIVERPOOL, VICTORIA STREET
 UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL "t

ANNALS
OF
ARCHAEOLOGY
AND
ANTHROPOLOGY
ISSUED BY THE

INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY

EDITED BY

J. L. MYRES
IN COLLABORATION WITH
F. P. BARNARD J.
GARSTANG
R. C. BOSANQUET J. G. MILNE
J.
G. FRAZER P. E. NEWBERRY
T. W. GANN T. G. PINCHES

VOLUME II

MCMIX

LONDON: CONSTABLE & COMPANY, LTD.

LIVERPOOL: AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
 C. TINLING AND CO., LIMITED
PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF
LIVERPOOL, VICTORIA STREET
 '^^

CONTENTS
PAGE

List of Plates V

List of Illustrations in the Text ix

Liverpool University Institute of Archaeology List of Officers, :

Committees, and Staff. Programme of Lectures ... ... xiii

Catalogue of a Teaching Collection of Representative English

Coins, from 1066, at the Institute of Archaeology in the
University of Liverpool. F. P. Barnard, M.A.

A Prehistoric Vase in the Museum of Spalato. A. M. Woodward

B.A. With Plate I 27

Disease and History. W. H. S. Jones, M.A 33

Suggestions for a Scheme of Classification of the Megalithic and

Analogous Prehistoric Remains of Great Britain and Ireland
George Clinch. With Plates II and III ... 46

A Bird Cult of the Old Kingdom. Percy E. Newberry 49

On a Recently Discovered Section of the Roman Wall at Chester.

Robert Newstead, M.Sc, A.L.S,, etc. With Plates IV-X 52

Appendix I. With Plates XI, XII

Appendix II. With Plate XIII 70

Prehistoric Finds at Matera and in South Italy generally. T. E

Peet, B.A. With Plates XVIII-XXI 72

Human Skulls from Sisma in Asia Minor. Professor A. M

Paterson, M.D., and Dr. W. Broad 91

Obituary : F. G. Hilton Price. J.

Garstang, D.Sc. With Plate
XIV 94

Dea Febris : A Study of Malaria in Ancient Italy. W. H. S

Jones, M.A 97
lU
 PAGE
Excavations at Abydos, 1909. Preliminary Description of the
Principal Finds. John Garstang, D.Sc. With Plates XV,
XVI, XVII 125

Impressions of Seals from Abydos. Percy E. Newberry, M.A

With Plates XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV 130

Two Cherokee Charms. John B. Davis ... 131

The Liver Eater : A Cherokee Story. John B. Davis 134

REVIEW, von Oppenheim. Excavations at Tell Halaf, in

Northern Mesopotamia. John L. Myres, M.A. ... ... 139

Two Prehistoric Figurines from Asia Minor. T. E. Peet, B.A.

With Plates XXVI-XXVII 145

Early Civilization in North Greece Preliminary Report on

:

Excavations in 1909. A. J. B. Wage, M.A., and M. S.

Thompson, B.A. With Plates XXVIII-XXXIII ... 149

Prehistoric Mounds in Macedonia. A. J.

B. Wage, M.A., and
M. S. Thompson, B.A. With Plate XXXIV 159

Carchemish and its neighbourhood. D. G. Hogarth, M.A

With Plates XXXV-XLII 165

Note on the Inscription on the Eastern Lion at Tell-Ahmar

L. W. King, M.A. With Plate XXVII 185

Who were the Romans ? A Note on some Recent Answers

T. E. Peet, B.A 187

IV
 LIST OF PLATES
I. Prehistoric Vase in the Museum of Spalato, and other
fragments from sites in "the Balkan Peninsula.

II. Typical megalitb.ic and analogous remains of Great Britain

and Ireland. Figures — i 7.

III. „ „ Figures 8 — 16.

IV-X. Chester : Roman Wall : Excavations^ 1908.

IV. i) Roman Wall, shewing the coursing of the rubble work.

2) Wolf Tower, with upper portion of Roman Wall.

3) Upper portion of Roman Wall, looking South.

4) Roman Wall, looking South.

VI. 5) Roman Wall (interior) looking North.

6) Roman Wall (interior) looking South.

VII. Samian ware from excavations at Chester, 1908.

VIII. Roman Wall and Fosse. Plan of excavated area.

IX. Roman Wall and Fosse. Section of excavated area.

X. Mouldings found in front of Roman Wall.

XI. Roman concrete foundation in Bridge Street, Chester :

plan.

XII. Roman concrete foundation in Bridge Street, Chester :

section.

XIII. Palaeolithic stone axe from excavations in St. John Street,

Chester.

XIV. Frederick George Hilton Price : in memoriam.

V
XV-XVII. Antiquities from Abydos, Upper Egypt.

XV. Eighteenth Dynasty Jewellery from an undisturbed tomb

deposit.

XVI. (i) Sixth Dynasty Coppersmith's outfit and models, with

alabaster table.

(2) Eighteenth Dynasty tomb-deposit, found undis-

turbed.

XVII. (i) Twelfth Dynasty Daggers.

(2) Eighteenth Dynasty Pottery vase.

(3) Sixth Dynasty typical tomb deposit.

XVIII-XXI. Prehistoric Fitids from Mater a and South Italy generally.

XVIII. Sketch Map — District round Matera.

XIX. Fig. I. Murgia Timone : Rock-cut tomb : section and

plan.

Fig. 2. Murgia Timone : Fibula from tomb II.

Fig. 3. Matera : Vase of Aegean type.

Fig. 4. San Lorenzo : Vase of *

Dolmen-type.'

Fig. 5. Murgia Timone : Stone mound with cist-grave

(cassetta).

Fig. 6. Monte Timmari : cremation-ossuary.

[Fig. 7. Pottery, type a : grey ware, incised before firing.

{Printed on Plate XXI)

[Fig. 8. Pottery, type b : polished ware incised after
firing. {Printed on Plate XXI.)
Fig. 9, Pottery, type b : polished ware incised after
firing, showing influence of '
Dolmen-ware.'

XX. Fig. 10. Pottery, type b : Black undecorated variety :

Taranto.

Fig. 1 1 . Pottery, type b : Taranto.

Fig. 12, Pottery, type c : Painted ware, '

a fasce larghe.'

[Plate XX includes also figs. 18, 19, 20 beiow.]

vi
 XXI. Figs. 13 and 14. Pottery, type d: Fine painted ware.
Fig. 15. Pottery, type d : Painted pottery : Balkan types.
Fig. 16. Serra d'Alto : fine painted ware ; typical
designs. {On page 85 of the text.)

Fig. 17. Pottery, type d : Painted ware.

[Plate XXI includes also figs. 7, 8 above.^

[Figs. 18-19. Pottery, type / : Bronze Age ware : incised

(on Plate XX).
[Fig. 20. Pottery, type / Bronze : Age ware : typical
designs (on Plate XX).

XXII-XXV. Impressions of seals from Abydos.

XXII. Sealings of Kha-sekhemui.

XXIII. Sealings of Neter-Khet.

XXIV-V. Private Sealings : Second Dynasty.

XXVI-XXVII. Prehistoric figurines from Adalia, Asia Minor.

XXVIII-XXXI. Antiquities from excavations in Thessaly.

XXVIII. Lianokladhi. Three-roomed house in Stratum III : plan.

XXIX. The mound known as Paleomylos.

Interior of the three-roomed house in
Stratum III, showing Pithoi in position.

XXX. Red-on-white ware : bell-shaped cup.

„ „ large bodied jar.

XXXI. Geometric painted ware.

*
Minyan '
ware : ring-footed vase, and
angular bowl.

XXXII. i) „ Serrated flakes of flint, and bone pin.

2) ,, Fragments of painted pottery.

XXXIII. Tsani Maghoula.

[1-2) „ Primitive Figurine : (1) front, (2) side.

(3) )) Red-on-white ware cup with ribbon :

handle and solid patterns.

(4) „ Figurine : (a) front, (b) side.

XXXIV. i) Macedonian mounds : primitive incised pottery.

2) „ „ geometrical painted pottery.

Vll
XXXV-XLII. Hittite monuments from Carchemish (Jerablus), and other
sites.

XXXV. (i) Jerablus: Acropolis: Slab No. i. Two men on lion.

(2) „ „ „ [2 is figured in the

text.]

(2) „ „ „ 3. Standing figure

with censer.

XXXVI. (i) 4. Processional

figures.
(2) Kellekli : Hittite Stela No. i.

(3) » » » No. 2, face i.

(4) Tell Ahmar : Royal Stela (b).

XXXVII. (I) »> Winged lion.

(2) »> >» Cuneiform inscription.

XXXVIII. M Stela (c) : The

' long Hittite inscrip-
tion.

XXXIX. {c) : The sculptured face 4.

XL. (i) Tell Ahmar: Stela (c) Inscribed face 3 : fragment

B.

(2) (^4) : Processional figures.

(3) {d i) : Horse-headed demons.

(4) {d 6) : Winged genius.

XLI. (1-6) Hittite sculptures from Arslan Tepe, near Malatia.

I
XLII. Hittite monuments from Aleppo.
(i) Lion in black basalt : in the Castle.

(2) Basalt stela : in the collection of M. Marcopoulos.

(3) Eagle in basalt: in the French Consulate.

viu
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
PAGE
Sketch Map of South Italy, shewing the district round Matera... 73

Serra d'Alto : fine painted ware, typical designs, Fig. 16 ... 85

Lianokladhi : example of geometrically ornamented pottery ... 151

Diagram explaining the stratification of Tsani Maghoula ... 155

Diagram explaining the suggested synchronisms among early

sites in North Greece ... ... ... ... ... ... 157

Jerablus : Acropolis, Slab No. 2 : winged female figure in relief 170

Kellekh : Hittite Stela No. 2, face i

173

Kellekli : Stela No. 2 : Hittite inscription on faces i, 2 and 3 ... 173

IX
 :

UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
(FOUNDED JUNE 23, 1904)

Patron
H.R.H. Princess Henry of Battenberc

Presidents

The Earl of Derby The Countess of Derby

Vice-Presidents

Ralph Brocklebank, Esq. William Johnston, Esq.

The Rt. Hon. Sir John Brunner, Professor Eduard Meyer
Bart., M.P. Rev. W. Macgregor
Professor Boyd Dawkins, F.R.S. John Rankin, Esq.
F. C. Danson, Esq., F.S.A. Professor Ridgew^ay, D.Sc.
Arthur J. Evans, Esq., F.R.S. Rev. Professor A. H. Sayce, M.A.

General Committee
Lady Brocklebank Sir John Gray Hill
Lady Forwood C. Sydney Jones, Esq.
Lady Hill Robert Mono, Esq.
Mrs, Dale Professor Newberry, M.A.
Mrs. Grant Rev. M. Linton Smith, M.A.
Mrs. Rankin James Smith, Esq.
Mrs. Rathbone
Members of the Faculty of Arts
Mrs. J. Smith
The Lord Bishop of Liverpool A. Mair, Esq., M.A. (Dean)
The Vice-Chancellor Professor Mackay, M.A., LL.D.
C. J. Allen, Esq. Professor Muir, M.A.
Professor Bosanquet, M.A., F.S.A. Professor Myres, M.A., F.S.A.
Professor Caton, M.D. Professor Reilly, M.A., A.R.LB.A.
T. Gibson, Esq. Professor Strong, M.A., LLD,

Hon. Treasurer Hon. Auditors

A. L. Rea, Esq. W. Grisev^tood & Son
Hon. Secretary
Professor J. Garstang, M.A., D.Sc.

Sta-ff Assistant Assistant Secretary

Herr Horst Schliephack Miss F. Davey

Bankers
Bank of Liverpool, Ltd., Heyv^^ood's Branch

II
 INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY

SPECIAL COMMITTEES
Finance

The Rt. Hon. Sir John T. Brunner, Professor Myres

Chairman Professor Newberry
F. C. Danson, Esq., F.S.A. A. L. Rea, Esq., Hon. Treasurer
John Rankin, Esq. VV. Grisewood, Esq., Hon. Auditor
Professor Bosanquet Professor Garstang, Hon. Secretary

Excavations in British Honduras

Professor Bosanquet J. F. Irvine, Esq.

F. C. Danson, Esq., F.S.A. Professor Mackay
Professor Frazer D. P. McEwan, Esq.
T. W. Gann, M.D. Professor Newberry
Professor Garstang A. L. Rea, Esq., Hon. Treasurer
T. Gibson, Esq. Professor Myres, Hon. Secretary

J. Woodsend, Esq.

Excavations in Egypt, 1910

Ralph Brocklebank, Esq. Rev. W. Macgregor, M.A.

Monsieur Jean Capart Robert Mond, Esq.
{Musics Royaux, Brvxelles) Dr. Waldemar Schmidt
J. J.
DoBBiE, Esq., {National Mus., Copenhagen)
{Royal Scot. Mus., Edinburgh) James Smith, Esq.
H. M. Kennard, Esq. H. S. Wellcome, Esq.

Hittite Excavations

The Rt. Hon. Sir John T. Brunner, H. Martyn Kennard, Esq.

Bart., M.P. Dr. Ludwig Mond
Robert Mond, Esq.

Xll
 INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY

UNIVERSITY STAFF
Classical Archaeology : Professorship instituted in 1906

ROBERT CARR BOSANQUET, M.A., F.S.A.

Classical Geography : Lectureship instituted in 1907

JOHN LINTON MYRES, M.A., F.S.A.

(GLADSTONE PROFESSOR OF GREEK, I907)

Egyptology : Professorship founded by Sir John Brunner in 1907

PERCY EDWARD NEWBERRY, M.A.

Methods and Practice of Archaeology : Professorship founded by

Mr. John Rankin in 1907

JOHN GARSTANG, M.A., B.Litt., D.Sc, F.S.A.

(reader in EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY, I902)

Social Anthropology : Professorship instituted in 1907

JAMES GEORGE FRAZER, M.A., D.C.L., Litt.D., LL.D.

Mediaeval Archaeology : Professorship instituted in 1908

FRANCIS PIERREPONT BARNARD, M.A., F.S.A.

SPECIAL LECTURERS AT THE INSTITUTE

Assyriology : T. G. PINCHES, LL.D. (appointed 1904)

Numismatics: J.
GRAFTON MILNE, M.A. (appointed 1907)

Central American Archaeology : T. W. GANN, M.D. (appointed 1908)

 INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
UNIVERSITY COURSES AND OTHER LECTURES
1904. AUTUMN TERM.
Public Lectures '
Sources of Ancient History.'
'
The Egyptian Scarab.'
Special Lectures ' Early History of Medicine.'
University Course *
Outlines of Egyptian Archaeology.'

1905. SPRING TERM.

Special Lectures 'Delphi,' ' Olympia,' and ' Delos.'

SUMMER TERM.
Public Lecture '
Recent Discoveries in Egypt.'
Special Lectures ' Eleusis,' '
Corinth,' *
Troy.'

AUTUMN TERM.
Public Lectures '
Modern Research in Assyria and Western Asia.'
'
The Methods and Practice of Archaeology.'
University Course '
Outlines of Egyptian History and Archaeology.'

1906. SPRING TERM.

Special Lectures '
Greek Art.'
'
Historical Relations of Palestine with Arabia,
Babylonia, Egypt and Assyria.'

AUTUMN TERM.
Public Lectures '
Sparta.'
'
The Hittites from the Monuments.'
University Courses . .
.'
Introduction to the Study of Antiquity.'
'
Outlines of the History of Greek Art.'
'
Rome Repubhc and Empire.'
:

1907. SPRING TERM.

University Courses ...' Chronology of Ancient Egypt.'
'
Outlines of the History of Greek Art.'
*
Athens in the Fifth Century b.c'
*
Interpretation of Roman Monuments.'

Public Course ' Gods of Healing in Egypt and Greece.'

AUTUMN TERM.
University Courses ,..' Introduction to the Study of Antiquity.'
'
Greece in the Fifth Century b.c'
*
Civilisation of Ancient Rome.'

Public Courses The Gods of Greece.'

*

'The Progress of Exploration.'

xiv
 ——

i9o8. SPRING TERM.

Public Courses 'The History of Ancient Egypt.*
'
Geographical Conditions of Mediterranean
Civilization.'
'
Archaeological Problems in the Classical Texts
prescribed for the Arts Course.*

SUMMER TERM.
University Course ...* Athens in the Age of Pericles.'
Public Courses 'Recent Discoveries in Greek Landi.*
'
Outlines of Egyptian Archaeology.*

AUTUMN TERM.
University Courses ...' Outlines of the History of Antiquity.*
*
Greece in the Fifth Century B.C.*
'
The Roman Empire b.c. 31 a.d. 180.'
' Greek Vase-paintings.'
* Language and Literature of Ancient Egypt.'
Public Courses ' History of Egypt from the Eighteenth Dynasty
to the Ptolemaic period.'
* Geographical Condition of Mediterranean Civil-
ization.'
' Embroideries of Greek Lands and the Near East.*

1909. SPRING TERM.

University Courses ...' Outlines of the History of Antiquity.'
'
Greece in the Fifth Century e.g.*
* The Roman Empire b.c. 31 ^a.d. 180.'

Public Course * Some Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture.*

AUTUMN TERM.
University Courses ...'Greek Architectu-e and Sculpture.'
*
Outlines of the History of Antiquity.'
'
Greece in the Fifth Century e.g.*
* The Roman Republic e.g. 202 a.d. 31,'
* Tacitus, Agricola, with special reference to the
Archaeology of Roman Britain.'

Public Courses 'Geographical Conditions of Mediterranean Civil-

ization.'
' Land and Monuments of the Hittites.'
' Egyptian Art.'
Special Lectures '
Early Civilization in North Greece.'
' Homeric Art.'

rv
 EXPEDITIONS

1902-3-4 Egypt : Beni Hassan and Negadeh.

1904-5 Edfu and Hierakonpolis.

1905-6 Esna and Kostamneh (Nubia).

1906-7-8-9 Abydos.

1907-8 Asia Minor and North Syria.

1908-9 British Honduras.

1909 Neolithic Sites in Thessaly.

1910 Meroe (Sudan).

XVI
CATALOGUE OF A TEACHING COLLECTION
OF REPRESENTATIVE ENGLISH COINS,
FROM 1066, AT THE INSTITUTE OF
ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF
LIVERPOOL. 1909

By Professor F. P. BARNARD

This collection has been formed for the assistance of students

who may wish to be introduced to the study of English Numismatics.
In the selection of the coins two principles have been followed so :

far as possible, typical pieces have been chosen, and none but
examples in the best procurable condition have been admitted.
Coins in any state, if rare, are acceptable enough for filling up gaps
in the cabinet of the collector when none better can be got, but for
educational requirements good specimens alone are of use. It
follows that considerations of expense must as a rule limit a teaching
collection to those pieces which are the least scarce, though these
are not necessarily the least representative. The contrary is rather
the case. At the same time the collection which we have so far
been able to bring together is not in itself sufficient for our purpose,
and will therefore be supplemented by electrotypes of such
unobtainable coins as are needed to complete the illustration of the
currency from the Norman Conquest to the death of George III.
No gold or silver later than the reign of Charles H will appear in
either series, but this is the less to be regretted because after the
Restoration the issues in the precious metals, their experimental
troubles being practically over, became more or less stereotyped.
From that time, too, besides this decrease in historical importance,
The copper issues, however,
their artistic attraction steadily waned.
which then began, did not as a whole share this aesthetic decadence,
and moreover being in the tentative stages that the gold and silver
monies had left behind, succeeded to the interest lost by the higher
denominations : an interest accentuated by the story of their
struggles with the irregular coinages.
 :

Tray I

No. 1. —E. iii, Noble. 4tli Gold and 3rd Noble Issue; 2nd Period;
1360-9; London Mint. Title, King of France, omitted
in accordance with the terms of the Treaty of Bretigny,
1360; but Lord of Aquitaine added. The establishment
of a gold coinage by E. iii was brought about by the
growth of commerce, and by the closer contact with
France, the more advanced currency of which country we
were stimulated, perhaps forced by necessity, to copy.
*
The rede noble ys yreuerenced by-fore the rode.'
{Piers Plowman, I, 471.)
The obverse type is supposed to commemorate the defeat
of the French at the battle of Sluys in 1340, England's first
naval victory (so Chronicle de Melsa in 1396). Cp., too,
the quotation in Selden, Mare Clausum, 1636, II, xxv,
438 For foure things our Noble sheweth to me. King,
:
'

Ship, and Swerd, and Power of the See The

Sea was kept, and thereof he [E. iii] was Lord; Thus
made he Nobles coined of Record.' Current for 68. 8d,,

i.e., Half a Mark. Fineness of Noble and its parts 23

"carats, ^\ grains, pure gold, to |^ a grain alloy : the '
Old
Standard.'

No. 2. —E. iii, Half Noble. Same Issue and Period as No. 1.

London Mint. Also called the '

Maille '
Noble. '
Maille
'

originally = Half a Penny, and survives in *

Blackmail '

L.L. '
metallia,' *
medallia, ' = money.
No. 3. —E. iii. Quarter Noble. Same Issue as No. 1, but 3rd
Period; 1369-77; London Mint. Also called the
*
Ferling ' Noble. ' Ferling ' = a quarter of anything.
No. 4.— E. iv, Angel. 3rd Gold Issue; 1471-83; London Mint;
m.m. Annulet. Regular mint marks begin in this reign,
and die out in C. ii's time. Current for 68. 8d. the value :

of the Noble had been raised to Ss. 4d. The Rose Noble
of this reign ran for 10s. Fineness of Angel as No. 1
above.

No. 6. —E. vi, Testoon or Shilling. 2nd Issue; London Mint;

dated 1549 ; m.m. Arrow. Base Silver, 3 parts fine, 9 parts
alloy. Coins of this Issue are the first dated pieces in the
 ;

English series. The name Testoon was taken from the

name of the first French coin to bear the teste [tete] of
the king, that of Louis xii. The term did not last long in
England. Note that Renascence tastes are superseding
Gothic. See, e.g., the Italian oval cartouche shield set on
a scrolled bracket on the Rev. of this coin; and the last
Lombardic lettering finally disappears in Eliz.'s reign.

No. 6. —E. vi, Shilling. 3rd Issue; 1551-3; London Mint; m.m.
Tun. Nearly Standard Silver. Coins of this Issue are
the first in the English series to bear a mark of value. This
is the *
Shovel-board Shilling '
:
— ' With me the unthrif ts
every day, "With my
downwards do at Shove-board face
play.' (Taylor the "Water-Poet, The Travailea of Twelve
Pence, 1622.) Hence this coin is often found with its Oh.
more worn than its Rev. (Cp., too, Shak. M. Wives, I, i,
159 and H. iv, B. II, iv, 206.)
;

No. 7. —Phil, and Mary, Shilling. 1554-8 ; London Mint ; no m.m.

'
Still amorous, and fond, and billing, Like Philip and
Mary on a shilling.' (Butler, Hudihras, III, i, 579.)
The position of the heads, which does not appear elsewhere
in the English series, was probably copied from the gold
double ducat of the kg. and queen's common ancestors,
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, and was originally
taken from an ancient Roman type.
No 8. — Eliz., Hammered Shilling. 1558-61; London Mint; m.m.
Cross Crosslet.
No. 9.— Eliz., Milled Shilling. 1561-6; London Mint; m.m. Star.
The first issue of milled coins in England, (See Note on
No. 4 in Tray II.)

No. 10. — Jas. i, Shilling. 1st Issue ; 1603-4 ; London Mint ; m.m.
Thistle ;
'
Exurgat legend. '

No. 11. — Jas. i, Shilling. 2nd Issue 1604-25 ; ; London Mint ; m.m.
Rose ;
'
Quae Deus legend. '

No. 12.— Ch. i. Shilling. 3rd Type (The Lace Collar, or

Falling '

Band,' has taken the place of the earlier Ruff.); 1639;

London Mint m.m Triangle. ; .

No. 13. — Commonwealth, Shilling. London Mint Dated 1653 ;

m.m. Sun. The Royalists jestingly described the Reverse

 ;;'

deaign as '
A pair of breeches for the Rump,' hence the
Commonwealth coins were often called '
Breeches Money.'
No. 14. — Jas. i, Half-crown. 2nd Issue 1604-25 ; ; London Mint
m.m. Rose ;
'
Quae Deus legend. '

No. 15. —Ch, i, Half-crown. 3rd. Type (The Lace Collar has replaced
the Ruff.); 1635; London Mint; m.m. Coronet.
No. 16.—
No. 17.—
No. 18.—
No. 19. —Penny Token, 17th century Series. Oh. In the centre a
large P-; legend round *
THOMAS FITZHVGH AT ' '
'

Y^ GOLDEN *
•
' Rev. In the centre an anchor ; legend
round, '
ANCKOR IN GVTER LANE • ' • '

(Williamson's edition of Boyne, I, 623/1304.) This series

of Tokens was not authorized, like the '
Harringtons
it succeeded, but was privately issued by tradesmen, cor-
porations, overseers, &c., throughout England, in town and
country. These pieces were sometimes known as 'Traders'
*
the Tokens which every Tavern and Tippling-House (in
the days of late Anarchy among us) presum'd to stamp
and utter for immediate Exchange, as they were passable
through the Neighbourhood, which tho seldom reaching
farther than the next street, or two, may haply in after
times come to exercise and busie the learned critic what
they should signifie, and fill whole Volumes with their
conjectures.' (Evelyn, Numismata, 1697, p. 16.) The
issue of the excellent copper ^d.and ^d. of Ch. ii, in 1672
(see No. 18 in Tray VI) did what repeated statutes and
proclamations had been unable to effect and drove these
light Tokens out of circulation.

No. 20. —Halfpenny Token, 17th century series. Oh. In the centre
a rose slipped, i.e., with its stalk ; legend round, MARY
'
*

LONG IN RVSSELL • •
•
' Rev. In the centre, HER '

HALFE PENNY ML.'; legend round, '

STREET IN •

•
COVENT GARDEN • • '
(Williamson's Boyne, I, 715/
2434.) The Rose was a tavern kept by Wm. and Mary
Long, and, after the death of the former in 1661, by his
widow Mary, whose burial is entered in the register of St.

Paul's, Covent Garden, as on 29th Jan., 1673/4. It was

 '

a resort of Dryden's. (Pepys, Diary, 3rd Feb., 1663/4.)

'
We out again to the Eose Taverne, and there I did give
them a tankard of cool drink, the weather being very hot.'
{Hid. 13th May, 1668.) It became famous afterwards as
Wills' Coffee House. (See also Shadwell, 2'Ae Scowrers,
1691.) It was at this house that on 14th Nov., 1712, the
duel was arranged in which Lord Avas killed by the Mohun
Duke Hamilton and Hogarth's Rakes Progress (1735)
of ;

III, shows a room in it. It disappeared in 1766 to make

way for the enlargement of Drury Lane Theatre by
Garrick, but the sign was preserved and set up on the
wall of the playhouse. (See an engraving in Pennant's
Hist, of London, I, 100.)

No. 21. —Farthing Token, 17th century Series. Ob. In the centre a
ship ; legend round, '
AT •
THE '
SHIP •
WITHOVT.'
*
S
Rev. In the centre w .
jj; I
legend round, * TEMPLE "

BARE •
1649.' (Williamson's Boyne I, 764/3066.) The
letters in the middle of the Reo. denote
— * S '
the surname,
and *
W ' and '
M '
the christian names, of husband and
wife : thus the names in this case (which have not been
traced) might have been Wm. and Mary Smith. This
is the regular arrangement of such initials on these
tokens, and is found also on signs of the period. This
inn was in Anne's reign used as a headquarters of Free-
masons, and was still in existence in June, 1756, when it
is mentioned in an advertisement as '
The Ship tavern in
the Butcher row near Temple bar.' Ship Yard preserves
its name.

TttAY II

No. 1. — E. vi. Sixpence.

3rd. Issue; 1551-3; Southwark Mint;
m.m. Y, for Sir John Yorke, Master of the Southwark
Mint. The first sixpence issued.

No. 2. —Phil, and Mary, Sixpence; London Mint; dated 1554;

m.m. Lys. (See Note on No. 7 in Tray I.)

No. 3. — Eliz., Hammered Sixpence. London Mint; dated 1566;

m.m. Portcullis.
 ;

No. 4. — Eliz., Milled Sixpence. London Mint; dated 1562; m.m.

Star. The first England was from
issue of milled coins in
1561 to 1572. '
Seven groats in mill-sixpences.' (Skak.,
M. W., I, i, 158.) Milled coins were hoarded as superior
to hammered money, and were sometimes kept for use as
counters. (See Davenant's News from Plimouth.)
No. 5. — Jas. i, Sixpence. Ist Issue ; London Mint ; dated 1603 ;

m.m. Thistle ;
'
Exurgat ' legend.

No. 6. — Jas. i, Sixpence. 2nd Issue; London Mint; dated 1607;

m.m. Coronet ;
'
Quae Deus legend. '

No. 7. — Ch. i, Sixpence. 3rd Type (The Lace Collar has succeeded
the Ruff.); 1636; London Mint; m.m. Tun.
No. 8. — Commonwealth, Sixpence. London Mint dated 1652 ;

m.m. Sun. (See Note on No. 13 in Tray I.)

No. 9.—E. iii. Groat. 1st Period; 1351-60 (Titles of England,
France, and Ireland) ; London Mint. The first Groat, or
*
Great Penny '
; copied from the gtos, or 4:-denier piece of
France (the grosso, or 4 danari, of Italy). Its introduc-
tion, like that of the gold coinage, denotes an increase of
trade. The type remains the same till the 2nd Silver
Issue of H. vii, 1489.
No. 10. —H. vi, Groat. 1st Period; 1st Issue; Annulet coinage;
1422-8 ; Calais Mint, which ends with this reign.

No. 11. —H. vi. Groat. 1st Period; 3rd Issue; Mascle and Pine-cone
coinage; 1435-40; London Mint.

No. 12.— E. iv, Groat. 2nd Issue ; Light Silver ; 1464-83 ; London
Mint ; 7n.m. Crown.
No. 13. —H. vii. Groat. 2nd Issue ; 1489 ; London Mint ; m.m.
Cinquefoil. Note the arched crown, which had begun on
Great Seals with E. iv, but had not been seen on English
coins since Stephen.

No. 14. —H. vii. Groat. 3rd Issue 1504 London Mint m.m. Cross
; ; ;

Crosslet. Note that on the Ob., besides the arched crown

introduced in the previous issue, we have a profile portrait
of the Kg., and that the Tressure has gone; and that on
the Rev. the inner circle, the place of mintage, and the
 ;

pellets, have given place to a shield laid over the cross,

the first appearance of Heraldry on English silver coins
on gold it had begun at once. For the first time, too,
since H. iii a numeral, VII or Septim[u8], is added
to the Kg.'s name. This also is the first successful
attempt at portraiture in the English coinage, and till

now since Stephen's coins no profile bust has appeared.

'
A half-faced groat.' (Shak., John, I, 94.)

No. 15. —H. viii, Groat. 1st Issue ; 1509-26 ; Loudon Mint ; tn,m.
Portcullis crowned. Fine, i.e., standard, silver. Note that
all lettering is still Lombardic.
No. 16. —H. viii, Groat. 2nd Issue; 1526-43; London Mint, as
'
Posui, &c.' on Rev., not place of mintage ; m.m. Lys.
Fine Silver.

No. 17. —H. viii. Groat. 2nd Issue 1526-43 York Mint m.m.
; ; ;

Cross. *
T. W.' Wolsey, and Cardinal's Hat, on
for Thos.
Rev. The coining of groats, instead of merely the smaller
was one of the charges in the indictment against
silver,

Wolsey. Fine silver.

No. 18. — H. viii. Groat. 4th Issue; 1544 ; Bristol Mint ; m.m. W.S.
in monogram and Rose and Lys, for Sir Wm. Sharington,
Master of the Bristol Mint. Base and \ alloy.
Silver, \ fine
*
Copper nose '
money, so called because the end of the
nose, the most prominent part in a full-faced coin, soon
began to show the base metal under the silver wash.
Boman lettering is now displacing Lombardic.

No. 19. —Mary, Groat. London Mint m.m. Pomegranate

1553-4 ; ;

between 2 Annulets. The Pomegranate was a badge of

her mother, Kath. of Aragon, first assumed by her grand-
father, Ferdinand, Kg. of Aragon, in commemoration of
the conquest of Granada from the Moors. Fine portrait.

No. 20. —Phil, and Mary, Groat. 1554-8 ; London Mint ; m.r/i. Lys.
Philip appears in Oh. legend only : fine portrait of Mary.
No. 21. — Eliz., Hammered Groat. 1558-61 ; London Mint ; m.m.
Cross Crosslet.
No. 22. — Eliz., Milled Groat. 1561-6 ; London Mint ; m.m. Star.
The first issue of milled silver coins in England.
 8

No. 23. — Ch. i, Groat. 3rd Type (The Lace Collar lias taken the
place of the earlier Ruff.); 1637-42; Aberystwith Mint;
m.ni. Open book.
No. 24. — Ch. ii. Groat. 3rd Issue ; 1662 ; London Mint ; jn.m.
Crown. The last current groat till W. iv (1836).
Specimen of the last hammered money, and of the last
current coins on which marks of value appear till they
were revived on some pieces in 1831. This is not Maundy
Money : the Hammered Maunday coins were smaller,
thicker, neater, and their legends begin at the bottom on
the left-hand side.

Tray III

No. 1. — Eliz., HammeredThreepence. London Mint; dated 1578;

m.m. Cross. The Hose was added to distinguish it from
Elizabeth's early Half-groat, which had no value mark,
and differed in diameter only about one-tenth of an inch.
No. 2. — Eliz., Milled Threepence. London Mint; dated 1562;
m.m. Star. (See Note on No. 4 in Tray II.)
No. 3. —Ch. i, Threepence. 3rd Type (The Lace Collar has
succeeded the Ruff.); 1637-42; Aberystwith Mint; m.m.
Open book.
No. 4. —Ch. ii. Threepence. 3rd Issue Silver ; 1662; London Mint;
m.m. Crown. The last current 3d. till 1845. (See Note on
No. 24 in Tray II.)

No. 5.— E. iii, Half Groat. 1st Period ; 1351-60 (Titles of England,
France, and Ireland) ; London Mint. The earliest Half
Groat, the type of which does not change till the 2nd
Silver Issue of Hen. vii in 1489.

No. 6. —H. V, Half Groat. Class III, Annulets among the Pellets
on the Reverse ; Calais Mint.

No. 7. —H. vi, Half Groat. 1st Period 2nd Issue

; ; Rosette and
Mascle coinage ; 1428-35 ; London Mint.
No. 8.—E. iv, Half Groat. 2nd Issue ; Light Silver ; 1464-83 ;

Canterbury Mint ; C on King's breast for Canterbury,

and m.m. Rose. Regular mint marks begin in this reign.
 ;;

No. 9.—H. vii, Half Groat. 2iid Issue ; 1489 ; Canterburv Mint
m.in. Tun, a rebus on the name of Abp. Mor^o/i. Note
the Arched Crown.

No. 10. —H, vii, Half Groat. 3rd Issue 1504 London Mint ; ; ; m.m.
Martlet. (See Note on No. 14 in Tray II.)

No. 11.—H. viii, Half Groat. 1st Issue; 1509-26; Canterbury

Mint ; W.A. on Reverse for W[illelnius Wareham]
A[rchiepiscopus], and m.m. Pomegranate, in compliment
toQueen Kath. of Aragon whose badge it was (See Note
on No. 19 in Tray II). Standard silver.

No. 12.— H. viii, Half Groat. 2nd Issue ; 1526-43 ; Canterbury

Mint; " T.C." on Reverse for Thos. Cranmer, and m.m.
Catherine wheel, in compliment to Queen Kath. of
Aragon. Standard silver.

No. 13. —H. viii, Half Groat. 3rd Issue, Series b ; 1543 ; London
Mint; m.m. Picklock, Debased silver, 5 parts fine to
1 part alloy.

No, 14. — Eliz., Hammered Half Groat. The later \ groat with mark
of value; 1582-4; London Mint; m.m. Bell. The name
of the place of mintage does not appear after this except
on some of C, i's local issues during the Great Civil War,

No. 15.— Eliz., Milled Half Groat. 1561-6; London Mint; m.m.
Star. (See Note on No. 4 in Tray II.)

No. 16. — Jas. i. Half Groat. 1st Issue ; 1603-4 ; London Mint
m.m. Thistle, No legend on Rev.

No, 17. —Jas. i, Half Groat, 2nd Issue 1604-25 London Mint
; ;

m.m. Lys. '

Rose and Thistle Half Groat.' No value
mark needed for so distinct a type. Oh. legend '
Hosa, &c.'
Rev. legend '
Tueatur unita Deus.'

No. 18.— Ch, i, Half Groat. 2nd Type (Falling EufE.); 1630;
London Mint; m.m. Prince of Wales' Badge, denoting
silver from the Welsh lead mines.

No. 19, — Commonwealth, Half Groat, London Mint. No legends,

no date, no m.m. Only value mark. (See Note on No. 13
in Tray I.)
 10

No.20.— Ch. ii, Half Groat. 3rd Issue; 1662; London Mint; m.m.
Crown. The last current Silver Half Groat. (See Note on
No. 24 in Tray II.)

Tray IV

No. 1.—William I or II, Penny. '

Paxs Type '
; LIPPOLD ON
PINE ' [Winchester]. Probably one of the Beaworth
'
find/ Hants., 30 June, 1833, of nearly 12,000 pennies
of W. i or W. ii, all but 100 of which were of this type,
and a Paxs penny with this moneyer and mint so spelt
was among them. Struck in a collar, like all coins of
W. i and W. ii, as is clear from their being perfectly
round and all of a size.

No. 2. —H. ii, Penny. Type I; 1156. Rude work. Reverte

legend illegible, as often in this type.

No. 3.—H. ii, Penny. Type 2; 1180. The first 'Short Cross'
penny. ' RAVL ON LVNDE '
[London],

No. 4. —H. iii, Penny. '

Long Cross ' penny, Type A, with
sceptre. '
NICOLE ON CANT '[erbury]. Note that by
its '
at the end of the Obverse legend this coin shows
III '

that was struck by the third Henry.

it This was the first
English coin to give such an indication, and it does not
occur again till the 3rd Issue of H. vii. Some pennies
have TERCI[VS].

No. 5. —H. iii, Penny. '

Long Cross ' Penny, Type B, without
sceptre. '
WILLEM ON CANT '[erbury]. 'Ill' for
tertius on Obverse, m.m. Mullet. Moneyers' names dis-
appear after this coinage.

No. 6.~E. i, Penny. 1279 coinage. *

CIVITAS CANTOR'
[Canterbury]. This type of penny, as regards both Oh.
and Rev., continues unchanged till the 2nd Issue of
H. vii.

No. 7.— E. ii, ED WAR.' Bury

Penny. '
St. Edmunds Mint,
'
YILL[A]S[AN]C[TJ1 EDMVNDI.'
 ;:

11

No. 8. —E. iii, Penny. After 1351 when the weight was reduced
to 18 grains; Durham Mint, '
CIVITAS DVEEME '

and note that one limb of the cross is curved into the
form of a crosier.
No. 9.— R. ii, Penny. York Mint, *
CIVITAS EBOEACI ' ; and
note the quatrefoil in the centre of the cross, the distinc-
tive mark of the Archbishop's Mint at York from E. i

to E. iii inclusive.

No. 10. —H. V, Penny. Class III, Annulets among the Pellets on
the Rev.; Calais Mint; m.m. Pierced Cross.

No. 11. —H. vi, Penny. 1st Period; 2nd Issue; Eosette and Mascle
Coinage; 1428-35; York Mint. Note the quatrefoil (see
Note on No. 9 above).
No. 12.—E. iv, Penny. 2nd Issue; Light Silver; 1464-83; Durham
Mint; m.m. Cinquefoil. liegular mint marks begin in this
reign. Eose in middle of Cross on Rev.
No. 13. —H. vii, Penny. 3rd Issue ; 1504 ;
'
Sovereign Type '
; York
Mint. Note the two keys under the shield on the Rev.,
taken from the arms of the See.
No. 14. —H. viii, Penny. 1st Issue; 1509-20; 'Sovereign Type';
Durham Mint ;
'
T.D.' above the shield on the Rev. for
T[homas Euthall, Episcopus] D[unelmensis]. Standard
silver.

No. 15. —H. viii. 2nd Issue 1526-43

Penny. Sovereign Type ; ;
' '

Durham Mint T.W.' for

; Thos.
'
Wolsey, and Cardinal's
Hat, on Rev. Standard silver. Distinguished from Ist
Issue silver by having as Oh. legend Eosa sine spina.' '

No. 16. —H. viii, Penny. 3rd Issue ; 1543 ; Series b ; London Mint
? m.m. Debased silver, 5 parts fine to 1 part alloy, and
weight reduced to 10 grains only.
No. 17. —E. vi, Penny. 3rd Issue ; 1551-3 ; Series b ;
'
Eose Penny '

York (Eoyal) Mint, the ecclesiastical mints having been

abolished by H. viii; m.m. Pierced Mullet. Debased
silver, ^ fine to | alloy.
No. 18. —Phil, and Mary, Penny. 1554-8 ;
'
Eose Penny '
; London
Mint ; w.m. Eose. Base silver, \ fine to f alloy.
 12

No. 19. — Eliz., Hammered Penny. 1558-61; London Mint; m.m.

Cross Crosslet. (No Milled Penny is known.)
No. 20. —Jas. i, Penny. 1st Issue; 1603-4; London Mint; m.m.
Thistle. No legend on Rev.

No. 21.— Jas. i, Penny. 2iid Issue; 1604-25; 'Rose and Thistle
Penny'; London Mint; m.m. 2 Pellets. Ob. legend,
'
Rosa, &c.' Rev. legend, '
Tueatur uuita Deus.'
No. 22. — Ch. i. Penny. 3rd Type (the Lace Collar has displaced the
Ruff.); 1631-42; London Mint; 7n.m. 2 Pellets.

No. 23. —Commonwealth, Penny. London Mint; no legends, no

date, no m.m. Only value mark. (See Note on No. 13 in
Tray I.)

No, 24. —Ch. ii. Penny. 3rd Issue; 1662; London Mint; m.m.
Crown. The last current Silver Penny. (See Note on
No. 24 in Tray II.)

Tray V
No. 1. — Stephen, Cut Halfpenny. The coins of this reign are very
rude. The cutting of pennies into halves and quarters
along the line of the cross, to serve as small change was
done not only by the people, but by the Mint. This is

certain, because some of the pennies in the Beaworth

'
find '
(See Note on No. 1 in Tray IV), which was com-
posed of fresh coins that had never been in circulation,
were so cut, evidently as a direction to the public how to

do it. The practice was and con-

as old as .^thelred II's day,
tinued as late as the 15tli century, although round half-
pence and farthings had been issued from E. i's time
onwards but, as we know, in insufficient quantities.
;

(Cp. the quartering of Spanish Dollars for use in the W.

Indies, temp. W. iv and Victoria, which was discontinued
when was found that dishonest persons cut the dollar
it

into five quarters.') She tore the letter into a thousand

* '

halfpence.' (Shak., M. Ado, II, iii, 147. The cut ^d.

must have been still a familiar object in Shakespere's
time.)
 ;

13

No. 2.— H. iii, Cut Halfpenny. Type 2, Class D, of H. ii ; 1216-22.

'
Short Cross '
penny. '
WILLEM '
(See Note
on No. 1 above.)
No. 3.— E. i, Halfpenny. '
EDWARDVS REX ANG.' London
Mint. A star of six points at end of legends. Except a
small issue by John, this is the first Round Halfpenny
since the Conquest. *
Eduard did smyte rounde peny,
halfpeny, ferthyng.' (Langtoft's Chronicle', s.a. 1280.)

No. 4.— E. ii, Halfpenny. '

EDW R' ANGL' DNS HYB.' The
*
R ' perhaps does double duty as part of the King's name
and as the initial letter of '
Rex.' London Mint.
No. 5.— E. iii, Halfpenny. '
EDWARDVS REX AN.' All but
the English title is crowded out of this small coin.

London Mint.
No. 6. —R. ii, Halfpenny. ' RICARD REX ANGL.' London
Mint.
No. 7. — H. V, Halfpenny. Annulets among the Pellets on the
Reverse {Cp. No. 10 in Tray IV); Calais Mint; m.m.
Pierced Cross
No. 8. —H. vi. Halfpenny. 1st Period ; Ist Issue ; Annulet
coinage ; 1422-8 ; London Mint,
No. 9. —H. viii, Halfpenny. 1st Issue ; 1509-26 ; London Mint
m.m. Portcullis.
No. 10. —H. viii. Halfpenny. 3rd Issue; 1543; Series b; Canterbury
Mint; ? m.m. ; Debased silver, 5 parts fine to 1 part alloy.

No. 11 . — Eliz., Hammered Halfpenny. 1595-8; London Mint; m.m.

Key ; no legends. (No Milled Halfpenny is known.)
No. 12. —Jas. i, Halfpenny. Ist Issue; 1603-4; London Mint; m.m.
Thistle; no legends. Note that this is the last coin that

bears the old Gothic Reverse type of the Cross and Pellets,
dating from H. iii. This ^d. is distinguishable from
Eliz.'s only by m^int marks.

No. 13.—Jas. i. Halfpenny. 2nd Issue 1604-25 ; ;

'
Rose and Thistle
Halfpenny ' ; London Mint m.m Rose ; . ; no legends.
No. 14.— Ch. i, Halfpenny. 1625-42; London Mint; 'Rose Half-
penny ' ; no legends.
 ;

14

No. 15. —Commonwealth, Halfpenny. London Mint no legends ;

no date; no m.m.; no value mark. The last Silver

Halfpenny.

No. 16.— E. i, Farthing. '

EDWAllDVS REX.' London Mint.
Some have no inner circle : this has. The first round
farthing. As some have as Rev. legendLONDRIENSIS,' '

instead of ' CIVITAS LONDON,' these pieces were commonly

known as *
Londrenses.' (See note on No. 3 above.)

No. 17. — Eliz., Three Halfpence. Hammered (no milled example

known); 1575 (always dated); London Mint; m.m.
Cinquefoil ; Rose on Oh. to distinguish it from the Penny
which it exceeds in diameter by only ^ of an inch. Issued
only in this reign, from 1561 to 1582 inclusive.

No. 18. — Eliz., Three Farthings. Hammered 1572 ; (always dated)

London Mint; Ermine Spot; Rose on Oh. to
m.m.
distinguish it from the Penny: it could not be confused
with the ^d., which bore a different design. Issued only
in this reign, from 1561 to 1582 inclusive. The place of
mintage is recorded for the last time on certain of the
small silver coins of Eliz., viz., Hammered Half Groat of
2nd Type (No. 14 in Tray III.), Three Halfpence, Penny,
Three Farthings (Hammered or Milled). Under Eliz. the
number of denominations reached its highest — 20. '
In
my ear I durst not stick a rose, lest men should say,
" Look where three farthings goes " ' (Shak., John,
I, 143). Whipped and then [his ears] cropped for
'

washing out the roses In three farthings to make them

pence (Beaumont and Fletcher, Scornful Lady, III, 2).
'

No. 19. — Jas. i. Coin-weight for the Sovereign of the 1st Gold Issue
(1603) after its enhancement in 1604 to 22s. current value
owing to the gold coins of the 2nd Issue (1604) being of
the reduced weight of 154fx grains to the Sovereign those ;

of the Ist Issue had been at the rate of 171ff grains to the
Sovereign. For the ready recognition of the coin to which
it applies its Obverse type is that of the Oh. of the
Sovereigns of these two issues. The admirable portraits
 16

on coin-weights of James i and Charles i should be noticed.

Afterwards the busts on these weights became, as a rule,
much ruder: Kirk's excellent head of George ii on the
Guinea and Half Guinea weights is, however, an
exception, as is that of John v on the weights for checking
the Gold '
Portugal-pieces ' current here in the 18th
century, which also was probably by Kirk.

No. 20. — Jas. i. Coin-weight for the Half Sovereign of the 1st Gold
Issue (1603) after it was called up to lis., as explained
under No. 19 above. Weight 85|y gr. For its ready
recognition its Obverse is similar to that of the Half
Sovereigns of the Ist and 2nd Issues.

No. 21. — -Tas, i. Coin- weight for the Angel of the 3rd Gold Issue
(1605). Weight 71^ gr. For the reason given above it

follows the Obverse design of the Angel.

No. 22.—Jas. i. Coin- weight for the Thistle Crown of the 2nd Gold
Issue (1604), the Obverse type of which it resembles, less
the crown. Weight 30f? gr.

No. 23. —Ch. i. Coin-weight for the Unite, or Twenty-shilling

Piece. Weight 140f$ gr. It follows the 3rd, or lace-
collar, type of the Tower Mint Gold (1625-42), and the B
on the Reverse shows it to be by the celebrated artist Briot,

Chief Engraver to the Mint.

No. 24. —Ch. i. Coin-weight for the Gold Crown, or Five-shilling

Piece. It is of the same type as No. 23 above, and is also
by Briot, whose signature is below the biist as well as on
the Reverse. Weight 35^ grains.

Tray VI

No. 1. — W. and Mary ii. Halfpenny; 1694. This copper issue

iii

of a Halfpenny and a Farthing superseded the worthless

*
Plug-money of the same denominations of this and the
'

two preceding reigns. The Plug-money was of tin, *

'

with a square plug of copper inserted in the middle to

make counterfeiting more difficult ; it had been issued by
government owing to scarcity of copper. Specimens of
 :

16

Plug-money in good condition are very scarce. The

copper halfpence of this issue are either struck or cast
this example is cast.

No. 2. —^W. iii, Halfpenny; 1699. 2nd Variety; Britannia rests her
olive-branch on her knee, instead of holding it up. This
coin is sometimes struck, but usually cast, as our specimen
is.

No. 3.—G. Halfpenny 1724. Much lighter than W. iii's Half-

i, ;

penny. Designed by John Croker (or Crocker) of

Dresden, Chief Engraver to the Mint. Note the broad
graining outside the circle, a new feature, which is seen
first on pattern farthings of Anne.
No. 4. — G. i,
'
Dump '
Halfpenny ; 1718. So called from being
smaller and thicker than the rest, the bust too is not so
large as that on the ordinary halfpence with broader and
thinner flans, as No. 3 above. '
Dumps '
are of the years
1717 and 1718.
No. 5. —G. i, Wood's Irish Halfpenny; Variety No. 1, Harp in
front of Hibernia, 1722. No. 3 Pattern in Dr. Nelson's
Copper Coinage of Ireland.
No. 6.— G. i. Wood's Irish Halfpenny; Variety No. 2, Harp
behind Hibernia, 1723. No. 8 Pattern in Dr. Nelson's
Copper Coinage of Ireland. Owing to a deficiency of
copper money in Ireland, where none had been issued
since 1696, a patent was granted by the Crown in 1722 to
Wm. Wood, a mine owner, to coin halfpence and farthings
for use there. Discontent in Ireland, due chiefly to the
profits of the transaction going to an Englishman, was
fanned by Swift in his Drapier's Letters. His wild state-

ments that Wood's coins were one-fifth, one-sixth, or even

one-twelfth below the stipulated weight, and of inferior
metal, were proved false by an assay by Sir Isaac Newton,
Master of the Mint, which showed that on the wjjole they
rather exceeded the terms of the patent in both weight and
quality, the only fault being that the pieces were of
unequal weight. Wood, however, had to surrender his
patent, and received a pension in its place. Artistically and
 ;

17

in point of workmanship '

Wood's Halfpence '
were far
superior to the English copper coinage of the time, and
were also the best copper money so far made for Ireland.
They were coined at Bristol.

No. 7. —G. ii, Halfpenny ; 1729. Ist Issue, '

Young Head '
Coinage,
1729-39. No inner circle on Ob. or Rev. Note the very
spirited figure of Britannia. Designed by John Croker
(or Crocker) of Dresden, Chief Engraver to the Mint.
Heavier than G. i's Halfpence, but somewhat lighter
than W. iii's.

No. 8.— G. ii, Halfpenny; 1746. 2nd Issue, 'Old Head' Coinage,
1740-54. The figure of Britannia is slighter. Designed
by John Sigismund Tanner of Saxe-Gotha, Chief Engraver
to the Mint.

