© 2019 JETIR June 2019, Volume 6, Issue 6 www.jetir.

org (ISSN-2349-5162)

Caste Oppression, Dalit Consciousness and Protest

in Joseph Macwan’s The Stepchild
Mr. M. Franklin Samuel Jebakumar
Assistant Professor
Department of English
Tranquebar Bishop Manikam Lutheran College, Porayar, Tamil Nadu, India,

Dr. S. Victoria Alan

Assistant Professor
Department of English
P.T.M.T.M. College, Kamuthi, Tamil Nadu, India,

Ms. T. Jemima Asenath

Assistant Professor
Department of English
Tranquebar Bishop Manikam Lutheran College, Porayar, Tamil Nadu, India.

Abstract: Dalits have been encountering social, economic, cultural, educational and political oppressions right from the inception
of caste system, which was roughly about 500 B.C. Designation of Dalits as defiled or polluted people by Shastras and Smrtis of
Hinduism has been enshrouding Dalits with the social stigma of untouchability and has been harbouring contempt on them. These
in turn have been oppressing Dalits even after untouchability had been outlawed in the Constitution of India. Oppression of Dalits
takes the form of atrocities in India. Dalit consciousness derives its energy from Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s world-view and
philosophy. Dalit consciousness is essentially a consciousness of revolt, revolution and change. Protest is the awareness that
arises when man confronts an unjust and inhuman situation, and decides to get rid of it by way of raising his voice against it and
acting to remove it. The basic ingredients of protest that naturally comes into conflict with the establishment are a consciousness
regarding fundamental rights, a tendency to struggle, and a sense of independence and liberty. The paper endeavours to find how
Dalits are oppressed, their consciousness is aroused and they protest in Joseph Macwan’s The Stepchild.