No. 9.— G. iii. Halfpenny ; 1770. Ist Issue, 1770-5. Young Head.
Designed probably by Tanner, as No. 8. Weight raised
heavier than W. iii's |d.

No. 10.— G. iii, Halfpenny; 1799. 3rd Copper, but 2nd Halfpenny,
Issue : this year only. Older Head. The concavity of the

flan was intended partly to protect the design from

rubbing (cp. the *
Cartwheel ' copper of 1797, Nos. 3 and
10 in Tray VII), partly to increase the difficulty of
counterfeiting; the indented edge, with milling in the
indent, also made imitation by the ordinary method of
casting in sand-moulds impossible. Owing to the high
price of copper at the time Boulton was allowed to make
these pieces rather lighter than the rate of the 1797 issue,
therefore this |d. of 1799 weighs less than half the 1797
penny. Designed by C. H. Kiichler, a Fleming. (See
Note on No. 10 in Tray YII.)
No. 11. —G. Halfpenny 1806. 4th Copper, but 3rd Halfpenny,
iii. ;

Issue, 1806 and 1807. On the concave flan and the edge,
see No. 10 above. Made by Boulton (see Note on No. 10
in Tray YII.) Designed by Ktichler. Lighter than the
1799 halfpenny. This was the only complete copper issue
in the reign of the three pieces Id., ^d., and ^d. it was — :

also a large issue, the object being to drive the 18th

 18

centuiy Token coinage out of currency, which it succeeded

in doing.

'No. 12. — Imitation of the Regal coinage ;

*
Birmingham Half-
•
penny '
: Atkins, 392/355. Oh. legend, '
Gregory •
III
Pon.' Rev. legend, '
Belona. 1777.' From 1754 to 1770
no copper coin was minted, hence there sprang up a vast
number of light forgeries, hearing a general resemblance
in type to the Regal coinage, but with variations in the
legends, often grotesque, to enable the issuers to plead
that they were not copies and so escape the penalties of the
law. Their circulation was facilitated by the fact that a
considerable proportion of the poorer classes, among whom
these pieces largely passed, were unable to read. They
were struck, too, from dies purposely so treated as to turn
out coins which looked worn, that the public might be
encouraged to accept what seemed to have been accepted
before. Farthings of a similar character were also floated.

These '
Birmingham Halfpence,' as they were called from
the principal place of their manufacture, even counter-
feited the Token money, and are said at one time to have
composed three-fourths of the copper currency. The
genuine coins and heavier tokens were often melted down
for their manufacture. In 1789 Pinkerton {Essay on
Medals, II, 85) estimated that not a fiftieth part of the

copper money in use was legitimate.

No. 13. — Imitation of the Regal coinage ;

'
Birmingham Half-
*
penny '
: Atkins, 390/225. Oh. legend, '
Georgius '
III
Rex.' Rev. legend, '
Britannia "
1775.' A frank counter-
feit with no evasion in the legends.
No. 14.—
No. 15. —Jas. i, 'Harrington Farthing.' Authorised Token; 7n.m.
Lys. (No. 4 on p. 7 of Montagu's Copper Coins of
England.) The two sceptres passing through one crown
represent the union of England and Scotland. These
pieces apparently were struck on sheet copper, and
then punched out. They were issued ostensibly for

the convenience of the poorer classes, and with a

 19

view to driving out the private tradesmen's tokens

which served the same purpose of small change. The
patent for making them was granted originally to
Lord Harrington, in 1613. They were to weigh
6 grains, and as a full farthing's worth of copper would
have weighed over 80 grains, the profit to the patentee was
enormous. Their unpopularity was so great that the
Government did not venture to make them a compulsory
tender, and had great difficulty in getting them circulated.
Tokenhouse yard, in London, from which they were issued,
preserves their name. Thence to Harrington, be it
'

spoken. For name-sake I gave a token To a beggar that

did crave it.' (Brathwait Drunhen Bamahy's Four :

Journeys. Pt. iii. see also Jonson, Devil is an Ass, II, i;

Bart. Fair, III, and iv; Magn. Lady, II, 6; Wotton's
i

Letters, p. 558.)

No. 16. — Ch. i, '

Harrington Farthing.' Ist Type (similar to that of
Jas. i), 1625-35 ; m.m. fl. (No. 1 on p. 12 of Montagu.)
No. 17. — Ch. i,
*
Harrington Farthing.' 2nd Type, *
Rose, or Royal,
Farthing,' no Harp ; 1635-42; m.?n. Crescent. (Montagu,
p. 18.) Lord Harrington had died soon after the grant of
the patent, and other patentees succeeded him; but for
convenience these pieces are generally called by his name.
No. 18. — Ch. ii. Farthing ; companion Half-
1673. This and its

penny were the first Regal copper coins, and began to

be issued in 1672. Being of honest weight they killed
the 17th century private token coinage, 1648-79 (See Nos.
19, 20, 21, in Tray which had succeeded the Harring-
I), '

tons.' The Rev. displays the first numismatic representa-

tion of Britannia on an English coin. It was probably
copied from the Britannia on a Rev. of Hadrian in First
Brass, and the beautiful Frances Stewart, afterwards
Duchess of Richmond, is supposed to have been taken as
a model for the figure. Her portrait appears on medals
of this reign. (See Medallic Illustrations of British
History, I, pp. 537, 642, 585-8: Brit. Mus., 1885; and
Pepys, Diary, Feb. 25, 1666-7.) On the shield is the
earliest Union Jack, the cross of St. George and the
 20

saltire of St. Andrew ; tlie saltire of St. Patrick was not

added till 1801, after the abolition of the Irish Parliament.

No. 19. —^W. iii and Mary ii, Farthing 1694. ; The copper pieces of
this issue were either struck or cast : example is cast.
this
Notice the admirable portraits. (See Note on No. 1
above.)

No. 20. —^W. iii, Farthing ; 1697. This is the only type, and is as
the 1st variety of its Halfpenny ; Britannia holds her
olive branch up, contrast No. 2 above. The copper pieces
of this issue were sometimes struck, but usually cast, as
this specimen is.

No. 21. —G. i. Farthing; 1721. Many of these farthings appear,

like this specimen, to have been cast. (See Note on No. 3
above.)

No. 22. —G. i. Wood's Irish Farthing ; Variety No. 2, Harp behind
Hibernia, 1723. No. 7 Pattern in Dr. Nelson's Cofper
Coinage of Ireland. ( See Note on No. 6 above.)

No. 23. — G. ii, Farthing ; 1739. 1st Issue, '

Young Head '
coinage,
1729-39. (See Note on No. 7 above.)

No. 24. —G. ii, Farthing ; 1746. 2nd Issue, '

Old Head '
coinage,
1740-54. Designed by John Sigismund Tanner, of Saxe-
Gotha, Chief Engraver to the Mint.

No. 25.— G. iii, Farthing, 1773. Ist Issue, 1770-5. Young Head.
(See Note on No. 9 above.)

No. 26.—G. iii. Farthing; 1799. 3rd Copper, but 2nd Farthing
Issue : this year only. Older Head. Value indicated on
Rev. (See Note on No. 10 above.)

No. 27.—G. iii. Farthing; 1807. 4th Copper, but 3rd Farthing
Issue, 1806 and 1807. Value not indicated. (See Note
on No. 11 above.)

No. 28. —Imitation of the Regal Coinage ;

'
Birmingham Farthing.'
Atkins, 395/478. Oh. legend, '
GEVRCV ATOETE.' Rev.
legend, '
ETAENA NOA.' (See Note on No. 12 above.)
 21

Tray VII
No. 1.— Penny Token, 18 Century Series. Bath, 1794. (Atkins,
Tokens of the 18<A cent., 169/6.) The edge-inscription is

'
On demand we promise to pay one penny.' This coin is

struck from the same dies as its companion halfpenny

(Atkins, 173/40), but on a flan twice as thick; it may
therefore be termed a Dump penny {cp.
'
' No. 4 in Tray
VI). The camel symbolized the grocery products of the
East.
During the second half of the 18th century the
government issues of copper money were quite insufficient
to meet the demand for small change. One result of this
was the appearance of the counterfeit pieces known to
collectors as Imitations of the Regal coinage (see Nos.
'
'

12, 13, 28, in Tray VI), The other result was the revival
of a Token Coinage in 1787, which continued till killed by
the large Regal copper issue of 1806, though it had been
scotched by the smaller Regal issues of 1797 and 1799.
A large proportion of the 18th century Tokens were
admirable in every respect : in design, execution, fineness
of metal, and weight; others, owing to a desire on the
part of their issuers to make the largest possible profit,
were deficient in some or all of these qualities. The
honest tokens, too, suffered discredit by being counterfeited
on light and the more reputable the token, the more
flans ;

it was forged. This 18th century Token series was issued

in such vast numbers that it almost superseded the regular
copper currency. It may be mentioned here that, in the
dearth of small coin, many copper and brass medalets of
penny or halfpenny size passed into currency as money.
No. 2. —Penny Token, 18th Century Series. Anglesea, 1787.
(Atkins, 267/49.) The edge-inscription continues the
Reverse legend, and the whole is {Rev.) '
We promise to
pay the bearer one penny {Edge) on demand in London,
Liverpool, or Angesey.' '
P.M.C on the Rev. is for Parys
Miners Co. Parys Mountain, where the copper mines
were, is said to have been named after one Robt. Parys,
temi), H. iv. (See Note on No. 1 above.)
 22

No. 3. —G. iii, Penny, 1797. The '

Cartwheel ' coinage, so called
from the broad flat raised rim, a device adopted for
the protection of the design' from wear : cp. the
concave issue of 1799 see No. 10 in Tray VI).
This is the first Regal Copper Penny, The incuse
lettering is found on the face of no other Ilegal coin, but
it occurs in conjunction with the '
Cartwheel ' rim on
certain 18th century Tokens and E. Indian money. Note
that on the Rev. the trident has taken the place of the
spear, and that the sea is expressed : Britannia now rules
the waves. '
K ' on the truncation of the bust is for
C. H. Ktichler, a Fleming, the designer (see Nos. 10, 11,
in Tray YI). Soho on the rock below the shield
'
'

indicates that this coinage was made by Boulton at the

Soho Works, Birmingham, the contract being given to
him as he could get copper cheaper than the Government
could. The weight of this penny is 1 oz. av., and was
carefully adjusted, as was the weight of its companion
twopenny piece, which was 2 oz., in order that the two
coins might also be used as weights. These are the only
instances in this country of the combination of coins and
weights. It was legal tender up to a shilling's worth.

No. 4.—Farthing Token, 19th Century Series. Whitehaven, 1812.

(Davis, Nineteenth Century Tolcen Coinage, 37/1.) '
W.B.'
on the Oh. are the initials of the issuer, Wm. Bragg, a
grocer. The edge is milled. The artist was Wm. Halliday
of Birmingham.
After 1797 there was a steady rise in the value of
copper, owing demands made upon it for the
to the
purposes of the war. As a first consequence the regal
issues of copper money became less and less heavy till they
stopped altogether: the copper issue of 1799 was lighter
than that of 1797, that of 1806 lighter than that of 1799,
and after 1807 no copper was coined till 1821. As a
second consequence the heavier coins, both regal money
and tokens, went to the melting pot, their intrinsic value
being greater than their face value, and were re-issued by
counterfeiters on lighter flans the lean coins soon ;
'
 ;

28

devoured the fat ones' (Euding, II, 97). As a third

consequence a dearth oi small change again resulted, and
thus arose the 19th Century Token Coinage, which, as
silver at the same time also became scarce, and the small

issues of shillings and sixpences in 1787 were the only

Regal silver money struck in Geo. iii's reign between 1763
and 1816, included a silver series. This irregular supply
of change was conducted by Overseers of the Poor, Banks,
and Tradesmen. The copper series began in 1804, and
was forbidden by the Act of Suppression of 1817 (though
some pieces were allowed currency till 1823), and in 1821
a Government issue of copper took its place. The private
silver tokens, which were all more or less below weight,
died a natural death at the hands of the superior royal
silver issue of 1816. The authorized Bank of England
silver tokens, however, were allowed to be current till
1818, when, for the same reason, they ceased to be
necessary. The 19th century Token coinage is artistically

inferior to its precursor of the 18th century, and displays

less variety of design ; but it is neat of execution, and the
weight of the copper coins was often honest, although there
were great discrepancies in this respect.
No. 5.— G. iii. Penny; 1806. 4th copper, but 2nd Penny, issue.
The edge is indented, with milling in the indent. (See

Note on No. 11 in Tray YI.)

No. 6. —Penny Token, 19th Century Series. Birmingham, 1812.
(Davis, 148/37.) Issued by the Overseers of the Poor.
The building on the Oh. Workhouse (1733-1853)
is the
*W.' on the pavement indicates the artist, Willets. The
arms on the Rev. are those of the de Birmingham family,
once lords of the manor. The edge is indented, and milled
in the indent. This is heavier than the regal penny of
1806. The order weight of the six pennies in this Tray is
of

(1) No. 3, Regal, 1797 (2) No. 2, Anglesea Druid Token,

;

1787; (3) No. 6, Birmingham Workhouse Token, 1812;

(4) No. Bath Token, 1794; (5) No. 6, Regal, 1806;
1,

(6) No.
7, Cheltenham Token, 1812. This Birmingham
Penny was one of the few tokens permitted to run after
 24

the Act of Suppression; it was granted three years'

extension of currency, till 1820. (See Note on No. 4
above.)

No. 7. —Penny Token, 19th Century Series. Cheltenham, 1812.

(Davis, 55/15). John Bishop & Co., the issuers, were
tailors, opposite the Plough Inn. The edge is indented,
and milled in the indent. This piece is by Halliday.
(See Note on No. 4 above.)

No. 8. —^Halfpenny Token, 18th Century Series. Liverpool, 1791.

(Atkins, 59/36.) The edge-inscription is Payable at the '

warehouse of Thomas Clarke.' (See Note on No. 1 above.)

No. —As No. 8 above, but from a different
9. die.

No. 10. — Twopenny piece, 1797.

Gr. iii, Cartwheel '
' coinage. The
only Regal twopenny piece in copper. A magnificent
coin, but its weight being intolerable, the issue of this
year was not repeated. It was legal tender up to a
shilling's worth. (See Note on No. 3 above.)

No. 11. —Twopenny Token, 19th Century Series. Norwich, not

dated. (Davis, 83/17.) Robert Blake's works were in
Higham Street. The
was Halliday. This coin has
artist
an indented edge, with milling in the indent (see Note on
No. 10 in Tray VI) it is much lighter than the Regal
;

twopenny piece of 1797. (See Note on No. 4 above.)

No. 12.— Shilling Token, 19th Century Series. Liverpool, 1812.

(Davis, 64/2.) The edge is milled, which was not always
the case with silver tokens. The artist was Halliday.
No. 13.— Halfpenny Token, 19th Century Series. Sheffield, 1812.
(Davis, 185/150.) This was payable at 18, Norfolk Row,
Sheffield. Halfpenny on the Rev. is mis-spelt.
'
' The
edge is The artist was Thos. Wyon, Chief
milled.
Engraver of His Majesty's Seals: his signature is *
W '

on the medal suspended from Nelson's neck on the Oh.

(See Note on No. 4 above.)

No. 14.—Farthing Token, 18th Century Series. South Wales, 1793.

(Atkins, 262/23a.) The head is that of St. David. (See
Note on No. 1 above.)
 25

Xo. 15. — Jas. Gun-money, Sixpence, July, 1689.

ii, The bust on
the Oh. is draped. The type of the Rev. is similar to that
of the Harrington Farthings. The sceptres pass through
the crown. VI denotes the value. The edge is milled.
This Gun-money was Money of Necessity struck by
'
'

James ii for the conduct of his operations in Ireland in

1689 and 1690, and was so called because it was made out
of old brass cannon, besides broken bells, and any kitchen
or other utensils, or refuse, of brass or copper. It was
practically a Regal Token issue of nominal current value,
intended to serve the temporary emergency and to be
redeemed at face value when the need for it was past. In
Ireland it was generally known as brass money.' '
From
Croker's Narratives Illustrative of the Contests in Ireland
in 1690 (Camden would appear that in
Society),
it

James acted on Scottish advice,

resorting to this expedient
which was that he should spend the money advanced to
him by Louis xiv on his adherents in Scotland rather than
on his Irish supporters. A peculiar feature of this coinage
is that all the pieces except the crowns bear not only the
year, but the month, of issue; probably to establish an
order of redemption. When the supply of metal began to
fail, the Shillings and the Half-crowns were diminished
in size. After the battle of the Boyne they were called
down by William iii to their intrinsic values : the Crown
and Large Half-crown penny, the Small Half-crown
to a
to Three-farthings, the Large Shilling to a Halfpenny,
the Small Shilling and the Sixpence to a farthing.
Artistically they are excellent coins, as
might be expected
from their having been designed by the celebrated John
Roettier of Antwerp, sometime Chief Engraver to the
Mint.
No. 16. — Jas. ii. Gun-money, Large Shilling, August, 1689. The
head and neck only of the King is shown, no bust or
drapery. The sceptres pass through the crown. XII
denotes the value. The edge is plain.

No. 17. — Jas. ii, Gun-money, Small Shilling, June, 1690. The King's
head is smaller in proportion than that on the Large
 26

Shilling, otherwise the treatment of it is the same. The

sceptres are behind the crown; in some pieces they pass
through it. XII denotes the value. The edge is milled.

No, 18. — Jas.ii, Gun-money, Large Half-crown, October, 1689. The

King's bust is shown, draped, as on the Sixpence. The
sceptres pass through the crown, in some pieces they are
behind it. XXX denotes the value. The edge has a
triple row of leaves.

No. 19. —Jas. ii, Gun-money, Small Half-Crown, May, 1690. The
head and neck only of the King is shown, no bust or
drapery. The sceptres are behind the crown. XXX
denotes the value. The edge is milled.

No. 20. —Jas. ii, Gun-monej^, Crown, 1690. The month is not
indicated on crowns. No mark of value is given, perhaps
because the Rev. resembles generally the type of James ii"s

English Silver Crowns, while the equestrian Oh. was

associated with the large silver of Charles i. The edge
has a leaf pattern.
 27

A PRE-HISTORIC VASE IN THE MUSEUM

OF SPALATO
By a. M. woodward, B.A.

WITH PLATE I

During a recent visit to Spalato, in Dalmatia, I noticed a

primitive vase in the local museum, and Monsignor Bulic, the
Curator, did me the honour of requesting me to publish it. I wish

to record my gratitude to him for his courtesy in giving me every

facility for studying and photographing the vase in question.* As
the photograph shows (PL I, fig. 1), it is a hand-made vase of dark-

grey clay full of micaceous particles, decorated with two bands of

incised hatched-triangles, which are enclosed above and below with a
horizontal line : the incisions are white-filled the surface, which is
;

carefully finished all over, is hand-burnished to a rich lustrous

black. It was found, Monsignor Bulic told me, in 190G at the small
village of Gardun, which is a short distance to the south of the
little town some eighteen miles inland from Spalato, close
of Sinj,
main ridge of the Dinar ic Alps. No other objects
to the foot of the

were found with the vase, which was discovered by a peasant on his
land. The find-spot is not without interest, for I believe that no
other remains of the neolithic period, to which this vase seems
undoubtedly to belong, have been found in this district.

The resemblance in the clay, the shape, and the decoration of the
vase, to those of vases found in the early settlements in Bosnia leaves
no doubt that it is of kindred fabric; the productive sites of
E/ipact and JezerineJ in North-west Bosnia give us numerous vases
and sherds which will serve to illustrate it. The description of the
material of the vases at the latter site applies exactly here :
'
the clay
is dark,' says Dr. Radimsky, § '
. . . and mixed with small particles
of limestone and mica, and it is only in the finer vases that the

* Catalogue F6, No. 642. Height 83 cm.

Radimski^. Der prdhistorische Pfahlbau von Ripac bei Biha6. Wissenschaftliche
t
Mitteilungen aus Bosniea und der Hercegovina, V (1897).
\ Radimsky. Die Nekropole von Jezerine in Pritoka. Ibid., Ill (1898).

§ Op. cit., V (1897), p. 60.

 28

surface is polislied.' And an examination of the Kipac finds in

general leaves the impression that our vase is more akin them in
to

style than to those at Jezerine. The clay is, as a rule, the same in
the pottery from these two sites, but at the latter, which was a
necropolis, evidently in use for several centuries, the majority of the
finer pottery seems to be wheel-made, which is not the case at Ripac.
This is not pointed out by the author of the papers quoted above, but
the illustrations of his finds at Jezerine seem to show it to be the
case. He says, moreover, that there are many analogies between
the later objects at Ripac and the older objects in the graves of
Jezerine, but that the latter represent an advance in civilisation ; %
and it is important to notice that amber ornaments are found in
large numbers in the graves of comparatively early date at the
latter place, though none at all were found at Ripac.
The style of our vase can be roughly paralleled in both the sites
mentioned, but we must not confuse it with wheel-made vases of
similar shape from Jezerine. Yet in hand-made pottery from the
two sites we get a fairly close parallel in shape. Large numbers of
hand-made vases, which were used to contain the ashes of the dead
in the cemetery at Jezerine, have the rounded belly and cylindrical
neck of the Gardun vase, but they are all considerably larger, and
range from about 13 to 32 cm. in height ; but we must distinguish
these as a class from our vase, for (1) many of them contained bronze
objects, and (2) cinerary urns must not be used as parallels for a
small vase designed for domestic purposes, as I imagine ours to have
been.
But there are a few smaller vases from that site which shed
light on ours. We have one good instance of a wide-mouthed vase
with rounded bottom (fig. 4), which seems to be hand-made; it
differs from ours in the fact that the neck is not so carefully

distinguished from the belly of the vase, so that it gradually

diminishes in girth from the point where the diameter is greatest to
a point very little below the lip. It also has two handles instead of
one, and, moreover, is nearly double the size of our specimen. But
the similarity of motive in the decoration helps to make it instructive
as a parallel, though it only has one row of hatched triangles and

•i Op. cit., V (1897), p. 75.

 29

no line enclosing ttem above. A closer parallel, as far as shape is

concerned, is to be found in a vase from Ripac (fig. 6) ; tbe

proportion of heigbt to diameter and the way in which the handle is

put on are very closely akin to ours, but the neck is not so distinctly
cylindrical (though perhaps slightly more so than in the vase
previously mentioned), and it has a slight ring foot; further, the
decoration is totally different in conception, as it consists of a

garland of groups of three concentric semi-circles with three parallel

lines above, all executed in punctures not in incisions. Another
vase from Jezerine (fig. 5) strongly resembles that just mentioned,
but has no decoration except a single line round the shoiilder.
The vase from Jezerine illustrated in fig. 2 seems to deserve inclu-
sion here, as showing a later development of the same shape. It strikes

one as ihe work of a more experienced craftsman, who has produced

a thing possessing considerable beauty of form. It is hard to believe
that it is neolithic at all, and the fact that no metal objects were
found with it cannot be taken as certain evidence that it is earlier
than the Bronze Age, but seems rather to be the result of accident.
If we can think away the neck and handle we are irresistibly
reminded Mycenaean stirrup-vase of the best period by the
of the
shape of the belly and the foot. Parallels from the Aegean must not
be insisted on in Bosnian pre-historic pottery, as the development
cannot have proceeded on the same lines ; but if we confine ourselves
to a consideration of the outline, this vase is as far advanced from
fig. 4 as a Biigelkanne of the style known as Late Minoan III '
'

from the rough pottery of *

Early Minoan III.' It does not follow,
however, that the same interval elapsed in Bosnia between the
manufacture of the two vases mentioned. This vase (fig. 2) resembles
ours from Gardun in its possession of an incised-triangle motive,
but this is here confined to the shoulder, and the point where the
neck springs from the shoulder is decorated by a raised ridge.
In shape, our vase would seem to be slightly more advanced than
fig. 4, and very nearly contemporary with figs. 5 and 6. The ring-
foot in the two latter vases need not indicate a greater advance of
technique; and as they are larger than ours they might very well
have needed a ring-foot to steady them, if they were to be piit to any
useful purpose. In this connection, it should be pointed out that
the majority of the large vases from Ripac rest on a flat bottom.
 so

with no attempt at a ring-foot; tliis, together with their rough

shape, confirms the conclusion that they belong to a series going far
back into neolithic times, and therefore the vase in fig. 6, which
has a ring-foot, will belong to a late stage of the occupation of the
pile-dwelling at Ripac. The punctured pattern which it exhibits
can be seen in all stages of its growth in pottery of far more primitive
workmanship from the same site, so that we may be sure that it

belongs to a later phase of the same culture.

The scheme of decoration on our vase has parallels from both
sites ; besides the two vases from Jezerine reproduced above (figs. 2
and 4), a good instance of the same motive of incised-triangles with
cross-hatchings is seen in fig. 3 on a sherd which is a fragment of a
burial urn used to contain the ashes of the dead. It shows the
double-triangle motive which appears in our vase, but this is

repeated in a similar horizontal zone below; probably the whole

body of the vase was thus covered. On the shoulder of the vase is

a single row of unhatched triangles (or, if we prefer to interpret it

90, a zig-zag line of which the lower angles touch a horizontal line
running round the shoulder), also with white pigment in the
incisions. This seems a more ambitious scheme than that on our
vase, and may very well be much later. Closer parallels are to be
found in the four sherds illustratedin figs. 7-10 these all come from ;

E/ipac,and are practically the only instances of the use of this motive
that were found there. Dr. Eadimsk^ observes that the vast
majority of the Eipac pottery exhibits the rope-pattern (* schnur- ' '

—
omament '), whereas the triangle or zig-zag motive is quite rare —
there. By a comparison with the neolithic pottery from Butmir,
he shows that the former motive is typical of the later phases of
North-west Balkan neolithic culture, and, indeed, of the last phases
of neolithic culture in Central Europe in general. But the
necropolis of Jezerine did not produce any examples of the rope-
pattern decoration whatsoever, and, therefore, must not be regarded
as neolithic at all,and the same is true of Hallstatt. Thus, the
triangle-motive which prevails at Jezerine is obviously of a different,
and later, phase of culture than the rope-motive of Ripac and
Butmir. The first of the sherds reproduced here (fig. 7) gives us an
almost exact parallel to the triangle-motive on our vase; we see

that the apices of the two rows of triangles point towards each other
 —

31

in such a way them appears as a narrow

that the space between
zig-zag band left in *
so to speak, and the only
body-colour,'
difference is that inside the triangles in the upper row the potter
inserted two other concentric triangles, instead of hatching them
with lines parallel to one of the two longer sides. But the work
seems hasty, and the lines do not join with the same neatness that
our vase exhibits. In figs. 8, 9, 10, we have further instances of the
same motive, all exhibiting rather careless work; and in this
connection the Jezerine sherd (fig. 3) shows an advance in skill, as
I suggested above; as the potter there seems able to fill his whole
surface with design without making it look crowded. Between
these four sherds from Ripac we can hardly differentiate at all
they might all be the work of the same potter, striving for variety
within the same limited conditions but we can hardly credit him
;

with skill sufficient to produce work like fig. 8.

Of the Jezerine finds, fig. 4 seems, from the point of view of
design, to be about on a level with these Ripac sherds, and as I think
we may date our Gardun vase slightly later than this, the conclusion
is that it represents an advance on the stj'le of the Ripac sherds,

though possibly only of a very short time. It is as rash as it is

futile to base anything like a certain opinion on the evidence of
minute differences of style in pre-historic vase-decoration, but a
comparison of the Gardun vase and the Ripac sherds leads, I think,
to the conclusion that the former is a more advanced work of art
than the latter, and this in spite of the fact that it is easier to create
a neat design on a small vase than on a large urn some 25-30 cm.
high. But it is only a matter of a very few years, and as it must not
be separated from the Ripac vase with the garland pattern (fig. 6 (e)),

which it 80 strongly resembles in shape, we cannot date it later than

the last phase of the Ripac culture ; but, on this ground, we must
connect it equally with the Jezerine vase (fig. 5). The conclusion as
to the general style, then, seems to be this : in fabric it is akin to the
latest pottery of Ripac, and has close analogies both in design and
shape both with this pottery and with the earliest pottery at Jezerine.
Indeed, if it had been found at either of these two sites, it would
have been an interesting and important link with which to join the
closing years of the civilization of the former with the opening years
of the latter site. Thus it belongs to the last stages of neolithic
 82

civilization in this district, and must be dated anterior to tlie vases

such as fig. 2 which are contemporary with the earliest finds of

metal objects in the necropolis of Jezerine.

But we must not forget that, though it may have close analogies
with pottery from these sites in Bosnia, the culture of which it is

evident existed on the seaward slopes of the Dinaric Alps, and need
not necessarily be assumed to have passed through identically the
same stages as that on the inland slopes. It is not until we have
further evidence from neolithic sites on the Adriatic slopes of this
mountain-chain, which separates the Bosnian uplands from the
Dalmatian sea-coast, that we can know what people occupied the
latter in pre-historic times. The interest of our vase consists, then,
in showing either that they had intercourse with the folk inland
beyond the mountains, and imported the vase in question, or that
they had actually the same civilization whose progress is illustrated
by the finds from Ripac and Jezerine from early neolithic times
down into the iron age. But the correct answer to this question is
only to be solved by the spade.
Liverpool A A.J., Vol. 11. PLATE I \

Kl.i. -1. Cl-AY UHN

Fiu. 1. PKE-Hl«TOKlC VA8K IN SPALATO

MUSEUM.

Fui. 4. TWO-HAN ULED

CLAY URN.

Pi<;. 3. FRAGMENT OF ULAY URN.

El<i. a. ONE-HANDI.EI> Flu. G. ONE-HANDLKL) URN-

CLAY VESSEL. SHAPED VESSEL : BROWN.

Fio. 9.
DARK BROWN FRAG-
MENT WITH TRI-
ANGLE DESIGN.

Figs. 7-8. GREY-BROWN FRAGMENTS Fi(i. 10. GREY-BROWN FRAG-

WITH TRIANGLE DESIGN. MENT WITH TRIANGLE
DESIGN.
 33

DISEASE AND HISTORY

A Paper read before a joint meeting of the Liverpool Classical
Association and the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine,

on the 25th Jamiai-y, 1909

By W. H. S. JONES, M.A.,
FELLOW OF ST. CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

It was with diffidence and misgiving that I accepted the

invitation to contribute this paper. A schoolmaster, without any
medical training, whose life has been spent in the humble task of
teaching little boys their Latin, what right can such an one have to
address a conference of physicians and scholars? And, indeed, had
it not been for Major Ross, who was the first to suggest that malaria
influenced Greek history, and other physicians and scholars, whose
help has been as generous as was invaluable, I should never have
it

been able to gather together the few facts about malaria in the
ancient world which I am about to lay before you.
But there is another difficulty. The influence of malaria upon
Greek history can be estimated only by a careful examination of a
number of small points. As many of these as I have been able to

discover I have compressed, with great trouble, into a book of nearly

200 pages. How is it possible even to sketch the outline of the
subject within the limits of a short paper? But I must perforce
try, and I trust that, should I make mistakes or fail to express
myself clearly, the historian and scholar will pardon the school-
master, the physician the self-taught amateur in medical studies.
For I have no axe to grind, no fad to air. My desire is to draw the
attention of students to what I think will prove a valuable and
interesting sphere of research. I wish to discover some who may
prosecute with success a line of enquiry to which I have done but
scant justice. The effects of malaria in ancient Greece can be fully
appreciated only by an application of the *
comparative method.'
Its influence in other countries will throw light upon its influence
in Greece. Here is a vast field, of which I have explored but a
fraction. The work of collaborators is absolutely necessary.
Of all the sciences, history is perhaps the most intricate as well
as the most comprehensive. Even the mere compilation of a
 34

chronicle requires untiring industry, logical acumen and the power

to sift evidence with care and judgment ; while as soon as any
attempt is made to connect cause and result, the historian begins to
need the collaboration of other seekers after truth. Accordingly
for some time students of history have recognised the importance of
political economy, and have acknowledged that wars are due to the
jealousies and rivalries of trade rather than to the cupidity or folly

of sovereigns and politicians.

But in spite of the progress made in recent years, it certainly
appears that history is treated, even by some of its most thoughtful
exponents, without an adequate conception of its complexity.
History is still mainly political or constitutional ; satisfactory
efforts have not been made to discover the moral and social ideas of
the common people at various epochs and in different countries.
Even when the historian does not neglect entirely this side of his
subject, he is apt to regard it as affording a few interesting episodes
rather than as an integral part of the life of a nation.
But the object of the present paper is not to criticise history as
it is generally studied, but to suggest that a little more attention be
paid to the influence exerted upon mankind and civilisation by
certain diseases. In the fierce and never-ceasing struggle for
existence, man has competed, not only with his fellow-men, but also
with the minute organisms that cause disease. This struggle is still

in progress, but it may be of some service to trace its story in the

past. Such a study will not be wasted labour if it arouse interest in
the harm, moral as well as physical, which is inflicted on the human
race by certain diseases.
It must be admitted that this aspect of history does not lend
itself to artistic treatment. One cannot wax eloquent over a
microbe. But the microbe, in spite of its inadaptability to the
demands of fine art, is pertinacious and obtrusive. It refuses to be
ignored, and to deny its poAver is an ostrich-like procedure which is

as irrational as it is ludicrous.For this reason I venture to

condemn the attitude of mind shown by a friend of mine, who
expressed his conviction that the ancient Greeks were too grand a
nation to have been overthrown by an insect. On the other hand,
the fanatic is as much in error as the scoffer. It will never be
possible to fulfil the hopes of another friend, who believes that the
 86

day is coming when hypostatized virtues and vices will be

re-expressed in terms borrowed from medicine or biology. The
other factors, economic, political and psychological,must be
admitted to their respective places in that complex whole which
makes up the story of humanity.
The battle between man and disease-parasites has, like other
battles, been fought out with every possible kind of result. "When
the great Plague attacked Athens in the fifth century B.C., and after
raging for a few years disappeared for ever, leaving to posterity an
unsolved medical problem, there took place a good instance of a
complete victory for man. But if the parasite has been sometimes
defeated, it has in other instances been completely successful, at
among
least certain tribes or on limited areas of the earth's surface.
In Uganda sleeping sickness is pursuing a career of almost
unchecked devastation. Mr. Hesketh Bell, the Governor of
Uganda, in a letter to The Times, dated March 2nd, 1908, says that
*
out of some 300,000 souls inhabiting the shores of Victoria Nyanza
and the islands in the great lake, over 200,000 have already been
swept out of existence, and it remains to be seen whether the
remainder can still be saved.' I have received from Dr. Otto
Effertz, a Governmental vaccinator in Mexico, a long account of his
work among the natives. He is convinced that the Indians of the
West Indian Islands have been destroyed, not by the cruelties of the
Spaniards, but by the virulence of newly-imported diseases, and he
mentions in particular typhus, small-pox and measles. At the
present day from 50 per cent, to 90 per cent, of all Mexican Indians
die from one disease alone —
malaria, which Dr. Effertz believes has
been but recently introduced into the country. In Asia whole tribes
have been swept away by kala-azar. It is more than probable that
who on several occasions
the fair Northerners, Celts, Teutons, Goths,
migrated to the South, never established themselves permanently in
the warmer districts in which they tried to settle, only because they
were naturally easy victims of malaria. But there is no need to add
further to the dark catalogue. The frightful mortality caused by
certain diseases, especially in time of war, is but too painfully
familiar, and historians are alive to the part played by such in the
history of the world. Mediaeval England passed away in the
fourteenth century with the Black Death, which, by completely
 86

upsetting the social organism, set free the forces that have created
the modern epoch.
In most cases the battle between man and parasite is drawn. In
course of time the disease kills off all those most subject to it, and
those who remain pass on a natural immunity, partial or total, to
their children. At length a stage is reached when the antagonists
are evenly matched ; the disease continues to kill all those who
happen to be born with a constitution more than usually favourable
to it, while the remainder either escape altogether or suffer but
slightly. Furthermore, increased experience brings increased
knowledge, and the rapid development in modern times of scientific

medicine gives rise to hopes, destined, we trust, soon to be realised,

that these drawn battles may be turned into complete victories for
man.
But what are the results, apart from mere mortality, of these
continued struggles with disease? Is the life of a nation, its

morality and intellectual power, at all affected thereby? The

problems bristle with difficulties, but not only would light be thrown
upon history by an answer, but a little might be done to shake off

the almost incredible apathy as regards national health which is

still displayed by a vast number of thinking men, and by almost all

the less intellectual portion of the community.

We have seen that the effects of disease are lessened, and
certainly obscured, by the action of immunity and by the increase
of experience. If either or both of these disturbing factors could
be eliminated, the laws that govern the relations between disease and
national prosperity would be seen more clearly, and these, due
attention being paid to the change of conditions, might be applied
to the more intricate caseswhere immunity (or partial immunity)
and scientific prophylaxis have also to be considered. These factors
are eliminated when a primitive people is attacked by a new disease,
instances of which are quite common at the present day. For some
time I have been urging upon anthropologists the importance of
carefully noting the effects of various diseases among the savage
tribes whose life and customs they are recording. Considerable
differences can be observed in the effects of a disease according to
the race it attacks and the climate of the district in which it is

prevalent, and, until these are satisfactorily recorded and classified,

 87

the biological study of history can make but little progress. A few
anthropologists are answering to my call, but I wish that more
united and more organized efforts could be made by some influential
scientific society.

But draw your attention more especially to a particular

I wish to
disease, malaria, and to the way in which it affected Greece in
ancient times. In this instance the disturbing factor of prophylaxis
is virtually eliminated, as malaria cannot be treated successfully
without quinine, while a knowledge that the infection is carried
from man to man by Anopheline mosquitoes is absolutely necessary
if the disease is to be brought effectively under control. Moreover,
I am strongly of opinion that malaria Avas introduced into Greece,
or at any rate into some districts of it, in historical times, so that
the factor of natural immunity also can be left virtually out of
consideration.
Modern Greece is highly malarious. In some regions every
inhabitant is attacked every year, as is the case on the plain of
Marathon, where the Athenians won their great triumph over the
Persians in 490 b.c. In Greece generally from 25 per cent, to
50 per cent, of the popvilation are attacked each year, and as the
chief victims are children, it is plain that there is a tendency for
the disease to fall on different individuals in different years, so that
in time nearly everybody is infected. Summer and autumn are the
times when malaria is at its worst, because it is then that the
innumerable small streams of the country dry up, forming shallow
puddles from which the sun hatches out the deadly Anophelines.
It is obvious that malaria is not a difficult disease to identify in
ancient writings. A reference to intermittent fever is conclusive,
while autumnal fevers, or fevers said to be caused by marshes, are
also probably malarial.
It should be remembered that over-exertion or chill is dangerous
in a malarious country, because strain precipitates an attack of
fever. Furthermore, as the disease fastens upon particular districts,
killing or driving away many inhabitants and reducing the
remainder to a piteous condition, it has an economic influence which
many other kinds of sickness, destructive though they be for short
periods, fail to exert in the long run. This is the most disastrous
result of endemic malaria. It poisons whole regions, and, once
 38

firmly establislied, it generally remains for ever. The rich, the

intelligent and the energetic flee to healthier homes, and at last
there remains but a residue of the poor and wretched, who, left to
themselves, sink into still greater degradation and misery. The
inhabitants of the Roman Campagna afford a good example of the
general principle I have just been explaining.
What evidence, then, is afforded by Greek literature? Before
500 B.C. there are but two passages which seem to point to malaria.
One is Homer, Iliad xxii, 31, where, however, some ancient
commentators understood the word puretos to mean '
heat.' The
other passage is Theognis 174, but here again the evidence is

by no means conclusive. Many commentators hold that in this line

ejsialos signifies '
nightmare ' and not '
ague,' the meaning it

certainly has in later Greek. Again, Hesiod never mentions fever

among the plagues of the Boeotian farmer, although he lived in a
country which afterwards became extremely unhealthy.
The argument from silence is, however, proverbially unsafe, and
the question is better approached from another standpoint. The
early Greeks seem to have deliberately chosen many sites which in
later times were scarcely habitable, and upon them they reared great
and prosperous cities. Orchomenus in Boeotia is one example,
Sybaris in Magna Graecia another. Remembering that pioneers
always suffer most, we may surely conclude that these sites were not
very malarious at first. Other evidence for the late introduction of
malaria into Greece is to be found in the following considerations :
—
(1) In the Hippocratic Corpus much stress is laid upon the
malignant forms of the disease, and it is when a district
becomes infected for the first time that these malignant
forms are most common.
(2) Hippocrates apparently recognised quintan, septan and
nonan types of malaria. To imagine that malaria
exhibits other periods than the common ones is not
infrequently the mistake of a tiro.

(3) In the fifth century the chief victims appear to have been
elderly persons. This is also the case on the first intro-

duction of the disease.

These three points, however, are of but little value as evidence
compared with the great improbability that such highly civilised
 39

communities as those of Greece in tlie sixth and fifth centuries

suffered from malaria to any serious extent while they were growing
in size and economic prosperity.

The evidence is still more conclusive in the case of Attica and

Athens. There is no reference to malarial fever in Aeschylus,
Herodotus, Thucydides or Euripides. It is referred to for the first

time in a fragment of Sophocles, and it is clearly mentioned by

Aristophanes in Acharnians (425 B.C.) and in the Wasjps
the
(422 B.C.). Ill-health almost certainly became more common in
Attica during the last quarter of the fifth century, for we know that
the worship of Asclepius, the God
was introduced into
of Health,
Athens in 420 b.c, and a temple was built at which sick folk
received treatment, consisting mainly, in all probability, of hypnotic
suggestion. Again, two late writers, Plutarch and Diodorus, refer
to diseases which followed the great Plague of 430 b.c. They look
upon these visitations as a recrudescence of the Plague, and yet
their accounts point indisputably to malaria. In the face of all

this testimony, it is surely hard not to believe that malaria became

farmore prevalent in Attica during the period 430-400 b.c. At this
time agriculture was almost at a standstill in Attica owing to the
Peloponnesian war, and it is well known that to allow land to fall
out of cultivation is almost inevitably to invite malaria.
I admit that the introduction of malaria into Greece is of
disputed date, but it is absolutely certain, from the witness borne by
both medical and non-medical writings, that not long after 400 b.c.

Greece became as highly malarious as it is now. After Aristophanes,

'fever '
in non-medical literature nearly always means '
malaria.'
What were the effects of malaria upon the ancient Greeks? I
would notice first those consequences which were observed by the
Greeks themselves. Hippocrates, the first and greatest of the Greek
medical writers, who flourished about the time when malaria seems
to have become endemic in Attica, has left us in the treatise
Airs, Waters, Places, a most striking account of the people who
inhabited the more low-lying regions of Greece. He calls attention
to their enlarged spleens, an almost certain sign of long-continued
malaria. He also remarks upon the dwarfed stature and unhealthy
appearance of these wretched creatures. Curiously enough, they
are said to have had dark hair. This means, in all probability,
 40

that malaria killed off tlie fair-haired element in the Greek people,
and it is to this fair, Northern strain that the Greeks owed their best
and noblest qualities. As to the character of dwellers in malarious
regions, Hippocrates says that they were cowardly and lacking in
enterprise. We have seen that malaria is apt to recur whenever an
infected person undergoes any violent exertion. Naturally, the
inhabitants of malarious regions avoid fatigue whenever possible,
and so gradually form habits of laziness and inactivity. This fact
fully explains the statements of Hippocrates,and throws a flood of
light upon the treatise of Plutarch On Health, in which the
writer utters repeated warnings against chill and against over-
activity, whether of body or mind. In the book called Frohlems,
which is included among the works of Aristotle, although almost
certainly not written by him, those who live in damp, low regions
are said to show at an early period of life signs of decay and old
age. Premature old age is one of the most striking characteristics
of those who dwell in malarious districts. Then there is the evidence
of language. The Greek word *
melancholia ' is undoubtedly
connected with the supposed '
humour,' black bile, to which the
Greeks attributed quartan fevers. A man was called '
melancholy
'

when he was neurotic, crazy or morbidly despondent, and victims of

malaria often display these symptoms to a remarkable degree. It
should be observed that these words, '
melancholy,' '
melancholia,'
become common in Athenian literature just at the time when I
believe that malaria fell like a blight upon the fair land of Attica.
Historical evidence tends to confirm the conclusion that malaria
helped to make the Greeks pessimistic ; indeed, the philosophy of the
third century B.C. made 'apathy the highest
' goal of human endeavour.
There are other consequences of malaria, perfectly well known
from observations made in modern times, which, although not
definitely connected by the Greeks with disease, must have been
taking place during the period of decline in Greece.
The chief victims of malaria are children, who suffer from
attacks of fever year by year until the age of puberty, when they
become partially immune. The effects of this unhealthy childhood
they carry with them to their graves. They reach adult life with
dwarfed bodies and ill-educated minds. Says the Eoman poet
Martial, '
In summer boys learn enough if they keep well.'
 41

Malarious districts are usually very fertile. The moisture which

favours the growth of mosquitoes is obviously useful for agricultural
purposes. When malaria drives away the farmer from the country
to the town, it not only inflicts harm by diminishing the number of
country folk, but also causes serious economic loss. This is a truism,
illustrations of which can be taken from nearly every quarter of the
globe. is surely unnecessary to do more than mention the
It
suffering and damage caused by the incapacitation of a large
proportion of the population, especially when it is remembered that
agriculturists are the chief victims, mostly at the time of harvest,
when their energies are required to gather in the reward of their
long toil throughout the year.
I would now lay stress upon a few coincidences :
—
(1) The vices and weaknesses inherent in the Greek character,
barbarity, want ofgood faith, insincerity, fickleness, incapability
of united effort, become more and more marked during the period
of decline. is the divorce of theory from
Particularly striking
practice, and the general paralysis which cramped the spasmodic
efforts of the Greeks, especially in the period immediately preceding
the Roman conquest. Coincident with this decline was the increase
of malaria, a disease singularly apt to foster habits of laziness,
cowardice and apathy-. Pausanias thought that the Greeks of
the third century B.C. had been weakened by disease.
(2) Alexandria was founded late in the fourth century B.C., and
during the next century Greeks crowded into it in great numbers.
On the other hand, malaria causes migration from unhealthy to
healthy districts, and Strabo notices, with surprise, that even m his
day there was no malaria at Alexandria.
(3) During the later portion of its career Sybaris was certainly
malarious, and the Sybarites had an evil reputation for laziness and
effeminacy. But in a malarious country the inhabitants are forced

to avoid fatigue if they wish to escape fever.

(4) In the fourth century B.C., and after, there was a great
increase of superstition. A belief in the power of the priests of
Asclepius to bring about miraculous cures spread with wonderful
rapidity, even among the well-educated classes.The temples of the
God of Health were thronged with Even rational medicine,
visitors.

which at the time of Hippocrates scorned charms as vulgarity, began

 42

to admit tlie efficacy of amulets and other superstitious devices. On

the other hand, there is the increase of malaria, a disease against
which rational medicine is powerless without quinine and a
knowledge of the part played by the mosquito, while hypnotic
suggestion, which was certainly practised in the temples of
Asclepius, will often bring about a temporary relief from the
distressing symptoms of malaria, although it cannot permanently
cure.

(5) After 400 B.C. the Athenians began to love their homes more,
and to hold their wives in greater respect and honour. But it was
upon the wife that fell the task of nursing the household, even the
sick slaves. An increase in her duties as nurse would account for
the higher esteem in which she was held by the time of the New
Comedy. Now when malaria became endemic, the work of the wife
would be more than doubled. The Greeks knew nothing of
small-pox, measles, diphtheria, scarlatina, and probably nothing of
typhoid or influenza. and tuberculosis were the only
Malaria
serious endemic plagues. common the work
Before malaria became
of the wife must have been light, but afterwards she would become a
busy woman, and both Menander and the writer of the speech
against Neaera insist upon the value of a wife in times of sickness.
Can it be reasonably maintained that there is no causal relation-
ship between these coincidences? That they are all purely
accidental seems to exceed the bounds of possibility.
Of course, it is not pretended that malaria caused the decline of
the Greeks. The moral deterioration of a people is nearly always
the result of an of numerous forces and
intricate combination
influences. The Greeks, weakened themselves by their
for instance,
vices, by their suicidal civil wars, and by their obstinate refusal to
replenish the worn-out population of their small city-states by
freely admitting strangers to citizenship. But I do contend that
malaria was the factor which gave to these other disintegrating forces
full scope to work out their natural consequences. The good
qualities of the Greeks were paralysed by it, while their weaknesses
were fostered and encouraged. It was a blight, a miasma, in which
nothing could flourish but decay and death.
Here I would meet a possible objection. An opponent, while
admitting that the decline of Greece and the increase of malaria were
 48

contemporaneous, may yet assert that the decay brought in malaria,

not malaria the decay. Neglect of agriculture, as is Avell known, by
the formation of small puddles or marshy tracts, tends to spread the
disease ; but malaria appears to have been common in Greece before
the decline of agriculture took place. Moreover, the argument is,

not that malaria brought about decline, but that it helped other
factors, which in different circumstances might have been suppressed
or counteracted, to make that decline rapid and inevitable. It

matters little which factor gave the initial impetus.

"Whatever were the effects of malaria in ancient Greece, they

were checked by no adequate preventive measures. Quinine, the
great specific for malaria, was unknown. Mosquito-nets do not
seem have been used, at least before the late Alexandrian period,
to
and nowhere do the Greeks show that they were aware of the part
played by the Anophelines. The influence of malaria must have
been seen at its worst.
I will now turn to the problem of malaria
in Italy. The subject
is intricate and diflicult, more
by far than in the case of Greece,
so
for Greece is a small country, and nearly all its innumerable
valleys can breed the Anophelines; many parts of Italy, on the
other hand, seem to have remained healthy. I must accordingly
confine my attention to Eome and its neighbourhood. Whether
these were malarious in early times it
decide is impossible to
positively acute observers like Brocchi and North have felt a great
;

difficulty in dealing with the point, and North at least refuses to

admit that a highly malarious condition is compatible with the
developed civilisation which we know existed in Etruria and Latium.
Two questions only can be briefly touched upon now, the increase of
grazing land in the second century b.c and the malarious state of
Rome itself during the early Empire.
It is generally agreed that malaria rapidly spread as the small
farmers disappeared, and the large tliinly-populated grazing estates,
managed by slaves, took the places of cultivated holdings. But it
has been maintained, e.g., by North, that malaria wtrs the effect and
not the cause of this depopulation. A good case could be made out
for both views. It is, of course, absolutely impossible to separate
definitely the influence of neglect of agriculture upon malaria from
the influence of malaria upon the neglect of agriculture.
Let it be
 ;

44

granted, however, that economic and other factors gave the initial
impulse to the change the inference does not necessarily follow that
;

malaria did not do incalculable harm. For malaria prevented the

Romans from reclaiming the neglected lands. Effort after effort
was made, always without permanent success. The Romans spoke
truthwhen they declared that the latifundia ruined Italy it matters ;

not whether malaria was originally responsible for the disappearance

of the yeomen.
Let us now turn to Rome itself. That malaria played an
important part in the lives of its inhabitants, at least during the
first century a.d., can be proved by overwhelming testimony. All
who had means to do so retired to their villas during the
the
unhealthy months, and the language of Horace proves what we might
easily have inferred, that the object of this migration was to escape

the yearly epidemic of malaria. Children appear to have been the

chief sufferers, although adults did not escape. All parents, declares
Horace, are afraid for their children in the season of autumn, when
the toils of city-life bring fevers and death in their train. Martial
too, as we have already seen, was well content if boys kept healthy
in summer. Their lessons were of comparatively little consequeuce.
'
Count the tale of my years,' complains the same poet, '
and
take therefrom the time stolen by cruel fevers, languor and pain
you will find me an old man in appearance, but in reality a child.'
Martial came from Spain, a country which I believe suffered but
little from malaria at the beginning of the Christian era, and on
migrating to Rome would be attacked more severely than those who,
being natives of the city, were partially immune.
In dealing, then, with Roman life the historian must not leave
malaria out of account, whatever his views be on the connection
between disease and civilisation. A good case could, indeed, be made
out by anyone who cared to compare the effects of malaria with the
morbid vices displayed by the Romans in early Imperial times.
'
Diseased is'the epithet that suggests itself whenever we
contemplate the cruelty, the depraved tastes and the deep underlying
pessimism which, in spite of the exaggeration of satirist and
historian, were certainly marked characteristics of this unhappy
period. And diseased it was ; for malaria, never entirely absent,
was epidemic at Rome during the warmer months. But to connect
 46

disease and vice in this way is unsound reasoning, for even though,
one caused the other, the relation cannot be proved. Let it suffice to

urge that the disease must have been producing its inevitable
consequences, and giving free scope to the other disintegrating forces
that were in operation at the time.
Whatever may be the views of scholars on these questions, they
will admit that a knowledge of the nature of malaria and of its

prevalence in ancient times helps considerably towards the

elucidation of the classical writers. I will be content with two
examples.
Antisthenes the philosopher was reproached by his enemies for
frequenting the society of wicked men. His reply was, '
Physicians
visit the sick, but they themselves have no fever.' An Englishman,
familiar with infectious fevers, is tempted to think that Antisthenes
(according to his enemies) was tainted by the company he kept.
But malaria, although infectious, is not obviously so, and the ancient
Greeks themselves declared that '
fevers ' were not catching.
Accordingly we must interpret the anecdote otherwise. The enemies
of the philosopher hinted that '
birds of a feather flock together.' A
man's character can be gauged by that of his associates. Antisthenes
denied the truth of the proverb in certain cases, e.g., physicians are
not sick because they visit the sick, nor was he base because he
consorted with base people. Physician and philosopher have the
same object — to cure those who are diseased in body or mind.
My other instance is taken from Virgil. '
Shade,' says a
character in the Eclogues, 'is unhealthy for singers.' Why so?
Evidently because mosquitoes congregate in the shade, and to sit in
a wood, or to remain in the open at dusk, is to run a great risk of
being bitten. Virgil, although he did not know the reason, was well
aware that woods and shade are dangerous.
 46

SUGGESTIONS FOR A SCHEME OF CLASSI-

FICATION OF THE MEGALITHIC AND ANALO-
GOUS PREHISTORIC REMAINS OF GREAT
BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

By George Clinch, F.S.A. Scot., F.G.S.

WITH PLATES II AND HI

The following scheme of which represents an

classification,

attempt to reduce our megalithic remains to an orderly and

methodical arrangement, is founded upon a paper read before the
British Association in September, 1908. Certain alterations, some
of which were suggested in the discussion on the paper, whilst others
are the result of more mature consideration, have been embodied in
the following scheme.
The chief purpose of this classification is to secure uniformity in
all attempts to catalogue and record megalithic remains, and it is

hoped that the adoption of a definite system of nomenclature and

grouping will help to remove much of the ambiguity and
overlapping which have characterised some of the work already done
in this importaiit field of British archaeology.
In drawing up the following scheme it has been borne in mind
that megalithic structures were impossible in some districts owing to
the absence of suitable materials. For this reason it has been
decided to include such remains as earthen hut-circles, because in a
stony country they would probably be represented by low walls built
of blocks of stone. In the same way cairns have been included,
because in some cases they consist of, or contain, stones large enough
to be considered megaliths. Barrows, have been included
also,

because they are usually composed of the material that happens to

be available, and a large proportion of it often consists of stones.
Purely defensive earthworks are omitted, as they are already
covered in the scheme of classification adopted by the Congress of
Archaeological Societies.
 47

1. Dwellings

(a) Caves.

(6) Bock-shelters.

(c) Hut-circles (stone and earth). (Fig. 1.)

(d) Bee-hive dwellings. (Fig. 2.)

(e) Crannoges.

(/) Lake and marsh dwellings. (Fig. 3.)

{g) Souterrains. (Fig. 4.)

2. Monoliths
(a) Rude. (Fig. 5.)
(b) Worked. (Fig. 6.)

3. Groups of monoliths

4. Trilithons (Fig. 7.)

5. Alinements

6. Avenues
(a) Open.

(b) Covered.

7. Enclosures

(a) Circular. (Fig. 8.)

(b) Rectangular. (Fig. 9.)

8. Sepulchral structures

(a) Cromlechs. (Fig. 10.)

(6) Cists in barrows.

(c) Cists not in barrows.

(d) Cairns.

(e) Barrows (long). (Fig. 11.)

(/) „ (chambered). (Fig. 12.)

(g) „ (round). (Fig. 13.)

 48

9. Earthworks connected with megalith ic remains (such as Stone-

henge, Avebury, &c.).

10. Sculpturings

(a) Cup and ring markings, &c., on (Fig. 14.)

(i) Natural stones and rocks, or

(ii) Sepulchral structures.

(h) Holed stones. (Fig. 15.)

Appendix.
1. Hill-side sculptures (such as the White Horses). (Fig. 16.)

2. Stones or rocks of natural origin and forms associated with

folk-lore.

3. Remarkable natural features attributed to supernatural origin

(such as the Devil's Punch Bowl, &c.).

 '

Li-.cii'ool A. A. A., Vol. II PLATE 11. V

t
/)// •/'

AO eo
1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

//>/ J

/i^6 /^7
ftf/.S

r
Liverpool A.A.J., Vol. 11.
PLATE III. %

/%"?
/v-/ .-V

<%!%„ ^o

.- .>;»>v>kVS^»?i.v-;'"l*C"X'SS;

FiffJO.

f,f, //.
 —

49

A BIRD CULT OF THE OLD KINGDOM

By Percy E. Newberry.

In a paper printed in tlie first number of these Annals* I drew

attention to the existence in Egypt of a cult of the Double Axe, and
I pointed out that there was a close similarity between the so-called
'
Horns of Consecration ' of Crete and the Egyptian cult object
^. I now draw the attention of archaeologists to another
connection between the cults of Egypt and Minoan Crete, which has
as yet escaped notice.
On the fa§ade of a Eifth Dynasty tomb from Sakkara,t now
preserved in the National Museum at Copenhagen, a certain '
Khet-
priest of the Double Axe '
and *
Yezir,' named Ptah-uash, is also

described as %»>* q Wr Khet, '

Khet-ipvieat of the ^**-deity.' This
was also borne by a King's son of the Fourth Dynasty,t
latter title
and by a Princess and Queen of the Sixth Dynasty. § The high
rank of these three people shows the importance of this particular
priesthood in the Old Kingdom.
Very little is known on the Egyptian side about this Bird deity.

In the Pyramid Texts she is often mentioned

— ^^ J^ Wr—and she
is referred to also in the Book of the Dead, where her name is written
with either one of the two general determinatives of a goddess's name
the seated figure of a woman or the uraeus snake. No priests or

priestesses of her cult have yet been found of a later date than the
Sixth Dynasty, from which fact we may infer either (1) that the Cult
had died out altogether soon after the end of the Old Kingdom or (2) ;

that it was a Lower Egyptian cult|| which survived on in the Delta,

although, owing to the paucity of monuments of a later date than the
Sixth Dynasty from Sakkara and the country north of Memphis, we
have no further record of it.

• Vol. I, p. 24. ' Three Cults of the Old Kingdom.'

t Published Marietta, Mastabas. D. 38.

: L.D., ii, 12 a. 13.

§ Marietta, Abydos I, pi, 2.

II
The title of the High Priestess at Sais was )^ (Brugsch, Aegyptologie, p. 283)

which perhaps gives us a hint as to the early seat of this Bird Cult. A sarcophagus
bearing an effigy of an Egyptian priestess found at Bord el Djedid shows her wearing
bird- wings (as ritual robes ?). The colouring (a vivid blue), as well as the shape, of these
wings show them to be swallow's wings, and not, as Miss Harrison has suggested,
vulture's wings. The sarcophagus is in the miiseum at Carthage, and has been published
by JR. P. Delattre, Les grands sarcophages anthropo'ides dti mus&e Lavigerie a Carthage,
Paris, p. 18, and is figured in colour in the frontispiece of Mabel Moore's Carthage and
the Phoenicians, 1905, and cf. p. 146.
 ;

50

Now the ]F»'-bird as figured in early hieroglyphs resembles a

swallow,* swift, or martin, and there are several facts which tend to
show that the swallow itself was regarded as a sacred bird by the
Ancient Egyptians. It was often mummified, and many swallow
mummies have been found.t In the Book of the Dead there is an
ancient chaptert '
whereby one assumeth the form of a swaUow.' At
Turin is a Nineteenth Dynasty votive stela§ dedicated to the '
beautiful
swallow.' Plutarch tells us in his account of the Isis and Osiris myth,||
that at Byblus Isis turned herself into a swallow and fluttered round
the pillar which contained the coffin of Osiris. Lastly, there still

survives among the fellahin ofUpper Egypt a curious superstition

regarding the bird. When living in a native house at Kurneh some
years ago a pair of swallows built their nest on the side of a ceiling
beam in my dining room. I noticed that the natives were very
careful to avoid frightening the birds, and asked one of my men why
such care was taken of the swallows when they thought nothing of
treating cruelly other kinds of birds. '
Swallows,' he replied, '
embody
the souls of departed Kurnawis : they are not like other birds, they
live in houses.' Here is clearly a survival from the days of totemism.^
We have noticed above that Ptah-uash, who bears the title '
khet**-
priest of the TFr-bird,' was also a '
khet--prie8t of the Double Axe,' and

• The bird in Petrie's Medum, No. 4, p. 30, looks more like a wagtail,
frontispiece,
but see Griffith, Hieroglyphs, figs. 3, 99,and cf., Bcni Hasan, III, figs, 9, 14.
pp. 20, 67,
t Lortet and Gaillard, La Faune momifiie, p. 113 {Hirundo rustica) cf. Wilkinson, ;

Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (ed. 1878), Vol. Ill, p. 319, the swallow '

is found embalmed in the tombs of Thebes,'

X Chapter LXXXVI. The first lines of this chapter are found as early as the
Middle Kingdom they occur on the sarcophagi of Sat-bastet (Maspero, Trots anrUes,
;

p. 227) and Karenen (Lacau, in Quibell's Saqqara, II, p. 41). The vignette of the
chapter is a swallow on a mound.
§ Maspero, Bee. de travaux, II, p. 108; Lanzone, Die. Mit. Eg., pi. CXVIII
Maspero, PremUres MHies, p. 536.
II
De Iside et Osiride, XVI on the connection of Isis with the swallow, cf., Pliny,
;

Hist. Nat. X, 49, cp. the swallow transformations of Philomela and Procne (Frazer,
;

Paiisanias, I, 41, 9).

^ On swallow folk-lore outside Egypt see Hastings, Encycl, of Religion and Ethics,
\inder 'Animals.'
*• It is remarkable that in Egypt the title of Khet-'pne&t is only found in connection

, the ~~^7 the —yt" , the ^k , and the ^^ goddess. I

have been collecting material for a history of the '^r cult, but will, for the moment, only

note that the scat of Min's worship was Ekhmim in Upper Egypt, and refer the reader
to the passage in Herodotus II, 91, regarding this place.
 51

this fact is significant when we remember the well-known Hagia

Triada sarcophagus* which gives clear evidence of the association of
the Birdt and Double Axe Cults on Cretan soil. It should be
noted, further, that on the altar behind the sacred birds are the so-
called *
Horns of Consecration,' and that the Knossian Dovet-goddess
was found in the miniature shrine§ with the '
Horns of Consecration.'

On Mycenaean remains this Bird Cult is also found associated with

the same cult object.

Poitscrijyt — Since the above notes were written Mr. H. R. Hall's

paper The Discoveries in Crete and their Relation to the History of Egypt
and Palestine number
in the last of the Proceedings of the Society of
Biblical Archaeology, has come into my hands. Discussing the
resemblances between Cretan and Egyptian cults he says (p. 146) that
'
Professor Newberry seems to believe ' that they '
point to Cretan
colonization of the Delta in early times.' I may here point out that I

have never expressed this view, always having held the contrary belief

— a Nilotic colonization of Crete.

Mr. Hall (p. 145) compares the sacred birds figured on pillars of
the Hagia Triada sarcophagus, with birds figured upon ded-Bigne on
certain scarabs. These birds on scarabs are simply falcons (not
hawks) with suns' discs on their heads. The scarabs on which they
are found arc all late, certainly not earlier than the Nineteenth Dynasty
(see my Scarabs, pi. XLI, 13 ; and cp. Cairo Catalogue, Scarab-Shaped
Seals, No. 36316) ; they have no relation whatever to the swallow cult,

the subject of my paper. I may note, further, that there were many
bird cults in Egypt, for besides the well-known cults of the Falcon,
Vulture, and Ibis, we also have evidence of cults of the Pin-tail duck,

the Goose, the Crane, the Egret, and several others.

* Monumenti Antichi, XIX, p. 1. M. J. Lagrange, Revue Biblique, 1907,

34 reproduced by Miss Harrison in her paper on Bird and Pillar WorsJnp,
p. 342, fig. ;

in Trans, of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions, Vol. II,
p. 156, fig. 1.

t There seems to be doubt on the Aegean side as to the species of bird which
formed the object of the Bird-Cult. Dr. Evans suggests a black woodpecker Miss '
'
;

Harrison says '

a bird of black colour, possibly a pigeon.'

\ See the preceding footnote.

§ Evans, B.S.A., VIII, p. 99, fig. 56, of. also pp. 28-30.
 52 [20]

ON A RECENTLY DISCOVERED SECTION

OF THE ROMAN WALL AT CHESTER
By ROBEET NEWSTEAD, M.Sc, A.L.S., &c.

WITH PLATK8 IV-X

Before giving a description of the recently discovered remains

which formed part of the original fortifications of Deva, permit me
to point out, very briefly, some of the physical features of the land
upon which the City of Chester is built and also those portions of
;

its circumvallation which are claimed to be of Roman origin, so

that we may the more readily understand the geographical relations

of these in the light of the newly-discovered fragment which has
laid so long buried beneath the feet of the Cestrians.
Judging by the evidence which has been brought to light from
time to time, by the spade of the workman, the surface geology of
the site upon which the Romans built their camp, in or about the
middle of the 1st century, was a small and slightly raised plateau

of Bunter-sandstone, overlaid by a thin stratum of boulder-clay and

stiff yellowish loam, sloping gently towards the river on both the
western and southern boundaries, and with an elevation of about
100 feet above sea-level.

The four main streets which bisect the City within the walls, as
we find them at the present day, are laid practically upon the
original land surface, so that the ground-level of these thoroughfares
is about two feet higher than it was during the Roman occupation.*
Away from the main streets, however, we find on all sides that there
is an enormous accumulation of made-earth and debris, and that
this higher and, so to speak, artificial level is clearly indicated on
either sides of the four principal streets by the ground-level of the
promenade in the respective Rows. In some places there is,

however, a marked thinning down of this artificial accumulation,

especially towards the periphery of the walls, though in some parts
it is continuous beyond, or considerably in advance of them. The
* Watkins (Roman Cheshire, p. 112) gives 9 feet in the immediate neighbour-
hood of the Eaetgaie but this is certainly not the case elsewhere in the main streets
;

of Chester.
 ;

[21] 68

maximum depth may be given as 14 feet ; the minimum about

4 feet ; or an average of about 9 feet. Thus, in the centre of
Eastgate Street North, immediately east of Godstall Lane, there is

a depth of 13-14 feet ; while further northwards, under the Lady

Chapel, t there is and as we approach the Northgate
only 9 feet ;

there is but a shallow deposit, though in the Dean's field the

accumulation runs to a depth of 12 feet.J
Outside the Walls, on the site of the recent discovery in St. John
Street, the depth varied from 14-4 feet ; while in Foregate Street,
midway between the Eastgate and its eastern end, there is a depth
varying from 9-11 feet. Thus, we find that, with the exception of
the north wall (east), which rests for the most part on a rocky
prominence, there is very little of the Roman work left to us at the
present day above the surface of the ground ; indeed, a considerable
proportion of the older buildings rest with their foundations many
feet above the stratum which supported the Walls and other
structures of those fortifications which have made Chester so
celebrated for its antiquity.
A cursory glance at a map of the City of Chester will give us an
exact idea of the plan of the present Walls, and by its aid we shall
also be able to gather the relative positions of those portions of it

which are claimed by many authorities to be of Roman workman-

ship, and thereby link together the past with the present discoveries.
If we accept the general census of opinion of those who are
qualified to judge as to the origin of the Walls, we may ascribe the
major portion of the sub-structure of the north wall, east of the
Northgate, to be of Roman workmanship. It was in the north wall
(east) that so many of the inscribed monuments and architectural
fragments were found during the years 1883, 1887-8; and there can,
I think, be little doubt that the wall at this point had been
reconstructed, though, so far as one can gather, there were no signs
of the outer ashlar- facing having been disturbed. It must be clearly
understood, however, that the whole of the upper portion of the
walls on this section of the circumvallation is of comparatively
recent date, and is clearly distinguishable from the original work

t Shbubsolb. Journal of the Chester and North Wales Archaeological and

Historic Society, Vol. I (New Series), p. 215.

\ Ibid., loc. cit.

 54 [22]

and as one approaches the Northgate one can also follow the course
of the characteristic plinth, and the solid rectangular-faced stones
forming the footing beneath it. On the west side of the Northgate
there is another section, which is workmanship
of similar and ;

although the plinth is not visible, the which now covers it was
soil

removed a few years ago, so that the footings might be inspected.

Proceeding to the west wall, we find no trace of Roman work
southwards until we reach the Roodee, where, considerably in
advance of the present wall, we have preserved to us an extensive
section of massive masonry, which is claimed by many authorities
to have formed part of the Roman quay. No detailed description
of this relic has apparently been given, though Shruhsole* refers to
it, but considers that it is *
forty feet outside the Roman Castra, and
altogether out of the direction of either line of wall.' Chancellor
Ferguson^ also thinks that it may have formed a Roman landing
place before the retiring of the Dee ; but whether it ever formed
part of the wall of the Castra I will not venture to suggest, though
there can be little doubt that it was erected there as a protection to
the tidal waters of the Dee, which at that period had only just begun
to form a barrier to their own encroachments, some twenty feet
below the present surface of the Race Course.
At the Kaleyards, on the east side, a little in advance of the
modern wall, is a section of masonry measuring in its greatest length
66 feet 9 inches. Four courses of work only are visible above
ground,t but these bear a most striking resemblance to those
forming the ashlar work of the portion just discovered. It would
cost a mere nominal sum to have the foundations of this old fragment
re-examined, and the period of its erection definitely fixed ; though
I have little doubt that it is Roman, and possibly 1st century work.
230 feet south of this there are traces of similar work, projecting as
a *
set-off ' remaining portion of the wall but this section is
to the ;

very diificult of access, and so far I have not been able to make a
critical examination of it.
Coming southwards we pass over the Eastgate, and proceed as
far as the back of Messrs. Dickson's Seed Warehouse, a few paces
• Ibid., Vol. I, p. 210.

t Journal Archaeological InstiUite, 1888.

\ No mortar is visible in the joints of this work.
[23] 55

north of the Wolf Tower, where, in the basement of this establish-

ment, is preserved, in situ, an excellent section of the Roman Wall,
with its plinth and a portion of the foundations quite intact. It
and was discovered in
lies 15 feet 6 inches outside the existing wall,

the year 1892. This brings us to within a few yards of the scene
of our most recent find, which commences immediately beyond the
south retaining-wall of Messrs. Dickson's building.

The Recently Discovered Section of the Roman Wall.

So soon as it was known that the National Telephone Company

had purchased the property adjoining Messrs. Dickson's Seed
Warehouse, for the purpose of erecting a new Exchange Station
upon the site, steps were immediately taken by the Council of the
Chester and North Wales Archaeological Society to call the attention
of the authorities to the probable existence of a continuation, and
the possible termination, of the foundations of the east wall of the
Roman Castra. In his reply to the Venerable Archdeacon Barber,
Mr. G. n. Robertson (one of the Directors of the Company) very
kindly promised to give attention to the matter, and at the same time
expressed a wish to give every facility to the Society for the
inspection of the ground during the excavations. As Honorary
Curator of the Society I was instructed to visit the place, and report
upon anything which might be brought to light of archaeological
interest.

Early in the month of June 1908, my attention was called to the

discovery of some extensive blocks of masonry, a few feet south of the
Wolf Tower (PI. lY, fig. 2), and these subsequently proved to be the
upper-courses of the most extensive and perfect section of the Roman
Wall which one may safely say has yet been discovered in Chester.
Shortly after this discovery, Professor Bosanquet visited the site,

and subsequently reported the matter to the Council of *

The
Liverpool Committee for Archaeological Research in Wales and the
Marches,' who very kindly made a grant of £5 towards defraying the
cost ofany further excavating which might be found necessary.
Having uncovered the greater part of the wall, it was suggested
that the Mayor and the Sheriff of Chester, with the Town Clerk
and representatives of the Chester and North Wales Archaelogical
 ;

66 [24]

Society, be invited to meet the Architects (Messrs. Bromley and

Watkins) and the Director of the National Telephone Company,
with the view of arranging for the preservation of the wall
Professor Bosanquet and Professor Garstang being in attendance as
representing the Liverpool Committee.
After a long discussion, it was decided to leave the matter in
the hands of the Directors; and at a subsequent meeting of the
Board it was unanimously resolved to alter the original plans of the

new buildings, so as to preserve the greater portion of the wall.

This has been accomplished at considerable expense, by placing
steel-girders over the Roman work at the two points where, in the
original plan, it would have been necessary remove the greater
to

portion of it. In addition to this, a subway has been made in front

of the wall, and the floor-line of the room above slightly raised,
so that about forty feet of the wall will be preserved, of which a
portion will be left exposed in the open yard, but will be protected
with an iron grid. The rest will remain under cover in the subway.
By this most excellent arrangement, only sixteen feet at the north
end have been buried between two retaining-walls and the tower.
It is important to note, however, that the two short upper-courses
of seven squared stones had to be removed, as they came above the
floor-line of the building ; but they have been replaced at the south
end, in order to make good that portion of the wall.
The site of the exploration was, until the beginning of the year,
covered with dilapidated cottages and narrow courts. After the
ground had been cleared of these, the excavations for the basement
rooms were commenced, and carried down to the surface of the
sandstone rock and it was while this work was in progress that the
;

discovery was made. At first, it was possible only to expose the

northern half of the wall but a few weeks later, when the ground
;

had been cleared of building material, we were able to resume

operations, and to follow the foundations as far as the southern
boundary of the National Telephone Company's property. It is
quite evident, however, that the wall extends beyond the limits of
the present excavations ; and we hope to be able shortly to get the
necessary permission to sink a trench in a small open space in the
adjoining property, so that its further course may be traced as far
as possible.
[25] 67

DetaUs of the Wall— The total length of the wall (PI. V, fig. 4,
and Plan PI. VIII) as at present recovered, is exactly 56 feet 10
inches. Its northern extremity abuts on the retaining-wall of
Messrs. Dickson's warehouse, which is 24 feet 3 inches north from
the souther7i face of the Wolf Tower and it has been exposed south-
;

wards of this point for a distance of 33 feet. It takes a practically

straight course until it reaches a point about 22 feet south of the
centre of the tower, where it commences to curve distinctly west-
wards, or towards the present Pepper Gate. The face of the ashlar
work, near the commencement of the curve, is about 21 feet 6 inches
in advance of the present wall but the north-east face of the Wolf
;
*

Tower rest with its footings upon the rubble of the Roman Wall.
The greatest height of the ashlar work was, approximately,
6 feet 6 inches above the original land-surface, and consisted at this
point of seven courses of masoniy, inclusive of the weathering-plinth
and sub-plinth ; but the courses on either side of the higher sub-
central portion gradually tapered away, so that at the southern
end the plinth and sub-plinth only remained, and these in a not
altogether perfect state of preservation.
The whole of the ashlar work had been most carefully constructed,
the blocks of stone being laid in very regular and, for the most part,
closely jointed courses. The dressing on the outer-faces was so fine
as to leave little trace of the workman's chisel and many of the ;

blocks show distinct signs of weathering. The face-joints (bed and

vertical) were in many places so close that it was impossible to insert
the blade of a pocket-knife between them ; but the same care had
not been taken in the interior of the wall, where the joints varied
from touching point to as much as 2 inches in width. In one
instance only was there found any attempt at the bonding of a
second course of squared stones with those forming the ashlar work.
It is just possible, however, that a similar form of bonding may
have been employed elsewhere,! though it was quite evident that
this was exceptional, as the masonry was exposed in several places
between the Wolf Tower and the southern terminus.
No trace of mortar was discoverable in either the bedding or the
joints of the masonry and it was quite evident that none had been
;

* The sectioQ preserved in Dickson's warehouse is 15 feet 6 inches distant from

the present wall.
t Bonded stones are seen in the section in Dickson's warehouse.
 ;

68 [26]

used. This was abundantly proved wlien tlie masomy forming the
two upper-courses was removed, and a most careful inspection made
at other available points. The materials used both for bedding and
jointing of these large stones consisted of sand (evidently taken from
the soft upper stratum of the local sandstone) and a dark-coloured
arenaceous earth. Among this material, chiefly in the large cavities

and spaces between the rubble-work and the masonry, were found,
almost throughout the whole length of the wall, many examples of
the garden snail [Helix aspersa). The shells of these animals were
in many instances so completely imprisoned in the masonry, that it

was quite evident that the animals had crawled into the cavities
during the construction of the wall, and there perished.
The height of the plinth and sub-plinth, respectively, was
9 inches and the height of the superimposed courses uniformly
;

12 inches throughout the whole length of the ashlar work. The

dimensions of the squared stones employed in the wall are :
—
Largest stone in the sub-plinth 3ft. 7iin. X 3ft. 7in. x 9in.

Smallest ,, ,, Of similar dimensions.

Largest in the weather-plinth 2ft. 3Jin. X 3ft. X 9in.
Smallest ,, ,, 1ft. 6in. X 2ft. X 9in.

Largest in the ashlar courses 4ft. X 2ft. X 12in.

Smallest ,, ,, 2ft. X 2ft. 6in. X 12in.

The first measurements given are those of the length of the stone
the second of the width from front to back ; the third of the height.
Immediately behind the masonry was a backing of rubble-work,
more or less coursed to correspond with the masonry (PI. YI, figs. 5,
6) though this was not in all cases strictly followed. The facing of
;

this rubble was perfectly vertical, though it presented a distinctly

jagged edge (figs. 5, 6, and Section PL IX). It naturally varied in
thickness owing to the irregular lengths of the masonry which
projected into it ; but the latter and the rubble-work together, gave
an average thickness from front to back of 4 feet 6 inches; the
maximum being 4 feet 7 inches. The rubble was formed of roughly-
hewn fragments of rock, varying in size from a few inches square to
examples Sin. x Gin. x 4in. ; 12in. x 8in. x 4in. ; 27in. x Sin. x 4in., &c.
None fragments showed signs of having been dressed, but
of the
in a few instances they had been roughly squared on one or two
ides ; the joints were, therefore, generally wide and irregular, and
[27] 59

these had been somewhat carelessly filled in with mortar, which

varied in degrees of hardness ; but in very few instances was it found
of that intense rocklike nature which has so frequently been met
with in the concrete foundations found in other parts of the City.
Large quantities of soil and sand had also been used to fill in some
of the cavities between the masonry and ihe
more especially so

rubble it is possible, of course, that some of the mortar may have

;

been reduced to this condition through the removal of the lime by

the action of water; but the soil and sand occurred in so many
instances in pockets and crevices which were surrounded by mortar,
that I do not think that water could have brought about the
conditions which were found to exist.
The foundations, as will be seen from the section (PI. IX), were
solid and deep, and built entirely of rubble of precisely the same
character as that which formed the inner-lining to the masonry in ;

fact, it was a continuation of this form of work, and it was also seen
to be placed in more or less regular courses. The lowest course of all
was, however, formed of a single layer of boulder-stones bedded in
mortar, and these rested upon a stratum of soft undisturbed red
sandstone. Coarse river gravel and silt were freely used with the
mortar in these foundations.
Artificial hacking of earth behind the wall (PI. VI, figs. 5, 6, and
Section PL IX). — Behind the rubble-facing of the wall was found a
solid bank of fine stiff clayey-loam, somewhat mottled, and veined
with yellow and white, having many
fine fragments of charcoal in its

composition. was decidedly more arenaceous than

In some places it

in others, more especially the inner half but the whole formed a ;

tough stiff loam which may have been produced by placing layers
of closely packed turf together. This backing of earth showed, in
one section, a thickness of 2 feet 9 inches, and for a height of 5 feet
had a perfectly vertical outer-face corresponding to the height of the
masonry from the base to the weather-plinth on the opposite side of
the wall. Its thickness at other points cannot, at present, be
ascertained, but it is seen to be continuous for about 15 feet north
of the section which was fully exposed ; so that one may infer that it

formed part of the rampart, though, unfortunately, we cannot at

present find any trace of its having been protected by a pitching of

stones or masonry. The line of demarcation between this artificial

 60 [28]

backing and the made-earth and debris behind it, was so clearly-
defined that there can, I think, be no doubt that it formed part of
the original structure of the wall of the camp. Considering it as

such, this additional structure gives us, together with the masonry
and the rubble, a total thickness, over all, of 7 feet 3 inches, but
whether this represents the total width of the rampart is doubtful,
as the made-earth behind it, which is undoubtedly of a much more
recent period, cannot at present be excavated. It is tolerably

certain, however, that the vertical wall of clay could not have
retained its present form without some substantial support in the
form of masonry or stonework; and if such a structure existed, it
may in all probability have been removed at a later date, and have
been used for some other purpose.
The stone used in the masonry and rubble work consisted entirely
of the local red sandstone of the Bunter pebble-beds, and is of the

same formation as that upon which the foundations rest ; there was
no trace of any of the material having been brought from the Upper
Keuper sandstone at Manley or elsewhere. The pebbles used at the

bottom of the foundations were all such as could have been obtained
in abundance from the boulder-clay everywhere in the immediate
neighbourhood of the camp.

The builders' modus oj)erandi was, so far as one could ascertain

from the excavations, to cut a trench a little wider than the total
width of the foundations, and from 4 feet to 4 feet 6 inches deep,
passing through the following strata, each averaging about one foot
thick : made earth, yellowish boulder-clay, red arenaceous clay,
soft rock (locally known as '
roach '), to the surface of the more solid

shaly sandstone (Section PL IX). No trace of a '

set-off ' was
discoverable on either side of the foundations ; indeed, the course
of boulders was, if anything, slightly shelved under, and they were
placed somewhat similar to ordinary pitching, though very little

care had apparently been taken in placing them.

—
found in the wall. Reference has already been made to
Objects
the number of shells of Helix aspersa which were found in the
cavities and among the loose earth and sand which had been used to
fill in between the masonry and rubble. The bones of a frog were
found in a cavity between the joints of the masonry and a portion ;

of the pelvis of a sheep between the masonry and the rubble. On

 ;

[29] 61

the bedding surface of tlie large worked-stones were found, in

several places, little collections of fine charcoal and coal, but more
especially so on the inner projecting stones. A sharp look-out for
pottery was kept, but none was found, the only object recovered
being a small fragment of amber-green glass, which is, so far as one
can judge, of a totally different colour from any Roman glass
hitherto recovered from excavations in Chester.
found immediately in front of the wall. In cutting a
Objects —
trench 4 feet wide in front of the entire length of the wall, many
fragments of worked stones, as well as a few more or less perfect
ones, were found. These had undoubtedly formed part of the
superstructure of the wall, as they were of the same thickness as
those which were used throughout its structure. In addition to
these, three broken moulded-stones, and a small fragment of the
drum of a small column, were found at various places, chiefly,
however, in the space between the level of the plinth and the first

ashlar course of masonry. Scattered very sparingly between these,

throughout the whole length of the trench, were fragments of large
amphorae, flat-flanged roofing-tiles, and half-round imbrices of the
characteristic Roman type ; a portion of a mill-stone ; one piece of
Roman glass a bone pin fragments of cinerary urns in Upchurch
; ;

ware and one small piece of red-glazed Samian ware but no other
; ;

remains of the fictile art were discovered immediately in front of

the wall. Here also were found the horn cores of the ox and goat
of the former there were two distinct types : the smaller horn cores
are probably those of Bos longifrons', and one, which is
unfortunately imperfect, is from a much larger animal, and may
prove to have belonged to an immature example of Bos frimigenius.
The base of this bone has a circumference
of 9f inches while those ;

of the longifrons type measure only 5^ inches. At a jioint exactly

7 feet south of the Wolf Tower, and 21 inches from the base of the
masonry (sub-plinth), was a narrow pebbled footway (?), formed
of small boulders, extending eastwards and at right-angles to the
wall. The stones were laid in two irregular rows, extended for a
distance of 4 feet 3 inches, and were firmly embedded in the upper
stratum of the boulder-clay. I can assign no use for this little
paved way excepting that it may have been used as a temporary

footway during the construction of the wall.

 :

'
62 [80]

The fosse (see PL IX). — This was excavated in two places, and a
portion of it was exjiosed in a third. The first treaich was cut in a
line immediately south of Messrs. Dickson's retaining wall ; but it

was so faintly indicated at this place owing to land having been

intersected by a cesspool, that it was impossible to follow its original

form with any degree of exactness. Later, a second trench was cut
some 20 feet south of the Wolf Tower, and here the form and
dimensions could be distinctly traced, especially so in the lower
portion which had been cut through the upper stratum of rock. It

was not of the usual V-shaped form, owing to the construction of

the bottom, which wasand fiat, measuring about

broad
4 feet 4 inches in width. Its greatest width from lip to lip was not
so easily ascertained, but it measured, approximately, 22 feet and ;

its greatest depth, taken from the level of the lowest course of

masonry or sub-plinth, 9 feet 3 inches. A well-defined channel had

been cut in the rock at the foot of the outer-Avall of the ditch, on the
east side, which was subsequently traced northwards for a distance
of 12 feet. In one of the sections the rock at the bottom of the
trench sloped gradually towards the channel, so that it may have
been used to carry off the surface water. In sinking a shaft for the
foundations of a column the ditch was again intersected, though, in
this instance, the inner-wall only was exposed ; here, the rock had
been hewn out to a depth of 4 feet 6 inches, and the face of it gave
an angle of 46 degrees, approximately.
The filling of the ditch, between the level of the lowest course
of masonry and the bottom, consisted of the following materials
the first three feet of arenacious clay {? rain-wash), with pockets
and irregular layers of black soil, containing small fragments of
charcoal and a few plant remains five pieces of waste bronze two
; ;

fragments of Roman roofing tiles; and one of an imbrex, were

found in this stratum. In following the course of the channel at
the bottom of the ditch, a quantity of the earth removed from it was
found to contain a large percentage of bright blue colouring matter,
slightly crystalline in form, but appearing to the unaided eye as a
fine powder. It was so mixed with the soil as to render it impossible

to collect any appreciable quantity for analysis but examples have ;

been preserved with the soil. Above this layer was a stratum,
averaging 4 feet 6 inches thick, of black cheesy soil, composed
[31] 63

largely of vegetable matter, including an enormous amount of very

small bits of bark and wood ; many bazel nuts ; a few bones of the
goat, slieep, ox, horse, and the domestic fowl ;
jjortions of pitchers,

jugs, and tegs, of the 14th to 17th centuries ; leather, bricks,

fragments of rock, &c., &c. The bark and small fragments of wood
may have been the waste from a local tannery, as Chester was, at
one time, a noted centre of the tanning industry. One small piece
of wood taken from stratum was in a sub-fossilised condition,
this
the central portion having been replaced by hydrated mineral
matter.
The upper stratum, averaging 7 feet 6 inches, had been
intersected by the foundations of cottage walls, and was made up of

all kinds of debris : such as soil, ashes, shells of the cockle and
mussel, building materials, potsherds, &c. The inner-lip of the
ditch was about 4 feet 6 inches from the face-line of the sub-plinth,
or,approximately, 6 feet from the face of the wall proper but the ;

superincumbent earth above the level of the plinth contained many

fragments of tegidce, and other objects of the Roman period. The
skull of a horse, in a fairly good state of preservation, was found on
the outer-surface of the outer-lip of the ditch.
Description of the objects recovered from various parts of the
excavations. —With the exception of a beautifully preserved flint

axe* of the palaeolithic type, the objects recovered from these

somewhat extensive excavations were very few in number, and of
such a fragmentary or imperfect character as to require but a brief
description. Apart from the prehistoric implement, only such other
finds will be described as can be attributed to the Eoman period.
Coins. —Only two were handed over by the labourers, though a
third example was recovered from a local tradesman, who had
purchased it from one of the workmen employed in making the
excavations. One of the coins is probably that of Hadrian
(a.d. 117-135) ; the obverse has the Emperor's head to the right,
but the lettering, and also the reverse, are so badly oxidised and
scratched that it is impossible to decipher the legends. The second
example is a small and imperfectly struck coin, with the legends
wanting ; the obverse with the Emperor's head to the right ; the
reverse a figure standing. The third coin is a second bronze of
'"'
See Appendix II of this Eeport.
 64 [32]

Vespasian, in excellent preservation. Obverse, Emperor's head to

the right, with the legend :
'
imp. caes. vespasian avg. cos . . .
'

Reverse, an eagle with wings displayed, and the legend *

s.c' near
the margin.
Objects in hronze. —Two small buckles, almost identical in size
and shape, were the only personal ornaments recovered; these
measured Ijin. x lin., and one of them bears about ten deep
transverse ridges on each of the lateral rims. Two large nails, one
with a thin hemispherically shaped head, the other with a quatref oil
head, were found in an imperfect state of preservation ; a small
piece of waste sheet bronze ; one fragment of bronze slag and the ;

five pieces of waste bronze from the trench complete the list of
objects in this metal.
Pottery. —The eight fragments of figured Samian ware which
were found, are from bowls of the common hemispherical type,
all

many of them having the ovolo border, or %^^ and dart pattern,
below the rim. The styles of ornamentation are shown in the
accompanying figures (PI. VII), so that further description is not
necessary all the more so seeing that they do not differ in any
;

marked degree from examples found hitherto in other parts of the

City. On the same plate are shown the section and plan of a small
cup and a large saucer-like bowl, both in plain Samian ware, but,
unfortunately, in a fragmentary condition, about one-fourth of the
vessel being represented in both instances. No grafiiti or potter's

names were found on any of these fragments.

Of the dark-grey ware, known as Upchurch,' there are about '

eleven fragments, all apparently of the common types of cinerary

urn met with so freely in other parts of the City ; one of these bears
the characteristic diagonal pattern in lines. There are, besides
these, several pieces of terra-cotta ware ; four large fragments
forming part of the lower basal portion of a large wheel-made
amphora or similar vessel, having a broadly pyriform base, with a
diameter of 11^ inches.
Tiles. —Attention has already been called to the occurrence of
fragments of flanged roofing-tiles near the wall and in the fosse.
They occurred elsewhere throughout the excavations, but were by
no means plentiful ; and bits of the ridge-tiles, or imhrices, were
even scarcer.
 Liitr/iool .1..1..I., Vdl. II.
PLATE IV.
EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, 1908.

Pui. 1. -ROMAN WALL (PORTION AT NORTH KNUi

KHOWLNG AT h THK COURSINO OF THE RUBBLE WORK.

Fig. 2.— wolf TOWER. WfTH IIPPRP portthv m? i>n\TAM watt

 Liverjmol A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE V.
r^
EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER. 1908.
t'^

Fi.i. 3.— UPPKU PORTION OF ROMAN WALL. LOOKING SOUTH. FOOTINGS NOT KXPOSED.
n A'lilnr iroik : b liuhMe ; il Fotttimjii of Wolf Toirer.

Fiu. 4.— ROMAN WALL, LOOKING SOUTH.

FOUNDATIONS BELOW FOOTINGS NOT EXPOSED.
It. NewKleatI, I'lmto.
1
 Liverpool A, A. A., Vol. II,
PLATE VI.

EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, 1908.

Fici. 5.— ROMAN WAIih lINTERlOR, LOOKING NORTH).

a Inner face of A^lilor work; b Rubble; c Clay-Umm hackinff.

Fui. 6.— ROMAN WALL (INTERIOR, LOOKING SOUTH).

(I Inner face of aMar u-ork ; b Rubble; c Clay-loam backinn ; e Made earth.

Siii-xteail and Haxirell, Photo.

Lioerpool J. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE Yll.

EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, lUOS

 Liverpool A.A.A., Vol, II.
PLATE VIII.,

ROMAN V
DISCOVERED in EXCAVATING
51 JOMN'5 5T

From Plant by Messrs. Bromley £ Watkins, Architects.

 PLATE IX.

OSSE
ONE EXCHANGE

ODTTMES IN
5TJOHNS ST:

^fVELPBOP X) OOqvnTONS
23'0 -|0 CUPBIN
ST JOHNS STREET

From Pliinii by Messrs. Bromky <( Watkins, Architects

1
 Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. II. PLATE X.
1

EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, 1908.

Fio. 7.—MOULDINGS FOUND IN FRONT OF THK KOMAN WAIil.

i.Heale U> one-thiril).

R. Neivxteatl, del.
J5
[33] 65

Glass. — Roman glass has always proved to be scarce in Chester,

and this site was no exception to the rule. Three fragments of a
pale-blue bottle of the usual square pattern were collected. These
consisted of a small piece of the rim or lip ; a fragment of the base ;

and a flat-reeded handle a little over 2 inches in breadth at the

point of its attachment with bod}' of the vessel.

Sto7ie objects. —A small section of the lower stone of a quern of

vesicular lava was taken from the trench immediately in front of
the wall. In section it is more or less wedge-shaped, tapering on
both sides gradually towards the centre. The outer-edge measures
2J inches ; the inner-fractured end one inch ; its original diameter
being, approximately, IG inches. A well-shaped spindle-whorl made
from a piece of fine, soft, grey grit, about 1$ inches in diameter, was
found just above the boulder-clay, or near the foundations of the
wall. One may assume, therefore, that it is of Roman workmanship.
Objects in bone. —
One roughly-formed bone-pin was found near
the foot of the wall. Itmeasures 6^ inches in length, and still

retains the sharp edges left by the instrument used in its

manufacture. Another bone, evidently also intended for a pin, was

left in an unfinished condition, and was found just above the stratum
of boulder-clay.
Classical moulding. — Three fragments, of which sections of two
are shoT^n on PI. X, were taken from the trench immediately in
front of the wall. The most perfect example shows the typical ogee
moulding, with two fillets above and one below. One piece is very
much weather-worn, the others are not so. They are identical with
the fragment found near the wall in Messrs. Dickson's warehouse.
Having considered the structural details of this interesting
discovery, it remains to be seen how far it agrees with those other
portions of the fortifications of Chester, to which I briefly referred
at the commencement of this paper.
North Wall —East of the Gate. — The portions of this wall
claimed to be of Roman origin differ from the newly-discovered
section in the following details the courses are of varying heights
:
;

the sub-plinth is formed of two courses of masonry and in the ;

place of a rubble-backing, set in mortar, the interior was found to

contain architectural fragments and inscribed monuments of the
Roman period, thrown in promiscuously. Broadly speaking.
 66 [34]

therefore, it agrees in one point only, and that is in the absence of

mortar in the masonry. The wall is,however, backed with earth

on the inside, but whether this is of a similar character to that
found recently I cannot say; as, so far as I can trace, no detailed
description of it has been given.
—
West Wall. Judging by a superficial examination of the
masonry at the Roodee, this is a much more massive piece of work,
and the beds of worked stones are laid at least two deep, and they
are set, apparently, without mortar. No plinth has been found,
though the wall has been excavated to a depth of 15 feet,* so that,
on the whole, this work bears the least resemblance to the newly-
found section of any.
—
East Wall, At the Kaleyards one finds the same kind of ashlar
work without any trace of mortar in the joints. The plinth of this
section is not now visible; but Mr. I. M. Jonest found it at some
depth (no figures given) below the ground, and says that it is of the
same character as that in the North "Wall and further, that he did
;

not find any trace of concrete backing.' He is silent, however, as

*

to the exact nature of the interior, and, moreover, he makes no

reference as to the character of the foundations below the plinth.
It is impossible, therefore, to say what the structural details of this
section are like, without further investigation ; but, judging by its
external appearance, there can be little doubt that it is of the same
kind of workmanship and of the same period as the section under
discussion. The fragment preserved in Messrs. Dickson's warehouse
is, structurally, identical in all its details.

Conclusions

Taking all the facts into consideration, the evidence is fairly

conclusive that the newly-found portion of the east wall differs in a

somewhat marked degree from the substructure both of the north
and west walls. While admitting this, I wish it to be clearly
understood, however, that I do not dispute the Eoman origin of

* Mr. I. M. Jones, in comparing this work with that in the North Wall, says that
he found the large stones, erroneously described as footings, had more than fifteen feet
of the same massive masonry underground ; the actual footings I have not accurately
'

determined, owing to four or five feet of water being above them, but I have shown
them as square on the annexed drawing.' (The drawing referred to was not published,
— R. N.).
t Journal of the Chester and North Wales Arcliaeological and Historic Society,
Vol. I (New Series), p. 190.
[35] 67

these fragments of the old wall I am, at the same time, not ;

unmindful of the fact that objections and counter-claims have been

advanced by eminent archaeologists as to the period of their erection.
As to the age of the present discovery, I have repeatedly referred
to it as of Roman origin, and I have based this supposition upon its

structural details, the presence of the ditch in advance of the wall,

and the finding throughout the whole length of its exterior many
fragments of Roman tiles, pottery, bone-pins, and glass, all of which
were not intermixed with similar remains of a later date.
One other point should be emphasised, and that is the distinct
curve at the southern portion of the wall. There can, I think, be no
doubt that we have, for the first time, discovered the south-east
corner of the Roman
and although we have not followed the
wall ;

complete length of the curve, sufficient has been uncovered to show

Roman camp extended in a line drawn due
that the south wall of the
from a point at or near the Pepper Gate to Blackfriars. That
w^est,

such aline was followed by the south wall of the Roman camp has,
I believe, never been disputed ; but the only evidence in support of
this was the discovery in Bridge Street, west of St. Michael's Church,
of an extensive concrete foundation, thought by many to indicate
the presence of the *
south gate '
; and the presence, some few paces
south of this, of a deep wide *
drain '
( ? Roman fosse) cut into the
solid rock. The s'upposed foundations of the south gate have been,
in part, recently laid bare ; the particulars of which are given in
the Appendix I to this Report.

APPENDIX I

WITH PLATES XI-XII

0/2 a Roman Concrete Foundation in Bridge Street.

On the 30th June, 1908, in the course of excavating for a drain

from Lloyd's shop (No. 63), immediately on the north side of St.
Michael's Church, some workmen unearthed and cut through two
sections of a Roman concrete foundation. The first section (marked
a on the plan) immediately under the face-line of the shop in
lies

question, and projected about 12 inches under the pavement; but

how far it extended beneath the floor of the shop it is impossible to
say, as the excavations were not continued further in an easterly
direction.
 68 [86]

The second and larger section of the foundation (marked h on

plan) measured, in its greatest basal-length, on the south side of the
cutting, 6 feet ; the greatest depth from the surface to the base-line,
approximately, 2 feet, tapering off towards the western extremity
to about 12 inches, some places slightly less.
in Its eastern
extremity lies exactly 10 feet from the face-line of the building;
and both sections lie about 2 feet from the surface of the present
street-level. A section of about 2 feet 6 inches was removed from
the larger block; the north and south portions being left intact.
That portion of the concrete which projected into the street under
the footway was entirely removed, but, as far as one could gather,
a large section was left immediately under the doorway of the shop.
The concrete was formed of relatively small boulder-stones from
the glacial drift, and they were irregularly but carefully imbedded
in mortar, which for hardness almost equalled that of the boulders.
The sand employed in the manufacture of the mortar was reddish
in colour, and had probably been taken from the soft upper-stratum
of the Bunter beds. A much larger proportion of it had been used
on the outside (west) of the foundation, and it was here that the
concrete was of a decidedly softer nature. Plant remains and small
splinters of wood occurred sparingly in the mortar; and, among the
former, one recognised some short split stems of the common bracken
and wheat straw. One noted also that there was a
{Pteris aquilina),
marked presence of fine dark organic matter surrounding the
pebbles at both the eastern and western extremities of the
foundation, where the larger proportion of sand had been employed.
This matter may have percolated through the superincumbent earth,
but it is much more likely to have been present upon them when
they were imbedded in the mortar.
It was quite evident that less care had been given in the
preparation and laying down of the foundation on the western
extremity of the larger section than that of the more central
portion, as it was placed
less regularly, and, in consequence, was

much more removed than the thicker portion. The lime

easily
employed in the more solid parts was also of a slightly different
character to the rest, having, throughout the whole of its composi-
tion, large and more or less angular patches of pure lime without
the admixture of sand. On referring to the plan it will be seen that
the space between the two sections of concrete is intersected by the
Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XI. f^-

EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, 1908.

CL
:7
-H^ms C12ddU
Livrrimol A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XII.

EXCAVATIONS AT (HRSTER, 1908.

<
u

g
z
o ift..

<
[37] 69

gas and water mains, and, sub-centrally, by an older brick-culvert.

I am informed that the concrete was removed when the pipes were
laid, so that it is quite evident that the foundation was, prior to the
laying down of the mains,' quite intact and continuous along the
linedrawn due east and west in the section (a, b) shown in the
drawing accompanying this Paper.
There can be no doubt that these remains are a continuation,
northwards, of the extensive foundations discovered in or about
the 1886, and referred to by the late Mr, Shrubsole,*
year
in his Paper on the Walls and Streets of Deva,' as covering an
* '

area of 14 feet under the steps of St. Michael's Church but the ' ;

only details he gives are that the concrete was composed of small
'

boulder-stones bedded in the usual mortar '

; and further, that '
it

was so unyielding that it was not possible to procure a specimen of

it for the Museum.' It is not a little disappointing that he has given
us such a meagre description of this find ; though it is clear that he
attached considerable importance to its discovery, inasmuch as he
claimed the foundations to have been those of the southern gate of
the Roman wall. In a later Paper he again refers to this concrete
foundation, and it is important to note that, in this instance, he
describes its position as being *
by the tower and steps ' of the
Church t so that one may safely infer that it extended into the
;

street, and that it was not altogether under the tower steps leading
' '

into the Church. On looking at the plan (PI. XI) it will be seen
that there are two sets of steps under the tower of the Church : one
facing Bridge Street, the other facing Pepper Street; so that, in
the light of Mr. Shrubsole's description, it is impossible to decide
whether he intended the one or the other. Fortunately, however, I
have been able to gather, from reliable sources, that the foundation
in question extended along the Bridge Street frontage of the tower
of St. and that its position may be roughly
Michael's Church,
indicated as lying somewhere within the dotted linesj shown in the
plan (PI. XI) at c.

-'Deva: Its Walls and Streets.' Journal of the Chester and North Wales
Archaeological and Historic Society, Vol. I (New Series), p. 213, 1887.

t Ibid., Vol. Ill (New Series), p. 78, 1890.

t In excavating this site for the water main to the new lavatory, an additional
5 feet 9 inches of this concrete was exposed in April of the present year (1909). Thi3
portion of the foundation extended due south along the upper dotted line in continua-
tion of the section shown at B in the Plan Plate XI.
 70 [88]

APPENDIX II

WITH PLATE XIII

On a Palaeolithic Implement found at Chester

A flint or clierty-fliiit implement (fig. 8), of distinctly palaeo-

lithic form, was found lyingamong some fallen debris, which had
slippedfrom the sides of the excavations on the site of the National
Telephone Company's new ofl&ces. The earth in which it was found
was blackish, and from above the stratum of boulder-clay. It was
lying 18 feet in advance of the Roman fosse (east), or, roughly,
about midway between the outer-lip of this structure and the footway
in St. John Street. The exact depth from the surface could not be
accurately ascertained as the fall of debris was considerable. That
ithad been lying amongst building material was quite evident, as
a few small patches of lime were firmly attached to it but it was ;

otherwise covered with soft black soil, when handed to me fresh

from the excavations.
It has been formed, apparently, from an outer flake or chip- '
'

ping, taken from a large water-worn boulder, as it still retains two

patches, one at the broad end and the other towards the tip, of the
original grey-brown surface it is on this side that the implement
;

has been chipped into shape. The opposite side bears a large con-
coidal fracture, with little or no trace of subsequent chipping, and
presents a smooth, though uneven and un worked, appearance. The
colour of the worked face, which originally formed the outside of the
stone, is smoky-brown with greyish and yellow vermiculations, and,
to the left, conspicuous spots and blotches of yellow on the opposite ;

or cleanly-fractured side the yellow preponderates, and the vermi-

culated and mottled appearance is due to this colour. The surface
on the worked side is distinctly worn in appearance, and the
'
'

edges are blunt and finely chipped, possibly from frequent and
constant use. It measures in its greatest length 4^^ inches ; and
in width 4^^ inches ; and the greatest thickness a little less than
1 inch. It weigh 6f ounces.