Index Terms – Dalit Literature, Dalit Consciousness, Protest, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Joseph Macwan, The Stepchild.
I. INTRODUCTION
Since ancient time, caste has been playing a crucial role in shaping the destiny of millions of people in India. It
especially affects those who are located at the bottom of the caste-ladder as they are forced to live a life of deprivation and
disgrace thrust upon them by the Brahmanical Indian society. Traditional Brahmanical literature used two terms- varna and jati to
describe the Hindu system of social stratification. According to Professor Uma Chakravarti, the term varna originally referred to
the four divisions of Hindu society known as Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra. It implies a status-order system.
Later, a fifth varna that consists of the ‘untouchables’ was added to the varna division prevalent in Hindu society. They
are the worst hit by the system. They were called as untouchables, depressed classes, Harijans by others. These groups christened
themselves with the name ‘Dalit,’ which means ‘broken’ or ‘crushed’ that reminds them of their status in Indian society. Jati, as
Chakravarti defined, refers to “an endogamous unit within which one must marry; members of a jati are members of a descent
group, traditionally assigned to a specific occupation” (Charavarti 9). In the present social context, jati provides the structure for
comprehending the hierarchical pattern of a specific region. Explaining these divisions Chakravarti says:
Broadly there are three major divisions: the upper castes which may comprise of the brahmanas, rajputs, banias
and other castes such as the kayasthas in northern and eastern India; the middle castes such as the jats, yadavs,
kurmis and other castes which could be dominant, but could also be part of the ‘Other Backward Classes’
(OBCs) as these backward castes are called officially, especially with reference to indicators of social status but
who are not polluting; and the low castes who are at the bottom of the hierarchy and whose touch was often
regarded as polluting. There is great regional variation in the placement of castes/jatis within a framework of
hierarchy. (Chakravarti 9-10)
A definition of caste system would therefore refer to a system that “…comprises a series of hereditary groups or jatis
characterized by hierarchy or gradations according to ritual status” (Chakravarti 10). Nevertheless, it is clearly understood that the
notion of inequality is deeply entrenched in the very basis of Hindu society and caste which is separate from class, though not
completely unrelated to it (Chakravarti 10) is one major social category through which this disparity is disseminated. The notion
of the ‘pure’ high and the ‘impure’ low which influences diverse aspects of our lives ranging from marriage to national politics
has its root deeply planted in the customs and rituals instituted by Vedic Aryans.
II. DALIT LITERATURE
The literary development which is called as Dalit literature in India emerged in the 1960s. The principal motive of Dalit
literature is the liberty of Dalits in India. The aim of Dalit literature is to protest against the established system which is based on
inequality and discloses the maliciousness and duplicity of caste system. Dalit literature is based on experience rather than
assumption. Therefore, the legitimacy and vivacity is the indispensable attribute of Dalit literature.
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Indian Dalit Writing is a post-independence literary trend. However, it does not mean that there was no Dalit writing
before independence. From the last quarter of the nineteenth century Dalits began writing and publishing their anguishes,
adversities and inhuman treatment encountered by them, through booklets and small brochures. There were some significant Dalit
writers in the pre-Ambedkar period. Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, who fought arduously to destroy the caste system, is indisputably
called the first writer in the Dalit literary convention. Alok Mukherjee, “characterizes Dalit literature as ‘purposive,’ and describes
its purpose variously as ‘revolutionary,’ ‘transformational’ and ‘liberatory’” (“Intro.” to Limbale 14). A Dalit writer has no choice
but to be an avant-garde. He has to be a writer and activist in the same breath. Limbale explains the social responsibility of a Dalit
writer thus: “Dalit writers write out of social responsibility. Their writing expresses the emotion and commitment of an activist.
That society may change and understand its problems - their writing articulates this impatience with intensity. They regard their
literature to be a movement” (“Intro.” to Limbale 33). Mukherjee invokes an old phrase “literature of commitment” (Limbale 14)
to underline the activist ideology of this literature. According to Arjun Dangle, “Dalit literature is not simply literature. It is
associated with a movement to bring about change” (Dangle 266). It in the words of Arun Prabha Mukherjee’s has a
“transformative power” (qtd. in Valmiki, Joothan x).
Limbale defines Dalit literature as “that literature which artistically portrays the sorrows, tribulations, slavery,
degradation, ridicule and poverty endured by Dalits. This literature is but a lofty image of grief” (Limbale, 2004, 30). There is a
blatant lack of humour in Dalit writings; hardly does a Dalit writer break into non-serious laughter. Locked as he is in the rigid
social hierarchies, he is always a self in anger. Kancha Illaiah, an educated OBC Dalit ideologue admits of his being perennially
angry; “I was born, brought up and have struggled through a viciously hierarchical society. Naturally I carry the pain, the anger
and the prejudice that the Indian system has injected into me” (62). Dalit writings avoid elevated other-worldly metaphysical
musings; rather they concentrate on the material and political aspects of life. Consequently even Buddha emerges more as social
reformer or political philosopher than as a divine being seeking escape from life.
III. JOSEPH MACWAN’S THE STEPCHILD
Joseph Macwan’s Angaliyat (1986), which is conferred with the Sahitya Akademi Award in 1988, is the first novel in
Gujarati written by a Dalit about the Vankars, a Dalit weaving caste, many of whom converted to Christianity like Macwan
himself to escape caste oppression by the upper castes. Angaliyat proves to be the first authentic voice of the Dalits in Gujarat. It
was translated into English as The Stepchild in 2004 by Rita Kothari. It is rightly called “a corner-stone of Gujarati literature” as
noted by Hiral Macwan (Macwan 5).
The Stepchild is set in rustic Gujarat of the 1930s and allures to its own aesthetics and dogmatic ideology. The word