Mr. Reginald A. Smith, of the Department of British and

Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnography, The British Museum, has
recently examined the implement and very kindly supplied the
 Liverpool A. A. A.. Vol. II.
PLATE XIIL

-I'

EXCAVATIONS AT CHESTER, 1908.

Fu.. 8.— PALAEOLITHIC STONE AXE-EXCAVATIONS ST. JOHN STREET, CHESTER

llTli AUGUST. 1908 Uiitiinl size).

U. Niimlcnil, I'hoto
n
[39] 71

following information:
— 'You were certainly right in describing
it of palaeolithic form. But one can go further and call it frankly
a palaeolithic worked flake. Its presence in the soil at Chester is
explained by your remark that it was embedded in building material
and not in situ. Unless it is altogether exceptional and found in
the area not generally regarded as habitable during the palaeolithic
period (roughly north of a line from the Severn to the Wash), it
must have been brought into Chester from some river gravel south
of that line. We have here on deposit a somewhat better implement
said to have been found in Lincoln, but can get no confirmation of
its occurrence in situ there. The specimen has a typical palaeolithic
patination and seems to have been used at more than one period,
with a pronounced bulb of percussion. I would suggest that the

circumstances of its discovery should be fully stated on a label, and

some prominence given it in your museum as an exceptional piece.'
In lit. 17th April, 1909.
 72

PREHISTORIC FINDS AT MATERA AND IN

SOUTH ITALY GENERALLY
By T. E. PEET, B.A.
with plates xviii-xxi

Few attempts have as yet been made to give any connected idea
of tEe stone and bronze ages in Soutli Italy. The bronze age,
indeed, has received some attention at the hands of Pigorini and
Patroni,* and has even been synthetically treated by Colini in his
excellent article in the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiuna, Vols.
XXIX-XXX. But the stone age has attracted far less attention,
and 1 know of no attempt to deal with the period of transition from
the one age to the other.
The reasons for this neglect are mainly two. In the first place
excavation in South Italy is still in its infancy. The second reason
is a curious one and lies in the fact that so few archaeologists have
as yet studied the mass of material which has some of it for thirty —
years —lain unpublished in the museum of Matera in the province of
Potenza.t

The Town and District of Matera

The town is seldom visited by travellers in South Italy, partly
because it Romanesque cathedral,
has, with the exception of a fine
little of artistic interest, and
more because it lies off the railway
still

and can only be reached by diligence (see map). To the student

of folklore this latter fact makes the town of greater interest, for in
such a place he hopes to find survivals of manners and customs
which in more accessible parts have already disappeared. The
archaeologist, however, will visit Matera for the sake of its pre-
historic remains, and he will not be disappointed, for in this respect
he will find the district to be perhaps the most remarkable in Italy.
It is essential to note the geological structure of the district. +
Limestone and the tiifo which overlies it outcrop everywhere, and

In Bull. Pal. It, Vol. XXVII.

t See short notices by Bidola in his Le origini di Matera, by Quagliati in Bull. Pal.
XXII, pp. 282 sqq.; by M. Mayer in his Le slazioni preistoriche di Molfetta by Patroni ;

in Notizie degli Scavi, 1897, pp. 208 sqq.; and by Pigorini in Bull. Pal. XVI, pp. 137-144.

J See Ridola, op. cit., p. 4.

 73

at no point are there more than a few inches of soil over the rock.
The country is hilly, forming as it does the lowest slopes of the
Apennines, but it must be premised that Matera is in no sense a
mountain fastness. The modem town is built on the edge of a deep
ravine, which in winter contains a torrent. Many of the houses are
partly excavated in the rock, and have no more than a facade of
stone. The steep rocky sides of the ravine are dotted with
innumerable caves, many of which are still inhabited by shepherds.
The largest and best known of these is the Grotta dei Pipistrelli,
or Cave of the Bats, which lies some two miles up the Gravina from
Matera.

SKETCH MAP OP SOUTH ITALY, SHOWING THE DISTRICT ROUND MATERA.

Before proceeding to describe the archaeological wonders of the

ravine —locally called the Gravina —
and its surrounding hills, we
must say one word of the archaeologist to whom all our knowledge
of the district is due. It is, I believe, over thirty years since
Dr. Domenico Ridola, now representative of Matera in the National
Parliament, began his researches in the Cave of the Bats. Since
 74

iKat time the short periods of leisure whicli his vocation has given
him have been devoted to the study of the prehistoric remains of his
home, and with wonderful success. Strange to say, the importance
of his discoveries has been fully realised by but few archaeologists.
I can only account for this by the fact that very few have made a
visit to Matera. To realise the prehistoric greatness of the place it

isnecessary to go there, to inspect the sites themselves and to

examine the wonderful museum that Dr. Ridola has established
and arranged in the town.

Grotta dei Piptstrelli : Cave -dwellings and Burials

Of Matera in the palaeolithic period we know nothing.

Implements of ChelUen form are common at Yenosa, a little further
north, and I have myself seen a specimen picked up in the road
just outside Matera. But at present we cannot even assert that the
district was inhabited in palaeolithic times.
In the neolithic age, however, it is certain that the Gravina and
its surrounding hills were the home of a race of men who possessed
a fairly advanced civilisation and who enjoyed wide-reaching trade
relations. The Cave of the Bats, already mentioned, is ample
evidence of this.* Under an overhanging slab of rock appears the
mouth of a low dark passage through which it is impossible to
walk upright. After some yards this passage, which runs parallel to
the ravine, leads into a small cave which must originally have been
completely shut in, but which is now open on the side of the ravine
and, indeed, can be gained from thence without traversing the
passage. Another even narrower passage leads from this cave into
the Grotta dei Pipistrelli, which, like the smaller cave or ante-
chamber, is now open on the side of the ravine. The cave consists
of a long, wide and high chamber running perpendicularly into
the rock face. At the back there was at one time a vertical shaft
communicating with the open air above. This shaft is now choked
up with earth and rock, but is still discernible in the field above.
It was at one period in active use, for the proprietor of the field

relates that once, when he had removed the soil down to the rock,
he found a shallow foot-worn depression leading to the shaft. The
cave was formed by water, and from its depths branch off numerous
natural tunnels which penetrate far into the heart of the rock.
• Ridola, op. cit, p. 6 ; Bull. Pal. XXII, pp. 282 sqq.
 75

The Grotta dei Pipistrelli lias been used by many people and at

many periods. The whole floor is covered with a deposit several

metres thick. TTie part of this deposit which is of most interest is

that which belongs to the neolithic period. This neolithic stratum

is not thick, but is rich in remains. It contains animal bones,
charcoal, and bone implements and potsherds.
flint The flint
implements are of the usual Italian neolithic types. Most are made
from a rectangular long flake struck from a prepared core. Such a
flake if unworked served as a knife; if pointed at one end by fine
retouching on the edges became a borer; while, rounded off at
it

the ends by fine flaking on one face only, it was used as a scraper

(grattoir). Besides these more usual types there were implements

which recall the Mousterien forms, triangular points with very little
working, and disc-shaped scrapers. Arrowheads were rare and
primitive in form, while only one was finely worked with wings and
tang. The implements of bone included small triangular arrow-
points or borers, a polisher, and a rhomboidal arrowhead (?).
The pottery was of three types. Firstly, a grey pottery incised
while still damp; secondly, an incised ware so far almost peculiar
to Matera, the designs being produced by incision after the firing;

thirdly, a type of fine painted ware with simple bands of colour on

a yellow ground, known as '
a fasce larghe' As we shall return to
consider these types of pottery later, I spare further description
here.
While work was in progress in the Grotta dei Pipistrelli a small
cleft was found in the side of the ravine a few metres below the

entrance to the Grotta.* Unfortunately this discovery was made

during the illness of Dr. Ridola, and the place was virtually sacked
by the workmen without any of the necessary notes being taken. It
is, however, beyond all doubt that the cleft served as a burial place
for the neolithic inhabitants of the great cave above. The entrance
is just large enough to admit a man, and the cleft, which is only
some five or six metres long, slopes slowly downwards until, at about
a metre from the end, the floor takes a sudden drop and the cleft
ends in a kind of small pit. The workmen relate that the pit was
shut off by a wall of rough stones built across the cleft. Both in

• Bull. Pal. XXII, p. 286 ; Brizio, Epoca preittoriea, p. 24.

 76

the pit and in the cleft leading to it were found numerous human
bones, apparently in confusion; very few objects were found with
them, but these included several discoid or rectangular pendants of
blende.
No other cave in the Gravina has been systematically excavated,
but it is highly probable that others besides the Grotta dei Pipistrelli
were inhabited in neolithic times, and that a regular cave-village
flourished there. The security of the place is enhanced by the
existence in the Gravina of a remarkable natural reservoir of good
water, the so-called Jurio, so large that even in the water famine
of 1908 the Materans had enough and to spare.

Murgia Timone and other Intrenched Sites

The stretch of country through which the Gravina runs consists

of a series of low hills, most of which seem to present features of
archaeological interest. Just as the rocky sides of the Gravina
afforded a natural protection to cave-dwellers, so the slopes and
summits of the hills offered themselves for the construction of
fortified hut-villages. Three of the most important of these hills

are the Murgia Timone, the Murgecchia and Serra d'Alto. (See
Plate XVIII.)
On the two former no huts have as yet been found, but there is
ample proof of their having existed. Near the summit of the
Murgecchia has been found, and in part explored by Dr. Ridola, a
kind of trench cut in the rock, roughly circular in form. It is
not much more than a metre in depth, and so narrow that a man
could comfortably leap across it. A short portion of the trench was
dug out by Dr. Ridola and found to be filled with earth and rubbish
of various kinds, including masses of sun-baked clay marked with
the imprint of reeds, flint implements, charcoal and potsherds.
These potsherds are of two of the types found in the Grotta dei
Pipistrelli, viz., grey ware incised while still damp, and painted
ware a fasce larghe. The masses of clay are without doubt the
remains of wicker and clay huts. It follows that near the trench,
presumably within it, lay a neolithic hut-village, whose remains
were thrown into the trench probably when the site became re-

inhabited at a later date.

But what was the purpose of the trench ? Its narrowness seems
 77

to argue against the hypothesis of a defence-work. At the same

time it might have been supported on the inner side by a wall
built with the stone extracted in cutting it, all trace of which has
now disappeared. It is certainly difficult to see what other object
save that of defence could have justified the cutting of so long a
trench in solid rock. Moreover, outside this trench, at a constant
distance of some ten metres from it, runs another circular trench
of about the same size. This is now completely filled up, but it can
be distinctly traced by the luxuriant belt of thistles which grows
on it owing to the greater depth of earth. At the point, too, where
Dr. Ridola excavated the inner trench there was a break in its
continuity, and the two ends overlapped for a short distance. This
suggests that here was the entrance to the village, for the over-
lapping wall would effectively prevent a direct attack on the gate,
which, of course, would lie well within the overlap.
But unfortunately all this is mere guesswork. In order to
determine the nature and purpose of the trenches not only must
both be partly or wholly cleaned out, but the ground within them
must also be examined.
On the Murgia Timone lies a very similar trench, of which an
arc of about 100 metres has been exposed. It contained little save
potsherds, some of which are certainly neolithic. We shall have
to return to this point later.

Serra d'Alto : Hut- foundations

On Serra d'Alto actual hut-foundations have been found and

explored by Dr. Ridola. They lie on the lowest slopes of the hill,

near the road from Matera to Altamura. They are of a type usual
in Italy, that is they consist of circular holes dug in the
to say,
earth. Over each hole a hut of wicker-work, or rushes, and clay was
erected, and thus the hut was partly subterranean, its floor being
below the level of the ground. The huts excavated varied in size,
and many were remarkable for their depth. The material found in
them is compared by Dr. Ridola with that yielded by the Grofcta dei
Pipistrelli, but the pottery also included several fragments of
excellent painted ware. Quite a large quantity of this same ware
was unearthed by peasants in what they described as a pit (pozzo)
which they found while digging on the top of Serra d'Alto. Many
 78

of the fragments wliich they brought into Matera fit together to form
almost complete vases. It is urgent that the spot
where the find
was made be properly excavated, both in order to ascertain the
nature of the pit and to recover further fragments of these exquisite
vases.
So far we have been dealing with the neolithic period. To get
some idea of the remains of the bronze age at Matera we must visit
the Murgia Timone. It is not a long walk to the summit along a
path strewn with Greek and Roman
potsherds and bordered by caves
inhabited in various periods. The summit is broad and forms a
small plateau covered with low bush and stones, and, as elsewhere
round Matera, the rock lies a few inches from the surface. It was
on this plateau that some years ago Dr. Ridola detected a rock-cut
trench similar to those on the Murgecchia. In attempting to clear
out a portion of it he came upon two rough stone walls running
across the bottom of the trench, from which he argued the presence
of a tomb of some kind.. Patroni, who was inspector of excavations
in that district, then carried out extensive excavations on the spot,
resulting in the discovery of rock-cut tombs of the bronze age. The
results were published in Monumenti Antichi,* and need only
be given very shortly here.
Three tombs were found. Each consisted of a vertical shaft or
pit cut down into the rock and opening off at the bottom into a
rectangular chamber lying not beneath but at the side of the shaft,
and completely subterranean. In Tomb I the shaft was rectangular
in plan (Plate XIX, If), enlarging slightly as it descended. On the
surface of the ground above the tomb lay a circle of large unworked
stones. The diameter of the circle was about 6^ metres, and the
shaft did not lie exactly at its centre. In the shaft were found
•twenty-two skeletons, and in the chamber itself at least fifty-four.
In Tomb II the shaft was circular in plan, and there was a double
circle of stones around it. The original chamber was rectangular
in shape with a niche or recess in one side. But a second chamber
of trapezoidal form was afterwards opened out from the bottom of
the shaft at the side of the first. The contents of both chambers
were found to be greatly disturbed, and the number of skeletons

* Vol. VIII, pp. 440-510.

t After Patroni, Mm. Ant., VIII.

 79

could not be ascertained. The builders of Tomb III apparently

lighted upon the rock-cut trench already described, for they cut the
tomb-chamber in its inner side, and then devised a false shaft by
running two rough walls across the bottom of the trench, one on
each side of the entrance to the tomb. The chamber is rectangular,
and is in part surrounded by a low bench or couch of stone left in
the living rock. This feature also occurred in the other tombs.
The funeral furniture found in these graves includes small rings
and bosses of bronze, beads of glass paste, and pottery of the kind
described as Type / below. In the main the burials probably belong
to the bronze age. The '
broken-backed ' fibulae in Tomb III
(Plate XIX, 2) cannot, however, be earlier than the iron age, and it

is probable that this grave was reused in later times* by the people
who, as we shall shortly see, were accustomed to bury their dead
under a simple mound of stones.

There is, moreover, evidence that this type of grave was in use
at Matera even at an earlier period than the bronze age. Dr. Ridola,
indeed, thinks that some of the burials even in the Murgia Timone
tombs were secondary, i.e., that the people of the late bronze age
found the tombs ready made and cast out the earlier burials. On
this point we can hardly judge until he has published a fourth tomb,
excavated by himself, and set forth the reasons which support his
hypothesis.
But in the museum at Matera is the vase (Plate XIX, 3) which
was published by Mayer in 1904.t It came from a simple rock tomb
at Delia Selva. The shaft of the tomb was cut vertically in a hill
slope, and the chamber was a mere cavity in the side of the shaft.
This type of tomb in itself looks early. The vase in question is of
a form known in the neolithic period in Crete, and its decoration is

of the type usual in the neolithic Avare of Matera. But, fortunately,

we can date by means of other vase fragments found in the tomb.
These bear a decoration of incised bands, and are certainly of the
type known at San Cono, Moarda and Yillafrati, in Sicily, and also
in Sardinia, and belonging to the late neolithic or very early metal
age. This pottery is often referred to as pottery of the dolmen type,

• See Jatta in BuU. Pal. XXX, p. 76.

t Mayer, op. cit., figs. 90 and 91.

 .

80

and one of its chief forms is tlie well-known bell-shaped cup

(
Glochenhecher)
Moreover, there are also in the museum two vases, like Plate
XIX, 4,* from rock-cut tombs at San Lorenzo near Matera. This
form is known in the dolmen pottery of Italy, a fine example
' '

occurring at Moarda.t One of the Materan vases, too, bears a

zigzag ornament carried out in the hatched-band technique usual
on this ware.
It seems, then, almost certain that the rock-cut tomb, at least in
a simple form, was in use at Matera as early as the end of the
neolithic period.
To return to the Murgia Timone. We have already mentioned
the existence there of a circular trench. Patroni explains this as a
road afterwards filled with refuse.! Several points, however, are
clear with regard to it. In the first place it is older than the graves,
for the stone circles round two of the graves lie directly o"ver it.

Moreover, the makers of Grave III evidently found the trench in

existence, and used it to save the labour of digging a shaft for the
grave. They reproduced the form
of a shaft by running two walls
close together across the trench and cut the chamber in the side of
the trench. But there is still more definite evidence, for whoever
will take the trouble to disturb the earth remaining in the trench
will find potsherds of the usual neolithic type.§ In fact, the trench
was of the same type, and no doubt served the same purpose as those
on the Murgecchia.

Murgia Timone: Mounds containing Cist-graves

Having completed his work on the graves, Patroni examined

one of the low mounds of stones with which the Murgia Timone is

covered.ll In the centre of this he found a rough stone trough or

cist [cassetta) consisting of four blocks set on edge (Plate XIX, 5).

He pronounced the mound to be the foundation of a hut, and

• Mayer, op. cit., fig. 103.

t Not. Scav., 1884, pp. 260 sqq.

t Patroni, op. cit, pp. 429-440.

§ The material found in the trench by Patroni was all neolithic.

II
Op. eit., 419-429.
Literpool A.A.A., Vol. II.
PLATE XVIII. .

SKETCH MAP OP THE DISTRICT ROUND MATERA FROM THE ITALIAN ORDNANCE MAP.
:

{The »liadeil portions represent the principal masses of high ground: ro^ds are shoicn bi/ dotted lines: the toicn of Matera
in blnck.)
 :

Liverpool J.A.J., Vol. II.

PLATE XIX.
V

Fio. 3. MATERA VASE OF

:

AEGEAN TYPE.

Fig. 1. MURGIA TIMONE ROCK-CUT TOMB.

:

Seetiou (a) and Plan (6).

Fio. 2. MURGIA TIMONE FIBULA FROM TOMB II.

: Fio. 4. SAN LORENZO: VASE OF 'DOLMEN-
{about i scale.) TYPE.'

Fi<i. 5. MURGIA TIMONE: STONE MOUND WITH CIST-GRAVE iCametta).

Fig. 0. MONTE TIMMARI Fi<i. 9. TYPE b POLISHED WARE INCISED AFTER FIRING.
:

CREMATION-OSSUARY. SHOWING INFLUENCE OP DOLMEN-WARE.'

'
Liiverpool A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XX.

Fig. 10. TYPE b BLACK UNDECORATED

:

VARIETY TARANTO.
:

Fig. 11. TYPE 6: TARANTO.

Pig. 12. TYPE c : PAINTED WARE. Pio. 18. TYPE /; BRONZE AGE
' a fatce larghe.'
WARE : INCISED.

Fig. 20. TYPE/: BRONZE AGE WARE TYPICAL Fig. 19. TYPE /: BRONZE AGE WARE
DESIGNS (about ^ scale). INCISED.
 Uve:])ool A.A.A., Vol. II.
PLATE XXL

Fi<i. 7. TYPE a: GREY WARE, INCISED

BEFORE FIRING.

Fiu. 14. TYPE (/: FINE P.VINTED WARE.

Fio. 8. TYPE /.: POLISHED WARE, INCISED

jAt
Fig. 1;-). TYPE PAINTED POTTERY
./ : :

AFTER FIRING. BALKAN TYPES.

Fi<;. 18. TYPE d : FINE PAINTED WARE. Fig. 17. TYPE ./ : FINE PAINTED WARE.
 81

conjectured that tlie trough served for the preparation and cooking
of food. He therefore concluded that the numerous stone mounds on
the Murgia were the remains of a prehistoric village, which he called
the '
Siculan village at Matera,' a title which has caused confusion
ever since. In reality the mounds are not hut-foundations at all,

but graves belonging to the iron age, and the '

troughs '
are simply
cist-graves. This has been proved several times by the peasants
of Matera, who have opened the mounds in the hunt for treasure
and found the skeletons in position. The Murgecchia is covered
with similar graves. Indeed, this burial under a mound of stones
seems have been widely used in Apulia during the iron age, for
to
Jatta found and excavated a large number of such graves near
Bari* and in other parts of Apulia.

Monte Timmari: Cremation Necropolis

All the discoveries hitherto described were made previous to

1900, and it might have been expected that Matera, though it might
give more finds of the same nature, could not possibly reserve any
complete surprises. However, in that year there came to light a
cremation necropolis on the summit of Monte Timmari. t The
method of burial in this cemetery was as follows. The burnt bones
were placed, usually without any funeral furniture, in earthenware
ossuaries, generally of biconical form, covered with an inverted
bowl (Plate XIX, 6). The ossuaries were then buried in the earth
not far below the surface, packed closely in rows. They belong to
a type of pottery which is known in the terremare of North Italy
and of Taranto in South Italy. The significance of this we shall
see shortly.

The Pottery

In attempting to estimate the relation of the early settlements

at Matera to those of other places in Italy and outside, we have one
excellent guide — ^the magnificent pottery series. The pottery found
in the various stations may be classed under seven heads :
—
* BttU. Pal. XXX, pp. 32 sqq.
t Monumenti Antichi, XVI, pp. 1-166.
 82

(a) Grey ware incised before firing.

(b) Fine polislied ware, usually incised after firing.
(c) Painted ware '
a fasce larghe.'
(d) Fine painted ware.
(e) Dolmen ware (Moarda-Yillafrati ware).

(/) Bronze age incised ware (Pertosa ware).

(g) Timmari ware.
A few variations of these types will be noticed in passing.

Type (a). The clay is grey throughout ; there seems to be no

slip' and very little attempt at a polish. The incisions, made while
the clay was still wet, do not form any definite pattern but usually
cover the whole vase. They were made with blunt points of
various sizes, and include dashes, wavy lines, triangular marks,
crescents, &c.
Fortunately we have an exact parallel to this ware in South
Italy. A short distance from Molfetta, on the Adriatic coast, lies
a remarkable depression in the ground with steep rocky sides
containing several caves. This depression is known as the Pulo.
The excavations of Mayer in 1900 revealed two prehistoric settle-
ments there. The earlier consisted of a hut- village built above the
Pulo on its brink. The later lay in the Pulo itself and in its caves.
The pottery of the hut-village was almost entirely ware of Type («)*
(Plate XXI, 7.) It seems, therefore, probable that at Matera and at
the Pulo we have in the neolithic period precisely the same culture
and the same people.

Type (b). The clay varies in colour from grey to red, and the
firing is variable. Over the surface is laid, unevenly, a thick slip
varying in colour from red-brown to black-brown. All the vases
have a fine polish. Occasionally there is no ornament. More usually
the decoration consists of incisions made probably after the firing,
generally with a fairly sharp point, perhaps a flint. I am inclined
to divide the ornament up into two types, in one of which zigzags,
dog-tooth and chessboard patterns are arranged horizontally round
the vase (Plate XXI, 8), while in the other the hatched band forms
the unit of design (Plate XIX, 9). The second type might well be

* Mayor, op. eit., pp. 44-61.

 83

due to the influence of '

dolmen '
ware, which seems to have entered
Italy at the end of the neolithic period: see under Type (e).
This incised and polished pottery is found at Matera in conjunc-
tion with Type (a), and we have as yet no evidence for thinking
either to be earlier than the other. It is curious that though
Type (a) is so common at the Pulo of Molfetta, Type (b) is quite
unknown there. If the two are really contemporary at Matera, as
seems pix)bable, we have here a remarkable example of local
variation.
Taking Types (a) and (6) as a whole, can we find any parallels
further afield? I have already tried to give reasons for believing
that Type (a) is closely allied to the earliest neolithic pottery of
Sicily,* as seen at Stentinello and Matrensa, and that this ware,
unknown in North Italy, was of southern origin, being closely
related to that of Crete, occurring in various parts of South Italy
and reaching Sardina and Liguria. Type (b) seems to confirm the
idea of a Cretan or at least Aegaean connection. In technique it
closely resembles the neolithic ware of Knossos, and there is some
similarity in the designs.
Among the undecorated vases of Type (b) must be classed, though
their colour is black instead of the usual brown, two very important
vases. One is a kind of shallow saucepan with horizontal tubular
handle. It is said to have been found in a hut-foundation together
with a skeleton. This type of vase occurs in the neolithic burials
examined by Quagliati near the terramara at Tarantot (Plate XX,
10). The second vase comes from the Grotta dei Pipistrelli. This
form occurs, like the last, in the Taranto burials (Plate XX, 11),
and in the Syracuse museum there is a specimen marked as coming
from Paterno. Thus the forms of the Materan vases, as well as their
ornament, help us to bind South Italy and Sicily into a single
culture-circle in the neolithic period and to cut this district sharply
off from North Italy.

Type {c). This ware is made of very pure clay of a pinky ochre
colour. The walls are often remarkably thin, and the forms good.

* Anmujd of the Britiah School at Athens, XIII, pp. 405 sqq. ; see also Mayer, op. cit.,
p. 126, and BvU. Pal. XXII, pp. 282-3.
t BvU. Pal. XXXII, pp. 17 sqq. : whence figs. 10, 11 are reproduced.
 84

ttougli I doubt whether tlie wheel was used. The ornament consists
of broad bands of brown or reddish paint, usually running
horziontally round the vase, rarely taking other forms as in Plate
XX, 12. There is a slight polish.
This pottery is at present a mystery. It is unknown elsewhere
except at the Pulo, where it was in use probably in the upper station.
Can it be of local make? That the Materans made some attempt
at pottery painting is proved by a few vases from the Grotta dei
Pipistrelli. One of these is of Type (&). The outside has the usual
slip all over, but inside the bowl isrough except for two cross bands
painted on with the slip-material. This is the beginning of painting.
Another vase shows a further advance. It is a bowl, covered outside
with a brown slip, as in Type (h). Inside is a good ochre slip with
a zigzag pattern in brown. In both these cases the outside of the
vase is in the usual local technique, and the painters were therefore
local potters.
Thus we must not judge the Materans incapable of painting
pottery. Nevertheless, I doubt very much whether they themselves
made these vases '
a fasce larghe '
(Type (c)), partly because the clay
is so utterly different from that used by them in general, and partly
because we have so few signs of a real advance in the art of pottery
painting at Matera. In any case, the question cannot be definitely
decided in the light of present evidence.
It has been suggested that this pottery is Mycenaean.* At first
sight it presents certain similarities to the poorest and latest
Mycenaean ware. The clays used are almost identical, and there is
some resemblance in the way in which the paint is applied. But
there are wide differences. In the first place the Materan vases
seem to be hand-made, t in the second place there is never any
Mycenaean scheme of design, and in the third place the forms are
not Mycenaean (cf., for example, Plate XX, 12). Moreover, if this
ware was really found in the neolithic stratum at Matera and there —
seems no reason to doubt it —there are insuperable chronological

* Mayer, who is very obscure in his treatment of all this painted pottery, distinctly
states that the Molfettan and Materan fragments of this ware are all Mycenaean,
pp. 145 and 184. He also classes as Mycenaean certain Molfettan fragments of quite a
different kind, p. 141, none of which appear to me to be Mycenaean at all.

t Mayer, p. 164, states that at Molfetta this pottery is always wheel -made. I have
examined dozens of specimens at Matera and can find no certain proof of the use of the
wheel.
 85

objections to the proposed identification, for in a stratum overlying

the late bronze age terramara at Taranto occurs Mycenaean pottery
of an earlier and less debased type than that which our Materan
ware resembles. At Molfetta this pottery was common in the earlier
settlement, which cannot possibly have survived even the early
bronze age.

Type (d) If Type (c) is not a local fabric, much less is Type (d).
The clay is perfectly pure and covered with a slip of a grey or buff
colour. The shapes are good, though probably hand-made. The
ornament is carried out in brown (Plate XXI, 13, 17). The designs,
often very freely conceived, are mainly formed by combinations of
straight lines, though in some cases the right and the curved line
are admirably blended (Plate XXI, 14).* The scheme is usually
fitted so as to run horizontally round the upper part of the vase.
Figure 16 gives some of the most important designs. The spiral
and the maeander are both used in various forms. But the most
remarkable fact is the curious use of the triangle. It seems to be
fitted in at every possible turn, often without any visible relation
to the design; see especially b, in the centre of the figure.

Fio. 16. 8ERRA D' ALTO FINE PAINTED WARE. TYPICAL DESIGNS.
:

All the Matera fragments belong without doubt to a single fabric,

and, moreover, they all come either from the top of Serra d'Alto or
from the huts on its lower slopes. If this fabric was not local, from
whence did it come? Now there are a few specimens of the same
pottery from the Pulo at Molfetta, where it was found mixed with
painted ware of different types (Plat-e XXI, 15). These latter very
closely resemble some of the known Balkan wares, notably those of

* See Mayer, op. cil., figs. 114, aud 117-119.

 86

THessaly* (Sesklo and Dhimini) and Boeotia (Chaeronea) t in fact, ;

I suggested two years ago tliat pottery was actually imported into
Apulia from across the Adriatic.
Now it is true that the Materan ware is of a type which has no
exact parallel in the Balkans. But there is a probability that it

came from somewhere in the same region as the other pottery with
w^hich it was found at the Pulo. This is to some extent borne out
by its ornament, which bears not the remotest resemblance to that

of any known Sicilian, Aegaean or Cretan ware, but does resemble

to some extent that of several of the fabrics of the ISTorth and South
Balkans. The clever combination of straight and curved is a feature
of several Balkan wares, notably those of Sesklo and DhiminiJ and
of the Bulgarian tells.% On the other hand, the spiral pattern
(Plate XXI, 13), v/ith its mixture of thin and thick line and its

triangles filling the corners, is closely reminiscent of the wares of

Podolia and Bessarabia in Russia. ||

In conclusion, we cannot fix the provenance of this ware. We

can only assert that it was almost certainly imported into Italy, and
that it may have come from somewhere across the Adriatic. It

seems show that even in the neolithic period the south-eastern

to
corner of Italy had already established trade relations with countries
across the sea, and it is quite possible that near Molfetta lay the
port or one of the ports through which the imports entered Italy.

Tyfe (e). Here we return to a kind of pottery which, though it

raises problems, is not altogether a mystery. As stated above, these

vases belong to the ware generally known in Italy as dolmen
pottery, from its occurrence in the dolmens and other megalithic
monuments of Europe. This ware seems to have overspread almost
the whole of Italy at the end of the neolithic period. The Sicilian
examples —from San Cono,1I Moarda and Yillafrati —are probably

* Tsountas, A.X irpoLaropLKoX d/cpo7r6Xei<i Aifirfplov koX %€<7k\ov.

t Athenische Mittheilungen, 1905, pp. 120 sqq. ; 1906, pp. 896 sqq. ;
'K^rjfiepl^
*
Ap')(^aio\oyiKr}, 1908, pp. 63 sqq.
: Cf. Tsountas, op. cit.. Plates XX-XXX.
^ Bulletin de Correapondanees HeUiniquet, 1906, p. 402, fig. 37.

II
Von Stern, Pramykenische Kultur in Siidrusaland.
* BuU. Pal. XXV, PI. VI, figs. 1-6. .
 87

while those from Sardinia (San Bartolomeo cavern and

neolithic,
Anghelu Ruju*) and the Italian mainland (Ca' di Marco, Santa
Cristinat and Grotta all' Ouda)+ belong generally to the eneolithic

or copper age. The Materan examples are probably to be ascribed

to this latter period.

What was the nature of the influence which caused the

appearance of this ware in Italy? Was it the peculiar inheritance
of the builders of the megalithic monuments, supposing these to
have been a single people ? Did such a people invade Italy and its
islands, building the megalithic monuments of Sardinia and of Terra
d' Otranto, not far fi-om Matera itself ?§ Or did the knowledge of
this style of pottery reach Italy by trade?

Unfortunately, none of these questions can be answered. The

whole problem of the megalithic monuments remains still unsolved,
and until this is decided we can hope for little light on the more
special aspect of the question which concerns Italy. One step,
however, could be taken, and it is to be hoped that before long a
rigorous examination of the Terra d' Otranto dolmens will be made,
with a view to discovering— if plundering has not destroyed all the
evidence— what culture was possessed by the builders of these
monuments.

Tyjpe if) brings us to the bronze age (Plate XX, 18, 19). This
pottery is not uncommon in South Italy, and is best known from

the examples found in the Grotta della Pertosa near Salerno. || It

includes both forms and ornament which are peculiar to it. The
clay is rather rough and usually has a smoky black surface,
occasionally polished. On this are incised designs, the most
remarkable of which are the spiral and the maeander
(Plate XX, 20). The incisions
are sometimes filled with
a white inlay. As a rule this ware belongs to the full bronze
age, though some of the specimens from the Yibrata valley may
belong to an early date in that age. All the evidence is against any
attempt to connect this ware directly with the neolithic incised wares

• Not. Scav., 1904, pp. 301 ff.

t BuU. Pal. XXV, PI. Ill, fig. 5.

i BvU. Pal. XXVI, PI. V, fig. 1, and PI. VII, fig. 16.

§ BuU. Pal. XXV, pp. 178 sqq.

;j Monumenti Antichi, Vol. IX, pp. 564 sqq. ; figa. 10-50.
 88

of South Italy, Sicily and Crete, in whicli tlie two most

conspicuous patterns, the spiral and the maeander, are absent.
If we must seek for foreign influence at all in this pottery,
(and it is probable that we must), it is natural to turn to the Balkan
peninsula, where both patterns were widely known in neolithic
times. And more than this; in Bosnia and Servia, for example at
Butmir* and Vin6a,t occurs pottery which is very similar to that
of South Italy both in design and technique. The spiral and
maeander are the main elements of the decorative system, and the
incisions are in some cases filled with a white inlay.

Tyjpe {g), the ware of Timmari, is not difficult to place.J It

belongs in technique to the pottery of the terreraare, and its forms

are similar to those of the pottery of Bismantova and Fontanella
in North Italy. Now these last sites are cemeteries of the period
of transition from the bronze to the iron age, and show the folk of

the terremare at a date when they had already abandoned or begun

to abandon their pile-villages. The necropolis of Timmari stands
to the terramara at Taranto in the same relation that those of
Bismantova and Fontanella stand to the terremare of the Po Valley. §

We know that towards the end of the bronze age a body of terremare-
homes in North Italy and settled at Taranto. The
folk left their
Timmari cemetery shows us these immigrants at the moment of
transition to the iron age.

General Conclusions

These, then, are the types of pottery which Matera has yielded.
From them we can sketch, though not very definitely, the history
of the district in primitive times. In neolithic days the caves of
the Gravina and the hill-tops around it afforded security to a race
of men who enjoyed a comparatively advanced civilisation. This
civilisation differed considerably from that which existed at the

same period in North Italy, and in some respects was more closely
allied to those of Crete, the Aegaean and Sicily. The three points

* Radimsky and Hoernes, Die neolitische Station von Butmir.

t Material now in the Museum at Sarajevo.
t Mon. Ant. XVI, pp. 40 sqq., figa. 24-90.

§ See Pigorini in Bull. Pal. XXVII, p. 22.

 89

in South Italy where we can study it are Matera, Taranto and the
Pulo at Molfetta. But not only was this a high civilisation; it

was also in contact with others beyond the sea. At some point in
Apulia, probably near Molfetta, painted vases were imported from
across the Adriatic which the Italians strove to imitate almost
in vain. From Molfetta they were passed on by land to Matera,
which was perhaps the great centre of this civilisation.
Towards the end of the neolithic period, Matera fell under an
influence which affected the whole of Italy and its islands. Whether
a new people invaded Sardinia, Sicily and the south-east corner of
Italy, and built the itiegalithic monuments there found, we cannot
say, but it is certain that at Matera types of pottery came into use
which are usually associated with such monuments in Europe. In
the full bronze age, the civilisation of Matera is to some extent in
line with that of the rest of South Italy, to judge from the presence
of the incised spiral-and-maeander pottery. Towards the end of the
bronze period we see the arrival of a body of invading terreinare-iolk
from North Italy. What the relations of these people with the old
inhabitants were is not certain, but the finding of incised spiral-and-
maeander ware in the terramara at Taranto, and the existence of a
cemetery of the new-comers so near Matera, points to toleration if

not friendliness. In the iron age Matera is again in line with

Apulia. The burial rite is now inhumation under a mound of stones,
from which we may infer that the cremating folk of the terremare
had exercised on the Materans no influence strong enough to lead to
a change in burial custom.
Such are the early antiquities of Matera. They extend almost
unbroken from the neolithic age to the Greek period. Surely they
deserve far more attention than they have hitherto received. They
are, in the main, unique. For one who has not studied the contents
of the Ridola Museum it is quite impossible to have any proper
conception of the neolithic period in South Italy, and it is only
after such a study that one realises how completely the history
of South Italy in this early period differed from that of the North.
Moreover, no spot in Italy offers such an opportunity as Matera for
the reconstruction of lost history. Every period seems to be
represented, and it is probable that by means of further systematic
excavation we might gain really definite knowledge as to the
 90

succession of peoples and development of civilisation in Soiitli Italy.

But the work must be undertaken at once, for much of the land is
under cultivation, and every time that a grave is cut into by the
spade or plough, and its contents carried off by peasants, a valuable
piece of evidence is lost.

Side by side with this work would go the maintenance of a

museum at Matera itself, in which the prehistoric antiquities of the
district could be studied. Fortunately, this would not be a difficult
task, for the Eidola Museum already contains a collection which is

unique. If this material could be set out in rooms sufficiently large

for its accommodation, it would, as a local collection, be without
parallel. If, on the other hand, it were decided to transfer it to
some larger museum in Italy, two-thirds of its value would be
lost ; for even supposing that space could be found for the whole of
it, it would have to be broken up and divided among various rooms
in such a way that the historical perspective and the local signifi-
cance would be lost. He who realises the importance of Matera in
the study of prehistoric Italy will certainly not grudge the journey
thither, long though it be. On the other hand, it seems nothing
short of absurd that what is, or at least will be, the most important
prehistoric site in South Italy should have to part with its finds to
museums which are incapable of giving them the accommodation
necessary for their proper arrangement.

I take this opportunity of thanking Dr. Ridola for his great

kindness to me during the few days which I spent as his guest at
Matera, and also for his generous permission to illustrate and
describe material excavated by himself and not previously published.
The descriptions here given of the sites, and of the discoveries made
there, are based entirely on personal observation made on the spot
in Dr. Ridola's company. All cases of doubt were settled by
references to the full notes which he has kept throughout.
 91

HUMAN SKULLS FROM ASIA MINOR

By Professor A. M. PATEBSON, M.D. and Dr. W. H. BROAD
[These skulls were found in the course of recent operations in the
ancient mercury-mines at Sisma, in Asia Minor. Sisma lies in the
hills above Laodicea Katakekaumene, (Yorghan Ladik) about twenty

miles north and a little west of Iconium. Messrs. J. W. Wbittall

& Co., of Constantinople, who are now working these mines, liave
been guided in their operations by the traces of ancient working;
and in one such ancient cutting the skeletons of nearly fifty
entombed miners were found.
In the same cutting with these human remains were found stone
hammers of diabase, and flint arrow-heads and spear-heads. These
are now in tbe possession of the Director of the Ottoman Railway.
Just outside the cutting, in a hole in the rock, was a copper basin
containing iron things like nails.
The date at which the disaster occurred is quite uncertain. The
mines at Sisma were in use at many periods but always, apparently,
;

for the production of cinnabar as a pigment at all events there are

;

no traces of any mercury-smelting.

Nor is it easy to indicate any probability as to the race of these
workmen. Ancient miners, at all events in large establishments
like that at Sisma, were almost invariably slaves, and consequently
may have been brought together from different and distant places.
The modern workmen in these mines, in the same way, include
Turks, Armenians and Greeks, with English and Italian overseers.
The material now to be described consists of four skulls selected
from the sliattered remains by Mr. W. M. Calder, Craven Travelling
Fellow of the University of Oxford, who visited the spot not long
after the discovery, and sent them to the Liverpool University
Institute of Archaeology, with the consent and active help of Messrs.
Whittall & Co., to whom as well as to Mr. Calder, the Institute
tenders its hearty thanks. The skulls are now deposited in the
Department of Human Anatomy in the University of Liverpool.
With the human skulls was sent also part of the calvarium of one of
the Canidae, identified as '
probably a wolf '
by Dr. Clubb of the
Liverpool Free Public Museums. — J. L. M.]
 ;

92

Report on the Skulls

All the skulls except No. 1, exhibit on their exposed surfaces

a grey shining appearance, indicating a change in the character of
the bones, probably due to the action of mercurial salts in the earth.
Skull No. 1 is The cranium alone is present,
very imperfect.
and of and base are partially destroyed. It is
this the right side
platyrrhine, miscroseme, and brachycephalic (811). The posterior
part of the cranium is veiy wide. The left temporal ridge is well
marked, and the middle meningeal artery occupied a canal in the
parietal bone. The teeth remaining in position are the canine and
first premolar on the right, and the first premolar, and first and

second molars on the left side. The wisdom teeth are lost. All the
teeth are much worn and have flattened crowns. The sagittal, coronal
and lamboidal sutures are obliterated, leading; to the conclusion
that the skull was that of an elderly person, probably male.
Skull No. 2 is that of a child about twelve to fourteen years of
age. It is markedly dolichocephalic (69) ; its estimated capacity
is 1309 c.c. ; the vertical height is small ; it is orthognathous,
microseme, and leptorrhine. Of the teeth, those present erupted are
the two molars on the right, and the first praemolar and both molars
on the left side. The sockets for the other teeth are present. A
supernumerary incisor tooth is present, unerupted, on the left side

and both wisdom teeth are present, imbedded in the jaw. There is

no lower jaw.
Skull No. 3 is that of an adult male. It is very incomplete,
consisting of the frontal and facial portions only. The cranium is

extremely thick (10 mm.). It is platyrrhine, and microseme: the

interorbital width is excessive. There are no teeth, though the
sockets for the full complement are present.
Skull No. 4 is that of an adult male ; the sutures are still

distinct. It is incomplete, lacking the occipital and basal portions,

and the left side of The frontal curve is massive and well
the face.
shaped. The orbits are megaseme, the interorbital width is
excessive, and the cranium is very thick. There are sockets for the
full complement of teeth, but only the second right molar tooth is
present.
 93

Number 1 2 3 4

Age aged young aged adult

Sex - - male male? male male
- -

Cubic Capacity (estimated)

-

— 1309 — —
Glabello-occipital length 180 184 — —
Ophryo-occipital length -
177 182 — —
Naso-occipital length 179 182 — —
Basi-bregmatic height - — 127 141? —
VERTICAL INDEX — 69 — —
Minimum Frontal Diameter
-

- 100 90 104 —
Stephanie Diameter 112 107 119? 118
Asterionic Diameter — 97 — —
Greatest Breadth - 146 127 — —
CEPHALIC INDEX - 81-1 69 — —
Horizontal Circumference — 496 — —
Frontal-Longitudinal Arc 134 125 130? 132
Parietal „ „ 118 115 — —
Occipital „ „ — 123 — —
Total — 363 — —
,,

Vertical Transverse
,,

„ — 288 — —
Length of Foramen Magnum - — 35 — —
Basi-nasal length - — 101 100 —
Basi-alveolar length — 94 94 —
GNATHIC or ALVEOLAR
INDEX - - - — 93 — —
—
-

Inter-zvgomatic breadth - — — —
STEPHANO-ZYGOMATIC
INDEX - - - . — — — —
Intermalar breadth- — 99 103 —
Ophryo-alveolar length - 84 79 81 84
Naso-alveolar - - - - 64 60 68 63
FACIAL INDEX - — — — —
Nasal Height 43 46 46 47
Nasal Width - - - - 26 23 26 —
NASAL INDEX - 60-4 50 66 —
Orbital Width 41 38 39 43
Orbital Height 35 37 33 32
ORBITAL INDEX- 85-3 84-2 84-6 74-4
Bidacryal Width - 22 20 29 27
Palato-Maxillary length - 55 50 54 59
Palato-Maxillary breadth- 58 58 60 —
PALATO-MAXILLARY
INDEX 105 116 — —
Length of Molars & Premolars — 36 40 43
DENTAL INDEX — 35-6 40 —
 94

OBITUARY

F. G. HILTON PRICE, Die. S.A.

VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF
ARCHAEOLOGY.

WITH PLATE XIV

Mr. Frederick George Hilton Price, Banker and Antiquary,

died at Cannes on the 14tli March, 1909. He was born on August
20th, 1842, and educated at Crawford College, Maidenhead. He
married in 1867, Christina, daughter of Mr. William Bailey, of
Oaken, Staffordshire, and had issue one son and one daughter. At
the time of his death he was head acting partner of Child's Bank,
a firm which he entered in 1860.

Mr. Price was one of the earliest members of the Bankers'

of which he subsequently became a member of the
Institute,
Council. He published in 1876 A Handhooh of London Bankers,
and Early Goldsmiths and Bankers, works which contain much
interesting and useful information. He also gathered together all
the old documents connected with the history of Child's Bank, and
these formed the basis of Ye Marygold, the title of which was taken
from the ancient sign of his firm near Temple Bar. His interest in
old London was keen. His essay on The Signs of Old Lombard
Street was the means of reviving to a large extent many of the old

signs that had been disappearing outside the houses in the city.
Signs of Old Fleet Street, Signs of Old Houses in the Strand, Th^
Signs of the Pawnbrokers in London in the 17th and 18th centuries
are amongst others of the delightful short papers which he wrote
from time to time on that subject. He gathered as much informa-
tion as possible wherever excavations were in progress in likely
 95

places in the city; and in this way got together a considerable

collection of relics of Mediaeval and even Roman London. His
interest in this way widened, and led him to examine the sites of

several so called Roman Camps

'
' : e.g. Camps on the Malvern
Hills (Jour. Anthr. Inst., Feb. 1881), The Roman Villa at Moreton
(jointly with -J. E. Price), and other monographs. His most recent
treatise was on Old Base Metal Spoons, a subject upon which he
was a connoisseur.
Mr. Price seems to have begun his more general studies as a
geologist, particularly in regard to the cretacious rocks. His paper
On the Gault of Folkestone (Quarterly Journal of the Geological
Society, XXX, p. 343, 1874) is still the standard work on the
subject. Other papers were On a new species of Rostellaria from
the Annelid bed in the Gault of Kent (1876), and On the beds
between the Gault and the Upper Chalk near Folkestone (Quarterly
Journal of the Geological Society, XXXIII, p. 431). The latter
has not yet been superseded as an authoritative account of the grand
coast section from Folkestone to Dover, and it is from this paper
that we get the now familiar terms *
Cast-Bed ' and '
Grit-Bed.'

Mr. Price's interest then seemed to have taken a definite

archaeological bent. He became interested particularly in Egyptian
Antiquities, and before his death made one of the largest private
collections of certain valuable kinds of objects. Of these he pub-
lished an illustrated catalogue on a generous scale, in two volumes.
He also gave the greatest encouragement to the progress of all
Egyptian research, and was treasurer of most of the English Funds
devoted to that purpose. At the time of his death he was President
of the Committee of the Egypt Exploration Fund. He had been
for a number of years Director of the Society of Antiquaries he ;

was also Vice-President and past President of the Society of Biblical

Archaeology. He was a Fellow of the Geological, Zoological, and
Numismatical vSocieties; a member of the Athenaeum and of the
Burlington Fine Arts Club; and Vice-President of the Liverpool
University Institute of Archaeology from its foundation. He was
also the founder, ten years ago, of the small body which subse-
quently became the Egyptian Excavations Committee of this
Institute, and was Treasurer of that Committee from the beginning.
 96

To the performance of these many voluntary duties he brought

a charm of manner, geniality of disposition, and simplicity of
nature, that warmed all hearts to him. Combining his knowledge
and enthusiasm for archaeology with his experience of affairs and
of men, he was an esteemed and valuable colleague on Committees
and public bodies and to many, individually, a friend whose ideals
;

of loyalty and kindness were high and deep-rooted, remaining un-

shaken by the buffetting of things which pass. His place will be
^ time vacant.
a lonar
J. G.
 .

Lircrpool A.A.A., Vul. II.

PLATE XIV

^'

FREDEEICK GEORGE HILTON PRICE.

Vkr-Pvexhhnt of the Lireri>ool Unii-frsitij iMlitule of Archaeology

•iO Au'jiixt, ISi-^ U March, I'JO!).

 97

DEA FEBRIS A STUDY OF MALARIA

:

IN ANCIENT ITALY

By W. H. S. JONES, M.A.
FELLOW OP 8T, CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

' N^on est vivere sed valere vita.' —Martial.

Into this essay I have tried to condense the results of more than
two years' research.
It would have been considerably increased in bulk if I had
quoted in full the hundreds of references which I have collected from
the Latin writers. But the greater part of these prove nothing
except that malaria was common in the ancient world, and I think
that the selection I have made is sufficient for my purpose. I may,
perhaps, be permitted to refer to my Malaria and Greek History
(Manchester, 1909), in which I discuss fully the consequences and
predisposing causes of endemic malaria.

My object in writing is to show that: —

(1) The discovery of Major Ross renders it unnecessary to
infer, from the marshy state of Italy, that the country was fever-
stricken in early times. In this way is removed a stumbling-block
which has been a great trouble to previous enquirers.

(2) Malaria exercised a powerful (though to a great extent

uncertain) influence upon Roman history and Roman life. This
influence is not less important because it is necessarily incapable of
exact measurement.

I have thank several friends for much kind and generous

to
help. These include Major R. Ross, Professor Sir T. Clifford
Allbutt, Professor A. Celli, Dr. F. Genovese, Mr. W. "Warde Fowler
and Mr. T. Spencer Jerome,
a
 ) — ;

98

Dea Fehris

Cicero tells us that on the Palatine hill there was a shrine and
an altar dedicated to the goddess Fever.* Like the Christian
writers of a later date, he condemned as immoral this worship of a
malignant deity, but, although rejected by educated men, the cult
was undoubtedly popular with the lower orders. Pliny states that
ithad State recognition, t while Valerius Maximus mentions two
other templa besides the one on the Palatine.*
Now there can be no doubt about the nature of the disease thus
deified by the Romans ; although fehris may be used to denote any
feverishness, as a rule it means malaria. This will become plain as
the enquiry proceeds ; for the present it is sufficient to point out that
the medical writer Celsus nearly always means malaria when he
refers to '
fever.'

The deification of fever is a clear proof that it played no small

part in the lives of the Romans, and, more than all other fevers,
malaria has serious consequences, both economic and other. § It is a
disease which fastens upon such districts as, from their marshy
nature, are capable of breeding the Anopheline mosquito. This
insect, which thrives best where there are small puddles of water on
the ground, e.g., along the banks of streams or on the edges of

*CiOERO, de legibus, II, 11 araque vetusta in Palatio Febris et altera Esquiliis Malae
:
'

Fortunae detestataque omnia eius modi repudianda sunt de natura deorum, III, 25 ;
' :

'
Febris enim faniim in Palatio et aram Malae Fortunae Esquiliis
consecratam videmus.' The references to Dea Febris are given and discussed in Wissowa,
*
'

Religion und Kvltus der R'omer, p. 197, and the articles Febria in Roscher's Lexikon
and Dabemberg-Saqlio.
tPuNY, H.N., II, 7, §16: 'ideoque etiam publioe Febri fanum in Palatio dicatum est.'

tVALERiXTS Maximus, et ceteros quidem ad benefaciendura venerabantur

II, 5, 6 :
'

Febrim autem ad minus nocendum templis colebant, quorum adhuc unum in Palatio,
alterum in area Marianorum monumentorum, tertium in summa parte Vici Longi exstat.'
§Malarial fever is either intermittent (ceasing altogether on certain days or hours)
or remittent (partially ceasing on certain days or hours). So we may have (a) quartan
fevers, (b) tertian fevers, (c) quotidian fevers. Quinine kills the parasite, but long-
continued malaria results in anaemia, enlargement of the spleen and dropsy. It is
not a very fatal disease, but it produces a great amount of ill-health, particularly complaints
of the digestive system. In sub-tropical countries the malarial season lasts during the
summer and autumn, when streams and pools partially dry up and the sun hatches
out the Anophelines.
The best means of recognising in ancient literature allusions to malaria are :

( 1 Periodicity or swollen spleen ;

(2) Prevalence in autumn, or near marshy land ;

(3) Dangerof evening air ;

(4) Unhealthiness of districts ;

Contagion proves that a disease is not malarial.

(5)
Of course these cannot be considered certain tests, but they are nevertheless fairly
accurate.
 —

99

marshes and lakes, carries the malarial parasite from man to man.
Whole may thus be poisoned, and in the worst places every
regions
inhabitant may suffer from the disease every year. Moreover, it
takes many years before a person becomes immune to the parasite,
and even then the immunity is far from complete. If a child be
infected from birth onwards, he begins to suffer less after puberty,
but perfect immunity is very rare indeed. Malaria, then, is a fever
marked by its permanent infection of certain districts, by the large
number of its victims and by its liability to recur, either through
fresh infection or when strain or chill revives the parasites latent in
the blood.
The presence of malaria is an important factor in the environ-
ment of a people. Consciously or unconsciously efforts are made to
avoid fever, or the fatigue which so often precipitates an attack.
If a place be very unhealthy, emigration goes on until there is left

only a residue of those who, through poverty or inertia, remain

behind to sink into physical and moral degradation. In other cases,
when the risk of fever is not so great, or the malarious region is

attractive in other respects, the inhabitants modify their ways of

life so as to avoid the danger as far as they can. These two
consequences of malaria, the desertion of certain districts and the
development of habits tending to diminish the chances of falling ill,

will form the main part of the present enquiry. It is my object to

show how far the presence of malaria accounts for the history, the
character, and the habits of the Roman people.
Has Italy always suffered from this plague? Many writers
Brocchi, de Tournon, Bureau de la Malle, North, and others— point
out that some districts, such as a great part of Etruria and Latium,
which are now scarcely habitable, were at one time the homes of
great and prosperous peoples. To such enquirers the flourishing
condition of Tarquinii, Veii, Falerii, Fidenae, Gabii and Ardea is
a perplexing puzzle, the solution of which is hard to find. Brocchi
thinks that the Roman national dress, the toga, preserved the early
inhabitants from chill, which certainly predisposes to malarial
relapses; Bureau de la Malle is of opinion that the use of oil to
anoint the body, fumigations, fires, and the habit of changing their
place of abode according to the season or time of day, saved the
early Romans from the worst effects of marsh fever. It has also
 100

been noticed how often Italian towns were built higli on tlie bills,
and so were less accessible to tbe Anopbeline mosquito, wbicb cannot
fly far from tbe marsbes wbere it is batcbed.
Broccbi bolds tbat malaria increased as tbe use of wool gave way
to tbat of silk and otber flimsier fabrics, wbile most writers on tbe
subject blame tbe decay of agriculture, wbicb allowed tbe land to
become more marsby.
In tbese arguments tbere is mucb sound reasoning, but one fact
is left entirely unexplained. If malaria was prevalent from the
first, the foundation of Rome and tbe other cities of Latium and
Etruria, to say nothing of their growth in power and prosperity,
presents serious difficulties. Pioneers are always especially subject
to marsh fever, as is shown by the story of the Panama Canal.
Then again, it is at least strange that the most malarious parts of
Italy should have been the first to reach eminence, and our wonder

must increase when we remember that tbe south coast, which is and
has been for centuries almost as malarious as Latium, was chosen by
the Greeks to be the seat of some of their most prosperous colonies,
one of them, Sybaris, being situated, not on a height, but in a
dangerous hollow. In the early history of the peninsula this fact
stands out clearly —the flourishing regions are just those which,
afterwards at least, were the most malarious, and that though there
were others which, so far as can be ascertained, have never been
unhealthy.
Tbe discovery of Ross has shown tbat the amount of malaria in
a country is not necessarily measured by the extent of marsh or
surface water. If there are no Anophelines, or if the Anophelines
exist but have not been infected, there is no reason why the disease
should be present —nay, rather, it cannot be present. It will
accordingly be well to consider the geographical and bydrograpbical
character of the Italian soil apart from the actual amount of disease
existing at any particular epoch.
The parts of the country best adapted to breed Anophelines are,
briefly, the south coast-line, the ancient Etruria and Latium, and
the banks of the rivers. Several districts, particularly the higher
ground and the northern plain (except the banks of the Po and its

tributaries) are either free from the disease or do not suffer from it

to any serious extent.

 101

The region around Rome, with which we are most concerned, is

of a peculiar character. The hills on the Agro Romano generally
have a subsoil of tufa or of clay. Accordingly, after a spell of
rainy weather, the water permeates through the thin crust of earth
on the surface, and accumulates between it and the subsoil. When
the incline is regular the sheet of water descends to the valley and
forms swamps or springs. But as the slope is, in general, very
irregular, small marshes appear in the hollows on the sides of the
hills. The outer soil, especially in the case of the clayey hills, tends
to be dislodged, and to slip down into the valley below. Cultivation
only accelerates the process by still further loosening the outer
crust, and the mass of fallen earth impedes the drainage of the
lower parts, as it turns the water into a boggy morass.*
It can easily be seen that such a state of affairs is a great
hindrance to agriculture, to say nothing of the danger to health if

malaria be introduced into the district. Now in the last century

there was discovered a vast system of drainage, of uncertain but
undoubtedly ancient date, which, although choked up now, at one
time can-ied off the subsoil water.
The use of these cunicidi was first pointed out by Di Tucci in
1878, and his work was vigorously followed up by Tommasi-Crudeli.
They are to be found in all the tufaceous hills of the Agro Romano
where the subsoil is composed of thick banks of tufa, but not where
there are only thin layers of tufa resting upon strata of pozzolana.t
It seems fairly certain that these drains belong to the pre-Roman
era, and were probably constructed by the Etruscans. + But the
Romans ajaparently failed to appreciate their value ; at any rate,
they gradually fell into disuse, while the writers on agriculture are
strangely silent about them.§
CelliU and others are convinced that the object of this drainage-
Tommasi-Crudeli, II Roma : (English Translation by C. C. Dick,
Clima di
The Climate of Borne and the Roman
Malaria, 1892), p. 28 In fact, it not infrequently
;
'

occurs, during excavations, to find in such spots, at a depth of two metres, and even
more, remains of ancient foiuitains or of ancient basins, which in former days were the
recipients of most of those waters at the base of the hills, and regulated their proper
flow.' This and subsequent references are to the pages of the English translation.
tTOMMASI-CRUDELI, Op. cit., p. 43.
ISee the excellent article in Darembebq-Saglio, s.v. cuniculus.
§This may be due to the fact that these writers had in mind farmers tilling land
in other parts of Italy, where cunicular drainage was unnecessary.
*^Malaria, pp. 3, 4. To comiect the cuniculi with malaria is an example of the
marsh fallacy, i.e., to suppose that the existence of marshes implies that of endemic
malaria.
 102

system was to prevent malaria. Yet if this was the intention, and
Romans knew it, how strange it is that they neglected the
if tlie

necessary repairs. But it is by no means necessary to suppose that

the country was malarious when the Romans took over the land, and
if the purpose of the scheme was merely to prevent the
denudation* of the hills and to secure reservoirs of drinking water,
it is quite conceivable that circumstances might occur in which
the preservation of such elaborate works was no longer considered
necessary.
Now the continuous wars with neighbouring states and the
frequent outbreaks of pestilencet certainly offered serious obstacles
to agriculture.:}: As early as the fifth century B.C. the Romans sent
to Sicily to secure com at the time of an epidemic. § The tendency
would be to replace ploughed land by pastures, and to seek corn

elsewhere. But the change was very gradual ; Pomptine lands

the
were a great corn-growing district late in the fifth century,1[ and
were divided among the plebeians early in the fourth. Later on, of
course, the foreign corn trade became a regular institution, and
cattle-breeding and sheep-farming more and more replaced
agriculture, until an attempt was made to encourage the growth of
the olive and the vine. The cunicidi, then, were probably intended to

promote agriculture, and the neglect of them seems to have been

originally due to economic causes. But the country near Rome
must have been fairly well cultivated down to the third century B.C.,

when Rome won Sicily and Sardinia.

By the second century B.C., when malaria was already endemic,

•Cultivation, which only increases this denudation if there be no drainage, is

quite possible with such a system as was formed by the cunicvii.

flf the cunicidi were in proper working order they would have prevented epidemics
of malaria. But dreadful plagues did occur. Therefore either they were not malarial
or the Romans had, as early as the fifth century B.C., neglected to keep the drains in
—
repair a most unlikely supposition if their effective worlang was considered necessary
to keep down such a dreadful scourge as malaria. I infer that malaria was not yet a
serious enemy, and that the plagues were typhus.
tLiVY, IV, 52 :
'
pestilentem annum inopia frugum neglecto cultu agrorum, ut
plerumque fit, excepit.'

§LivY, IV, 25. There is evidence that before this (in 492) corn was brought
from Sicily in time of famine. Wardb FowiiEE, Roman Festivals, p. 76. Salvioli
has proved {Le Capitalisme dans le Monde antique) that the tenant-farmers were not
ruined by foreign competition, as they never produced more corn than they wanted
for themselves. War and pestilence were their real enemies.
tLivY, IV, 25.
 108

certain parts of the and

country soutli of Rome were marsliy
desolate. In 160 B.C. it was thought necessary to drain the Pomptine
marshes.* This was accomplished, but evidently the result was not
permanent, t as Julius CaesarJ was only prevented by death from
again carrying out the same piece of work, and Horace, in his
famous *
Journey to Brundisium,' describes how marshy was this
region, through Appian Way.§ Other
which ran a part of the
writers of the early Imperial period can be quoted to show that the
state of the Pomptine district was not improved, H In the other parts
of Italy, besides several places in the south, there were marshy
tracts in Etruria and Cisalpine Gaul.** 11

The position of Rome is one which lends itself to the formation

of marsh, and in ancient times the level of the Tiber was higher,
and that of the valleys lower, than at the present day.tt The
Velabrum was once a lake, t J and the names Palus Caprea and Vada
Terenti are suggestive of what formerly existed. §§ The building of
the Cloaca Maxima and other sewers was a work of public utility
independently of its possible advantage from the point of view of
health. Marshes in a city are an inconvenience, and occupy
valuable land and so it is quite beside the mark to say that the
;

sewers were built to free Rome from malaria. The river used often
to overflow its banksHH— a fact familiar to us in the legend about

*LivY, epit., XLVI :

'
Pomptinae paludes a Comelio Cethego oonsule . . .

siccatae, agerque ex iis factua.'

fAt the tijne of the Gracchi several farmers were removed from cultivated lands
toswamps when the boundaries were re-fixed (Appian, Bell. Civ., I, S 18). We do not
know exactly the districts referred to, but the passage proves that there was a considerable
amount of marsh in Italy, and seems also to imply that it had increased, and that farmers
had shifted their boundaries to be out of the way of the boggy ground. Cf. Cioebo, de
lege a<jr., II, 27, '
paludes emat.'

ISuETONius, divus Jidius, 44 :

' sicoare Pomptinas paludes.'
§HoRACE, Scd., I, 5, and notice the '
maU oulices '
of 1. 14.

HOviD, Met., XV, 717; Juvenal, III, 307 ; Silius Itaucus, VIII, 381 ; Lucan, III,
84; Puny, H.N., XXVI, 4.

IILivY, XXII, 2.

**Strabo, V, p. 212.

f tSee Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 22.

ttPROPEBTius, V, 9, 5, ; TiBCTLLUS, II, 5, 33 ; Ovid, Faati, VI, 401.

§§BuRN, loc. cit.

^^HoBAOE, Odes I, 2 Tacitus, Ann. I, 76 Hist. I, 86 Suet., div. Aug. 30 (' ad

; ; ;

coercendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit ac repurgavit') Otho, 8. See Ni33EN, ;

Italische Landcskunde I, p. 324.

 104

—
Romulus and Remus in spite of efforts to check tlie evil by
dredging. In modern times these inundations, owing to the change
in the level of the Tiber, are of rare occurrence.
We see, then, that in the very early period Rome was marshy,
but the land around it well drained, cultivated, and covered with
highly prosperous communities. There is no reason to suppose that
malaria was present. Such an hypothesis would involve the marsh *

fallacy,' while, were the disease prevalent, the rise of Rome in such
a dangerous locality is difficult to understand. By the end of the
fifth century the city was well drained, but there are signs that
agriculture, owing to pestilence and probably to other reasons, was
inadequate to furnish a continuous supply of corn for the growing
population. If at this period malaria invaded the district from the
south, the subsequent course of events becomes clear. At first, while
cultivation was still carefully carried on, the disease would not
spread ; but the inhabitants, finding agriculture unprofitable, began
to neglect drainage, and they were probably not yet aware that by
so doing they were encouraging fever, as it would take some time to

discover the character of the new disease. Then followed continuous

wars, with the Latins, Samnites, Pyrrhus and Hannibal. The laying
waste of the country increased the amount of marsh, besides ruining
the farmers, and agriculture was still further discouraged by the
importation of corn from Sardinia and Sicily, which were now
Roman provinces. Hence malaria spread rapidly, and the Romans,
at last alive to the danger, tried to drain the marshes and to foster
agriculture. But the latter was commercially unprofitable, and
sheep- and cattle-farming took its place, a change which would still

further promote the conditions favourable to malaria.* The very

prevalence of disease without doubt contributed to the increase of
latifundia —what was at first an effect at last became a cause —but
this aspect of the question belongs to another part of my inquiry.
Modern historians, convinced that there must be malaria
wherever there are marshes,! have been compelled abandon the
to

question as an insoluble puzzle. But the last ten years have

revolutionised our ideas about the disease. To read the chapter on

•See, however, pp. 116, 117.

tThis '
marsh fallacy has vitiated the arguments
*
of all the historians. Before
Row made hisfamous discovery it was a natural error ; now it is inexcusable.
 105

malaria in Nissen's Italische Landeskundc (1883) is to be more than

once reminded of the medical works of mediaeval physicians; but
the discovery of Koss that the parasite is carried from man to man
by Anopheline mosquitoes throws fresh light upon the problem. It
is now known that two factors are needed before the disease can

—
spread infecte<l persons and Anophelines. If either be wanting,
malaria cannot exist. Now it is quite possible that malarious
persons entered Italy iu historical times and infected the mosquitoes,
which, although present before, had not bitten malaria patients,
and so had not been able to spread the disease.* These infected
mosquitoes in their turn passed on the disease to other men, and
they again to other mosquitoes, until the whole country had its

malarious sites. It will be seen that the evidence is not contrary to

this supposition, which at least explains all the facts as far as we
know them.
There is one, and only one, alternative. Professor C. Tommasi-
Crudeli, in the published course of lectures entitled // Cliina di
Roma, propounded the theory that the Italian peoples, not being
afflicted with the health mania, refused to alter any of their plans

through fear of fever.f They settled in a malarious district and,

vmdeterred by and sickness, persevered until they grew

death
racially acclimatized.J The disease swept off, without exception,
'

all those who were unable to offer any specific resistance it spared ;

almost entirely all such as were able to offer a stout resistance. The
future prospects of the colony depended upon the proportion which
these latter bore to the weaker category. Should the proportion of

*See tlio excellent work of Major Ross, Report on the Prevention of Malaria in
Mauritius (1908), especially pp. 49-52 {Explanation of Outbreaks of Malaria). Malaria
was introduced into Ivlauritius in 1866 probably Anophelines were carried to the island
;

on some steamer. At any rate, there is here a valuable historical parallel. Similarly,
the infection of the tsetse-fly with the parasite of sleeping-sickness has, within the last
few years, rendered uninhabitable vast tracts of land in Uganda. These two examples
show clearly the importance of avoiding the marsh fallacy.''

tif we may take Livy as a safe guide, this statement is certainly not true. The
epidemics of pestilence mentioned by liim were often accompanied by panic, and the soldiers
who had been engaged in Capua revolted against returning to the unhealthy district
aroimd Rome : se niilitando fessos in pestilenti atque arido circa urbem solo luctari.'
'

LiVY VII, 38.

tit should be remembered, however, that the question of race immunity is a thorny
one. It certainly requires centuries (Ross in Jones, Ross, Eixett, Malaria), and many
hold that where it seems to occur all the children pass through an unhealthy period
until puberty, and either die or acquire personal immunity. See Manson, Lectures
on Tropical Diseases, p. 102.
 106

the strong to tlie weak prove to be sufficiently great, the development

of the colony was secured from the outset. This power of

constitutional resistance has been proved to be hereditary, and those

repeated selections caused by malaria in each generation conduced
to the eventual increase of the resisting powers of the race, and that
to such a degree as to enable it to found powerful colonies in
unhealthy sites.'*

Tommasi-Crudeli goes on to say that quinine, the great specific

for malaria, has saved alive a great number of those who without it

would have died, and these, by propagating children with even a

less power of resistance than their parents, have caused that
physical degradation which is so marked a feature of those who
inhabit malarious districts.
This natural immunity enabled the Etruscan and Latin cities to
complete the works of sanitation which, in the course of centuries,
diminished the amount of malaria without extinguishing it entirely.

After these works were abandoned, the malaria increased to such a

degree as to render many regions uninhabitable.!
This theory is almost the same as that of Professor Celli, who
thinks that malaria came in great waves with long periods of
diminished severity.^ Tommasi-Crudeli might have strengthened
his position by considering certain points which he leaves unnoticed.
If the early epidemics of pestilence recorded by Livy were malarial,
they may be regarded as Nature's attempts to cut olf the unfit, and
the recrudescence of malaria in later times may be due to the crowds
of people who then flocked to Rome from healthier regions ; these
would not be immune, and so would swell the amount of sickness in
the country.
But there are serious objections to the theory. However fearless
the ancients were in the face of danger, there seems to be no reason
why they should have chosen (as on this hypothesis they did) the
most malarious places in Italy upon which to build their cities, when
there were others not far away which were not objectionable on the
score of unhealthiness. Again, if racial immunity made the rise
of Rome and other cities possible, why did it not permit the recovery

Tommasi-Cbudeli, op. cit., p. 148.

fTOMMASI-CBUDELI, Op. cit., p. 69.

tSee Celli's Preface to the Italian translation of Jonks, Ross, Ellbtt, Malaria.
 107

of the laud during the Empire and the Middle Ages ? A theory also
is required which explains why
which previously, so far as districts
we know, had never been malarious, gradually became so in later
times. Tibur was praised by the ancients for its healthiness, but
the modern Tivoli is (or was a short time ago) highly malarious.
Instances could be multiplied.* These facts are explained by the
supposition that Anophelines or infected persons were introduced
from without, but the '
immunity hypothesis entirely fails to '

account for the change. Then there is the parallel case of Greece.
Malaria has certainly increased in tbis country, although even in
classical times it was highly infected, t and this increase cannot be
put down to the abandonment of drainage works, nor did continual
exposure make the Greeks immune, as it is said to have done in the

case of the Romans. Finally, it is by no means universally held

that the ancients were capable of coping successfully with malarious
sites. Dwellers on the spot assure me that the foundation of

Sybaris would have been utterly impossible if the district had

suffered from endemic malaria when the colony was first planted
there.
The early books of Livy contain many references to epidemics
which at various periods devastated Rome and its neighbourhood.*
These are never definitely stated to be malarial, and even though on
one occasion the drying up of streams (a likely cause of malaria) is

said to have preceded the outbreak, § yet it may well be that the
writer is merely interpreting past events by the light of his own
experience.^ They were in many cases very deadly, || far more so

*See, e.g.. Nobth, Roman Fever, pp. 85-87. The banks of the Anio were once covered
with farms (Livv, II, 26), now they are very xuihealthy.

t Jones, Malaria and Greek History.

tSee on the subject Dubeau de la Malle, Economic politique dea Romaina, Tome
II, ch. iii, and North, op. cit., p. 73.

§LiVY, IV, 30.

^Thedescription of the epidemic which occurred in Sicily in 212 B.C. (Law, XXV,
26) is agood instance of the way in which later writers confuse early epidemics with
malaria. For some lines the account exactly describes an outbreak of this disease, and
then occur the words postea curatio ipsa et contactus aegrorum volgabat morbos.'
'

Now the ancients did not think that malarial fevers were infectious. Indeed malaria
does not appear to be so, although it really is. See Jones, Malaria and Greek History,
pp. 37, 46, 52, 57.
Note that Sicily was probably malarious in the fifth century B.C. Ibid., p. 32.

IILiVY, III, 6 32 IV, 25 V, 13. On the other hand the pestilence mentioned
; III, ; ;

in IV, 52, was ' minacior quam pemiciosior and resulted in plurimormn morbis,
'
'

perpaucis funeribus.' It is quite likely that this last was a malaria epidemic.
 108

than malaria usually proves to be, cattle were sometimes attacked,*

and tlie outbreaks more tban once coincided with times of scarcity
or famine. t When the skill of man proved unavailing, the stricken
people had recourse to the help of heaven. But it was not
Dea Febris whom they worshipped —fever is never mentioned in
connection with these plagues —but a temple was voAved to Apollo, +

or a lectisternium was held,§ and on one occasion the worship of

Aesculapius was introduced from Epidaurus.H
It is probable enough that these pestilences were not always the
same disease, but only one (or at most three) suggests malaria, while
the greater number seem to be typhus, a common plague in the
history of young nations, before the importation makes the
of corn

inhabitants independent of the local harvests. 1| Typhoid suggests

itself at once, but although the Romans drank the water of the
Tiber, polluted as it was by the Cloaca Maxima and other sewers,**
down to 312 b.c, we cannot diagnose any of the diseases described
by the ancient medical writers as certainly enteric. This is due to
the constant prevalence of malaria, the pernicious forms of which
are very apt to simulate typhoid, which latter disease was not
clearly separated from other fevers until the seventeenth century,
when Baglivi showed that Peruvian bark, a drug then recently
introduced into Europe, acted as a cure in the case of malaria, but
had no effect upon the disease aftei^w'ards called enteric or typhoid. ft
It is, as has been said, just possible that the epidemic mentioned
by Livy in IV, 52, was of a malarial nature, and the same may be
said of the pestilence which attacked the Gauls during the siege of

*LiVY, III, 6 III, 32; ; IV, 25 ; IV, 30 ; V, 13.

tLiVY, III, 32 ; V, 48.
tLiVY, IV, 25.
§LiVY, V, 13 VII, 27.
;

^LivY, X, 47, and see Besnieb, Ulle Tibe'rine dans VAntiquite. Note also the
curious custom mentioned in Livy, IX, 28 (' pestilentia orta clavi figendi causa dictatorem
dictum '), of which a fuller account appears in VII, 3.
IICbeighton, History of Epidemics in Britain, Vol. I, p. 24. A bad season brought '

scarcity and murrain, and two bad seasons in succession brought famine and pestilence.'
Orosius mentions these early plagues, but is a late authority, and furthermore, tells
us little that we do not know from earlier and better sources. In one case, however
(Obosius, III, 4 = Livy, VII, 1, 2), he certainly imphes that the disease was not malaria :

'
non ut adsolet plus minusve sohto turbata temperies insuper etiam
exspirata de Calabris saltibus aura corrumpens sed gravis diutumaque
. . . . .

cunctos per biennium . tabe confecit.'

. .

•Lanoiani, Ancient Rome, p. 52, is wrong in suggesting that Cloacina was a goddess
of ^rphoid. She was what her name implies, the goddess of sewers, and we have no
evidence that the Romans thought that sewage might cause fever.
tfWiTHiNGTON, Medical History, p. 323.
 109

Rome.* >7ortlierners from a non-malarious country would suffer

mucli more than natives. t But certainty on this point is impossible,
and the arguments brought forward to prove the early prevalence of
malariaj are all equally inconclusive ; and besides, they are based
on the erroneous supposition that where marsh is, there malaria
also must be present. Cities were built on hills to protect the
inhabitants in time of war; the thick woollen toga prevented chills,
which otherwise might have resulted from the sudden drop in
temperature characteristic of the Italian evening ; and surely such
a useful work as a drainage system does not necessarily imply the
existence of any endemic disease. Contemporary literature is

unfortunately lacking, and the statements of later writers cannot

be trusted, as they lived when malaria was common, and may be
transferring their own experience to previous times to which it does
not necessarily apply. Thus Livy makes Camillus speak of the
*
healthy hills of Home when the proposal was made to migrate to
'

Veii,§ and the Capuan garrison refuses to return to the

*
pestilential soil around Rome.H ' Cicero says that Romulus
founded a healthy city in a pestilential region, and calls the altar
'
'|I

of Dea Febris on the Palatine old,' although this, of course, may

'

mean anything.
Whether Rome was or was not malarious before, say, 500 B.C.,

is a matter of dispute, but the disease was indisputably within the

peninsula by that date. The proverb** of the Sybarites, that
*
he who wishes to live long must see neither the rising nor the
setting sun,' is certainly a warning against going out of doors in
the early morning and evening ; now chills (which are very apt
*LivY, V, 48 fames iitrimque exercitum urgebat, Gallos pestilentia etiam, cum
:
'

loco iacente inter tumulos castra habentes turn ab incendiis torrido et vapore pleno
quorum intolerantissima gens umorique et frigori adsueta, etc.'
tCf. Jones, Malaria and Greek History, p. 70.
tLANCiANi, AncieiU Rome, p. 50, holds that Rome and the Campagna were purified
—
by volcanic action sulphurous emanations and hot mineral springs. This is the only
way to explain the presence of a thriving, healthy, strong, and a very large population
in places which, a few centuries later are described as pestilential.'
. . . But it
is more than doubtful whether volcanic action would kill the mosquitoes everywhere,
and the mosquito-theory explains much better the healthiness of early times. As
'
'

Bum points out {Rome and the Campagna, p. 22) the conditions were much more pestilential
than'^they are now. We can only infer, either that there were no Anophelines, or that
they were not infected.
§LiVY, V, 54 ' saluberrimos oolles.'
;

IJLiVY, VII, 38.

llCiCERO, de rejmblica, II, 6 : ' locumque delegit in regicme pestilenti salubrem.*
**Athknae03, XII, 510, 520.
 !

110

to precipitate malaria) are liable to be caught at these times, and

Anopheline mosquitoes bite most at dusk and in the night time.*
Probably much of the so-called Sybarite luxury was nothing but the
result of efforts made by the people to counteract the effects of their
unhealthy environment. As it seems impossible, even to those who
have lived on the spot, that malaria was endemic when Sybaris was
founded, one is tempted to believe that the disease was introduced,!
possibly by merchants coming from Africa, the ancient home of
malaria, between 700 and 600 B.C. It made but slow progress, as
the country was carefully cultivated and drained, but perhaps
Latium was reached as early as 400 B.C. Ravenna in the N.E. was
still healthy in the time of Strabo.J As Latium and the surrounding
country was the scene of continuous wars and devastations, malaria
strengthened its hold upon the land, as neglect of cultivation favours
the growth of the Anopheline mosquito. Possibly the epidemic at the
beginning of the third century B.C., which the worship of
owing to
Aesculapius was introduced to Rome from Epidaurus, was malarial
in character, as in all probability the Greek priests of Asclepius
were famous at this time for their treatment of malaria and its

sequelae. § At any rate, the Hannibalic war, during which Italy

See Lenoemant, La Qrande-Orece, Vol. I, pp. 225 and 287 Gabofalo, Intorno
;

Sibari e Turio, p. 26 Cannonebo, Ddtantica Citta di Sibari, pp. 8, 86, 87 Tommasi-

; ;

Cetjdeu, op. cit, p. 136 Jones, Malaria and Greek History, pp. 30-32.
;

A few months after writing this pamphlet there came to my hands an article by
Dr. F. Genovese, called II Clima antico delta Magna Orecia e la Malaria attuale di Foci
(Caulonia), contributed to the latest volume of the Atti delta Societa per gli Stiidi delta
Malaria. Dr. Genovese remarkably confirms my own conclusions.
He shows that in early times Magna Graecia could not have been very malarious
(' La plaga avrebbe dovuto spopolarsi in un solo cinquantennio ' p. 462). From
!

Thucydides, Virgil and Theocritus he proves that the flora and climate have greatly
changed, and that the conditions have more and more favoured the increase of malaria.
Pliny the elder says that there was no pestilentia ' at Locri and Croton, and Columella
'

notes that certain regions of Italy, which in ancient times had been too cold for the olive
and the vine, subsequently became warmer. The evil effects of malaria upon the birth-
rate are well brought out on pp. 477-479. In 68 families there are 159 living children,
while 149 have died and the abortions number 29. No wonder that during the early
Empire, when quinine was unknown, famiUes at Rome were small
fOn its introduction, malaria would almost certainly be confused with those fevers
which were already in the country. See North, op. cit., p. 66. The first epidemic
is severe and not unlike typhoid, the remittent or sub-continuous forms predominating.
See Ross, Report on the Prevention of Malaria in Mauritiv^, p. 47.
IStrabo, V, p. 213.

^WiTHiNGTON, Greek Therapeutics and the Malaria Theory in Jonbs, Malaria and
Greek History, pp. 164-156. Curiously enough, there has been discovered an inscription to
Aesoulapius (of rather late date) containing the words OVKOV aTrXTjuof aa>0ei<s.
See Beskier, op. cit., p. 213.
 Ill

was ravaged from eml to end for several years, bringing agriculture
almost to a standstill, must have produced exactly those conditions
which encourage the disease. It is not surprising to find that in
the year 208 B.C. a remarkable outbreak* occurred which was
almost certainly malarial.

Malaria in Latin lAterature

Plautust in one of his comedies mentions fever, and the

play in which this reference occurs contains a character who is

suffering from swollen spleen, + an almost certain sign of long-

continued malaria. Terence also uses the word fcbris, and even
adds the epithet cotidiana (quotidian), an evident reference to

malaria, and although both Plautus and Terence translated or

adapted Greek plays, they would hardly have used language
unintelligible to their audience. The famous censor, M. Porcius
Cato, has left us a short treatise on agriculture. North is of opinion
that malaria was unknown to him, or else that it was too
insignificant to attract attention. But besides the references in the
first chapter to honum caelum and to the situation of a farm

loco salubri, which North considers far too vague to be taken into
serious account, there is later on a passage in which are mentioned
*
black bile and swollen spleen, '§ a clear allusion to malarial —
cachexia. Quintus Fabius Maximus, consul in the year 121 b.c, is
said by Pliny the elder to have been freed from a quartan fever in
the excitement of a battle.lf
The satirist Lucilius, who died in 103 B.C., uses the phrase
querquera fehris.W The adjective qtierquerus, connected with the
Homeric KapKaipo), means trembling,' and querqiiera febris is
*

without doubt the ague, or, in other words, malaria with

pronounced shivering. The same adjective occurs in a fragment of

*LiVY, XXVII, 23 : eo anno pestilentia gravis incidit

'
in urbera agrosque, quae
tamen magis in longos morbos quam in pemiciabiles evasit.'
fCurculio, I, 1, 17. Plautus uses febris once metaphorically {Pseudoliis, II, 2, 48),
and once more literally in fr. 241 (Winter) init te unquam febris.*
'

tPLAUTUS, Curcvlio, II, ad init.

§Cato, de re rust., CLVII.

IJPliny, H.N., VII, 50, §166.
IIPaulus, ex Fest. (quoting Lucilius) '
iactans me ut febris querquera.'
 $
'

112

Plautiis,* but the reading is doubtful, and the reference may be to a

*
racking cougb.'
It is clear, then, that malaria was well known to the Romans of

the second century B.C., although, owing to the scantiness of the

literary remains of this period, its prevalence cannot be accurately

measured. If had survived, we should probably
more literature
have seen that the disease was on the increase, because the
latifundia offered just those conditions which favour the growth of
Anophelines.
Fevers are mentioned three timest by Lucretius in such a way
that it is clear they occurred to his mind first whenever he was
thinking of disease. We cannot be sure that he always meant
malaria when speaking of fever, but the connection in one passage
of bile and disease is significant, and in the sixth book, when he is
enquiring into the causes of disease, he uses language which plainly
shows that he was acquainted with malarial conditions.
Cicero makes many references to fevers, but the reader of his
letters does not carry away the impression that Rome itself was
highly malarious. He seems quite ready to remain in Rome during
the summer and autumn, and that though he was, on his own
confession, a man who feared disease. § It is true that on one
occasion he speaks of a pestilential year which was peculiarly fatal
to the young,1[ but this is exceptional. On the other hand, the

The 'is mihi erat bilis, aqua intercus, tussis, febris querquera.'
old reading gave:
But Winter 64, Frivolaria) reads: 'is mihi erat bilis, (is) aqua intercus, (is erat)
(fr.
tussis querquera.' The word, after disappearing during the classical period, re-emerges
with other homely expressions in"^ later Latin. Aitltts Gellius, XX, 1, 'aegrotationem
gravem'cum febri rapida et quercera'. See also other references in Forcellini. The
corresponding Greek word was T^TTtaXo?. See Jones, Malaria and Oreek History,
pp. 27, 28. Quercera is restored (for periculo) by some editors in Mintjcius Felix, XII,
'
cum quercera quateris, cum febribus ureris.'
tLxTCR. II, 34 : ' nee calidae citius decedunt corpore febres,
textilibus si in picturis ostroque rubenti
iacteris, quam si plebeia veste cubandum est.'
IV, 664 : ' quippe ubi cui febris bill superante coorta est

aut alia ratione aUqua est vis excita morbi.'

VI, 655 ' numquis
: enim nostrum miratur siquis in artus
accepit calido febrim fervore coortam
aut ahum quern vis morbi per membra dolorem ?
tLxTOR. VI, 1097 : 'fit morbidus aer.'
VI, 1 100 aut ipsa saepe coortae
: '

de terra surgunt, ubi putorem umida nacta est

intempestivis pluviisque et sohbus iota.'
§CiOERO, ad fam,, VTI, 26 ego autem quom omnis morbos reformido.'
: '

lICiCERo, ad fam., V, 16 non mehercule quern quam audivi hoc gravissimo et

: '

pefltilentissimo anno adulescentulum aut puerum mortuum, qui mihi non a dis immorta-
libuB ereptus ex his miseriis atque iniquissima oondicione vitae videretur.'
 113

fasliionable physician Asclepiades, who was practisiug in Rome at

the time of Cicero, declared that malarial fevers of a virulent type
were common there,* and his statement is borne out by the later
evidence of Galen. At the time of Cicero, however, malaria was
perhaps not so prevalent in Rome as it was thirty years later.

Cicero mentions, not only fevers, but also quartans and tertians,
and it should be carefully noticed that neither he nor any other
writer does so unless there is wood reason to specify the type of fever
referred to ;
generally, malaria is c&lled fehris. So when con-
gratulating Tiro on the improvement in his condition, Cicero says
that he *
hopes the patient will be better now that the fever has
turned to a quartan 't (the mildest kind of malaria), and in the
treatise On the Nature of the Gods it is argued that, if regularity
implies divinity, even tertians and quartans, the periodicity of which
is remarkably regular, must be regarded as divine. J There are
numerous other passages in Cicero which refer to fevers, but most of
them tell us nothing of importance. "We are told, however, that
whole districts were laid waste by malaria, § that Sardinia,1F
Brundisium II and Baiae** were infected places, and that fatigue
precipitated fever. tt

•Caelitts AtTREUAiTUS, rfc mothia acutis, II, 10 : ' Asclepiades ait

apiid Roman vero inquit frequentare advertiraus has febres. Asclepiades is probably
referring to the malignant tertian fever. See Galen, Kiihn, vii. 435 ; where the reniarlt
of Asclepiades is confirmed.
tCiOERO, ad /aw., XVI, 11 quoniara in quartanam con versa vis est morbi
:
'
. . .

spero te diligentia adhibita iam firmiorem fore.'

tCiOEBO, de not. deor., ITT, 10 vide, quaeso, si omnis motus omniaque, quae certis
:
'

temporibus ordinem suum conservant, divina dicimus, ne tertianas quoque febres et

quartanas divinas esse dicendum sit, quanim reversione et motu quid potest esse oon-
'
stantins ?
§CiOERO, de lege agrar., IT, 26 (genus agrorum) propter pestilentiam vastura atque
:
'

desertum ibid., 27
'
: in Salpinorum pestilentiae finibus
:
'
de fato, 4 inter locorum '
: :
'

natnras quantum intersit videmus alios salubrea' alios pestilentes.' :

^Cicero, ad fam., VII, 24 (of Tigellius Sardus) homineni pestilentiorem patria

:
'

Biia.'

IICiCEBO, ad Att., XI, 21 ; ' loci gravitas hie miserrime perferenda ' : ibid., 22 : 'vix
sustineo gravitatem huius caeli.' Cf. Caesar, de bello civ.. Ill, 2 ; ' gravis aiitumnus
in Apulia circumque Brundisium ex saluberrimis Galliae et Hispaniae regionibus omnem
exercitura valetudine temptaverat.'
**CrcERO, ad fam., IX, 12 gratulor Bails nostris, siquidera, ut scribis, salubres
:
'

repente factae sunt nisi forte te amant et tibi adsentantur et tarn diu, quam tu ades,
;

sunt oblitae sui.' This passage throws light upon the diflBcult elegy Propertius,
IV, 18. Marcellus almost certainly died of malaria caught at Baiae, as Dion Cassius,
LIII, 33, seems shrewdly to guess. For confirmatory evidence that Baiae was malarious
see Martial, IV, 57 :

horrida sed fervent Nemeaei pectora monstri

'

neo satis est Baiaa igne calere suo.'

tfCiCERO, ad fam., X. 21 'ex labore in febriculam irftidit assiduam et satis molestam.'
:

Other passages in Cicero ad Att., V, 8 ; VI, 9 VII, 1

: ad fam., XVI, 15 ; de or., ; ;

II, 71 Cat., I, 13.

;
 114

The poet Horace affords valuable evidence about the malarious

condition of Rome in his day. It is clear thai :
—
(1) The city was malarious in the summer and autumn
months,* and all who could do so left it for healthier

parts, t

(2) Children were especially liable to fevers.J

The evidence of Strabo is disappointing. He indeed states that
Ravenna was healthy, § Sardinia^ and Paestum unhealthy, and ||

he also mentions that in Latium malaria was prevalent about Ardea,

between Antium and Lanuvium, in certain parts of the Setine
district, and the region about Tarracina and Circeii.** But it does
not follow that other places were necessarily healthy ; either Strabo
was imperfectly acquainted with the facts, or else he thought fit to
mention only such districts as were remarkable for their healthiness
or unhealthiness.
I have examined carefully the writers of the first century a.d.,
and they fully bear out the conclusion one would be disposed to draw
from the works of Horace, that Rome and certain parts of Italy
were highly malarious, although it is plain that many districts

which are now pestilential were then healthy enough. It would be

tedious to give all the references, and I must confine my attention to
the really pertinent passages. It should, however, be noticed that
fever mentioned quite an extraordinary number of times, and a
is

comparison of, say Martial, with any modern English poet, would
demonstrate the important part played by malaria in ancient Roman
life.

Horace, Ep., I, 7, 5 ; dum ficus prima calorque

'

dissignatorem decorat lictoribus atria,

dum pueris omnis pater et materoula pallet,
officiosaque sednlitas et opella forensis
adducit febres et testamenta resignat.'
Odes, II, 14, and Ef., I, 16, 15.

fHoEACE, Odes, III, 29 : Sat., II, 6, 16.

JHoRACE, Ej)., I, 7, 5, and Sat, II, 3, 288. Other references to fevers are Odes, I, 3 :

Sai., n, 3, 30 and 145 (comatose form of malaria) Ep., I, 2, 48 I, 16, 21. : :

§V, p. 213.

IjV, pp. 224, 225.

||V, p. 251.
•*V, Cf. also p. 240, and see ViTEUvnJS, I, 4
p. 231. quibus autem insidentes :
'

sunt paludes, et non habent publicos exitus profluentes, neque per flumina neque per
foBsas, uti Pomptinae, stando putrescunt, et umores graves et pestilentes in iis locis
eraittunt.' The reference to fossae is the best direct indication I can find that the
Romans used drainage as a means of diminishing malaria.
 115

Seneca has many allusions to fever,* and he clearly states that

malaria often drove people away from their homes. t From Pliny's
Natural History I have collected over forty references, consisting
mostly of charms and quack remedies for ague. One of these is of

special interest, as it sliows how powerless ancient medicine was in

dealing with malarial disease. t Martial contains nine references to
fever, and three to the malignant tertian.§ He mentions a malarious

farm near Ilome,1[ and alludes to the unhealthiness of Ardea,

Castrum Inui, Sardinia || and Cyprus.** Pliny the younger has
many interesting passages, in one of which he speaks ahout the
dangerous character of the coast of Etruria,tt and TacitusJJ makes a
similar remark about the Vatican district in Rome. Juvenal also
mentions fevers, §§ and refers to the unhealthiness of autumn.lflf
With the exception of Cato, no notice has yet been taken of
the writers on agriculture. Yarro affords striking testimony to the
prevalence of malaria in country districts :
'
cultivation in unhealthy
districts,' he says, *
is gambling with the owner's life and property.'
He goes on to say that although human skill is powerless to
eradicate the mischief, nevertheless much good can be done by
suitable measures, such as alterations in the structure of the

*E.K., Seneca, Apocolocyntosia, VI ; et imposuerat Herciili minimo vafro, nisi '

fuisset illic Febris, quae fano suo relicto sola cum eo venerat coteros omnes deos Romae :

reliquerat. " iste " inquit " mera mendaoia narrat. ego tibi dico, quae cum illo tot
'
annos vixi."
fSENECA, ad Helviam, VII alios pestilentia aut frequentos terranun hiatus
: '

aut aliqua intoleranda mfelicis soli vitia eiecerunt ex qua quid eos
fugaverit incertum est, utrum caeli gravitas, etc' Cf. also qatst. ncU., VI, 1,6: 'in
pestileutia mutare sedes licet.' Other interesting passages in Seneca are qaest. not., Ill,
16. 1 ; VI, 14, 3 and 4 VI, 27, 1 VI, 28, 1
; de benef., VI, 8, 1 de ira. III. 5, 1.
; ; ;

tPiJNY, II. N., XXX, ii, §30 :

'
in quartanis medicina clinice propemodum nihil
pollet. quamobrem plura eorum remedia ponemus, primumque ea quae adalligari iubent.'

§Martial, Ep., II, 40 ; IV, 81 ; XII, 90.

111.85.
||IV, 60. For the unhealthiness of Ardea see also Seneca. Ep., 105 :
'
qua ratioiie
bonam valetudinem in Ardeatino tueris.'

**IX, 90.
ttPuNY, Ep., VI, 5, §1 est sane gravis et pestilens ora Tiiscoruin quae per litus
: '

extenditur '§46 mei quoque nusquam s.T,lubrius degunt

;
'
usque adhuc certe nerainem :

ex iis quos eduxeram mecum (venia sit dicto) ibi amisi.' Cf. Tibullus, III, 5, 1 :

vos tenet Etruscia manat quae fontibus unda,

'

unda sub aestivum non adeunda canera.'

IITacitus, Hist., II, 93 :
'
infamibus Vaticani locis magna pars tetendit, unde
orebrae in volgus mortes.'
§§JovENAL, Sat., IV, 57; IX, 17; X, 283.
'
X, 221
flJiSoi., quot Themison aegros autumno occiderit uno.'
: ' Cf. VI, 517
metuique iubet Septembris et Austri adventum.*
 ;;

110

kouse.* The malanous condition of Apulia was kno^vn to

VaiTO,t and in one famous passage lie says that in marshy
districts there grow tiny animals too small for the eyes to see these ;

enter the body by the mouth and nostrils, and cause difficiles '

morbos.'+ Columella condemns the building of a farm near a

marsh, because there are bred therefrom swarms of insects armed
with stings further, a bog breeds in spring pestilent swimming
;
'

and creeping things,' from which often come caeci morbi '§ the '
—
nearest approach to the mosquito-theory that can be found in the
ancient writers. Palladius has a passage to the same effect,^ and
he points out that the j^hysical appearance of the inhabitants is a
sure test of an unhealthy district, ||

The medical writer Celsus is an eloquent witness to the malarious

condition of Rome and certain parts of Italy in the first century a.d.
By fever he nearly always means malarial fever, and most of the
'
'

precautions given are obviously intended to prevent ague. Malaria,

in fact, is the disease which tends constantly to be uppermost in his
mind.** Particularly noticeable is the absence of any other virulent
fevers; typhus, typhoid, small-pox and scarlatina appear to have
been unknown, so that malaria was the endemic disease of the time.
The prominence of malaria is equally remarkable in the works of
Galen, and this writer distinctly states that the semitertian
(malignant tertian) was very common in Rome.tt
I have noticed some hundreds of other references to fever in the
writers just mentioned and elsewhere, but they seem to throw no

•Varro, de re rust, I, 4.
tl, 6.
:i, 12.
§CoLUMELLA, I, 5, 6. See also I, 3, 2 ; I, 4, 3.
IJPAiiiiADius, r. r., I, 7.

Ill, 3.

**I have dealt with the evidence of Cei^us in Malaria, eh. III. I should like to
note here Celsus, I, prooem interest eiiim, fatigatio morbum, an sitis, an frigus, an
:
'

'
calor, an vigiUa, an fames fecerit, an cibi vinique abundantia, an intemperantia libidinis
(good list of causes which precipitate malaria) praecipiunt, ut gravibus aut locis ;
'

aut temporibus magis vitetur frigus, aeatus, satietas, labor, libido (another good list) '

I, 2, ' cavere auras fluminum atque stagnorum

. . . I, 3, per autumnum vero, '
;
'

propter caeli varietatem, periculum maximum est, itaque neque sine veste . . .

prodire oportet neque sub divo noctu dormire (chill precipitates malaria)
. . .
'

I, 10; III, 3 '

sequitur vero curatio febrium, quod et in toto corpore, et volgare maxime
;

morbi genus est. ex his una quotidiana, altera tertiana, altera quartana est, etc.' (febri8 =
malsria) ; III, 18, 20 (malignant malaria) ; IV, 16 (splenic diseases).
tfGALEN, Kiihn, VII, 436 and XVII, A, 121.
 ; ; ; ;

117

light upon our investigation except to show how common malaria

wa3.
The preceding enquiiy has shown that :
—
(1) the discoveiy of Ross makes it unnecessary to postulate a
malaria-stricken Italy in early times, and so clears away a great
difficulty felt by all previous enquirers, who have thought that
where marshes are there must be malaria
(2) malaria was in the peninsula by 500 B.C., Sybaris being without
doubt infected
(-3) malaria travelled slowly, and Latium may not have been
reached by 400 B.C. ; Ravenna was non-malarious in the time of
Strabo
(4) by the end of the Republic, Sardinia, Sicily, Etruria, Apulia,
Latium and the southern coast-line were all more or less

infected, while Rome itself was highly malarious in the warm

months
(5) many places, malarious now, wei*e healthy in ancient times, so
that the disease has probably been continually on the increase.*

The Effects of Malaria

I once thought that malaria was at least one of the causes of the
downfall of the Roman Empire. Further research has led me to
modify this view, but at the same time it has confirmed my belief
that the disease greatly influenced the course of events, and was a
serious factor in the lives of the inhabitants of Rome and many other
parts of Italy.
Cicero and Seneca tell us that malaria depopulated certain
districts, and it cannot be doubted that it was one of the causes
whicli favoured the growth of latifundia. In deference to liigh
authority I have, here and elsewhere, assumed that neglect of
agriculture, in other words the latifundia, increased the amount of
malaria in the country, but Major Ross assures me that this view
is open to grave objections. '
Tbis could probably occur,' he says,
'
only when the population remains the same. If tJie population
decreases at the same time to a very great extent, I doubt whether
there will be much increase of malaria. I certainly know of one

*See NoBTH, Roman Fever, pi). 65-91 ; especially p. 87.

 H

118

instance in Mauritius where this happened, only a few villagers

being left, and the malaria disappeared though cultivation
entirely,

had been abandoned. On the other hand, there are numerous cases
where cultivation, owing to the necessary irrigation, actually does
increase malaria, and I fancy that this would especially occur in hot
and dry countries like parts of Greece and Italy. As a general rule
I think that depopulation is caused by malaria, and not the
converse.' Now parts of Latium and Etruria were once populous
and flourishing which later on were fever-stricken and deserted.*
It is surely a safe inference that the change was largely due to the

increase of malaria. "What probably happened is that malarious

sites were abandoned, and prosperous communities built elsewhere,
as in North Italy. Mr. Spencer Jerome, of Capri, writes to
tell me that previous to 300 B.C. nearly all the Roman colonies
were founded in districts which are now malarious ; after 300 B.C.
they were nearly all built on sites which are still healthy. It is
impossible for various reasons! to verify this statement in the case
of each colony, but roughly speaking it is true, and *
shifting of
population '
may be taken as one result of the increase of malaria.
That malaria played an important part in the lives of the
Romans is quite clear from one well-established truth the great ;

sufferers from the disease are the children. In summer,' says '

Martial, '
boys learn enough if they keep well,'+ and this testimony
to a fever-stricken childhood is confirmed by Cicero, § Horace,
Galen || and Scribonius Largus.**. One of the most disastrous
consequences of malaria is its effect upon the young ;tt year after

See LivY, VI, 12 and cf. de Totjknon, Etudes statistiques sur Borne, I, p. 205 :

'
Vulsinii, Tarquinii, Tuscania, Vulcia, Caere, la puissante Veii, Falerii, Capena, etaient
baties au nord du Tibre dans les lieux malsains aujourd'hiii, et ces cit6s etaient entour^es
de beaucoup d'autres villes. Sur la rive meridionale, Cures, Fid^nes, Nomentum,
Antemnae, CoUatia, Gabie, Lavinium, Ardea, Lanuvium, occupaient les contrees aujour-
d'hui les plus p6rilleuses k habiter. Enfin les Volsques poss6daient 23 villes dont plusieurs,
telles que Corioles, Polusca, Suessa Pometia, Longula, etaient baties dans line plains
infecte aujourd'hui. Ainsi I'air dans ces contr6es etait n6cessairement suffisaiument
aalubre ' ; Dubbatj de la Malle, op. cit., p. 37 ; Noeth, Roman Fever, pp. 67, 68.
fProfessor Celli tells me that it is impossible to obtain a satisfactory malaria map
of the coimtry.
JMabtial, Ep., X, 62.
§CiOEEO, ad jam., V, 16.
HHoEAOE, Ep., I, 7, 7.

IIQalkn, Kiihn, XI, 23 and XVII, B, 642.

**ScBiBONiu.s Laboits, ch. CXXXII. Cf. Sebenus, ad lypum quotidianae :
'
nam
febrera vario depelli carmine posse vana superstitio credit, tremulaeque parentis.'
tfSe© Jones, Malaria and Greek History, pp. 90, 91.
 — ;

119

year tlie attack recurs until puberty is when

reached, tlie patient
acquires a partial (but only a partial) immunity. The evil effects

of this unhealthy childhood often last all through life. Such, then,
were the early years of Roman children, and it is surely a most
important truth for the student of ancient social life."

Professor E. V. Arnold has pointed out to me that during the

early Empire families were small, while the death-rate among
children was large. He quotes Seneca ep. 54, 1; 65, 1; 78, 1, 4;
104, 1 and dial. YI, 16, 5. It cannot be doubted that malaria was
chiefly responsible for the mortality; the evidence of Horace and
Martial removes all uncertainty about the point.!
The shifting of population, and the harm done to the rising
generation, may be regarded as undoubted consequences of malaria
in the ancient Roman world. Nothing more, I think, can be
proved to demonstration, owing to the incompleteness of the
evidence ; nevertheless, would be wrong to assume that there were
it

no further results. But other forces were in operation, and it is

impossible to to each the parts which they
assign definitely
respectively played. shown elsewhere+ that endemic malaria
I have
tends to produce moral decline and to make its victims pessimistic
but although a very good case could be made out by one who wished
to connect disease with the state of morality at Rome during the
first century a.d., it would be dangerous to attempt this, as so many
other forces have to be taken into account. § One point, however,

* Julius Caesar suffered from a quartan in his youth .(Suetonius, dit\ Jul., I), and
probably Augustus [div. Aug., 81) and Claudius (div. Claud., 31 and Sex., ajiocol.,
VI) suffered from ague during the early part of their lives. The iini>ortance for the
historian of the presence of malaria in Rome is clearly sliown by Martial (VI, 70), who
calls himself a mere child in years if from his life be taken away the time lost owing to
'
cruel fevers, languor and pains ' :

at nostri bene conputentur aiini

'

et quantum tetricae tulero febres

aut languor gravis aut maU dolores
a vita meUore separentur :

infantes sumus et senes videmur.

aetatem Priamique Nestorisque
longam qui putat esse, Marciane,
multum decipiturque falliturque.
non est vivere sed valere vita.'
fl beUevo it was malaria, as well as the suspicious tyranny of the emperors, that
killed off the old Roman families during the early Empire.
tJoiTES, Malaria and Greek History, pp. 84, 85, 93, 94, 97-102.

§Yet I would note Pliny, ep., VII, 1 terret me haec tua tam pertinax valetudo,
:
'

et quamquam te temperantissimum noverim, vereor tamen ue qxiid illi etiam iu mores

tuos lioeat.'
 120

deserves mention. Many remarked that the

observers* liave
inhabitants of malarious regions are degraded and cruel. Now if
there is one assured truth in the much disputed question of the
change in the Roman character, it is that the Romans during their
later history grew more brutal. Their gladiatorial shows at once
occur to the mind, while nothing could be more striking than the
contrast between the self-control shown during the early political
struggles and the brutality which was so marked a characteristic of
the Gracchan and subsequent disorders. Further research among
other nations and tribes may perhaps confirm the probability that
this change is to be attributed to the increase of marsh fever.
The desire to avoid illness has given rise to many habits and
customs which have survived even when the original cause has
ceased to operate.! The danger of night air was real enough when
England was malarious ; but now it is a superstition which, in spite
of the teaching of science, dies hard. Similarly, I think that
malaria encouraged drunkenness+ among the Romans, but I would
not in the least imply that other causes were not still more
influential. I cannot find any evidence in the Latin writers, but
analogy in such a case is not an unsafe guide. Mr. T. B. Bumpsted,
of Trumpingtou, informs me that port-wine was a favourite
prophylactic and remedy among the Fen people in the last centurj'',
and Ur. Genovese, of Caulonia, writes to say that the Italian
peasants of S. Italy use rum§ for the same purpose. Menedemus is

said by Diogenes LaertiusH to have indulged in many banquets, '

because Etruria was unhealthy.' Again and again in the Greek

writersil do we find the recommendation to drink deep at the season

of the Dog-star, which is the time when malaria becomes epidemic

E.g., Macoulloch, Malaria, pp. 437, 438, and Nokth, op. cit, p. 103.

fl believe that, in time, the application of this truth will add largely to our knowledge
of folk-lore.
tCf. Macculloch, Malaria, pp. 437, 438.
§Pepper is added, he says, sometimes in enorjnoiis quantities. This s))ice was in
great favour among the ancients, and, curiously enough, it is mentioned as a cure for
ague by Pliny {H.N., xxxii, 10, §114) and Aemilius Macer {de pipere: quodque '

movere solet frigus periodica febris compescit, febris si sumitur ante tremorem'). But
there are many other reasons Avhy pepper should have been used in large quantities,
e.g., the difficulty of keeping sweet the meat of cattle killed before the winter, when there
was no food for them.
^DioCKNES Laertius, II, 133.
||E.p., HE.SIOD, Works and Days, 587-593; Theognis, 1039, 1040; Athenaeus, I, §22
(a Pythian oracle, two fragments of Alcaeus and one of Eupolis).
 ;

121

both in Greece and in Italy. \Vas this because of tlie ague? Or

was it merely to enable men to bear more easily tlie lieat of July?
Once again the question must be left undecided until observers in
malarious districts have collected further information, so that the
'
comparative method ' may be ajDplied in the case of ancient Italy.
One word in conclusion. The non-medical writers vary con-
siderably in the accuracy with which they refer to disease. Among
the historians, Tacitus* and Caesart are worthy of mention for their
restraint, and for the accuracy of such information as they think fit

to give, and I cannot discover any mistakes in Suetonius. Livy, on

the other hand, allows his imagination full play, and sometimes
combines, in a most extraordinary manner, the conditions that
favour the spread of malaria with the symptoms of contagious
disease.* Now it is likely enough that a writer who is careless in

one respect will be careless in other respects also, and I venture to

suggest that we may thus derive an additional test of the accuracy

and credibility of the ancient historians.

Additional Note

The April number Janus (1909) contains an article to which

of
I should like to call the attention of physicians and historians. I
offer no comment on the views put forward, but as they may
influence medical practice, as well as throw light upon history,
medical men throughout the world would do well to consider them.
The writer, Dr. Otto Effertz, a Governmental vaccinator in
Mexico, attempts to prove that the virulence of an infectious disease
is not absolute, but relative, being the resultant of two factors,
which vary according to the country in which the disease is endemic
and the people who are attacked by it. These factors are: —
(1) The virulence of the microbe, which differs in different
countries ; (2) the extent to which the patients have become immune
through natural selection. In other words, the microbes, as the
result of their struggle with men, gradually increase in strength

•Tacitus, Hist., 11, 93, 1.

ICaesar, de bello civili. III, 2.
tE.g., Livy, XXV, 26. This account reminds one of the imaginative pictures
of pestilence given by the jwets, e.g., SiLius Italious, XIV, 585, seqq., 594, soqq., ; 611
and 620 ; Virgil. Aeneid, iii, 137, seqq. (really a good description of malaria, but the
disease is said to have attacked the trees and the crops).
 122

natural selection evolves more powerful micro-organisms. On the

other hand, a race of men is evolved more capable of resisting them.
The resultant represents the malignity of the disease, and it will
vary as the factors vary. Dr. Effertz then notices two remarkable
facts : — (1) African malaria is deadly for Europeans, but very mild
for Africans. (2) American malaria is deadly for American Indians,
but mild for Europeans. He infers (a) that the African parasite
has grown more virulent during the thousands of years it has been
in Africa ;
(h) that the American parasite is much less virulent,

having been recently carried The African negro has

to America.
won his battle the European has partly won it the American
; ;

Indian has yet to win it. The European is superior to the American
parasite, but inferior to the African parasite. The Indian ia
inferior, the African negro superior, to both.
Dr. EfPertz applies similar reasoning to syphilis and yellow fever.
He shows that the Spaniards could not have carried out their
conquests if the Continent had been as fever- stricken as it is now,
and as a matter of fact history tells us little about fever in those days.
Malaria was probably brought over from Europe ; it now kills over

50 per cent, of all Mexican Indians.

I have tried to apply the reasoning of Dr. Effertz to ancient
Italy, but although there are recorded cases of Romans catching
malaria abroad, and of foreigners catching malaria in Italy, the
evidence is not, I am afraid, sufficient to justify any definite
conclusion being drawn from it. But Dr. Effertz has clearly proved
that malaria and yellow fever, which are now widely spread over
the American Continent, were once confined to certain veiy limited
localities. Now the hypothesis of such a '
generalisation '
of malaria
in Italy accounts admirably for the facts so far as we know them.

Summary of the Consequences of Malaria

Malaria attaches itself to particular districts, and its effects may

be classified as follows :
—
(1) The rich, the capable and the energetic seek healthier
homes, and so the inhabitants of a malarious district tend to become
a mere residue of the poor and wretched.
(2) Cities being, as a rule, less malarious than cultivated plains,
 123

the urban population tends to absorb the agricultural class, and

national ])kysique and well-being suffer in consequence. Cities

isolated by malarious surroundings often fall into decay and ruin

(South Italy).
(3) This process will obviously be accompanied by great
economic loss, for extremely fertile districts may fall altogether out
of cultivation.

(4) Malaria afflicts especially the young, whose physical powers

are so weakened by repeated attacks of fever that childhood may be
one long illness, and adequate education impossible. As Martial
puts it, aestate jjueri si valent, satis discunt.

(5) Exertion and strain often bring about a relapse, because the
malaria parasite will live in the human bod}'^ for months, or even
years. Naturally, the inhabitants of malarious places tend to avoid
fatigue and to become sluggish and unenterprising.
(6) Account must also be taken of the loss of life, loss of time,
and the physical suffering caused by the disease, besides the
permanent psychical disturbances it may produce in the patient.
The inhabitants of malarious districts age rapidly (Aristotle,
Prohl, XIV, 7).

Bibliography

N.B.— Many works have been written about malaria in Italy, but
the discovery of Ross deprives most of these of their value. I
include here such works as will help any reader who wishes to study

the effects of malaria in that country.

Atti della Societa 'per gli Studi delta Malaria, especially vols, iv, viii and ix.

Bertaux (E), La Malaria en Italic in Revue dea Deux Moiides. Aug. 15th, 1900.

Brocchi (G. B.), Dello Stato fisico del Suolo di Roma, 1820.

Canina (L), Storia lopografica di Roma e 3ua Campagna, 1846.

Ceixi (A), Malaria (Eng, trans, by Eyre), 1901, pp. 1-6.

DuEEAU DE LA Malle (M.), Economie politique de,s Romains, 1840, vol. II, pp, 21-52.

Jones (W. H. S.), Malaria (with R. Ross and G. G. Ellett), 1907.

Italian translation of the same by Dr. P. Genovese, with a Preface by Professor

A. Celli, 1908.
 124

Malaria and History in Annals of Tropical Medicine and Paraaitology for February,
1908.

liAiroiANi (R.), An<,itnt Rome, 1888, pp. 49-73.

Matthaeis (G. de), S^d Culto reso dagli antichi Romani alia Dea Fehbre, 1813.

NissEN (H.), Italische Landeskunde, 1883, vol. I, pp. 410-418.

North (W.), Roman Fever, 1896, pp. 65-91.

Pinto (G.), Roma, I'Agro romano e i Centri ahitabili, 1882.

Tommasi-Crudeli (C), II Clima di Roma, 1886. Engl. Trans. 1892.,

Alcune Riflessioni sid Clima delVantica Roma, 1887.

Le Comte de Tournon, Etudes statistiques sur Rome, 1831, vol. I, pp. 204, seqq.

Tucci (P. Di), DeU'aniico e presente Stato deUa Campagna di Roma, 1878.
Liretpool A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XV.

<l ## O
<d
i
o
«

^ m i
^

XVIIlTH Dyn. jewels from an undisturbed tomb-deposit. 941, A.09.

Liverpool A. A. A. Vul. II. PLATE XVI.

VItu Dvn, COPPERSMITH'S OUTFIT AND MODELS, WITH ALABASTER TABLE. 747, A.09

XVIIIxH Dvn. TOMB-DEPOSIT FOUND UNDISTURBED. 949, A.09.

Lirerpuol A. A. A., Vol. If.
PLATE XVII.

<y

XIIth Dyn. daggers. lOlCJ. 860, A.m. XVIIIth Dvn. POTTERY VASE. 949. A.(J9.

VlTH Dyn. a TYPICAI, TOMB DEPOSIT. 969, A.09.

 ;

125

EXCAVATIONS AT ABYDOS, 1909:

PRELIMINARY DESCRIPTION OF THE
PRINCIPAL FINDS
By JOHN GARSTANG, D.Sc.

WITH PLATES XV, XVI, XVII

The antiquities described below were found in the course of

excavations at Abydos in the spring of 1909.
The work was chiefly confined to three sites, but in the ordinary
course of soundings other features were disclosed, notably a fine
tomb of the first dynasty, through which one wall of a series of vast
subterranean vaults had been constructed. One of these chambers
was found to have been arranged as a Christian Church, and the
Coptic writing upon the walls may be as early as the fourth
century a.d.
The objects found belong to six different periods: —
(a) Ilnd Dynasty (before B.C. 3000) : royal seal impressions in
clay; two great flint implements; small vase of
alabaster, —found in and near the Shuna(t)-el-Zebib.
(b) Vlth Dynasty (before b.c. 2500) : bronze objects, cylinder
seal, amulets, alabaster and pottery vases; numerous
undisturbed burials, — all found on the desert-edge
near the temple of Rameses II.
(c) Xlth Dynasty (before b.c. 2000) : alabaster vases, beads
and amulets, —found in a portion of the necropolis
west of the Coptic Cemetery.
(d) Xll-XIIIth Dyn. (circa B.C. 2000 or before) : small stelae,
objects of stone, pottery and metal ; daggers, scarabs,
beads and ornaments; found in the remaining tombs
south of the Shuna.
(c) XVIII-XIXth Dyn. (circa b.c. 1400): The complete
furniture of two undisturbed tombs, including figures
in alabaster and pottery ; vases of stone and faience
vessels of bronze; jewels of gold, beads, scarabs and
personal ornaments. A great stela, found among
the tombs of site (6).
 :

126

(/) Latest Dynasties and Ptolemaic Period (circa B.C. 300)

painted cartonnage and beads, etc., from mummy-
cases ; figures of silver forming necklace of a mummy :

found among and over the tombs (b).

An exhibition of the antiquities brought to England was held

during the month of July, by permission of the Council, in the rooms
of the Society of Antiquaries, at Burlington House, London. There
were, however, a number of objects that could not be shown, having
been retained by the Service des Antiquites for the Egyptian
Museum in Cairo.
Ilnd Dynasty
Archaic royal seal-impressions, discovered in a re-excavation of
a building within the old Shuna(t)-el-Zebib, provide new material
for the chronology of the Kings linking the Second and Third
Dynasties.* The name which predominates is that of Kha-
Sekhemuijt indeed it appears probable that the building was a
palace of that King. J Another name found was that of Neter-
Khet, § whose tomb (primary or secondary) was found and excavated
some years ago at Bet Khallaf.il Putting together the old and new
association of names,the sum of evidence seems to corroborate the
||

King Per-ab-sen pre-deceased his Queen Ne-Maat-

supposition that
Hap, who remained regent during the reign of her infant son Kha-
Sekhemui, and that the latter was succeeded by a younger brother
Neter-Khet.** This departure from the regularity of succession,
which was probably matriarchal, marks the change of Dynasty.
Two of the smaller sets of fragments of jar-sealings described
below, from which royal names of the Ilnd Dynasty could be
restored, were also selected for the Museum at Cairo.

* A by Professor Newberry on p. 130 below,

selection of restorations is published
with plates XXII-XXV, from drawings by Mr.Schliephack.
t Nos. 1-4. Cf. Ayrton, Abydos III, PI. IX, where sealings previously found in the
same buildings are reproduced. Our No. 1 is identical with his No. 9 and another ;

fragment not published by us seems to be the same as his No. 14. In our examples
these two were impressed on the same mud-cap but Mr. Ayrton's specimens are
;

recorded as found in different sites.

X For Plan,see Ayrton, op. cit., PL VII.
§ Nob. 6-9. Garstang. Mdhaana and Bet Khallaj. London, 1902. PI. VIII, IX, X.
^ Garstang. Tombs of the Third Egyptian Dynasty. London, 1904. Frontispiece.
II
Both Ne-Maat-Hap and Per-ab-sen are associated with Neter-Khet {Mahasna,
PI. X, Nos. 7, 8), and the Queen is found with Kha-Sekhemui (Petrie, Royal Tombs II,
PI. XXIV, No. 210). I also suspect the name Neter-Khet on the fragment published
by Petrie {op. cit., No. 211).
 :

127

V-VIth Dynasties
Tlie excavation of several hundred tombs of the Vth and Vlth
Dynasties has provided a much wanted series of well-established
types of objects illustrating the archaeology of that period. The
tombs were found in great measure undisturbed and free from
misleading features and the objects have been classified as a useful
;

basis for future comparative study. They include numerous forms

and in pottery, as well as beads of various stones,
of vases in alabaster
and a variety of utensils and other objects in copper. The stone
vases may be generally distinguished from those of earlier and later
periods by their tapering and often pointed forms : handles are very
rare. In the earliest Dynasties the prevalent forms were open
bowls and dishes, worked freely in alabaster, slate, diorite,
porphyry, and other stones of considerable variety. In the period of
these discoveries, alabaster was employed almost exclusively; one
bowl of diorite was found (919, A. 09), but from its appearance it
would seem to have been already old when placed in the tomb.
There were, however, a few small dishes of granitic stone. -A
cylindrical vase of dark stone (968, A. 09) and a bowl with
ornamental neck (1004, A. 09) are also noted as exceptional, the
former in material, and the latter in form, both simulating more
ancient models. In general, it may be said that materials other than
alabaster were found to be worked sparingly at this period. The
button-seals and pendant-charms of these times are of special
interest, the former from their seeming relations with Cretan seals,

and the latter in the history of magic. A stone cylinder seal

bearing the royal name of Pepy helps in determining the exact date
of the deposits associated with it ; and is also an object of intrinsic
interest. Its form is unusual for the period, being modelled on
the smaller cylinder seals of the earliest Dynasties. Enclosed
in a panel, surmounted by the hawk, are the royal names
'
Mery-Ra, Mery-Taui.' From the rest of the inscription it is seen
that the seal belonged to, or was made by, the royal sculptor, who
is already known in history from a similar specimen.

The tomb-group illustrated by the upper photograph on Plate

XYI (numbered 747, A. 09) has become the property of the Cairo
Museum. This unique series includes a coppersmith's crucible,
melting pot, dishes, manufactured knife-blades, chisels, and other
models. These were found undisturbed in a tomb of the Vlth
 ;

128

Dynasty, and them was the fine table of alabaster upon which
witli

they are here shown. Another group that remains in Cairo belongs
to the same early period, and includes a standing vase of alabaster
with narrow neck and upright handle. In front of this vessel, and
possibly ornamenting the spout, was the design of a uraeus. The
upper portion of this was broken away, but the lower part remains,
and the tail of the serpent is continued in relief around the shoulder
of the vase.

Xlth Dynasty

The most attractive specimens of the Xlth Dynasty are the finely-
worked vases of alabaster, in particular a cup with pedestal from
tomb 1113, A.09. It may be seen from these examples how
great a change is already taking place in the forms of vases
and to some extent in the materials employed. The standing
cylindrical vessels of alabaster, for example, are now comparatively
small ;
globular shapes with narrow necks are coming into fashion
and a new material of peculiar beauty now makes its appearance,
like a translucent marble, grey-blue in colour. It is probably a
variety of alabaster naturally stained by contact with antimony.

Xllth Dynasty

Not much has been added this year to the material remains of the
Xllth Dynasty. The funerary objects of this period were more fully
represented by the discoveries of the two preceding seasons. There
are, however, some noteworthy specimens, as, for example, two
bronze daggers from tombs 860 and 1092 (Plate XYII). The smaller
of these has an ornamental mid-rib; and the handles of both are
pieces of ivory, of characteristic crescent shape. The rivets that

bound the whole together are still preserved. There are also a
number of small funerary stelae, and the well-inscribed lintel of a

stone door-frame; as well as a representative series of scarabs and

small ornamental objects of the period.

XVIIIth Dynasty
The tombs of the XVIIIth Dynasty that were excavated are
not numerous, but they included several of rare character with their
rich deposits undisturbed. Among these was a series of vaulted
chambers (numbered from 941 to 949) entered from a common shaft,
 ;

129

in the excavation of wlifch no fewer than eight iutermeuts were

found intact. The tomb had been constructed in later times
itself

in the middle of the favourite burying ground of the YIth Dynasty,

and several of the square pits characteristic of this latter period
were found in its floor. The gold jewels, of which a selection is
illustrated on Plate XV, and the remarkable vessels on Plate XVI,
came from two of the The whole of this
chambers of this tomb.
group will repay close study, both from the association and variety
of the antiquities, and from the perfect technical qualities and
peculiar beauty of several examples. There may be noted in
particular the bracelets of gold, the collar of gold pendants, the gold
ring and gold-mounted scarabs, the ear-rings of gold, with patterns
in twisted wire around them, and those in blue and yellow glass
which are obviously fashioned to the same design. There are also
small pendants of gold, lapis-lazuli, and other rare materials, as
well as some which represent natural forms, like the fly, the uraeus
and the hawk. Among the larger objects, some of the vases of
alabaster and stone are of considerable delicacy and beauty, features
too often lacking in the conventional furniture of Egyptian tombs
their forms and handles will also prove of interest to the
archaeologist.
The figure-vase of alabaster to the right of the top row on
Plate XVI is a rare specimen, based on the well-known Puntite
model, its handle is designed as the figure of a child. There are
three precious examples of ceramic art : first, the glazed dish, with
pattern in black outside and within; secondly, the unique circular
vase with naturalistic pendant ornaments bound around its stem
(PlateXVII) and thirdly, the ten-a-cotta figure vase of a kneeling
;

girl. The last is one of the finest examples of this kind of art, both
from the modelling of the subject and its technical qualities. The
girl is represented with a child upon her back and a drinking horn
(or scoop) upon her knee. The appearance of this peculiar object
is not accidental, as may be seen by comparing it with that on a

similar figure in alabaster in the MacGregor Collection. The

minuteness and finish of the work are alike admirable.
Among the single objects retained in Cairo is a metal mirror
from the same group, 949, with its handle in the shape of a slender
female figure.
 130

IMPRESSIONS OF SEALS FROM ABYDOS

By PERCY E. NEWBEKllY, M.A.

WITH PLATES XXII, XXIII, XXIV, XXV

These royal seal-impressions were discovered, as already stated

iu tlie preceding paper, Excavations at Ahydos, 1909, in the course
of the re-excavation of a building within the old Shuna(t)-el-Zebib
at Abydos.
They provide new material for the chronology of the Kings
linking the Second and Third Dynasties. The names which
predominate are those of Kha-8ekhemui and Neter-Khet.
Similar sealings found in the same building have already been
reproduced by Mr. Ayrton, Abydos III, Plate IX.
Plates XXII, XXIII, XXIY, XXY, herewith, contain repro-
ductions and restorations of the most important of the seal
impressions discovered in 1909, together with the necessary com-
mentary in the closest possible juxtaposition.
 1

tAverpool A.A.A., Vol. 11.

PLATE XXII.

N^

X.

1 1

i Cto. WUw «(L S^ckUjtfm,' Cjy u^

(SP
f-
/
?<3tK;*.
1
R.T.x.no.
-i - I

iLi
2r

SEA.LINGS OF KHA-SEKHEMUI.
UverpoolJA.A.A. Vol. II.
PLATE XXIII.

>'?^

-T X'
k
?^ ^I:..u,l^.^'^o.[wv<:^"IL]

K-etbw-WiO- , wtC tfUi. (!^<ivw Jjj^cMuCp

ins,

K4tuL-kiU-,Wn: fc«c fiV *- ^^'^^'*^P)-

S.

K^^tu-lcU-.

Cb. 5l^Xu>.^^ l^'

SEALINGS OP NETER-KHET.
Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. II.
PLATE XXIV.

N-^

SI
.'Wvf.Ai- Wit t^^^ .

TiM^lii>i tn S)

XS5.

5lsi

S3.

^ggjgj^

PRIVATE SEALING8: IInd DYNASTY.

Liverpool A.A.A., Vol. II.
PLATE XXV.

Si,

p?iSA
"^ 'SfsfSi^

^*

•V
•
f"rM^v**A«w<~

/«=5S^
rA*^>w<ivf

^ ^^fcM,N^A^.
(2
\>lll^v*>KvJt'

# -^

^ J"VA-tV<-*'V«.\^ I

PKIVATE 8EALINGS: IInd DYNASTY.

 131

TWO CHEROKEE CHARMS

By JOHN B. DAVIS

The two charms which, follow were communicated by the writer,

who is of Cherokee descent, and familiar with the Cherokee language,
to Professor Elton, of the University of Liverpool, in a letter dated
Chelsea, Oklahoma, August 10, 1908.

I. A Charm to Destroy an Enemy

This charm was told me by an old woman named RSb, or
Ailasi as it would be in English.* She got the charm from her
grandfather, who got it from his grandfather, and he got it from
some remote ancestor, who, like all of his descendants, was a mighty
magician.
This old man lived when the world was new, and his name was
lanigini (ShYh). When lanigini lived the sun moved much
closer to the earth than it does now, and lanigini worked in every
way to increase his power. One bright day in midsummer, he
spread out his white tanned buckskin cloak on the ground, and when
the sun was directly overhead he threw his magic stone hatchet at
her,t after repeating some charm that is not now remembered. The
hatchet never came back, but four (some say seven) drops of blood
fell on the white deerskin. It was the blood of the Sun, and when
he made medicine the words of the formula came to him. It is the
most powerful of all, for whoever knows it and will observe the
proper ceremonies can kill anyone. A man cannot use it to kill
another unless the intended victim is an enemy. On this account
most of the medicine men do not know it, for they say charms for
pay.

The Charm :
— ' To semi them to the other side.'

*
Listen ! Now I step over your soul. You are of the Clan.
I have put your spittle deep under the ground. Your soul shall be below

* In default of Cherokee type, which is not easily obtained in England, the

characters have been imitated as closely as possible from the writer's transcript. J. L. M. —
f Note that the sun is feminine, as in other Cherokee Folk-tales.
 182

the depths. I have covered you with black rock. I have come to cover

you with the black slabs, never to be seen again. May your path lead to

the black coffin of the upland of the Darkening Land. Be it so for you !

May the day of that highland cover you completely. May not even the nail
ofyour smallest toe remain uncovered. May it be black for you.
May the black day stay there at rest on the black house over your
'

black soul in the Dark Country. With the black coffin and the black

slabs I cover you. Now fades your soul away. When darkness comes
may your spirit leave you. May it go in the black paths of the land of the
'
dead, and never reappear here. Listen !

For the charm to be effective, it must be done when the moon is

dark. The conjurer must have spittle or some part of the body (a

nail paring, or a lock of hair) of the victim. This hair, or dust

moistened with enclosed with four splinters from a tree
spittle, is

that has been struck by lightning, and seven earthworms in a hollow

joint of the poisonous wild parsnip. These must be buried under
seven black stones. When it is dark the victim will die, unless he
should employ counter-charms, or unless his real name should be
different from the one used in the formula.

II. A Charm for Snake-Bite

I have heard this charm more than

must be repeated once. It
four times, while rubbing tobacco-juice on the bite. It must be

rubbed on four times. Then blow on the place four times. The
blowing and rubbing must be done in a circle, and the motion must
be to the left, because when a snake down it coils to the right,
lies

and we must uncoil its spirit from the wound and not allow it to
rest there.

The Charm. — ' For those who are pecked by a snowbird.^

'
Listen, Ku / It is only a frog that has put the intruder in him.
Listen, Ho ! It is merdy a lizard that has put it in him. Listen, Ku !

It is only an earthworm that has put the intruder in him. Listen, Ho !

'
It is only a tree toad that has put it in him.

The phrase pecked by a snowbird,' or scratched by a briar,'

' '

means that the patient has been bitten by a snake, but because the
Rattlesnake —the snake chief — is very powerful, it is not safe to
accuse them and ; if we lay it to the frogs or lizards they cannot
hurt us anyway.
 ^

133

III. Other pieces of Folklore from Oklahoma

It is very hard to get Cherokee formulae, for there are very few
left who know even the language, and less than ten per cent, of the
people in this territory are Indians.
There are a great many negroes here, though, and a great many
of them are believers in voodoo, and the only way to get some of
them to work is to threaten to trick them. I almost always carry
' '

a snake-bone for that purpose.

Most of the white people are very ignorant and superstitious,
too. Last week a woman brought a little girl, who was badly
burned, to me, and asked me to draw out the fire. The girl's
grandmother knew the charm, but could not say it to the girl, for it

is effective only when a man tells it to a woman, or a woman to a

man. You have probably heard the charm; it is :
—
'
Come out fire ;
go in frost ;

Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

and must be repeated three times while blowing on the burned

place. After blowing on the place, I sent her to a physician.
The last time I was out at my farm, the farmer asked me to give
him a charm to hive swarming bees. You have probably heard it,
or a similar one :
—
*
Mary, hdy Mother,
In fair or stormy weather,

Bring them down together,^ etc.

 134

THE LIVER EATER A CHEROKEE STORY* :

By JOHN B. DAVIS

Long, long ago, just after the old animals went back, a girl came
out of a liole wliere dead men were buried. Because of tliis, tlie
people knew slie must be a witch, even tliougk ske was young and
beautiful. We do not know what ker name was, but ske was an
awful witck ; seven witckes in one. Tke people knew tkis, but tkey
were afraid to say anytking about it, for fear tkat ske would karm
tkem.
Once a kunter from one of tke overkill towns visited in tke town
wkere tke girl lived. We do not know wkat kis name was. It was
long ago, wken our feet were still in tke wkite patk. He was a very
kandsome man, and wken tke girl saw kim ske loved kim, and
wanted kim for ker kusband. Ske was very beautiful, too, and tkey
were about to be married, wken some of tke people warned kim tkat
ske was a witck, —tkat ske was not born of a living woman. Tkat
nigkt ke died on kis way back to kis kome in tke nortkeiii mountains.
Ske was enraged at tkis, and determined to kave ker revenge on
tkat town and on all tke people of tkat clan. We do not know wkat
clan it was. Tkis was a very long time ago, wkile we still lived in
tke wkite kouse ; wken all tke kill country was ours, and all tke land
on tke otker side of tke mountains.
Ske was a powerful witck, and tried to put spells on tkem and
make tkem die, but tke conjurers in tkat town made medicine tkat
overcame ker ckarms. Tkis was very long ago, and tke conjurers
were not all dead and tkeir ckarms forgotten, as tkey are now.
Tken ske did tke most desperate tking a mortal can do, a tking
tke bravest men tremble to tkink of. One nigkt wken tke moon
was kiding from kis wife, and wken it was very dark, ske killed
twot ckildren and went to water witk tkem. Tkere ske cut tkem
in little pieces and sang tke awful song tkat calls tke Ooktana, tke
great korned serpent.

* Communicated by the writer, who is of Cherokee descent, and familiar with the
language, to Professor Elton, of the University of Liverpool, in a letter dated Chelsea,
Oklahoma, October 19, 1908.
t Some accounts say '
four.'
 185

The song was a very terrible one, and it is not safe even to think
of it, much less to repeat it, and it is a good thing that it is now
forgotten. All of this was very long ago, while we still lived with
our faces to the rising sun, and had not turned to the house of dark-
ness, as we now have.
When she had finished singing, a great horned Ooktana glided
out of the water. lie was not the one she wanted ; she wanted the
chief ; and more powerful song of the stronger
so she sang another
medicine, and other and larger ones came until the ground around
her was covered with the slimy bodies of hissing serpents.
Then she said the most horrible charm of all, and the great chief
of the Ooktanas came roaring out of the water. He was hideous to
look at ; his eyes were fiery, with great white rings about tliem. His
branching horns rose sharp and high, his forked tongue spat poison,
his gleaming teeth were white and red, green fumes rose from his
nostrils, and the gleaming jewel between his horns shone like a
torchlight in a dark night. He soon devoured all that was left of

the children, and asked the woman what she wanted.

She told him that she wanted power to overcome her enemies,
and the people of the town she lived in. The Ooktana asked her if
she feared him, and she said Xo I am not afraid of anything there
'
!

is.* She was a Cherokee. '

Then
you will come into the water
if

and lie with me to-night, I will give you what you want.' Then
it was good for her that she was a witch and not afraid, for he

became even more terrible to look at, with his great bloated body
covered with spotted scales.
Now happened very long ago, before even the Unakees, the
this
white men, came over in the good time when we still lived in the
;

white house, when we sat on the white benches againsit which the
white peace-pipe leaned. Our feet were still in the white path
which was swept clean.
The next morning when the woman came away she brought with
her a scale from the body of the Ooktana, and a tip of his branching
horn. Now these are the greatest medicine there is, except
(of course) the jewel on the head of the Ooktana. She was also
given power to hide her heart outside of her body, and her food must
no longer be the food of other people, but she must eat nothing but
human livers. Whenever she killed anyone, as many years were
 136

added to lier life as liacl been taken from tlie one slie killed. Her
favourite food was the livers of young children, and she was very-

old, and a great many lives had been added to hers.

Usually ordinary i)eople could not see her, for she could make
herself invisible. Even the most powerful conjurers were never
sure that they saw her, for she could take any shape, and often
appeared as a bird, or animal. She was covered all over with a hard
horny skin, that weapons could not pierce, that fire could not burn,
nor water dampen. No harm could come to her.
She had a very long bone-like finger on her left hand. This
finger was very sharp, and when she could get near enough, she
would stab people with it, and kill them. On this account some
people called her Spear-Finger, or Owl-Finger. She was an awful
witch. Often she would take the shape of a small bird or insect,
and fly to when no one
the place where children were playing, and
was watching, she would take her own proper shape and stab them.
Sometimes she would take the form of an absent member of the
family, and enter a house, and kill all the people there.
Sometimes her victims died immediately, but more often they
would sicken and die. The person stabbed did not always know
that his liver was taken, for there was no wound, and no pain was
felt.

Now this thing kept on for many generations, and afterward

other people, the Seneca, the Shawnees, and the Muskogees were
made, and lived near us in the old country. "We did not always
walk in the white path, but often people were killed. So many wars
had occurred on account of these killings, that, after they had held
*
a council of all the seven clans, it was decided to make *
beloved
towns, or '
peace '
towns, where a man could go and be safe when he
had killed a man. He could stay there until his clan-chief and the
chief of the clan to which the dead man belonged could decide as
to what should be done in the matter.
Now this town where the witch gitayed was one of those towns,
and she kept on killing the people until the head-men were afraid
that they would all perish. The conjurers tried to drive her off,
but her medicine was the stronger, and she stayed.
ITien they helJ a general council, and all the people of the seven
clans came together, and after the clan-chiefs and head-men had
 187

talked it uver^ it was decided to make anotker effort to drive ker

away.
Tkeu all of tke people -were told to fast and to go to water every
day for four days, wkilc tke conjurers made medicine to drive ker
away.
Now at tkat time a Muskogee kad taken refuge in tkat town, and
every day wken no one was looking lie would eat a little. Wken
tke fourtk day came, all of tkat town, tke old men, tke ckiefs, tke
women and tke little ckildren, went down into tke river and sang
tke songs and said tke ckarms tkat skould kave driven Old Spear-
Finger into tke inaccessible mountains.Tlic Muskogee did not go
down witk tkem. lie could not understand Ckerokee, and probably
ke did not know wkat tkey were trying to do. Tke people did not
seem to notice tkat ke was not witk tkem, and tkey were muck
astonisked wken Old Spear-Finger came and suddenly killed a kalf-
dozen ckildren.
Tken tke conjurers found wko kad broken tke fast, and tkey
killed tke Muskogee, and once more tke town fasted for four days,
and made medicine and drew a magic circle around tkat town, and
laid down tke medicine-arrows in tke patks, so tkat Spear-Finger
could not turn back, and drove ker to tke kigk mountains. Tken
for a wkile we kad peace; but wken tke summer was over, and tke
people kad to go to tke mountains for nuts. Old Spear-Finger would
kill tkem. Tkat year tkere was a great drougkt, and tkey did not
raise any corn or beans, and tke pumpkins and calabaskes died of
tke keat. However, tkere was a heavy fall of m«st, but wken tke
people wanted to go to gatker the ckestnuts and acorns, Old Spear-
Finger would kill tkem.
TTien all of tke people met and keld anotker council, and sent
seven conjurers to tke far west to tke kome of tke Tkunderers.
Wken tkey got to tke home of tlieir elder brotkers tkey called to
tke first man '
Ok, grandfatker, you wko kave said, " Wken my
grandckildren call to me in tkeir greatest trouble, I will bold up
tkeir faces," kelp us, for we are in trouble.' Tkis was long ago,
moved so far away.
before tke Sunset-country was
Tke Tkunderers gave tkem some sort of medicine, or ckarm, and
tkey came back, and dug a great pit in tke patk of tke Stone-
Woman, tke Liver-Eater. Tken tke people set fire tn tke dead
 138

leaves around the foot oftlie mountain, and soon tliey saw an old

woman come liobbling down tlie path. They were not sure that it
was the Spear-Finger, for she looked like an old woman who lived
in the town.
"Wlien she came to the pit the poles broke, and then she showed
her true nature. She turned from the feeble old woman into the
terrible Spear-Finger, and began thrusting around in all directions,
with her dreadful forefinger. She tried to turn herself into a bird,

and fly aAvay, but there were so many conjurers there and their
medicine was so strong that she could not do so. Then all the
warriors began shootiug their arrows at her, and so many shot
together that they could not see the sun, but the flint heads of the
arrows splintered against her stony skin.
They had almost filled the pit with arrows, and had tired them-
selves until they could no longer draw the bow-string. While they
were resting and waiting for the boys to bring more arrows from the
town house, a bird perched on the hand of the Stone- Woman, and
they knew that she must have her heart hidden there. Then the
men began shooting at her hand, and she knew that they had dis-
covered her secret, and she began to jump around furiously, and
try to get out of the pit, but a lucky shot pierced her heart and she
died. Then all of the women and children brought leaves and
branches and filled the pit, and covered her. They lighted the
branches and burned her for seven days and nights. At the end of
that time there was nothing left but the scale of the Ooktana, and
the tip of his horn. These the conjurers kept, for they are powerful
medicine for doing harm.
And that was how they killed the Liver-Eater or Spear-Finger.
 139

EXCAVATIONS AT TELL HALAF, IN

NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA^
By JOHN L. MYRES

Tell Halaf is an aiicieut site in North Mesopotamia, situated at

the point where the principal head waters of the Cluibur river
converge to form the main stream, the only principal tributary
which the Euphrates receives from the north-east after it enters the
Mesopotamian lowland. The site has recently been visited and
excavated by Dr. Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, who has published
a brief account of his discoveries in a recent number of
the German series of popular archaeological summaries, entitled
27*6 Ancient East.
His excavations at Tell Halaf took place in November, 189U,
and the following months, and resulted in the discovery of an
important building with sculptured plinth of a type which is

common to Assyrian and Hittite architecture, and has become

familiar to the English public through the recent excavations of the
Liverpool Expedition under Professor Garstang at Sakje Geuzi.t
The site is at present quite deserted, with the exception of a
small settlement of Circassians at a few minutes' distance.
Considerable traces were found of a Roman town, which formed the
uppermost layer on the ancient site. They included drums of
columns and square blocks of wall-masonr}'^, but no inscriptions or
important minor finds. Irrigation works were noted on both sides
of the Chabur river, but their age is quite uncertain ; their interest
is chiefly as confirming the evidence of numerous small mounds in
the neighbourhood of the principal site, as to the existence of a
considerable and prosperous population in this region in early times.
The principal mound appears to have been gradually accumu-
lated on a natural rise in the ground which was itself of very
moderate height ; the greater part of its present mass is composed

'I^Max Frbihbrr von OpPEaiHEiM. Der Tell Halaf, und die vcrschkierte Goltin.
(' Der Alte Orient.' Vol. X, part I.) Leipzig (Hinrichs), 1908, 8vo, pp. 44, with fifteen
illustrations.

t Liverpool Annals of Archaeology, Vol. I, pp. 97-117, plates xxxiii-xlix.

 140

of tlie ruins and debris of successive strata of buildings. Its present

surface is somewhat irregular, and this is due to the different rate
of accumulation of rubbish at different points.Dr. von Oppenheim
began his excavations at the south-west corner of the mound, at a
point where the natives had already begun to plunder it in search
of treasure. The principal ancient stratum was found to lie at most
two metres below the surface. The principal building which was
brought to light consisted of the western wing of the principal
gateway of a large building it included the left door jamb of the
:

principal door, which faced towards the noiHh. Continuous with

SKETCH PLAN OF THE PAfADE, SHOWING (IN SOLID BLACK)

THE PARTS ACTUALLY RECOVERED, AND (IN DOUBLE LINES)
THE RE-CONSTRUCTION OF THE REMAINDER.

was a fa9ade, about five metres wide,

this to the left or western side
protected, at the end remote from the doorway, by a projection of the
building about a metre and a half northwards. Thus the door and
its fagade form the back wall of a broad shallow recess in the actual
front of the building. The door jamb and fagade consisted of a
plinth-course of massive slabs of stone, about a metre high ; the
door- jamb was carved in relief in the form of a sphinx or other
animal with lion's paws : the fore quarters of the animal in front of
the fa9ade are nearly half a metre wide, and are carved almost in
the round, producing the effect of a great watch-dog guarding
the entrance. Unfortunately the head and shoulders of the animal
are broken away. On the slabs of the fa9ade are carved, in the
following order, outwards from the doorway — first, a lion marching
inwards towards the door- jamb, with open mouth and tail sweeping
the ground. It is executed in a vigorous but simple style, in very
flat relief, with the principal internal lines of the body and head
indicated rather by grooves than by modelling : the head and feet,
however, are represented in more rounded and elaborate manner.
In the free space above the back of the lion is inscribed a short
cuneiform inscription, '
Palace of Kapar, son of Hanpan.'
Next to the lion comes a smaller slab with a standing figure of a
bearded man, represented full-face, with both arms raised to the
 ;

141

height of the shoulder, brandishing in the right hand a mace, with

a sphericalhead perforated to receive the shaft, and in the left hand
an indistinct object which might be interpreted either as a human
leg, held by the foot, or as an unsymmetrical club. The figure is

clothed in a foldless tight-fitting garment, with a fringed hem and

a waist-belt. Its feet are bare. On its head is a high spherical cap,
flat topped and decorated with vertical lines rising above its lower
rim. From this rim there appears to hang a hood or veil, which
partly conceals the hair, and falls in elaborate folds or coils at the
shoulders. The beard
long and nearly pointed, and the upper lip
is

appears to be shaven. Above each ear of the figure rises a large

horn, like a cow's horn, which bends forward and touches the point
of the other one above the forehead. On the front of the body is a
short cuneiform inscription in the same terms as that above the lion.
The third stone of the facade shows a hunting scene a great ;

stag moves towards the doorway, and looks back over its shoulder
at a hunter, who follows on foot and aims an arrow at it with his

bow both beast and man are carved in the same flat relief as the
;

lion, with considerable use of simple grooves to represent the

internal lines. The man wears a short-armed tunic, and a loin cloth
reaching to the knee, and confined by a waist-belt. He is bearded,
and his hair escapes from under a narrow head band, and falls in
rounded masses on his shoulder.

On which forms the west end of the recess

the return-wall,
containing the facade, is carved a monstrous winged figure, four
footed, and with a human head, horned, and crowned with a
cylindrical cap, with long twisted locks falling in spiral coils on
either side of the face. This head also is bearded, and is

represented full-face like the human figure already described. The

wings, of which only one is shown, are vigorously modelled, and
show five ranks of feathers. The breast of the figure is covered with
a scale-pattern, probably intended likewise to represent feathers
and there is a pattern of alternate groups of oblique straight lines on
the underside of the body to represent a growth of shaggy hair. In
other respects the style of this figure resembles that of the other
animals.
Another trench a little to the south-east yielded the shattered
fragments of the eastern door-jamb, with a similar animal standing
 142

sentinel, and looking outwards ; it had the feet of a griffon or a bird,

but the upper part was destroyed. West of this door-jamb, parts of a
similar facade to that on the w-est were found in place, but too
badly damaged to be worth description, A little further to the
north-east, however, another carved slab was found in place, with
the remains of a lion upon it, in a rather more refined style of relief
carving. In the same hole was found a very fine griffon head,
carved in the round, with broad simple surfaces and great vigour of
expression : it is possible that this head belongs to the mutilated

body, which has been described already. Another fragment

represents the head of a horned goat, and also the capital or base
of a column with a ring of obtuse-angled leaves in a drooping
positionround it.
Another shaft, sunk a few steps north-westwards, revealed the
most important piece of sculpture which the site has produced it :

is the upper part of a human figure, with upturned face, and

features so curiously blurred in the execution as to give the

impression that the intention of the artist was to represent the head
as veiled. The face is flat, and nearly circular, and the features
are only slightly indicated. Over the chin the outlines flow in a
large concave curve, with a distinct fold falling in front of each
ear, and a row of conventional grooves across the breast, running
down vertically into as many spiral coils. Another fragment found
on the site shows a similar treatment of the back of the head, and
in this instance the grooves and spiral ends clearly represent a
loosely falling head-dress.
The head now in question is beardless, and the excavator assumes
that it is intended to be female. From the shoulders downwards, as
far as the figure is preserved, the workmanship is very rough and
somewhat mutilated. A curious feature of the head is that the eyes
were inlaid with oval pieces of polished black basalt, surrounded
with a white cement : only one of these eyes was presei-ved, and as
this was loose it has been brought away by the excavators. It is a

curious inconsistency on the part of the artist that he should have

represented the eyes in this realistic manner, if he conceived the
figure as being veiled.
As the lower part of the figure is lost it is impossible to be
certain how it was continued downwards ; the excavator thinks that
 143

it formed the fore part of a stone sphinx or other four-footed

creature, like that already described.
Among the smaller finds the only matters of importance are
(1) the traces of charred timber, which are sufficiently clear to
prove that the place was destroyed by fire : and (2) a number of

coins of late Roman and Saracen issues, which show that the site

was re- occupied down to the 14th century of our era. A few
engraved gems prove occupation also in Seleucid times ; and a clay
cylinder and a spindle-whorl, of types which are common at

Sinjirli, support the general impression conveyed by the sculpture

as to the probable date of the principal building.
This building clearly belongs to the style of architecture and
sculpture which for the present is described as Hittite ; the great
sculptured door- jambs, partly in relief, partly in the round, recall
similar sculptures and architectural forms at Boghaz-keui, Sinjirli,
and Sakje Geuzi to the westward, and also the doorways of Sargon's
Palace at Khorsabad on the other. The marching lion on one of the
slabs of the fagade may be compared also with the lions found by
Dr. von Oppenheim himself at Harran, and in the Tektek
mountains, in the course of the same expedition. The design on
the next slab to the lion in the faQade seems to represent the Hittite
storm god, Teshup, as he is represented at Sinjirli, and on other
monuments of the same Hittite style. The identification of the
Veiled Goddess, if it be a goddess, is less doubtful. The excavator,
not unuaturally, suggests identification with Ishtar, whose veiled
visit to the under-world is a well-known incident of Mesopotamian
mythology.
The almost complete absence of inscription makes it impossible
to identify either the ancient name of Tell Halaf, or the precise
historical position of the builders of its palace. TTie brief
inscription on the slabs of the fagade record only, according to
Prof. Delitzsch, the fact that this is the '
Palace of Kapar, the
son of Hanpan.' The fragmentary inscription below, to the Veiled
Goddess, seems to contain the name of the god Ashur, but whether
in combination, as is so often the case, or independently, is not clear.
The short inscription already quoted, however, is of this importance,
that it settles the question, whether this type of portico, with
projecting door-jambs and sculptured iaq-a.de, represents the
 144

entrance to a temple or to a palace, in favour of the latter

alternative. The style of the writing indicates, according to the
excavator, that the building belongs to a period about the year
900 B.C., and this accords well with the circumstance that Kapar
seems to describe himself as the independent owner of the palace,
and not as dependent on the King of Assyria. The building,
therefore, belongs in all probability to the period of the comparative
weakness of Assyria, which precedes the great Assyrian conquest of
the 9th century. On the other hand, the style of the sculpture
betrays strong Assyrian influence, and consequently presumes
considerable intercourse between this region and the middle Valley
of the Tigris. No Assyrian sculptor, however, could easily be
imagined as responsible for works of art so rough and provincial in
their execution.
The nearest approach to a historical reference in Assyrian
chronicles to any site corresponding to Tell Halaf, is the record of
a campaign of Asshur-nazir-pal in 884 b.c, in which a city on the
Khabur river, which the conqueror calls Bet-Hadipu or Bet-TIalupi,
was captured, and this name accords very closely with the form of
the modern name Tell Halaf.
It is much to be hoped that Dr. von Oppenheim m^'v find

opportunity, under the new Turkish regime, to return to this

interesting site, and complete excavations; of which we have clearly
onlv a first instalment here.
Llrrt;.o,.l A .J..(., Vol. 11
PLATE XXVI

H
 Liiiipool A. A..4., Vol. II. PLATE XXVn.
U <t

I
 145

TWO PREHISTORIC FIGURINES FROM

ASIA MINOR
By T. E. PEET
with plates xxvi-xxvil

The two terra-cotta figures sliown on the Plates were bought this
year at Adalia, on the south coast of Asia Minor, by Messrs. Hasluck
and Woodward.* They are said to have been found at a depth of
two metres from the surface at Chai-Kenar, near Istanoz, about
twelve hours north-west of Adalia.
Both figurines are made of the same fairly pure clay, brownish-
ochre both in surface and in fracture ; they have apparently no
slip, but the surface is very highly hand-polished. The incisions
were probably made, before by actually cutting out portions
firing,

of the clay with a sharp instrument, and not by merely tracing them
with a pointed tool. They were originally filled with a white paste,
traces of which may still be seen. Both figures are of the flat type
which the Germans call hrettformig, and both are female.
The larger figure (Plate XXVI) is 9*5 centimetres in height. It
is by far the more naturalistic of the two. The clay is slightly
raised to show the breasts, and the sex is again clearly indicated in
the centre of of ornament.
the lowest line The legs are not
represented, and the arms are mere stumps. The head presents
remarkable features. The eyes are drawn away to the sides; the
eyebrows are strongly marked, and perhaps partly confounded with
the nose. Where the mouth should come, there is a minute puncture
which at first sight seems almost accidental compare, however, the ;

punctured mouth on Plate XXVII. A fringe of hair is shown on

the forehead by means of a pattern of cross lines and dots. The two
vertical lines on the back of the figure might be either a tail of hair
or a pendant attached to the necklace. The round flat object on the
head is distinct from the coiffure, and is probably a hat. Round the
neck is a necklace with numerous pendants. To what extent the
incisions on the body are meant to represent clothing, it would be

• I have to thank these two gentlemen for permission to publish the figurines.

L
 146

hard to say. From it is probable, though not

the indication of sex
certain, that the figure was meant to be nude, in which case the
incisions on the upper part of the body would be merely
conventional. If, however, they represent a garment, it is a curious
one, covering only the breasts and shoulders, and kept in place by
two straps crossing on the back. But the figure is so conventionalized
that the original garment may have been very different from this,
and it should be noted that similar Y-shaped ornaments occur on
the other figure, not only on the body, but on the head.
The smaller figure (Plate XXYII) is 8*5 cm. in height, and is
more conventional in type than the other. From the neck down-
wards it is almost a replica of it, except that there are no incisions
on the back. The necklace is, however, slightly different, and the
head entirely so. The eyes have wandered out to the edges, and
there is a great deal of V-shaped ornament which represents no
natural feature at all, and is entirely gratuitous. Now this
V-shaped ornament is exactly what occurs on the breasts and
shoulders of both figures. May it not be purely conventional there
too? If we neglected it we should have left simply two bands,
crossing in front (and in the case of the larger figure both in front
and at the back), which, if they mean anything at all, represent two
sashes, one over each shoulder.
These figures present a point of great Both are of
interest.
exactly the same clay and workmanship, and they were presumably
found together. It is probable that they are by the same hand, and
certain that they are of the same date. Yet one is far more
conventionalized than the other. Thus we have one more example
of the way in which the typological method may be misused. It is
true that a conventionalized form must arise later than the
more natural form of which it is the degeneration, but it is also
clear that the natural form may survive, and both types be made
side by side.
Coming to comparisons, we may at once refer to the figure, also
from Adalia, published by Professor J. L. Myres, in the Journal of
the Anthropological Institute, XXX, pp. 251-6, Plate xxiv; and
subsequently acquired by the Ethnographical Department of the
British Museum.
This figure is much more naturalistic than those described here.
 147

It is of black clay, and not of the flat type, but carefully modelled
in the round. The right leg is depicted as folded back under the
body, which Professor Myres believed to be steatopygous. But
despite these differences, there are points of resemblance. The
figure is incised in exactly the same style as ours, there is the same
conventional representation of hair on the forehead, the same minute
dot for a mouth ; on the neck are two necklaces of precisely the type
seen on our larger figure, and a rough cross on the top of the head
may stand for the flat hat with the cross-ornament, of which we
have such a fine example here.
In technique and detail is so striking that
fact, the similarity in

we may safely attribute all three figures to the same civilization,

and perhaps approximately to the same date. Professor Myres
believed the figure described by him to belong to a period on the
margin between the neolithic and the early metal age. Our figures
may well be of about the same date. The fact that they are rather
more conventional than his does not, as we have already seen, prove
them to be later. Indeed, they may well belong to the pure
neolithic period, and to that date I should be inclined to attribute
them, mainly on the ground of their remarkable polish. But
certainty is impossible.
Going now further afield in the Mediterranean, we may note
that the true flat or hrettformig type of figurine is practically
confined to Troy, where it occurs in Cities II-Y, but is usually made
of marble. The Cretan and Aegaean figurines are never really flat,
nor are the north Greek and Thessalian * and hence we may assert ;

that, as far as we know at present, the home of the flat figurine was
Asia Minor, and we may wonder whether the inhabitants of
Troy II-V and of the Adalia district inherited the idea from a
single source.
Passing on to compare details, figurines cut off at the hips occur
among those of Troyt already referred to, and also in the
Cyclades.J The pointed head on our smaller example is also found
at Troy.§

* Mr. Wace found a flattish, but very naturalistic figure this year at Tzani Maghoula
in Thessaly : see below, PL xxxii, 4.

t ScHLiKMANN. Ilio8, figures 216, 220.

} TsouNTAS. 'E,<f)r)/X€pl<i ^ Ap^aioXoytKi], 1898, Plate xi.

§ Schmidt. Schliemann'a SamnUung, p. 279, No. 7516.

 .

148

To the remarkable hat of the larger figure I know of no exact

parallel. An incomplete figure from Thessaly* has indeed the head
flattened above. But this is probably a coiffure held in place by a
filletshown clearly on the figure.
The cross-sashes back and front may be paralleled by a figure
from the Laibacher Moor,t but I can find no example in the Aegaean
or Asia Minor except a very rough specimen (with single crossed
lines in front) from Troy.+
Y-shaped ornaments somewhat similar to those on our figurines
occur on some figures from Roumania.§

• TSODNTAB. At TTpoiO'TOpiKal aKp07r6\€l<i AlfMrjViOU Kol ^ecTKKov,

p. 300, fig. 226.

+ HoERNBS. Urgcschichte der bild^nden Kun-at, p. 238, 65-6.

J
SCHLIEiMANN. lUoS, fig. IdS.

§ HoEBNKS. op. dt., p. 211, figs. 41-46. 1 am indebted to Professor Myies for this
suggestion
 149

EARLY CIVILIZATION IN NORTH GREECE:

PRELIMINARY REPORT ON EXCAVATIONS
IN 1909

By a. J. B. WAGE and M. S. THOMPSON

WITH PLATES XXVIII-XXXIII

The chosen for this year's work were at Lianokladhi in the

sites

Spercheus valley, and near Sophadhes in western Thessaly. In

addition to actual excavation some time was spent in exploring
the table-land of Othiys near Melitaea (Avaritza), and parts of
Thessaly near Sophadhes and Almyro. Most unfortunately Mr.
Droop, who was a member of last year's expedition, was prevented
from joining the expedition, and his loss was severely felt. But
thanks to a grant from the British School at Athens, Mr. Peet came
to our help for about five weeks, and most of the preliminary work
on the pottery from Tsani Maghoula was done by him. On neither
site did we employ more than twelve men, for wages were high

owing and the average quality of the labour was not

to the harvest,
good. "We are particularly indebted to Mr. Theodhoratos, the owner
of Tsani Maghoula, who lent us a house for our headquarters at
the site, and gave us many other facilities and our thanks are also
;

due to Dr. AnagnostopouUos, Scholarch of Sophadhes, and Mr.

Saxonis, Schoolmaster of Lianokladhi, the Government Inspectors
of our excavations.

I. Excavations at Lianoldddhi

The mound known as Paleomylos (Plate XXIX, 1) lies close to

the left bank of the Spercheus, half an hour west of Lianokladhi,
and opposite Neopatras, the ancient Hypate. The mound, which is
about 200 metres long, and 140 metres broad at its greatest width,

was tested by a series of shafts across its surface, all sunk down to

virgin soil. These shafts revealed three clearly-marked strata, very

shai-ply divided from one another. These it is of course possible to
subdivide, but in the following account of the strata, only those
subdivisions that are of any importance are indicated. The first and
 ;

150

lowest stratum, which rests on an undulating surface of river-drift,

and in consequence varies in thickness from 0*94 to 3"55 metres, is
marked by an abundance of fine pottery painted with elaborate red
designs on a white ground. The patterns consist of waved and
curved lines, painted so thickly over the ground as to hide it almost
entirely. This is in strong contrast to the red-on-white wares of
Thessaly* and Chaeronea,t where most of the white ground is left

plain, and the white slip is itself different. The two principal
shapes of this ware are — (1) bell-shaped cups with a broad ribbon-
handle placed half way down the side (Plate XXX, 1) ; (2) large-
bodied, circular jars (Plate XXX, 2). In addition to these there
are (3) fragments which seem to come from beaked jugs. These
three shapes are certainly local, but with them is found a kind of
and patterns that recall Thessalian ware.
plate, with a short foot,
Several fragments also show patterns similar to those common at
Chaeronea.J But we cannot yet determine whether these wares
are local or imported.
Certainly imported, on the other hand, are a few sherds of typical
Thessalian red-on-white ware like that from Sesklo and Zerelia,§
and one piece of three-coloured ware.H These show the parallelism
between the painted wares of Thessaly and of Lianokladhi.
Further a marked degeneration was observed in the red-on-white
ware towards the upper margin of this stratum. The painted ware
becomes gradually coarser and rarer,and in contrast rough,
unpainted, hand-polished pottery is commoner. A similar degenera-
tion was noted in Thessaly at Zerelia.lf
Immediately above the first stratum follows the second, which
is characterised by a sudden and complete change in the pottery.

The new fabric is also hand-made ware, well baked, and of fine clay
but it has the outside washed over rather thinly with a semi-lustrous
black paint. This ware, known to German archaeologists as

• TsouNTAS, At irpola-ropLKoX aKpoiroXec^ Al/jltjulov koI XiarKXov, pi. 15.

t SoTiBiADHis, ^^<f)r)fiepl<i 'Ap^atoXoyt/c?; 1908, p. 71, figs. 4, 6.

J Wage, &c., Liverpool Annals of Archaedogy and Anthropology, 1908, p. 126.

§ Wage, &c., Liverpool of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1908, p.

Annals 123 ; Annual
of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, xiv, pp. 203 ff.

!|
TsouNTAS, 023. cit., pi. 8, Nos. 3, 4. 5.

% Wage, &o., Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1908, p. 119.

 151

'
Ur-firniss,' and to us as '
Black lustre ware,' is the characteristic
pottery of the second stratum at Orchomenos* (where it directly
succeeds red-on-white Chaeronea ware), and of the first or lowest
stratum at Tiryns. Together with this occur plain unpainted vasea,
of the same fabric and of reddish-yellow colour.
Above this, and distinguished again by another complete change
in the pottery, is the third and uppermost stratum, which proved
exceptionally rich in a new kind of ware that some will probably
call Achaean, and others proto-Dorian. This is a red, coarse,

I!!!!}}^^^iwiiijiinm\\m\\\\nn

LIANOKLADHI: EXAMPLE OF GEOMETRIC ORNAMENT ON

POTTERY FROM STRATUM III.

hand-made ware, with peculiar geometric patterns in black. The

two most noticeable features are the painted spirals above the
handles, t and the crossed circle painted on the bottom outside.
(See Plate XXXI, 1, and the figure in the text here.)
To this stratum belongs the three-roomed house shown on Plates
XXVIII and XXIX, 2. The walls of the eastern and central rooms
are of small stones set in mud, and still stand to a height of 0'75 m,,
except at the east end of the east room, where the wall, though

• BuLLE, Orchomenos, I, pp. 15, 25.

t Some of Dr. Dohppbld's prehistoric vases from Olympia have incised spirals by
the handles.
 162

traceable, is much destroyed. The west room is differently built,

for its walls are only one course high and three stones thick. The
whole upper structure, as in the rest of the house, consisted of
wattle-and-daub, of which plentiful traces were found during the
excavation. The west room seems earlier than the central, and we
thus assume provisionally and west rooms were
that the east
originally separate huts, and later joined by the building of the
central chamber. This then explains the peculiar plan, and the
two periods of the east room, where the north wall was thickened
and strengthened. The central and east rooms are joined by a
paved doorway, inside which, in the east room, is an open hearth.
In the central room we found six large stone jars still in situ
(except one, which had fallen on its side Plate XXYIII, Nos. 1-6) :

which were cracked and broken by the fire that destroyed the
house. Around them lay masses of other vases, very much
broken, including many painted specimens of the typical
geometric ware of this stratum. Above the walls of the house we
found a complete cist-tomb (8) containing only the skeleton of a
youth buried in a contracted posture, and one slab of another, which
occurs at (7), just where the south wall of the east room is badly
damaged. In this third stratum, and in the house, were many
fragments of the so-called '
Minyan ware ' of Orchomenos,* princi-
pally from ring-footed vases (Plate XXXI, These give us a
2).

starting point for chronological parallels which we discuss below.

In the first and second strata we found several obsidian flakes,
but none in the third ; this, however, may be accidental. To the
second and third strata belong a fine series of jagged-edged flint

knives and saws (Plate XXXII, 1). Also in the house, with some
of the flint knives, two bored celts were found which seem to

indicate that the third stratum belongs to an eneolithic age.

II. Excavations at Tsani Maghoula

The mound known as Tsani Maghoulat lies three-quarters of an

hour east of Sophadhes just to the north of the railway line, and
about the same distance from the site of Kierium by Pyrgho. The

* Bulls, Orchomenoa, I, p. 73 Schliemann, Journal of Hellenic Studies, II (1881),

;

p. 152; Wace, Ac, Liverpool Annals of Arch, and Anthrop., 1908, pi. L.
t TSOUNTAB, op. cit., p. 15, fig. 8.
Livfirool ./../. .J., I'../. If.
PLATE XXVIII. \

ft?

lilANOKLADHl: THREK-ROOMED HOUSE IN STRATUM III.

1—0. Lnrg, jatu: JVo. 6" it Itroken. 7~S. Cist graven of later date, composed of Mone slabn.
 Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XXIX.

1. I.IVNOKLADHI: THE MOUND KNOWN AS '

PAIiEOMYLOS' SHOWS DARK IN THE MIDDLE DI8TA.NCE

•2. LIANOKLADHI: INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE IN STRATUM III, SHOWIN(i •

PITHOI IK POSITION.
'
Liver/ionl .^..J..J., Vol. IT. PLATE XXX.

1. LIANOKLADHI: RKnON-WHITE WARK : BELL-SHAPED CUP.

•2. LIANOKLADHl: REDON-WHITE WARE : LARGE-BODIED JAR.

Livfrjiool A.A.A., Vol. II. PLATE XXXI.

1. r.IANOKLADHI : GEOMETRIC PAINTED WARE.

•J. rjANOKI-ADHl: MrWAN' WARK: KING-FOOTED VAHE. ANI> AKGULAU BOWf..

Lherpool A. A. A., Vol. U. PLATE XXXII. /
b
rV
/7

1. MANOKLADHI: SKRRATKU I-I.AKKS OF FLINT, AND BONE PIN.*

2. LIANOKLADHI : FRAGMENTS OF PAINTED POTTERY.

I.inipool A. A. A.. Vol. II.
PLATE XXXTII. ^

TSANI MAGHOULA: PRIMITIVE FIOriUNF, : iliFKONT: cil SIDK.

TSANI MAGHOULA: 4. TSANI MAGHOULA

3.

RED-ON-WHITE WARE: FIGURINE

(a) FRONT
CUP WITH RIBBON HANDLE
(6) SIDE.
AND SOLID PATTERNS.
 158

mound is about 105 metres long by 73 wide, and is 8-50 m. high.

We tested it by means of shafts sunk at its northern end. The
largest shaft driven down on the north-east side struck virgin soil
at a depth of 9 "45 metres. Another sunk in the highest part of the
mound reached the second settlement at nine metres, and as the
first and second settlements in the large shaft are together over four

metres thick, the deposit at the highest point of the mound must
be about twelve metres thick. In any case it extends to a depth of
four metres below the present ground level at the foot of the mound.
As the shafts were sunk, successive horizontal layers of burnt
rubbish, similar to those at Zerelia,* appeared, which seem to mark
the limits of settlements destroyed by fire. Taking these layers,
which probably are the remains of wattle-and-daub huts, as con-
venient though perhaps arbitrary divisions, we divide the whole
deposit into eight successive settlements or strata on which the
following description of the finds is based.
The first settlement is divided into three periods. A, B, and C.
In A the pottery is a hand-made and polished red-ware of good but
thickish fabric, together with a little red-on-white ware. In B the
latter ware is very plentiful : it is decorated with solid patterns of
the pyramid and chessboard types, and the favourite shape is a bell-
shaped mug with a wide ribbon-handle (Plate XXXIII, 3). In C
this ware begins to give way to a new style ornamented with purely
linear designs, while the mug becomes rare and the common shape
is a wide open bowl like the usual shape at Zerelia and Sesklo.t
This is the typical ware of the second settlement, but with it the
plain red hand-polished ware still continues in use. Towards the
end of the second stratum two other wares appear, a thickish,
well-baked, polished red ware decorated with linear patterns in
black, and a fine silver-grey ware in which the usual shape is a mug
similar to that described above, with linear designs in darker grey.+
These last two wares are typical of the next or third settlement,
in which the red-on-white pottery gradually dies out, and the plain

* Wage, &c., Anniud of the. British School of Archaeology at Athens, XIV, p. 201.

t TsouNTAS, op. cit., pi. 15, i.

J TsouNTAS, who found this ware at Tsangli and Mesianl Maghoula, wrongly gives
it to the Bronze Age, op. eit., p. 248, F.l./S.
 154

red-ware also disappears. The black-on-red ware mentioned is akin

to, hut different from, the well-known black-on-red Dimini vases.*
Some have been found at Zerelia, and at the mound of Tsangli,t
and it is common on prehistoric mounds in the plain between
Pharsala and Sophadhes. With it, but towards the end of the third
settlement we found some true black-on-red Dimini ware,+ obviously
imported, and a few three-coloured sherds, J but none of the
chocolate-on- white Dimini ware.§ Amongst these were one or two
remarkable sherds painted in the three-colour style outside, and in
the black-on-red Dhimmi style inside.
In the fourth settlement a few specimens of all three kinds of
painted ware occur, but their place is taken by a hand-made and
polished ware, red to blackish, which gradually becomes coarser,
thicker and rougher in the succeeding settlements.il In the same
stratum, the fourth, we found a few sherds of white and pink
encrusted ware, which Tsountas attributes to the bronze age.H Also
in the fourth and fifth settlements we found a little black-lustre
ware [U r-firniss) like that from Lianokladhi, Orchomenos, and
Tiryns. In this case it was probably imported from the south,
perhaps from Lianokladhi.
In the remaining three settlements there is a steady degeneration
of the coarse red-to-blackish ware just mentioned, and fragments
of large rough bowls and store jars are very common.
Side by side with this degenerate ware, in the eighth stratum,
we found several fragments of two-handled cups like those from
Zerelia VIII,** and a quantity of hand-made grey ware, which
seems to be a local imitation of the '
Minyan pottery at Orchomenos,
'

and one or two pieces which are in all probability true imported
'
Minyan.'

• Tsountas, op. cit., pi. 8, 1, 2.

t Called Karabairam by Tsountas, op. cit., p. 8, No. 33: the sherds are in the
Almyro Museum.

J Tsountas, op. cit., pp. 222 ft , B.3.y8, and B.8.7. v. plates 6, 8 and 11.

§ Tsountas, op. cit., pi. 9.

1; This is Tsou.stas' '

unpainted bronze age ware,' op. eii. p. 243.

H Tsountas, op. cit., p. 247, F.l.S.

* VVacm, &c., Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1908, pi. L.
 )

155

The following diagram explains the sequence of the various

wares according to the different strata, and it will be seen that the
black-lustre ware gives us a more or less fixed point for drawing
chronological parallels between this site and the others previously
excavated.

Settlementa lA Ib Ic II III IV V VI VII VIII

r ) 1

Poliohed-red ware •
I 1 1

Red-on-white
Solid ...
Linear..
:

•• ^•«
•• HI •• • •
Black-on-red :

Local
Dhimini.
...
••
• •
Three-colour ware • • • ••
Grey-on-grey ware • •l^H r««
Black-lustre ware • •• • ••
1 I
1

Coarse wares •• 1 r 1

• ••
Encrusted ware

•
..

Late grey ware ... •

Approximate ) 2500 2000 1100
dates B.C. B.C. B.C.

DIAGRAM TO EXPLAIN STRATIFICATION AT TSANI MAOHOULA.

Throughout the eight settlements, obsidian knives and flakes

were common, and stone implements (except celts) were not rare,

but there were no new results of any importance. As regards the

clay spindle-whorls, of which a great number were found, strati-
graphical evidence shows that the drum and conoid shapes are later
than the simple, flat type. We also found some fine bone pins and
gouges in the first five strata,* and in the first two some interesting
terra-cotta statuettes (Plate XXXIII, 1, 2 and 4 a &).t The most
remarkable find is a flat stone seal, with a cruciform pattern : it

has a hole bored through a knob on top for suspension ; this belongs
to the second settlement.
The first four settlements are almost certainly neolithic, but the

• Compare Tbountas, op- cit., pi. 45.

t Compare Tbountas, op. cit., pi. 82. Nob. 1, 6.

 '

156

eighth and perhaps the seventh are, to judge by parallels from

Zerelia, probably eneolithic, and as regards the fifth and sixth we
have no evidence either way.

III. General Conclusions

It will be seen from the accounts given above that at Tsani
Maghoula, as at Zerelia,* we have the steady degeneration of a
neolithic folk who enjoyed a comparatively high culture. This
degeneration begins at the end of the period of painted pottery,
and it is noticeable that the mounds which stop at the end of this
period are many, while those that continue are few,t such as Zerelia
and Tsani. Some catastrophe seems to have overtaken this folk,
either a conquest by aliens, or some natural calamity such as plague.
Further it is to be remarked that at Lianokladhi, just at the
beginning of this degeneration of the red-on-white ware, the
neolithic folk are replaced by the makers of the black-lustre ware
(which is who seem to have come
exceedingly rare in Thessaly),
from the south from Orchomenos and Tiryns. The parallel is
complete when we reflect that it is in the fourth and fifth settlements
at Tsani, after the end of the painted pottery, that a few sherds
of this ware are found imported into Thessaly. Thus we see that

the neolithic folk who inhabited Thessaly, the Spercheus valley,

Phocis and north Boeotia (for though the various red-on-white wares
differ, they are nevertheless akin to one another) were encroached on
from the south by the makers of the black-lustre ware, who reached
as far as Mount Othrys. They did not hold their conquest long.
At Orchomenos they gave way to the makers of the grey Minyan '

ware,+ and at Lianokladhi to a people who introduced the hand-made

geometric ware described above. This latter people may possibly
have entered Greece by the passes of Tyi^phrestus, since their
pottery does not appear in Thessaly. But to judge by the many
fragments of Minyan ware found at Lianokladhi, they were in close
connection with the rulers of Orchomenos. This Minyan ware has
been found in Thessaly at Zerelia, Sesklo, 'Rini, Tsani, and

• See B. 8. A. xiv, pp. 197 ff.

t Wace, &c., Liverpod Annala of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1908, pp. 119 ff.

J Cf. BaLLB, op. cit,, p. 57.

 —

167

Tsangli,* and in South Greece at Mycenae,t Markopoulo in

Attica, + Tiryns, Aegina, and P]iylakopi.§ Finally late Mycenean
pottery (' Late Minoan III ') occurs in Thessaly at Dhimini, Yolo,
Zerelia, Pharsala, Larissa, and GonnoSj^T where it is often found
together with eneolithic wares. Until the latter part of the Late
Minoan period, then, Thessaly was separate from South Greece
perhaps the fall of the makers of the black lustre ware prevented
it from coming under southern influence sooner — and then the
great Mycenean civilization from the south obtained a foothold
there; without, however, even then displacing the existing
population.
These are the main observations that present themselves as a
result of a study of the parallelism of the stratification at the four
principal sites concerned, which is here shown in tabular form.

Approxi-
mate TSANI Zbbelia Liakokladbi Obchomsnos
Dates

IV Late Minoan UI
1100 B.C. VIII VIII Late
Geometric
Minoan III III andMinyan
VII \ III Minyan ware
ware.
vn
VI
VI
V Black jj Black lustre Black lustre
II
I
I lustre ware.
2000 B.C. IV V ware.

Ill IV
Period of Period of Red-on-white Red-on-white
II painted III painted ware.
V pottery. pottery.
Ic II

2500 B.C. IB

lA /

DIAaRAM TO EXPLAIN SUGGESTED SYNCHRONISMS.

But this is merely a provisional attempt at synchronism, which

is liable to alteration in the future, especially when the pottery from

* Wage, &c., Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1908, p. 119.

t SCHLIEMAKN, Mycenae, p. 150, fig. 230.

J Stais, 'E^i^/iepl? ^Ap')^ato\oytK^, 1895, p. 216.

§ Excavatiorui at Phylakopi, p. 154. London, Hellenic Society, 1904.

51 Wace, &c., B.8.A., XIV, p. 228 ; Liverpool Annals, 1908, p. 133 and Plate LI, 1.
 158

Orchomenos and Tiryns is published. As the lowest date for the

eighth settlement at Zerelia we take 1100 and the corresponding B.C.,

stratum at Tsani is probably of the same period. The Mycenean

sherds from Zerelia VIII are Late Minoan III.' But the grey
'

*
Minyan ware (which at Zerelia occurs with the Mycenean sherds,
'

and at Markopoulo in what was apparently a Late Minoan III tomb)

was found at Mycenae in the Fifth Shaft Grave, and, at Orchomenos,
in a presumed Late Minoan II environment. Consequently no
fixed date can be assigned to it, and it seems to have lasted a long
time and to go back beyond 1400 b.c, the date now given to the end
of Late Minoan II.* Therefore we would prefer to give a wide
general date, were it possible; but at all events we believe, the
eighth settlement at Zerelia and Tsani to be parallel with Late
Minoan III. The approximate dates given to the other strata are
entirely conjectural, and (we hope) err on the side of moderation.
Lastly it must be admitted that the fresh light thrown on the
early culture of North Greece, and the separation of northern and
southern Greece in these early days is exceedingly important to all

students of the Homeric But though we must wait for

question.
further exploration we can attempt even a provisional
before
solution of the problems involved, we feel that for the present
Mr. T. W. Allen's paper in the Classical Quarterly^ serves as an
indication of the lines we should pursue in such an enquiry.

* BuiiBOws, The Discoveries in Crete, 1907, p. 98.

t CloMieal QuarUrly, 1909, p. 81.

 t

159

PREHISTORIC MOUNDS IN MACEDONIA

By a. J. B. WAGE and M. S. THOMPSON
WITH PLATE XXXIV

This summer we undertook a short journey in Macedonia with

the object of examining some of the mounds and tumuli in this
province; in order to ascertain if the early pottery reported from
this region hasany connection with Thessalian. These mounds
have already been explored by Col. Leake; by Dr. Kinch, and
Dr. Struck, to both of whom we are indebted for valuable informa-
tion and by Dr. Traeger.* The last-named has published a useful
;

account of some of them, with drawings showing their shapes, and

the potterv collected by him has been dealt with by Dr. Hubert
Schmidt.

I. The Mounds and their Distribution

The mounds we have seen are those in the neighbourhood of

Salonica, those at Pella, at Palatitsa near Berrhoea (Verria), and
in the district of Pydna. We also examined the Pierian plain
between Pydna and Tempe, but could find no mounds or tumuli
there. These mounds, locally known as Toumbes (roiy/x/Se?) fall ' '

into three main types, not two as Dr. Traeger has said.
These types are as follows :
—
Type A. Small, steep and conical, from forty to fifty feet high.
These are presumably burial-tumuli, containing a built tomb. One
of these, near Kitros by Pydna, was excavated by M. Heuzey,+ who
also found a somewhat similar one at Palatitsa, § and Dr. Traeger
notes that a tumulus at Pella seems to contain such a tomb. It is
of course possible that some may have served as outlook stations.
Type B. Tall, steep and oval, also about forty or fifty feet high,
with a flat top that varies in area. The smallest we measured was
about 135 feet long by 60 feet broad. All these are prehistoric
sites.

* Zeitschrift /. Ethnologic, 1902, pp. 62 ff.

t Zeitschrift /. Ethnologie, 1905, pp. 91 ff.

* Heuzey, Mont Olympe, py. 172 IL Mission de Macedoine, pp. 2d3 ff., pi;;. 17-21.
;

§ Heuzey, Mont Olympe, p. 200; Mission de Macedoine, pp. 226 ff., pis. 16, 16.
 160

Type C. Tall, steep and large, with a flat top, the area of
which is several acres. They are about forty feet high ; and though
irregular in shape are rather rectangular than oval or circular;
some are more than a mile in circuit. These seem to be the sites of
Greek towns.

The following is a list of these mounds and tumuli, divided

according to types. There are probably many more than those here
recorded.

J'ype A.
South of Salonica on the road to Yasilika.

(1) and (2). On the left of the road not far from Salonica.
North of Salonica on the road to Langaza.
(3) and (4).* On the right and left of the road just outside
Salonica, near the barracks.
(5). On the left of the road not far from the top of the pass.
"West of Salonica on the road to Pella (Ala Kilisa).
(6). On the right of the road near the military railway
station.

(7, 8, 9). On the hill to the right of the road, not far
beyond 6.

(10.) On the left bank of the Ghalliko, by the mills below

Gradobor.f
(11). On the right of the road just beyond the Ghalliko.
(12, loj. On the right and left of the road near Kavakli.
(14), On the left of the road, to the west of Sarija and not
far from the branch road to Berrhoea.
(15-20). Beyond the road to Berrhoea, between it and Pella,
five on the right of the road and one on the left.J

(21). At the spring of Banya.

(22). Chekmek Toumba, on the right of the road between
Pella and Yenija Yardar.
In Southern Macedonia.
(23). Near Berrhoea ; according to Traeger, it belongs to this
class.

• One of these is probably Dr. Tbaegeb's fig. 1.

t Tratcokb, op. cit., fig. 8 : he wrongly places it on the right bank.

I Twoof these are Dr. Tbakgbr's, figs. 3 and 4 ; cf. Stbcck, MnkedonMche.
Fahrten TI, p. 85.
Liierptxtl A. A. A., Vol. 11.
PLATE XXXIV I

1. MACEDONIAN MOUNDS: PRIMITIVE INCISED POTTERY.

•2. MACEDONIAN MOUNDS: GEOMETRICAL PAINTED POTTERY.

 16]

(24). At Koutles (Palatitsa); this is of a slightly different

type, and has a sinking on top.*
{2b, 26). On the boundaries of the farms of Kitros and
Elefterochori.
(27). Between Kitros and the sea.
(28, 29). South of Kitros; one of these was excavated by
Heuzey.t
(30). South of Katerini near Stipi.
(31). Near Karista.

Tyjye B.

On road from Salonica to Yasilika.

(32). At A. Elias, just outside Salonica; we were told that
the subterranean passages mentioned by Dr. Traeger
were dug by treasure seekers. +
(33). A small one close to the agricultural college.
(34). Close to the farm of Sedes.
(35). Near Mejarli.
(36). By the baths of Sedes, not explored.

On the road from Salonica to Langaza.

(37). Karaissi Toumba at Platanaki.§

(38). At Sarach.
(39). On the left of the Salonica-Serres road near Guvezhne,
about an hour north of 38.
On railway from Salonica to Serres.
(40). At Arapli, very small.
(41). On the left bank of the Ghalliko by the mills below
Gradobor.
(42). On the right bank of the Ghalliko near Salamanli
station. Numbers 33 and 40 are certainly prehistoric
sites, but were perhaps later converted into tumuli of
type A.

• Struck, op. cit., p. 46.

t Thaeger, op. cit., fig. 2.

I Tbaeoer, op. cit., fig. 7, p. 69. There is no flat topped mound in connection
with it as he imagines.

§ TRAEGsn, op. cit., p. 68.

M
Type C.
On the road from Salonica to Vasilika.
(43). At Sedes.

On the road from Salonica to Langaza.

(44). At Platanaki.*
On the road from Salonica to Pella.
(45). On the right of the Ghalliko near Sari-Umer.
(46). Ingliz Toumba, on the left of the road near the right
bank of the Ghalliko.t
(47). By the station of Topji (Topsin).$

On the railway line from Salonica to Serres.

(48). On the left bank of the Ghalliko by the mills below
Gradobor; the cone at the south end of this seems to be
natural. §
(49). On the right bank of the Ghalliko near Narash.

II. The Prehistoric Mounds of Type B

These mounds, like the Thessalian, are composed of the debris
of successive settlements built one above another. At Salamanli (41)
half the mound has been cut away by the river, so that it can be
seen in section. This shows that there are about fifteen feet of
prehistoric deposit on an isolated natural rise about twenty-five
feet high. If we assume that the other prehistoric settlements were
built on similar rises, it explains their great height and the steepness
of their sides. It is impossible without excavation to attempt any
chronological arrangement of the pottery picked up on the surface.
In general, plain ware seems to be commoner than painted; at
Salamanli, for instance, we could find no painted sherds at all. The
principal types of pottery on these mounds are as follows :
—
(1). Plain wares, hand-made,
{a) Coarse, thick, reddish ware with a rugose surface. This is
common on all sites, and at Salamanli could be observed both in the
top and at the bottom of the prehistoric deposit.

Traegee, op. ciL, fig. 6.

•

Tbaegeb, op. cit., fig. 6

t he has confused the right and left banks
: of the river
he places 10 and 48 on the right bank, and 46 on the left bank.
J Tkaegek, op. cit., p. 65.

§ Traeqsb, op. cit., fig. 9 wrongly placed by him on the right bank.
:
 §

168

(b) Fairly well made ware varying in colour from yellow-brown

to dark-brown and reddish. The shapes of this ware are not known,
but the types of the handles have been illustrated by Schmidt,*
(2). Decorated wares.
(a) Hand-made, incised pottery. The patterns seem as a rule
to be geometric; triangles and lozenges occur fairly frequently,
and the fragments we possess (see Plate XXXIV, 1) are sufficient to
show its differences from certain other wares, though the full scheme

of decoration is not known.

(h) Hand-made painted pottery with brown violet decoration on

a brown polished surface. T]ie fragments are too small to show the
complete patterns, but those on Plate XXXIY, 2, illustrate portions
of them.t
(c) Painted ware with black decoration on a reddish surface.
Some of the pieces seem to be wheel-made, though most is hand-
made; the patterns are apparently geometric.
(d) Imported Mycenean ware (Late Minoan III) ; we found this
at Nos. 33 and 40, and a doubtful piece at No. 37.+
Wheel-made geometric pottery with red-brown paint on a
(e)

cream or buff ground. The surface is not smooth. The patterns,

such as concentric circles, Greek geometric
are those of ordinary
pottery, of which this is A few pieces,
probably a local variant.
that more closely resemble Greek geometric ware, have a smooth
surface and fine reddish clay, and are also probably local. Dr.
Schmidt, however, seems to think all this ware imported.
At No. 40 we found a flint knife, at No. 33 an ordinary celt,

at Nos. 36 and 37 fragments of bored celts, and at No. 36 a fragment

of a bronze tool.
The incised and painted wares described above are quite unlike
any of the Thessalian. But some of the types of the handles of the
plain ware are the same as the pottery classed by Tsountas as FS. ||

In Thessaly several kinds of painted pottery are common, while

*0p. cil., p. 98, figs. 6fl.

t Schmidt, op. cit., p. 103, concludes that this is local.

t Teakger also found some ; Schmidt, op. cit., figs. 82, 83.

§ Schmidt, op, cit., p. 108.

II
Tsountas, At irpolcTopiKal aKpoTroXec^ ^tfirjviov KaX %e(TKKov,
pp. 271, 373.
 164

incised ware is rare; but in Macedonia the reverse seems to be the

case. Further must be noted that no prehistoric sites have yet
it

been reported in the coastal plain north of Tempe, or by Pydna,

Berrhoea, or Pella, so that there is a geographical gap between
Thessaly and Macedonia. It is too early to compare the Macedonian
fabrics with those of Thrace or Troy, though there may be a likeness
between them, as suggested by Dr. Schmidt.

III. The Flat Greek Mounds of Type C

The most noticeable features of these are the enormous area of

the and the wide sloping paths that lead up their steep
flat tops,

sides at rare intervals.* On them we found a few sherds of plain

prehistoric ware (see above (1) 6), and a good deal of the peculiar
geometric ware (see above (2) e). But the commonest ware is
ordinary plain wheel-made ware that can belong to any period.
Good black-glazed ware of the fifth century is not rare,, and
fragments of Megarian bowls and other Hellenistic fabrics occur.
We suggest, therefore, that these large mounds are the sites of
Greek towns, and that the sloping paths indicate entrances. It is
probable that they date from an early period,! on account of the
geometric ware, and in some cases they seem to cover prehistoric
sites, but their floruit, to judge by the black-glazed and Hellenistic
wares, was the classical period. It is said that the mound identified
as Olynthus is of this type. The excavation of one of them should
show important stratification.

* A. KoBBTE {Oordion, p. 8) thinks that the mounds of Type A are family burial
places, a view that is probably correct; but anyone who has explored the mounds of
type G will see that his idea (that these are general cemeteries) is wrong, and that Dr.
Traeobb was right in considering them as inhabited sites.
t Cf. Thaeobh, op. cit , pp. 71 fi.
 166

CARCHEMISH AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD

By D. G. HOGARTH

WITH PLATES XXXV-XLII

I. Jerablus

In the middle of March, 1908, I left Aleppo for the well-known

site at Jerablus (or Jerabis), being accompanied by Mr. Richard
Norton, late Director of the American School of Classical Studies
in Rome. We chose the route via Mumbij, and both chere and on
the road found certain unrecorded remains of antiquity which I
Lave published in the Annual of the British School at Athens,
Vol. XIY (art. Ilierapolis Syriae). From Mumbij we descended to
the Sajur River in two hours, aud having forded it near the village
of Chat, about five miles above its confluence with the Euphrates,
rode due north over down-like uplands for 2^ hours to a small
Turkman village, Amani, which is about three miles west of the
Euphrates, and at the extreme southerly point of the fertile plain
of -Jerablus. The acropolis of the latter place rises conspicuous at a
distance of about four miles as the crow flies and close to Amani
:

itself is a smaller artificial mound same steep flat-topped type,

of the
called Tell-el-Ghranim, evidently the survivor of a town which
once commanded the two passes by which the Jerablus plain
is entered from the south. We were compelled by rain and the late
arrival of our baggage train, which had taken an easier western road
from the Sajur, to stay the night at Amani in the house of Tahar
Bey; during this halt I purchased from the villagers a few small
objects said to have been found on the summit or slopes of
Tell-el-Ghranim. These were a haematite cylinder, finely engraved
with a scene of heroes and lions in combat, in good Ass5'rian style,
which was, unfortunately, lost at a later stage of the journey, and
three other seals of Hittite character.
 166

(a) The Site

The site known as Jerablus, or Jerabis,* lies at tlie extreme

northern limit of the plain, on the first slope of a low spur which
runs down to the Euphrates from high ground on the west. This
spur is about three miles broad. It rises higher to the north of
Jerablus, forming a long cliff which breaks down to the Euphrates;
but lower ground was chosen for the site, because a little stream,
which has cut a deep way to the Euphrates, affords protection on
the north side. The Acropolis is bowed out into the Euphrates and
washed by it for nearly half its circumference. On the land side
the city was fenced by walls, which now appear as long mounds, on
an average about fifteen feet high, and form a horse-shoe some 600
metres in longest diameter, north to south, and 400 metres west to
east. The northern horn of the wall met the Acropolis and the river
simultaneously : the southern horn runs down to the river some
distance south of the Acropolis, and the intervening length of bank
shows abundant traces of quays, from which stairs descended at
intervals to the water. Where the wall abutted on the river, and
for some distance on either hand of the abutment, a massive
revetment of masonry lined the bank. Much of this remains in good
order, being formed of roughly squared blocks, which in some

instances are keyed one into another, thus I 1 I . Although

showing signs of later patching, this revetment appears for the

most part to be of very ancient construction. There are two
conspicuous gaps in the city wall, which undoubtedly mark the
position of main gates on south and west. In the first gap appear
the foundations of a tower of late period. I think that the position
oftwo smaller gates on the S.E. and N.W. respectively, can also be
made out. There are traces of causeways approaching both the
main gates, and beside that which leads to the South Gate are the

* Jerabis is the Arab name, Jerablus the Turkish. The latter is the ofiBcial namoi
and the most used even by the Arab-speaking villagers of the immediate neigrhbourhood.
Turkish speech begins two hours north at Kellekli, and I believe that even the Jerablus
peasants are in the main Turkoman. I failed to find anyone either on the spot or at
Aleppo, Birejik, and Aintab, who regarded one name as right and the other as wrong.
Both have been in use as far back as memory runs. I entirely disbelieve the suggestion
often made that Jerablus is a modern invention due to the villagers having been taught
that the place was once called Hierapolis. The hard initial J-sound renders this most
unlikely, and Jerablus has probably nothing whatever to do with Hierapolis, which lay
many miles away.
 167

remains of late sarcophagi and altar-tombs. This via sacra led

doubtless to Hierapolis, and ultimately to the early city at Aleppo
(Assyr. Halman). The western causeway must have run towards
Tell-Bashar (see later, p. 174 ff).

Once within the South Gate the visitor sees before him the
outlines of a broad street, with colonnades on either hand, running
straight towards the south-eastern butt of the Acropolis. These
remains, together with all others visible on the superficial level
within the walls, are apparently of post-Christian date. They cover
thickly the southern half of the site, but are more sparse on the

northern part. Nearer the Acropolis, foundations of large public

buildings remain; but, without excavation, their precise plan and
nature cannot be determined. A capital from the main colonnade
lies on the surface, to the south of the 8tre«3t,
about half-way. It
shows that the architecture was of neither early date nor sumptuous
character. The only distinctive sherds we could find were red
'
Samian.' Half-a-dozen blocks with egg-and-dart moulding of late
style lie on the Acropolis mound near its eastern foot.

(6) The Ancient Name of the City at Jerahhis

It is clear that a town of some importance occupied this site in

Christian times. Was it the Syrian Europus (or Oropus) which is

usually placed here?* The various

who mention this
authorities
latter town (Appian, Bell. Syr. 57; Lucian, Quomodo hist, scr.,
24 and 28; Ptolemy, Geog. V, 14; Pliny, N. H. V, 24; Steph. Byz.
ll.cc. ; Hierocles, Synec. 713, 11 ; Procopius, Bell. Pers. II, 20, and
De Aedif. II, 9 ; and, doubtfully, Polybius V, 48) give no nearer
clue to its position than that it lay on the Syrian bank of the
Euphrates, south of Zeugma (Birejik), and at no very great distance
from Hierapolis (Mumbij). unnamed station, marked on the
If the
Peutinger Table next below Zeugma on the right bank road down
stream, be (as is usually assumed) Europus, and if we could trust
the Table's numerals, we should not place this town at Jerablus;
for the distance from Zeugma is given as xxiiii Roman miles, equal
to the distance given for the interval between Zeugma and

*E.g., without query in Kiepert's latest map. Cf. W. Max Aliiller, Asien u.
Europa, p. 268.
 168

Hierapolis.* Jerablus is only between 15 and 16 English miles from

Birejik. By the Table's reckoning, the site of Europus should lie
at the mouth of the Sajur, where, in fact, are a number of rock-cut
graves of Roman date and other traces of an ancient settlement. In
that case, the next town on the Peutinger road, Caedliana {KaiKiXCa,
Ptolemy; Ceciliana, Anon. Ravenn.), marked as situated xvi Roman
miles to the south, would occur in the very likely vicinity of
Kalat-en-Nejm, where was the great mediaeval ferry, protected by
the remarkable castle still standing.
Procopius alone, if pressed, affords a little further light. He
relates that Belisarius, who had posted from Constantinople to the
front in Euphratensian Syria in the year 542, was met, on nearing
Hierapolis, by a letter which so incensed him that he turned off to
Europus . TO ')(aipLov . . . o 7rpo<i
l^v^pdrrf TTorafiM eariv. There
he fortified which he summoned the faint-hearted
a camp, to
notables of Hierapolis. These presently arrived, leaving only
garrison enough behind them to hold the walls. At Europus
Belisarius received an embassy from Chosroes, and thence ultimately
he crossed Euphrates and marched to Edessa (TJrfa). Procopius
gives no details of Belisarius' road to Hierapolis, but it may be
doubtfully inferred, from his subsequent narrative, that Belisarius,
while he did not go very far away from Hierapolis, intended to
establish himself nearer to Chosroes when he went on to camp at
Europus; and further, that this latter place had some relation to
Hierapolis as its port, or river settlement [to %6)/)toi/ k. t. \.).

If so, then the mouth of the Sajur, which is the nearest point on the
Euphrates to Hierapolis, more probable spot for Europus than
is a
the site of Jerablus, some 20 miles north. The main ancient road
from Hierapolis to Edessa crossed Euphrates at the Sajur mouth,
aswe know from the journey of the pilgrim Etheria (or Egeria, or
Eucheria),who relates how, having left Hierapolis, she came in the
name of God to the Euphrates at the 15th milestone. No point on
the river is so little as 15 Roman miles from Hierapolis, except the

*This last numeral is obviously wrong. The true distance is just abnut 34 Roman
miles. Probably an x has dropped out. But if Europus was at the Sajur mouth
the xxiiii ol the Table gives the right distance from Zeugma, and tho xxiiii given aa
the distance from Hierapolis and Caeciliana is not far out, if the latter were on the
bank a little south-east of Kalat-en-Nejm.
 169

Sajur mouth. This same road now carries the main traflSc from
Aleppo, via Mumbij, Tell-Ahmar and Senij, to Urfa.
On the whole, therefore, Procopius so far supports the Peutinger
Table that I incline to place Europus at the Sajur mouth, and
discredit its identification with Jerablus. That the modern name
of the latter site can be a phonetic descendant of Europus seems
precluded by the hard initial j. Both Maundrell, who wrote
Yeraboloos, and those who have written Yerabis, have been distorting
the true initial sound under the influence of the theory which would
identify the place with either Hierapolis or Europus. What, then,
are we to call the later town whose remains appear at Jerablus ? It is
tempting to find its name in the passage of Ammianus Marcellinus
(xiv 8) which runs *
Commagene nunc Euphratensis clementer
adsurgit Hierapoli, Vetere Nino, et Saraosata, civitatibus amplis
illustris.' But the possibility, nay, probability, that Vetere Nino is
here intended aa a synonym for Hierapolis, and the absence of all
other mention of a distinct Syrian city of that name, forbid us to
press the identification. In Hierocles' list, which begins from the
north and keeps to the right bank of Euphrates, the name next
before Europus is tivpt/xa ; but this seems to be the same place as
Ptolemy's which occurs in a description beginning from
Ovpifia,
the north before "A/jouXt? (mod. Aind on the Nizib-Aintab road) and
Zeugma. If so, Xvpifia could hardly be placed so far south of
Birejik as Jerablus. In fact, if the latter site be not that of
Europus, I confess I can suggest no other known Graeco-Romauo-
Syrian name for and the lack of an alternative is the main,
it ;

indeed to my mind, the only, argument in favour of its identification

with Europus.

(c) HittUe Monuments at Jerablus

It is not till the foot of the Acropolis mound itself is reached

that any more archaic remains are seen. The visitor comes suddenly
on a T-shaped excavation, and sees at the bottom of it (1) an upright
sculptured slab, bearing a relief of two male figures standing on the
back of a crouching lion (Plate XXXV, 1). It is important to note
that this slab stands squarely on a plinth, and therefore is

apparently in its original position. The top of the plinth lies a

 170

little over two metres below the lowest foundation course of the
nearest late building, which is exposed in section on the side of the
trench. The top of the slab does not reach the level of this later
foundation by nearly a metre. A long trench runs away east from
this slab towards the river, and is said by the local peasants to have
been dug by a '
pasha '
thirty years ago as a road for the transport
of the slab to the stream ; but the project, say they, was abandoned
owing to the weight of the monument.
(2) In the irregularly shaped stem of the T excavation, which
runs up the face of the Acropolis mound, lies a broken relief of a
winged female figure grasping her breasts (fig. 1).

Fig. 1. JERABLUS: WINGED FEMALE FIGURE FROM THE ACROPOLIS.

Drawn by F, Ander ion from a I'lwtograph.

(3) Near it lies a broken basalt slab, shewing the lower half of
a draped male figure moving to the right and carrying in his left
hand a censer (Plate XXXV, 2). This slab leans against the side
of the trench.

(4) A fourth sculptured slab has been drawn out, and lies in
 171

pieces on the surface to south of it. This shows the lower parts of
two figures moving to left, of which the foremost, who wears the
Hittite shoes, is in very good style (Plate XXXVI, 1).

These four slabs have long been known* and recognised as part
of the *
Hittite ' group, discovered during the British Museum
excavations of 1876-9, of which several pieces are in London.
Those still show no hieroglyphic writing. There are two
on the site

other small basalt fragments of the same class lying on the surface
at the eastern foot of the Acropolis, and nearer the river. Both
show bits of drapery. I reproduce the four main slabs, since, to my
knowledge, they have never been adequately published from good
photographs, but the condition of No. 2, and the position in which
it lies, preclude a good photograph.
There is mound of any
nothing on the slopes of the Acropolis
and the summit is a long and narrow grass-grown table
significance,
about 150 X 30 metres, on which a few late limestone blocks lie
half embedded. Some of these show signs of having been re-used;
and probably a mediaeval fortress, similar to, but smaller than, that
on Tell-Bashar (see later p. 175) stood here. Near the north end an
excavation about three metres deep has been cut right across the
summit. Its bottom and sides are of soft earth, and show in
section nothing but a few coarse potsherds.
It seems probable that, where the sculptured slabs are, part of
an early approach to the Hittite palace on the Acropolis has been
revealed. This was flanked with reliefs like the approach to the
Sphinx Gate at Eyuk in Cappadocia, or the approach to the Palace
at Sinjirli. But it is also possible that the Palace stood lower down,
and has been covered up by talxLS from the mound, when it was
enlarged at some later date, e.g., by mediaeval builders. In this
case, the excavators of thirty years ago dropped into one of its halls,

and exposed part of its dado. It looks as if a '

Hittite '
stratum is to
be expected all over the lower part of the site at about two
metres lower than that of the Graeco-Syrian foundations. Though
I could find in the hands of the villagers of Jerablus-el-Foqani, the
nearest settlement, only a Hittite scaraboid and some beads, there

•See e.g. Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans I'Ant., vol. iv, p. 6i9 (fig. 276—
No. 1 here^ ; p.808 (fig. 390-No. 2) p. S09 (fig. 391-No. 4).
;
 172

is not the slightest doubt, of course, that Jerablus is a most

important Hittite site. If, as the decipherers of cuneiform records
(e.g., those of Salmanassar II) tell us, Carchemish was on the west
side of Euphrates, and north of the Sajur mouth, there can be little

doubt that was at Jerablus. If, further, as the relief of Sargon

it

at it was right on the bank of a great river, the

Balawat indicates,
last doubt vanishes. There is no other site which fulfils all these
conditions, and at the same time answers to the requirements of the
Hebrew and Egyptian references to Carchemish.
A Syrian at Jerablus-el-Foqani gave us two valuable pieces of
information. First, that there were '
black written stones ' at the

village of Kellekli, which lies two hours northward on the road to

the ferry of Birejik; second, that writing *

like nails '
was to be seen

at Tell-Ahmar, on the farther bank of Euphrates, opposite the

mouth of the Sajur. On our way to verify the first item, we noted
remains of many late uninscribed sarcophagi and altar tombs, on the
summit of the slope north of the stream which flows into Euphrates
beside Jerablus. We were also guided to an empty chamber-tomb
of late Syrian form, about a mile north-west. These graves show the
situation of the Graeco-Syrian cemeteries. Arrived at Kellekli,
near which and by the bank of the Euphrates, rises a small flat-

topped mound, we saw (1) the stela, figured on PI. XXXVI, 2, lying
at the entrance to the village. It is of black basalt, and measures
1*15 X '40 X '24 m. The feet of the figure are broken, but the tips of
upturned shoes are visible. Ten minutes to the north of the village,
on a low rise, is lying (2) a second stela, also of black basalt, and
broken both above and below; the remaining part shows the lower
halves of two figures opposed. That on the left hand wears a tunic
to the knees, that on the right, drapery to the ankles. Beneath the
figures is a band of rope moulding, and below this again a four line
text in relief running round three sides of the stela, and beginning
evidently on the spectator's right. The middle of the text on the
front of the stela is almost completely effaced by wear (the stone
seems to have been used as a threshold), and I could make out no
more than a few doubtful symbols in the third line. The sides are in
better condition. Owing to extreme humidity, our squeezes would
not dry, and having been taken off wet, were subsequently badly

crushed. I subjoin a hand-copy of the text, made partly on the

 178

spot, partly from the squeezes while fresh (fig. 3: compare the
photograph of face 1 in PI. XXXVI, 3). The memory of the
villagers did not go back to the discovery of these stelae, and no one

Fio. 9. KELLEKLI : HITTITE STELA No. 2 : FACE 2 WITH INSCRIPTION AND

SCULPTURED FIGURES.

PACE .q

THT^
; FACE 2
'—
WITHSCULPTURBD FIGURES ABOVE
•
PACE 1

r ///. '//////// //// / 7.7 ^ ^'

//.

1^
—
'^ 1^0 ® I ''jrf\i /,; /\ '^^-'^-^
/ / /lh^/f{'

!,w_M

Pio. 8. KELLEKLI : HITTITE STELA No. 3 : INSCRIPTION ON FACES 1, 2 AND 8.

could say whence they came, but we were told that squared stones
were often extracted from the mound near the river.
 174

II. Tell-Bashdr and the Sajur Valley

From Kellekli we went on to Birejik, and thence doubled back

to Aintab, in terrible weather, which did not allow of excursions to

mounds seen to right and left of an almost impassable road. The

two most conspicuous of these lie, respectively, S.W. of Nizib in
the valley of the Sinek-Dere, and near the village of Arul (Arulis
of Ptolemy). From Aintab I proposed to descend the Sajur, visit
Tell-Bashar, and cross Euphrates to Tell-Ahmar. When I was in
Aintab in 1894, I bought a number of Hittite objects, now in the
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. (See Recueil des travaux relatifs d
VAssyriologie, etc.. Vol. xvii, p. 26). These, as I was assured in
every case, came from Tell-Bashar, about five hours down the Sajur.
Before starting further south, however, we took the opportunity of
visiting Tell-Dulukh, the site of Doliche, and ascertaining the fact
that nothing early is to be seen on the large mound near modern
Dulukh, in the quarries and tombs across the valley, or on the hill-
top, where stands the venerated mosque-tomb of Dulukh Baba. I
picked up, however, on the former, a broken greenstone celt. Such
celts are said to be found there frequently, and inscribed gems are

also reported. Making a detour to the village of San, we saw the

walled pool containing sacred fish, which lies by the Aintab-Marash
high road. The villagers could (or would) give no information
about it, except that it was a ziaret. If the shrine of Zeus Dolichenua
was on the Dulukh Baba hill, as seems likely, this pool at its foot

is probably of very ancient fame as a preserve of sacred fish.

(a) The Site

Kiding from Aintab to Tell-Bashar, we saw a small mound, near

the double spring of Selen-Bunar, 2\ hours out, and another some
distance to the west of that point. Before we reached the Sajur
bridge at Serambol, over which one of the main tracks from Aleppo
and Bab to Birejik passes, the mound of Tell-Bashar rose into view,
looming huge to the S.E. In the cemetery of Serambol are several
squared basalt blocks. Cutting across a loop of the meandering
river, we crossed again to the little village of Bashar, and there
camped. The site lies about half a mile to the east. All that is to

be seen upon it are high and narrow mouads marking the line of a
 176

city wall, which encloses almost a complete oval somewhat larger

than the horse-shoe at Jerablus. It shows conspicuous gateway
gaps on the west and south. A huge Acropolis mound occupies
almost all the northern segment of the oval, on the river side, but
is not nearer the stream than about 200 metres. The Sajur,
however, flows through a soft plain in a series of loops, and may
well have changed its course often since antiquity. I suspect the
rather abrupt fall immediately below the northern wall of the site
is a former river bank.The Acropolis of Tell-Bashar is by far the
most imposing mound which I have seen in North Syria. One-
third as high again as the Acropolis of Jerablus, it occupies fully
twice its area; and it must have been the strength of this eminence
which attracted the Frank Counts of Edessa to it when driven west
of Euphrates. There are considerable remains of their castle on the
summu, notably of the gate on the south, whose flanking towers
still stand to a height of several courses. The masonry is of mixed
limestone and black basalt. Numerous traces of other buildings,
and of cisterns, witness also to the Frank occupation. The site
below is entirely under cultivation and devoid of superficial
antiquities. The squared and at
basaltic blocks on the Acropolis,
Serambol and Bashar, would not by themselves prove the site
Hittite; nor would the immense Acropolis mound and oval wall.
But the extraordinary number of small objects found on the site by
neighbouring villagers leaves no manner of doubt. Beside the seals,
etc., bought by me in Aiutab, in 1894, we now procured from the
peasants of Bashar itself, besides a number of haematite and
steatite beads, etc., about a dozen seals, all of obviously Hittite
character. Nearly all of these were taken from the necklaces of
women, and sold to us at our own price.

(h) The Ancient Name of the City at Tell-Bashdr

With what known Hittite city, then, if with any, are we to

identify Tell-Bashar. It is by so much the most important site in the
Sajur valley that one thinks at once of Pitru, which the records of
Salmanassar II place on the Sagura river. For example, in the
year 854 B.C., the second of his reign, the Great King states that he
crossed the Euphrates at Kar- Salman- Aiarid (a name given by
himself to a native town on the left bank, also called Til-Barsip),
 176

and, after receiving tribute from Carchemisli, the Kummukh, etc.,

'
took Asur-Utir-Ashat whicli the Hatti call Pitru, which is on the
Sagura on the farther side of Euphrates.' {Keilinschriftliches

Texibuch zum Alten Test, ed. H. Winckler, I, p. 3.) In his third

year the King records that he crossed the Euphrates again at the
same place, and again took Pitru. (Obelisk of Nimrud; see

Sammlung von Assyr. und Bah. Texten, ed. E. Schrader, I, p. 173ff.)

In the first expedition Salmanassar continued his way from Pitru

to Halman (Aleppo). Pitru is known also from Egyptian records
(see W. Max Mtiller, Asien u. Europa, pp. 98, 267), as a city of

North Syria lying on the way to Carchemish. It may be placed, I

think, with fair confidence, at Tell-Bashar.
Whether Pitru be rightly identified further with the Biblical
Pethor (Num. xxii, 5 : xxiii, 7 ; Deut. xxiii, 4), the city of Balaam,
which was *
in Aram in the mountains of the East,' I must leave to

others to decide. The description of Pethor in Num. xxii, 5, as

*
by the river of the land of the children of (Balak the Moabite's)
people,' must be taken in connection with that in Deut. xxiii, 4,
where the town is called of Mesopotamia.' If so, we can only
'

understand by the river in question the Euphrates. But since, in

' '

any case, Tell-Bashar is only a little over twenty miles from that
river, neither its situation (if it be Pitru) nor the ascription to
*
Mesopotamia ' is conclusive against its identification with Pethor
if a certain geographical latitude in description be allowed to the
Mosaic writers. It is worth notice that a town, Ua^dpa, occurs in
Ptolemy {Geog. V, 15), as, apparently, on a road from Aleppo
{Beroea) and Bab (Batnae) to the Euphrates. It is otherwise
unknown. Can this name by some corruption, be at once a
reminiscence of Pethor and an anticipation of Bashdr? Were the
true reading in Ptolemy Tiaddpa, the identification with both would
be easy. In any case, Bashdr is philologically not very remote from
Pethor.

A conspicuous mound, called Akche-Huyuk (Turk) or Tell-Abiad

(Arab), rises about two miles N.E. of Tell-Bashar. In the village
near it Hittite seals have been bought. Another mound, of smaller
dimensions, is passed about one hour on the direct road towards
Mumbij. I picked up here a sherd of coarse ware with brown
Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. II. PLATE XXXV.

,^'

1. TBRABLUS: ACROPOLIS: SLAB No. 1.

2. JERABLUS: ACROPOLl : SLAB No. 3.

(Slab No. 2 (the Winged Femal' Figure) i« illvntmird iti the text, \>. 110.)
I
Literi>iH)l .1 A. A.. IiW. 11. FLATM XXXYI

(>

'"<.' r'gwr ». %..:

1 .IP:RABLUS: ACROPOr.IS: ST.AIJ N... 4.

i. KELLKKl.l: a. KKLIiEKLl: 4. TELL AHMAR:

STELA No. 1. STELA No. 2 STELA B.
FACE 1.
Lint-pool A..i.4., Vol. II.
PLATE XXXVII.

1. TELF-AHMAll: WINGED LION WHICH FLANKED THE WEST SIDE OF ONE OF THE CITY GATES.

2. TELL-AHMAR: PORTION OF THE WINUED LION WHICH FLANKED THE EAST SIDE OF
THE GATE. THE PHOTOGRAPH SHOWS THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTION ON ITS BODY,
 PLATE XXXVTTT.

Face 4. Face 1.

pr^p"
c^O

^
'

C=

CRIPTION ON FACES 1, 2, AND 3:

^VVX ON PLATE XXXIX, AND THE
(NT I! ON PLATE XL, 1.
Liverpool A.A..4., Vol. II.
PLATE XXXIX.

.n'
TELL-AHMAR STELA C THE
: :

THREE FRAGMENTS OF THE

SCULPTURED PACE 4 OF THE
STELA ARE HERE SHOWN
IN APPROXIMATE RELATIVE
POSITIONS.

TELL-AHMAR STELA
: C.
Liverpool A. A. 4., Vol. U.
PLATE XL.

1. TLLLAHMAIS: STELA f. i. TKLLAHMAK: SLAB tJ I.

INSCHIBKn FACF, 3 OF FnAOMEN T li. TWO PROCESSIOXAL PIGURES.

re- » : v
;i. 'I'KLr; AHMAK: SLAB rM. i. TELL AHMAR: SLAB <i 6.
 Liverpool A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XL I.

1. CHARGING BULL. a. CF. ANNALS 1, PL. IV, LOWER P.\RT.

\^

:j«r.« • • '-<•'_« - •»»• •V^.JE^*

3. CF. ANNALS I, PL. V, LOWER PART. i. CF. ANN.4LS I, PL. IV, UPPER PART.

5. LEFT HANI) END OF SLAB 4. SEE FIG. 3. 6. CF. ANNALS I, PL. V. UPPER PART.

SCULPTURES FROM ARSLAN TEPE, NEAR MALATIA.

Linrpixil A. A. A., Vol. II.
PLATE XLII.

1. ALEPPO: LION IN BLACK BASAF/r : IN THE CABTLE.

2. ALEPPO: BASALT STELA IN THE 3. ALEPPO: EAGLE IN BASALT

COLLECTION OF M. MARCOPOUfiOS. INTHE FRENCH CONSULATE.

HITTITE MONUMENTS AT ALEPPO.

O
 177

hatchings on a bxift' ground. We met with no other mounds till

we struck the Sajur again at the village of Khalid. About a quarter
of a mile N.E. rises a large mound on the right bank. Tell-
Khalid shows no superficial evidence of date; but in the
village I procuredsome small objects; and a terra-cotta figurine of
Ishtar type, grasping her breasts, which I published in Annual of
the British School at Athens, XIV, p. 190, in connection with other
terra-cottas bought at Mumbij.
Thenceforward, from the bridge at Akchek down almost to the
mouth of the Sajur, we saw from the right bank a long series of
mounds on the opposite side, all of small dimensions and from
one to three miles apart. Almost every one has either on it or
close by a modern village, the successor of an ancient one, which
lived by the cultivation of the narrow irrigated valley. At Kubbeh
are two late tomb stelae showing eagles displayed similar to the
common type of Hierapolis but we noticed no other relics of
:

antiquity on the lower course of the stream except the roughly-cut

chamber-tombs in the cliffs near the mouth, which have been
mentioned by Chesney and Ainsworth, and are related, in my
opinion, to the site of Europus.

III. TelUAhm^r
From the mouth number of mounds are visible
of the Sajur a
on the farther bank of Euphrates.The nearest, which rises at
the water's edge, about a mile down stream, was, we were informed,
Tell-Ahmar, where, as our information went, wa,s to be seen
'
writing like nails.' Two ferryboats ply from a small village at
the foot of the mound to serve the increasing waggon traffic which
now takes the direct route from Aleppo to Urfa (see above, p. 169).
The river is very broad at this point, and it was early afternoon ere
we landed at Tell-Ahmar. There proved to be much more there
than we had expected.

The Site

The site is outlined by narrow mounds. These evidently mark

the line of a city wall and enclose a crescent larger than the oval
at Tell-Bashar and a fortiori larger than the horseshoe at Jerablus.

By rough pacing I estimated its diameters at about 1,500 metres

 178

from east to west by 1,000 metres nortli to south. The interval

between the horns of the crescent lies along the river itself, and

seems to have been unwalled. Towards the eastern end of this

interval (the Euphrates here flows nearly from west to east) rises
the Acropolis mound on the river bank itself to a height of about
fifty feet. It covers a smaller area than the Acropolis of Jerablus,
and its summit offers a narrow table only some 30 x 15 metres. As
in the case of all the Syrian mounds, its angle of inclination is

exceedingly steep. A cut has been made at the south-west corner,

obviously by searchers for building-stone, and several squared basalt
blocks have slipped down the cut towards the base of the mound.
One of these appears to be the drum of a rousrh column ; another has

deep grooves on the surface thus

and northern base of the mound

f From

a well marked platfonn runs forward

the western

into the city-site. Beneath this are concealed probably the remains
either of a fortified approach or of an official residence. The modern
village, a sparse collection of huts, straggles westwards along the
river front, occupying perhaps one-twentieth of the whole site. The
rest is about equally divided between cultivated land, fallow, and
grass.
(a) Through the
In the city wall are two well-marked gaps.
easternmost of these passes a waggon track towards Seruj and Urfa.
In the gap lie two broken winged lions of rude style. The heads are
sculptured in the round, but the bodies are not detached from the
block the wings are merely incised on the flanks.
: The best
preserved, that on the west side of the gate, stood when erect 2"72 m.
from fore-paw to ear (Plate XXXVII, 1). The head alone measures
1'20 m. from ear to jaw-point. The jaws gape and there is a ruff ;

round the neck. On its inner, i.e. right, side was a long cuneiform
inscription, now practically illegible. The eastern lion has the left
side (which was the inner in its case) inscribed likewise, but the text,
though broken, is in a far better state of preservation (Plate
XXXVII, 2). Both lions have suffered from long exposure, and
show on their surfaces groups of those little sunken cups, in which
Arabs play games with pebbles. The inscription on the eastern lion,
read from my impression, records no place-name, but is probably of
Salmanassar II.*
• See Mr. King's note below, p. 185.
 179

(6) Just inside the gate, in a shallow excavation, is to be seen

part of a large round-headed stela in black basalt, which shows the
head and upper half of a male figure wearing high polus and bearing
a broken object in his clenched fist (Plate XXXVI, 4). From the
peak of the cap to the point of the beard the figure measures 0*90 m.
The head is much worn. A second fragment lying near shows the
rest of the figure, draped to the feet. A third fragment, much
defaced, has the head of a smaller figure, also wearing polus. There
are three other fragments of relief, too small and imperfect for
their character to appear. The large figure seems to have stood
about 3*00 m. high.
(c) If the line of wall be followed north-westward, another g^p
will be met with about half way to the river. Through it a modern
waggon-track runs which, I was informed, offers an alternative
road for the first part of the way to Seruj. There is nothing to be
seen in the gap itself; but on a low rise to left of the track, a
hundred metres outside the wall, lie six broken blocks of black
basalt, in and about a shallow excavation, the soil out of which has
been thrown up all round. Five of these bear Hittite symbols in * '

relief on one or more of their faces, and three of them sculptures

also, these being portion of a bull and of a male figure with upturned
shoes, whose feet rest on the bull's head and back. All belong to a
single oblong stelabut some parts are wanting. The whole is said
;

to have been dug out some years ago and broken by the finder. A
seventh fragment was known to my informants, but they could not,
or would not, tell where it now is.

The Hittite Inscription

I give a hand copy of the text, so far as it has been uncovered

(Plate XXXVIII). This has been made by tracing over photo-
graphs of casts taken from excellent squeezes obtained by
Miss Gertrude Lowthian Bell, to whom the photograph of one
fragment, shown on Plate XL, 1, is also due. We had also taken
squeezes, which are now owing to
in the British Museum; but,
the humidity of the season in 1908, they came out less successfully
than those of Miss Bell, who revisited Tell-Ahmar at my suggestion
in 1909. The tracing has been supplemented by comparison with
 180

Buch photographs of the stones as were sufficiently clear to be of

service.
In this copy the fragments of text are replaced in their original
relation. This has been arrived at (1) by reconstituting the scene in
relief whose blocks bear parts of the text on one flank this scene :

(see Plate XXXIX) shows (A) the elbow and lower half of a draped
male figure (B), who stands to left on a bull (C), a fragment of
whose head only is preserved (2) by observing the uninscribed
:

surfaces which appear on the fragments, and so settling which are

uppermost and which lowermost, of the panels of inscription. Such
surfaces occur above the panels on the fragments A and D. The
inscription on B and F is continuous round two faces of the stela.
The small fragment D must be placed well to the left to leave room
on the right for the beginning of the text, which is evidently lost.
The exact position of fragment E is uncertain, but the direction of
the animals' heads, &c., in its panels leaves no choice but to place it

about where it is in Plate XXXYIII. It is the only fragment

which shows the fourth side (' face 1 ') About one-
of the stela.
third of the text is lost or still buried. My copy has been compared
with one made independently by Professor A. H. Sayce from the
casts in the Ashmolean Museum, and is amended in certain points
by his advice. It is much to be desired that this most important
monument, bearing the longest Hittite text yet found, should be
rescued from its present position and reconstituted at Constantinople.
The Tell-Ahmar stela, when complete, must have measured
about 2 metres in height (each panel of text is about "20 m. high)
and about "90 x "90 m. round the base. It tapered towards the top,
but the apex (no doubt slightly rounded, as in the case of the Bor
stela) is lost. The amount of tapering may be estimated by the fact
that the uppermost panels of text measure on each face '17 m. less
in length than the lowest panels.
The god (as he probably is), here represented standing on a bull,
reappears in a relief recently found with others at Arslan-Tepe near
Ordasu, district of Malatia. These reliefs were published from
faulty photographs, by Professor J. Garstang in Vol. I, Plates IV, V,
of these Annals^ and I think it is worth while to reproduce the better
photographs taken in 1909 by Miss Gertrude Bell (Plate XLI,
Nob. 1-6). As I have never seen the reliefs, I make no comment
 —

181

on them beyond remarking that nearly all the figures are of types
familiar already at Boghaz-Keui, Fraktin, or Eyuk; that they
evidently represent cult-scenes in which both a goddess and her son
figure, winged deity, like that represented both at
as well as a
Yasili-Kaya and at Tell-Ahmar; and that in some respects (e.g.
No. 5, the lion-relief) they are so Assyrian in style that they must
fall late in the Hittite period. I have no measurements, but the
scale is small, like that of the two Arslan-Tepe reliefs already known
(now in Constantinople and Paris). Presumably all the reliefs
belong to one dado-series taken from the approach to a palace or
temple; and in some instances are carved on two faces of the same
block.

Other Hittite Sculptures at Tell-Ahmar

(d) The following uninscribed slabs in and near the village are
said to have been found on the Acropolis :

1. A large block on the river bank S.W. of the village,

measuring 112 x -80 x '45 m. and much worn. It shows two
horse demons rampant on either hand of a conventional palm
tree. One foreleg of each, ending in a human hand, grasps
a frond of the tree just below the spring of the main plume.
The other forelegs rest on the trunk lower down. Both
horses wear headstalls. (Plate XL, 3.)

2. A broken slab of black basalt in the village, 1*00 long, worn

nearly smooth. It shows two draped figures moving towards
one another. That on the spectator's left shows a straight
falling robe with fringe; that on the right, a skirt projecting
forward. Both wear upturned shoes. The stone is too far
gone for the photograph, which we took, to be worth
publishing.

3. A basalt slab of T-shape built into a house. The broadest

part measures "83 m. It shows a small bull moving to right.
The animal is in a less heavy style than the bull on the
inscribed stela. Our photograph was a failure.

4. A broken basalt slab lying in the open, west of the village;

measuring '96 x "94 x -25 m. ; much worn. It shows two
figures clad in tunica to the knee and upturned shoes, moving
 182

to right and holding in both hands objects not now clearly to

be distinguished, but probably sacrificial offerings. The

hair of both falls in curls on their backs. The photograph
reproduced on Plate XL, was taken in 1909 by Miss Bell.
2,

This slab is probably part of a series to which belongs also

Xo. 2 above.
6. A broken basalt block built into a door- jamb, and measuring
'50 X •32 m. It shows a forearm and hand rising from a

boss, and the hand of the other arm, which rose from the
same The hands are empty. As the doorpost crossed
boss.

the relief, we could get no satisfactory photograph.

6. A winged and eagle-headed ( ?) genius

basalt block showing a
in a well-known Assyrian attitude. This block was not seen
by us, and we owe the photograph to Miss Bell. (Plate XL, 4.)
(e) I procured from the villagers several cylinders, seals and
beads, which I hope to publish elsewhere with other Hittite objects
of their class. A small steatite cow was bought on the opposite
bank.

(/) We were informed that a broken slab, showing the legs of a

man, existed some distance to the south near the river bank, but
were unable to verify the report. At my request, Miss Bell made
enquiries in 1909, and she reports that she found, half-way to the
village Kubbeh, a large white stone which had had some
of
ornament, now indistinguishable, and a fragmentary Hittite
inscription in relief. Her copy shows several well-known Hittite
characters, but was too hastily made to be worth reproduction.
Nearer to Kubbeh she came on a mound on which was lying the
head of a stone lion, and, by digging, she found the body and legs
carved in relief. The whole beast is of the same type as the gate
lions at Tell-Ahmar, in Plate XXXVII above.

The Ancient Name of the City at Tell-Ahmar

Can this importantwhich offers monuments both Hittite

site,

and cuneiform, be any known early city? It ought

identified with
certainly to prove to be one of those three left bank cities belonging
to Ahuni son of Adini, which Salmanassar II raided in his second
year before crossing Euphrates, and took and re-named in his
 183

third. There were (beside Til-Barsip) Nappigi and Aligi.* Can

Tell-Ahmar, however, ba Til-Bareip itself, which the Assyrian
made a royal residence? The occurrence of gate-lions at Tell-
Ahmar, belonging to Salmanassar's time, coupled with the great
size of the site, raises a doubt whether Til-Barsip has been rightly
placed at Birejik,t where there no obvious sign of a Hittite site.
is

The fact that a Hittite sculpture was found built into the walls of
the mediaeval castle of Birejik proves, of course, nothing in view
of the nearness of Jerablus, Kellekli, and other Hittite places,
whence stone was doubtless brought to Birejik by the mediaeval
builders. In the expeditions of both his second and his third
year, Salmanassar, after crossing the Euphrates from Til-Barsip,
seems to make his first important right bank capture at Pitru on
the Sajur. If I am right in finding the latter at Tell-Bashar, it is

an argument in favour of Birejik that Tell-Bashar certainly lies on

the straightest road to Halman (Aleppo), whither the King pro-
ceeded in his second year; while it lie on any reasonable
does not
road at from Tell-Ahmar to Aleppo.
all we must suppose, then,
If
that Salmanassar was making a bee-line for Halman, we shall agree
in the identification of Birejik with Til-Barsip. But there is, of
course, no particular reason for supposing so. The country on the
right bank of the Euphrates, from far above Birejik to far below
Tell-Ahmar, is all equally easy, and the Assyrian could march off
any road he pleased, whither he would, to seize a rich prey; and it
is as natural that he should have received the submission and tribute

of Carchemish and the Kummukh, etc., at Tell-Ahmar, as at

Birejik, the former site lying, indeed, nearer to Jerablus by some
miles than the latter.
may, therefore, I think, be regarded as an open question, to be
It
solved perhaps by excavation, whether the important city, with
monuments of the Hatti and also of Salmanassar II, which I have
discovered at Tell-Ahmar, was not, in fact, Ahuni's capital, Til-
Barsip, and Salmanassar's royal city, Kar-Salman-Asarid. If not,
then it should be one of Ahuni's other chief towns, either Nappigi
or Aligi.

• See Monolith Inscr. in SamnUting von Aaayr. und Bab. Texten, p. 163.

t See map in the Sammlvng, cit. supra.

 184

IV. Hittite Sculptures seen at AlepjJo

On Plate XLII, I publish some Hittite monuments seen at

Aleppo, partly by myself and partly by Miss Bell.
No. 1: A lion in black basalt, uninscribed, but of a distinctly
Hittite type, which is built into a ruined structure within the
enceinte of the castle. It is too much encased in masonry for
accurate measurement.
No. 2: A small slab in basalt in the possession of M. Marco-
poulos; provenance not stated.
No. 3: A broken eagle in basalt at the French Consulate;
provenance not stated.
 180

NOTE ON THE INSCRIPTION UPON THE

EASTERN LION AT TELL-AHMAR
By L. W. KIXG
Upon the body of the lion, flanking the east side of the principal
city-gate at Tell-Ahmar, of which
is a cuneiform inscription,
Mr. Hogarth took an impression during his recent journey in
Syria.* The inscription is evidently much weathered, but
considerable portions of twelve lines, at the beginning and end of
the text upon the lion's body and right leg, can still be made out
from the squeeze. The text appears to have been continued on the
breast, but here the traces given by the squeeze are very faint and
uncertain.
The beginning of the test contains an address to, or an
enumeration of, various Assyrian deities (11. 1-8) ; unfortunately the
central portion, which gave the writer's name and the name of the
city now represented by Tell-Ahmar, But enough is is wanting.
preserved of four lines (11. 17-20) to prove that the place was
captured in the course of a successful campaign in Northern Syria
by an Assyrian king, who, on re-building the city-wall, set up two '

exalted lions in the easternmost gate of the city to commemorate

'

his success. It is clear that the eastern gate was selected for the

memorial, as this would be the gate by which the king would enter
or leave the city on his way from or to Assyria.
Though the name of the king is not recorded, I think it very
probable that he was Shalmaneser II. Slight peculiarities in the
characters are suggestive of the ninth century ; the description of the
lions recalls work of the reign of Shalmaneser's father; and, finally,
the introductory address is very similar to that in Shalmaneser's
Monolith inscription. t He may well have captured the city during
his campaign of B.C. 854, and, after fortifying it upon its

* See above, p. 178 and PI. XXXVII, fig. 2.

tSee Cun. Inscr. West. Asia, Vol. Ill, PI. 7. Note also the presence of Marduk in
the pantheon, and compare his title with the phrase abkal ildni (pi.) bel te-ri-e te
in Shalmaneser II's Obelisk inscription, 1. 9, where the god's name is obviously
to be restored as Marduk. If we are right in ascribing the text to Shalmaneser II,
we should probably place the setting up of the lions in some period subsequent to
B.C. 851, when, in his character of suzerain, he made offerings in ^larduk'8 temple at
Babylon. The occasion may have been his second expedition against Damascus in
B.C. 849, bat the first capture of the city would probably have taken place in B.C. 854.
 186

unprotected side with a wall of unbaked brick in tlie Assyrian

manner, have held it as a frontier fortress and a base for his later
western expeditions. Professor Sayce has suggested to me that
Tell-Ahmar may mark the site of the city of Arazika ; and this may
well be the case, since Tiglath-pileser I describes it as *
in front of
the land of Khatte.'J
What I have made out of the inscription from the squeeze may
be rendered as follows :
—
Transliteration Translation

(1) {ilu)Ashshur bSlu rdbu shar tZim(pl.) (1) Ashur, the great lord, the king of the
[ ] gods, f ] ;

(2) (iZtt) A - nu uahumgallu risk -tu-u (2) Anu, the primeval ruler, [

[ ] ];
(8) (ilu)Enlit a-bu iZ^m(pl.) hH mdtdti (3) Enlil, the father of the gods, the lord

[ ]
of the lands, [ ] ;

(4) (ilu)E-a ir • ahu ahar apsi pi-tu-u (4) Ea, the wise, the king of the deep, who
[ ]
ppens [ ] ;

(5) {{lu)Mardulc abkal iMni{pl.) hil te-ri- (5) Marduk, the leader of the gods, the
te[ ] lord of laws, [ ] ;

(6) {ilu)Nabii dupshar E-mg-gil a-hhi-iz (6) Nabft, the scribe of Esagil, who holds

[ {ilu)Sin ] [ ; Sin, ]

(7) bH agt mu-nam-mir miu-shi] {ilv)l8h- (7) lord of the diadem, brightener of the
iarbe-lit [ ]
night ; Ishtar, the lady of [ . . . .
]

(8) rahHu{tu) khi-rat kar-rad tWnt(pl.) (8) the mighty, bride of the hero of the
mdr {ilu)EnlU [ ] gods, the son of Enlil [ ]

'The traces of the following eight lines are faint and uncertain on
the squeeze.]

(17) [ ] urn- ma-na-tt • shu (17) [ ] his troops [ ,

[ ] ......3
(18) xiah-ma-na-ahu ni-sir-ti sharru-ti-shu (18) his camp, his royal treasure, [

]' ]
c

(19) a-na abuUi IJ nSshe{e) siruti{^\.)

'
(19) For the great gate two exalted lions

[ ] [ ]

(20) oL hilu-ti-ia Ninua(ja) (20) my lordly city of Nineveh

[ ] [ 1

\ The phrase is aha pa-an (mdtu) Kha-at-te ; pee Annals of tJie Kings of Assyria,
p. 85.
 !

187

WHO WERE THE ROMANS? A NOTE ON

SOME RECENT ANSWERS
By T. E. PEET
Mommsen's judgment that the Romans were not a mixed people
has met with rude shocks in the last few years. In 1903, Professor
Conway read a paper to the International Congress at Rome* in
which, arguing from the data of the dialects, he suggested that
patricians and plebeians were different peoples, corresponding to
what he calls the -NO people and the -CO people respectively. In
a paper read by Professor Ridgewayt to the British Academy on
April 24th, 1907, considerations based on customs and language
wore adduced to prove (1) that the plebeians were of diflPerent stock,
and (2) that the former were of the same race as the builders of the
diy-land pile-dwellings {terremare) in North Italy, while the latter
were northern invaders [Sabini or Umhri) from over the Alps.
It is not my intention to find fault with the arguments brought
forward by either writer to prove mixture of race in the Roman
people ; the archaeological evidence of the cremation and inhumation
burials in the ForumJ
any case sufficient to place this beyond
is in
doubt. What I do on is that both writers have made
wish to insist

an archaeological blunder of the first importance, and that this has

led them to an unsound conception of the ethnological data in
primitive Italy. Not until this is set right can we hope to approach
the problem with any chance of success.
We shall first consider Professor Ridgeway's paper One of the
main arguments for his cliim that the Romans were mixed
a
people is the fact that two methods of burial, cremation and
inhumation, were practised by them. So far, so good; but
according to Professor Ridgeway, the plebeians were the race of the
terremare-ioYk and the patricians were the Umhri. Now, every
Italian archaeologist knows that both these peoples cremated.
How, then, does Professor Ridgeway account for inhumation in
Rome? Simply by upholding, contrary- to all the facts, that the
terremare people inhumed

• / dut strati nella populazione Indo-Europea ddV Italia antira. Rome, 1906.
+ Who were the Romans f Proceedings of the British Academy. Vol. III.

J e.g. Notixie degli seavi, 1906, pp. 253 sq.

 188

Let us trace liis ethnology from the beginning. It is based

mainly on Dionysius of Halicarnassus, whom he is inclined to
defend against criticism. In primitive Italy, he finds two main
elements, the Aborigines or Ligurians, and the great tribes of '

Siculans and Umbrians.' The Umbrians and Siculans,' he says,

'

*
seem to have been closely related ; the Sicilians being the earlier
wave which had advanced down from the Alpine regions, whilst
their kindred Umbrian tribes were constantly pushing them on
further south,' (p. 1 ) Surely this is a strange and unwarrantable
conception of the Siculi. Nor is it quite in keeping with the state-
ment of Dionysius — to whom Professor Ridgeway attaches such
credence —that the Siculans were the first inhabitants of Rome.
Above how are we to explain away the consideration that as
all, —
Professor —
Ridgeway admits the Siculans inhumed, whereas their
'
kinsmen the Umhri cremated ?* No, the evidence of archaeology
'

— 80 far as it leads to ethnological conclusions at all —

shows that the
*
Siculans ' were settled in Sicily, and perhaps parts of South and
Central Italy, long before the earliest immigrations of *
Celto-
Umbrians ' from over the Alps, and that they were an entirely
different people.
Professor Ridgeway next proceeds (p. 3) to assign the various
types of remains found in Italy to their owners. The Yillanova
culture he ascribes to the Utnbri. Then follows a series of extra-
ordinary statements with regard to the terremare or pile dwellings
of the Po valley. Firstly, that the earliest stage of human culture
in Northern and Central Italy is that of the terremare. This is not
true, for we have in various parts of these districts numerous traces
of a neolithic and an eneolithic period, both earlier than that of the
terremare. Out of dozens of examples, I may instance the Ligurian
and Apuan caves, Alba Cuneo, Rivoli, Breonio and, later,
Remedello. Secondly, that The antiquities found in these habita-
*

tions {terremare) shew that their earliest inhabitants were still in the
neolithic period.' This is again not true. No terremare has ever
been dated to the neolithic age except on the ground that in that
particular excavation no objects of metal were found, a thoroughly
valueless criterion, if we take into consideration the general
character of the whole terremare culture. Thirdly, that '
their dead

• Note that for Professor Ridgeway a ' Dilference in burial rites indicates prima
facie a difference of race,' p. 4.
 189

were buried in a contracted posture lying on the side or sometimes

sitting.' I cannot imagine where Professor Ridgeway got this
impression. If there is one thing certain in Italian prehistory, it

is that the terremare folk invariably cremated. Cemeteries have

repeatedly been found side by side vvith terremare settlements con-
taining burnt bones laid in urns of terremare pottery. The text-
book examples are those at Castellazzo,* Monte Lonatot and
Casinalbo+. Fourthly, that '
like remains have been found in
Latium.' After careful enquiry, I can only say that archaeology
knows nothing of them. Fifthly, that the people who inhabited
the terremare were the Aborigines or Ligurians. This I cannot
undertake to discuss in detail here. I have worked the question
out in full elsewhere, § and content myself with summarising the
results. In the neolithic period, North Italy was inhabited by a
dolichocephalic people who inhumed their dead. At the end of the
neolithic period, a new race, who cremated, entered North Italy,
probably from Switzerland, and built pile-dwellings in some of
the lakes. Early in the full bronze age a second invasion took place,
probably from the Danube Valley. The newcomers were probably
related to the earlier immigrants. Like them, they cremated, but
they preferred to build their pile-structures on dry land and to
surround them with a moat. These, and not the Liguri, were the
people of the terremare.
It will thus be seen that Professor llidgeway labours under five

serious delusions with regard to the people of the terremare; and

that it is these, and these alone, which enable him to identify this
people with the Aborigines or '
Ligurians,' and to suppose that the
terremare-io\\i were the earlier element in the Roman people, whereas
'
Ligurians ' and terremare-ioWi were, in reality, two distinct races.
To pass now to his later element in the Roman people, namely,
the Umhri. These, according to him, are a race of invaders from
the north, who introduced into Italy the *
Yillanova ' civilisation,

which had its centre at Bologna. I first notice an inaccuracy of

date. Professor Ridgeway says (p. 4)
— * There can be little doubt
that the Villanova culture had commenced in the Bronze Age, for
• Rendiconti dtlla R. Acrademia dei Lincei, Nov. i26th, 1893.
t Notizi^ Deqli Scat'i, 1878. p. 75.
J Bmzio, Epoca preistorica. p. Ixxxi.
§ Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy, pp. 492-510.
 190

in a considerable number of cemeteries* belonging to that period the

dead were cremated and not inhumed as was the case in the
preceding epoch '
{terremare). The significance of this ia clear.
Professor liidgeway knows that there are cremation-cemeteries of
bronze age date, but instead of admitting them to be those of the
terre7nare-i6\ky he explains them away by bringing in the Umhri and
making the Villanova period begin during the bronze age, a theor}'^
which is contrary to all the facts. Now it is far from certain that
the Villanova culture was due to the immigration of a new race at
all. In any most unlikely that such a race ever penetrated
case, it is

into Latium, and formed the later element in the Eoman people.
To understand this, we must turn once more to the archaeological
data in North and Central Italy.
In the neolithic period we saw a dolichocephalic people who
inhumed their dead, and lived in caves or huts. These form the
substratum of the population in Latium as elsewhere. If we follow
the custom of most Italian archaeologists, we may call them
*
Ligurians.' It is indeed perfectly possible that these formed the
earlier element in the Roman people, but they were not terremare-
folk. Then followed the two great invasions of pile-dwellers, to
which I have already referred, one at the end of the neolithic age,
and the other in the bronze age. These two peoples, who both
cremated their dead, and were doubtless closely akin to one another,
I follow Pigorini in calling Italici. Now Pigorini has proved that
at the end of the bronze age some of these people left their homes

in the Po valley and descended into Latium. tThe evidence is the

fact that the first period of the early iron age in Latium is clearly a
development of the civilisation of the terremare. The burial rite is
cremation, and the pottery is a continuation of that of the terremare.
Hence we have in Latium in the early iron age two strata in the
population, Ligurians and terremare-iolk, and since, as I shall
'
'

shew, there is no archaeological evidence that any further immigra-

tion into Latium took place in this period, it is possible that, if the
Romans were a mixed people at all, they were a mixture of these
two. If this were so, the patricians would probably be the

• As a matter of fact there is only one inhumation cemetery of bronze age date in
N. Italy, that of PovegUano, and this has a simple explanation.
tBwffi. PaZ. R.XXVI.p. 21.
 191

conquering ierremarc-people, and the plebeians the conquered

'
Ligurians.*
Thus the archaeological facts have led us to conclusions very
differentfrom those of Professor Eidgeway, for whom terremare-iolk
and Ligurians were one and the same people, and were both
' '

represented in Home by the plebeians.

Who, then, are Professor llidgeway's Umhri? According to
himself, they are the Yillanova* people. Now, among archaeolo-
gists two views are held with regard to the Yillanova civilisation.
The first, long held by Pigorini,t is that it developed naturally out
of the culture of the terremareand in the hands of the same people.
The other view, held by Brizio,+ Modestov§ and others, is that it
was introduced by an invading race (JJmhvi) from the JNorth. I do
not yet attempt to decide between these two views, though I have
devoted some study to the question, and hope to devote more during
the next few years. Fortunately, it is immaterial for our present
purpose, for if the first view is maintained there were no new
invaders at this period (the end of the bronze age) at all ; and if the
second is accepted, the *
Umhri '
of Villanova never descended into
Latium. In Latium, in fact, there was developing contempo-
raneously with the Villanova culture around Bologna, an early iron
age civilisation linking on to that of the terremare, and due, as we
have already seen, to terremare-ioW. who had settled there at the end
of the bronze age. "With the origin, then, of the early iron age
civilisation of Rome and its surroundings, the Yillanova culture
had nothing to do, and it was not until later times that it influenced
it even slightly. The basis of the civilisation of Latium contained,
'
in fact, simply two elements, the first due to the original ' Ligurians
who had lived there in neolithic times, and the second brought in

by invading terremare-iolk (Pigorini's Italici) at the end of the

bronze age. Later, of course, were added the influences due to the
Etruscans and to early Greek trade on the coast, but with them we
are not concerned in discussing the present question.
On archaeological grounds there is therefore no place for
•Note that Professor Ridgeway uses Villanova in the narrower sense, as a name
for the iron age culture around Bologna, and to avoid difBculties I have followed him in
this way throughout this paper. To an Italian archaeologist, the word has, of course, a
much wider signification.
t Bull Pal. It. XXIX, p. 207, Note 50
, XXVI, p. 22.
;

I Epoca
preistorica, p. cxxii.
§ Introd. h rhist. romaine, pp 287 ff.
 192

Professor Ridgeway's '

Umbrians ' in early Eome at all, and they
can hardly, therefore, be identified with the patrician element.
Professor Conway tentatively suggests the same conclusions as
Professor Eidgeway,* though on quite different grounds, and his
theory meets with the same answer. His remarkable knowledge
of Italian dialectand early tribe-names has enabled him to perceive
that a very large majority of these names end in either -NI or -CI.
lie takes these as evidence of the existence of two great and
distinct stocks in Italy, which he calls the -NO folk and the -CO
folk. The latter, Volsci, Hernici, Osci, etc., are nearly all

restricted to a small district in Central Italy mainly round Rome,

and are generally found in marshy places. Hence he gets the
equation -CO folk = plebeians = terremare-ioYk. Moreover,
D'Arbois de Jubainville and Kretschmer believe that -S-CO is a
termination common in districts which Liyuri have inhabited.
Hence, Professor Conway equates Liguri to the terms of the equation
above, and adds the statement that the Volsci, '
men of the marshes
'

and pile-dwellers, probably inhumed their dead, which is precisely

what, if they were pile-dwellers, they were most unlikely to do.
The -NO folk, on the other hand, are of course the Safini, or Sabini
(Professor Ridge way's Umbri), and they become a part of the
Romani, viz., the patrician element. Thus, in regard to the
patrician '
Umbri ' also, Professor Conway arrives at Professor
Ridgeway's conclusions, which we have already seen to be
inconsistent with the archaeological evidence.
Finally, to make all clear, I exhibit side by side with each other
the equations reached by Professors Ridgeway and Conway, and
those which are suggested by the archaeological data: —
A. B.
Professors Ridgeway and Conway. Archaeological data.
1. Plebeians. 1. Plebeians.
= Ligurians. = Ligurians.
= terremare-ioW. — cave and hut folk.
= inhumation folk. = inhumation folk.
2. Patricians 2. Patricians.
= Umbrians. = Italici (of Pigorini).
= Villanova folk. = terremare-i6\k.
— cremation folk. = cremation folk.
Or possibly vice versa, for the reasons given below.
* Conway, op. cit., p. 15.
 193

I do not offer the second set of equations as the final solution of

the origin of the Romans : but merely as more accurate than the
other. For in the other, as I have shewn, the terms equated simply
are not equal. My intention throughout has been to shew not that
archaeology can at present solve the problem, but only that it can,
and does, shew Professor Ridgeway's solution to be incorrect. This
much is certain. It is also certain that '
Ligurians ' and terremare-
folk formed two, and probably the two, elements in the early Roman
population. That these can be respectively identified with
plebeians and patricians seems to me uncertain but possible, and,
moreover, I only equate the patricians with the terremare-iolk
because the terremare-io\k were conquering invaders. Whether
they were still the dominant class in early Roman days is, however,
a question which we cannot answer. Certainly in several parts of
Italy the tendency was for the invaders to become gi-adually
absorbed in the original inhabitants, or even inferior to them. It

is quite possible that this happened in Rome, and that the once

victorious terremare--peoip\e became the plebeians, and the conquered

'
Ligurians '
the patricians.
Further discoveries may shew the problem to be far more
complicated than we at present imagine, and we must be ready to
alter our ideas accordingly. But I cannot conceive of any possible
archaeological discovery which could reinstate as truth those of
Professor Ridgeway's views which the archaeological evidence at
present condemns so decisively.
 2 1 — 2 I —

196

INDEX
Abydos Excavations, 1909, preliminary Clinch,George 46 —
description cf the principal finds 125 — Coins found in the excavations at Chester
Adalia, on the south coast of Asia Minor —63
145, etc. „ Catalogue of a teaching Collection of
Africa, the ancient home
of malaria 110 — representative English —
Aleppo, Hittite Sculpture at 184 — „ of late Roman and Saracen issues
Allen, T. W.—158 143
All butt. Prof. Sir C. Clifford— 97 Coptic Writing on walls of Christian church
Amphorae, fragments of, found at Chester —125
—61 Cunicvli, ancient drainage system of the
Angel, 1471-83, London Mint— agro Romano 101—
Anopheline mosquitoes 37, 98, 100 — Cuneiform Inscription on Eastern Lion at
Ashmolean Museum 174 — Tell-Ahmar— 185
Asshur-nazir-pal, campaign of, 884 R.c.
144

D'Arbois de Jubainville— 192

Balak the Moabite— 176 Davis, Nineteenth Century Token Coinage
Barnard, Prof. Francis I*ierrepont — —22
Barrows, classification cf 46 — Davis, John B —
131, 134
Beads, haematite and steatite, bought from Dea Febris A study of Malaria in Ancient
:

the peasants of Bashar 175 — Italy—97

Bell, Miss Gertrude Lowthian 179 — DeUtzsch, Prof.— 143
Bell, Mr. Hesketh, Governor of Uganda 35 — Devil's Punch Bowl—48
Bird Cult of the Old Kiugdom in Egypt Dimini va-ses, black on red — 154
49 Dionysius of Halioarnassus — 188
Birmingham Halfpence 18 — Diorite, bowl of— 127
Black Death— 35 Disease and History, by W. H. S. Jones
Book of the Dead— 49, 50 33
Bracelets of Gold— 129 —
Dolmen pottery 79, 80, &o.
Bronze daggers 128 — Double Axe, cult of the 49 —
Broad, Dr. W. H.— 91
Brizio Epoca preistorica 75, 189, 191
: —
BuUe, Dr., Orchomeiios 151, 156 —
Bulic, Monsignor, Curator of Museum of Eagle, sculpture in basalt, at Aleppo — 184
Spalato— 27 Early Civihzation in North Greece : Pre-
Bumpstead, T. B 120 — liminary Report, 1909—149
Burrows, R. JL, Di8corerk« in Crete 158 — Earthen hut-cirole3--46
Butmir— 30 Ellertz, Dr. Otto, Government Vaccinator
in Mexico— 35, 121, 122
Engraved gems —
143
Cairns —46 Etruscans, their drainage works in Latium
Calder, W. M.—91 —101
Carohemish and its neighbourhood 165 — ff.
'
Cartwheel Coinage 22, 24
' —
Cave of the Bats, at Matera 73, 74 —
Celli,Prof. A.— 97 'Ferliug' Noble—
Charm to destroy an enemy— 131 Fever Shrine and Altar dedicated to the
:

Charm for Snake-bite 131 — goddess of 98 —

Cherokee Charms 131 — Figurines from Asia Minor, prehistoric 145 —
Clubb, Dr., of Liverpool Public Museums Flint Axe of palaeolithic tj-pe, from Chester
—91 —63
Conway, Prof.— 187 £E. Folklore from Oklahoma— 131, 132, 133, etc.
Cist-tomb, containing skeleton of youth Fowler, T. W. Warde— 97
buried in contracted posture 152 — Fosse, of Roman Chester 62 —
 2 2 ——

196

Gate-lions at Tell-Ahmar— 183 Lion mblack basalt, at Aleppo 184 —

Galen, Kuhn— 116, 118 Lions, winged, flanking gateway at Tell*
Gardun, village in Dalmatia 27 — Abmar 178 —
Garstang, John, D.Sc—56, 125, 139 Liver Eater, The, a Cherokee story 131 —
Genovese, Dr. F.—97, 110
Glass found in Chester Excavations —66
Gold ring— 129 Macedonia, prehistoric mounds in — 169
Gold jewels, XVIIIth Dynasty— 129 Macculloch Malaria 120
: —
—
Greece, malaria in ancient 33 ; in modern 'Maille' Noble—
—
37 ; Excavations in North 149 — Malaria, dote of introduction into Greece
Groat, hammered, milled 6, 7 — 39 ; in Rome during the first century
Grotta dei Pipistrelli (South Italy), cave- A.'.\ —
44; influence upon Greek His-
dwellings and burials 73flf. — tory— 33 ; effects in Italy—97 ff. :
allusions in Latin Literature 111 — ;

bibUogr aphy 123 —

Matera, prehistoric finds at 72, 73 —
Harrington, Lord, farthings made by 18, — Max MuUer Asien u. Europa 167, 176
: —
19 Maundrell— 169
Hagia Triada sarcophagus 61 — Mayer, Max—72, 79, 82, etc.
Hall, H. R., on Cretan and Egyptian cults Megalithic remains of Great Britain and
—51 Ireland, scheme of classification 46 —
Harrison, Miss, on '
Bird and Pillar Worship' Mexican Indians 50 to 90 per cent, die
:

—51 from Malaria 35 —

Heuzey, Mont Olympe — 159 Mommsen — 187
Hittite inscription —
179, 185 ; sculpture at Modestov 191—
Aleppo, 184 Mint Marks—
Hogarth, D. G.— 165, 185 '
Minyan ware of Orchomenos 162
'
—
Horns of Consecration 49 — Mirror from Abydos, with handle in the
Hypnotic suggestion practised in the shape of a woman— 129
Temples of Asclepius 42 — Monte Timmari, cremation necropolis in
South Italy— 81
Mounds, prehistoric, in Macedonia 159 —
Mycenaean stirrup-vasn 29 —
Isisand Osiris myth —60 Myres, John L.— 139, 146
Ishtar— 143 Murgia Timone, fortified village site in
South Italy—76

Jerablus, Jerabis —165, 166 Nelson, Copper Coinage of Ireland 20 —

Jerome, T. Spencer 97, 118— Neter-Khet— 126, 130
Jezcrine in Bosnia, pottery of 27 ff. — Newberry, Prof., on a Bird Cult, 49; resto-
Jones, W. H. S., on Disease and History — rations of Jar Sealings 130 —
33 ; on Malaria in Ancient Italy 97 — Newstead, Robert, on the Roman Walla of
Chester—62

Kala-azar, effects of this disease in Asia —35

Kaleyards at Chester 54 — Ooktana, the Great Homed Serpent 134 —
Kellekli, Hittite Stela (block)— 173 Oppenheim, Dr. Max Freiherr von, Der Tell
Khet-priest of the Double Axe 49 — Halaf, reviewed— 139 ff.

Kinch, Dr.— 159 Orchomenos, in Boeotia —38

King, L. W.— 185
Koerte, A.— 164
Kuchler, C. H.— 17, 23 Palaeolithic implement found at Chester
Kretschmer, Dr. —192 70
Patorson, A. M. 91 —
Peet, T. E.—72, 145, 187
Lanoiani, Ancient Rome— 108, 109 Peloponnesian War 39 —
Leake, Col.— 159 Pepy, royal name of, on stone cylinder seal
Lenormant, La Grande-Ordce 110 — —127
Lianokladhi, in North Greece, Excavatious Pepper Gate at Chester 57 —
at— 149 Pepper, as a cure for ague 120 —
—
Ligurians 190 Peruvian bark 108 —
 52 —;
: 2 2 3 —

197

Plague, at Athens in 430 B.o.— 34, 36, 39 Serra d'Alto, fortified village-site in South
'
Plug-money ' 15 — Italy— 77
Pomptine Marshes, drained in 160 B.C. 103 — —
Shalmaneser II. 186 ; «ee Salmanassar.
Port wine, a favourite prophylactic against Shovel-board shilling—
malaria — 120 Sinj in Dalmatia — 27
Portugal-pieces 15 — SkiUls, human, from Asia Minor — 91
Pottery found in Chester Excavations 64 — Sleeping Sickness —36
in Thesealy —
149 ff. ; in Macedonia Sluys, Battle of—
—159 ff. Sophocles, malaria mentioned for the first
Price, F. G. Hilton, obituary notice of —94 tiine in —
39
Pyramid Texts—49 Sotiriadhis, Dr.— 150
Spalato, prehistoric vase in the museum of
—27, etc.
Stais, Dr.— 157
Radimsky. Dr.— 27. 30 Stela of black basalt at Kellekli— 172 ; with
Relief of Sargon at Balawat 172 — Hittite inscription at Tell-Ahmar 179, —
Ridola, Dr. Domenioo, researches at Matera 185
—72ff. Stelae, funerary, from Abydos — 18
Ridgeway, Prof.— 187ff. Stonehenge — 4i8
Ripac. in N.W. Bosnia— 27 ff.

Roman Concrete Foundation in Bridge

Street, Chester— 67 TeU-Ahmar— 185, 186
Roman Wall at Chester 52 — Tell Halai, in Northern Mesopotamia,
Romans, ethnology of the 187 ff. — excavations at 139 —
Rome, cult of goddess of Fever at 98 — Terra-cotta figure vase of a kneeling girl
marshy surroundings 101 —
ancient ; —129
epidemics, 107; malaria at 113 ff. — „ of Ishtar type 177 —
RosR, Major— 33, 97 Terremare of North Italy— 187 ff.
Rose Noble — Testoon or shilling —
Rose Taverne, afterwards as Will's Coffee Tiglath-Pileser I.— 186
House — Tiles found in Chester Excavations — 64
Royal Seal Inipressions, in clay 125, 126, — Thompson, M. S. See Waoe
130 Tokens— 4, 5
Tommasi-Crudeli— 101
Traeger, Dr.— 159 ff.
Saored fish, walled pool containing, by the Tsountas, Prof.— 86 ff.
Aintab-Marash high road 174 — Thessaly, Excavations in 149
Rakkara—49 Tsani Maghoula, Excavations at — 162
—
Salmanassar II. 178, 182 ; see Bhalma-
neser.
Sammlung von Assyr. und Bab. Tezten Veiled Goddess at Tell-Halaf— 142
183 Villanova culture in Italy 188 ff. —
Samian Ware, at Chester —61 ; at Jerablus
—167
Sargon's Palace at Khorsabad 143 — Wace, A. J. B., and M. 8. Thompson, on
Sayce, Rev. Prof. A. H.— 180, 186 Excavations in North Greece 149 ff. —
Scarab-shaped Seals 51 — White Horses, hillside sculpture 48 —
'
Scarabs '
51 — Woodward, A. M., on a prehistoric vase at
Seals from Abydos, Impressions of 130 — Spalato— 27
Seals of Hittite character bought from the Wolf Tower at Chester— 55
peasants of Bashar 175 — Wr, bird deity in Egypt 49 —
Schmidt, Dr. Hubert, on pottery from Wyon, Thomas, Chief Engraver of His
Macedonian moimds 159 — Majesty's Seals, 1812—24

C. TINLING AND CO., LTD., PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF LIVERPOOL, VICTORIA STREET
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'irvwinivi LiOl AU6 1 1943