‘Angaliyat’ (step-child) equates the Dalits to the stepchild, fated to remain on the periphery of the stepfather’s family, as it clasps
its mother’s finger (angali) while she crosses the threshold of new home. Correspondingly, the Dalits are also looked upon as
outsiders in the mainstream society. Set in Charotar of pro-independence time, it describes the political setting before Swaraj
(self-rule). It is a story about three communities – Vankar, Patel and Thakore, Patels being the dominating and affluent caste and
Thakore being a majoritarian caste, whose social standing in the caste hierarchy is between, Patels and Vankars. Shanta Gokhale
reviews the book as follows:
It is a gripping tale of love, heroism, humiliation, revenge and death. It is a vividly coloured picture of the lives
of two neighbouring villages in the Charotar district of central Gujarat. It is a document of the politics of the
pre- and post-Independence years, as seen from the perspective of the downtrodden; and finally, it is an account
of the struggle of one Dalit community against its upper-caste oppressors, spurred on by two opposing
ideologies, the Gandhian and the Ambedkarite. (Gokhale, The Hindu)
The novel portrays the community of Dalit weavers oppressed by the more powerful and affluent castes-Hindus, the
Patels. It underlines caste oppression of Dalits and animosity between the two communities. The Patels are quite unhappy with
the British rule because it resolves everything not according to Manushastra but through common law. The British law does not
accommodate the supremacy of the Patels. The Patels await eagerly for Swaraj (self-rule) so that they can hold the reins of the
nation.
The story moves in three villages –Shilapar, Ratnapar and Keradiya and exhibits the exploitation of Dalits by the Patels
on different levels – social, economic and political. The Vankars are primarily engaged in weaving and Thakors of the village
work as farmers under the Patels. Although the population of the Patels is quite lesser than that of Thakors, the former rules over
the latter. Patels also take advantage of Thakors working under them. They are paid fewer wages for their labour. The labourers
would attract harsher punishment if they complained.
IV. CASTE OPPRESSION ENCOUNTERED BY DALITS
Dalits have been encountering social, economic, cultural, educational and political oppressions right from the inception
of caste system, which was roughly about 500 B.C. Designation of Dalits as defiled or polluted people by Shastras and Smrtis of
Hinduism has been enshrouding Dalits with the social stigma of untouchability and has been harbouring contempt on them. These
in turn have been oppressing Dalits even after untouchability had been outlawed in the Constitution of India.
Oppression of Dalits takes the form of atrocities in India. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989 has listed a series of crimes against Dalits as atrocities. They are: forcing Dalits to eat obnoxious substances,
dumping excreta or carcasses in Dalit premises, assaulting a Dalit women with intent to dishonour or outrage her modesty, using a
position of dominance to sexually exploit a Dalit woman, parading Dalits naked or with painted face or body, forcing Dalits to do
forced or bonded labour, dispossessing Dalits of their land and forcing Dalits from their homes, preventing Dalits from voting,
corrupting or fouling a Dalit water source, publicly humiliating Dalits, using fire or explosives to damage Dalit property, and
fabricating evidence in order to convict innocent Dalits. Murder of Dalits does not come under the purview of this act. It is treated
as homicide.
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Despite this act, the present scenario of Dalits in India is quite appalling. The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB),
India has published its latest report in 2018, which has highlighted the crimes against Dalits recorded at the police stations across
India. The report states that:
 9 Dalit women are harassed in India every day.
 7 Dalit women are raped in India every day.
 3 Dalits are grievously attacked in India every day.
 3 Dalits are kidnapped or abducted in India every day.
 3 Dalits are murdered in India every day.
 5 riots against Dalits are orchestrated in India every day.
This statistics show the nature of Indian society and the horrendous position of Dalits in India.
4.1. CASTE OPPRESSION ON DALITS IN MACWAN’S THE STEPCHILD
The oppressions faced by Dalits in the novel The Stepchild by Joseph Macwan range from mild verbal assault to horrid
extermination. The novel begins with Teeho (Teeharam) and Valji, the two Dalits among many others going to an auction sale in
a nearby village to sell their clothes. On their way, they meet a Thakor who tells them about the wicked nature of the Patels and
then asks them to unburden themselves by putting their bundles on his cart. But he instructs Teeho and Valji to walk behind. The
Thakor does not want his cart or his person to be defiled by the Dalits mere touch. Caste-Hindus in India observe untouchability
against Dalits. They consider Dalits unfit to be touched because they believe that Dalits are a polluted lot and a mere touch would
also pollute them for which they have to observe penances to become pure again. Macwan observes, “That was a hard luck. A cart
can be loaded with goods, but the manufacturer of the goods cannot be accommodated in the cart; or else it is called
untouchability. People talk as if their hearts are one, but they can’t be one in body” (Macwan 11).
Dalits are denied assistance of any sort even in the times of crisis. Recalling the days of flood narrated by Teeho’s father,
Teeho tells Valji that flood had taken a heavy toll of their entire locality. But caste-Hindus did not provide medicines at the least.
Ranchhod Dhelavala, a caste-Hindu, sold grains, medicines and clothes to others. But when the Vankars went to request them,
apart from denying them, they were told to clean the village first. They had to live in mud for a fortnight, pull out dead animals
and eat the remains. The tin-sheets brought by Vankars to cover the thatched roofs were appropriated by the Thakors.
While on business, Teeho observes caste-Hindu men outraging the modesty of Methi, a Vankar girl. The Patel boy Nanji
notices Methi approaching with a pot of water on her head. He aims a stone at the pot, wetting her completely. When she raises
her voice in protest, one of the men calls her slut. “Their eyes roved over the woman’s nipples visible through her wet blouse.
Flustered under their lascivious gaze she re-adjusted her wet pallav across her chest” (Macwan 15, 16). Dhoolsingh Thakore
while advising Teeha, who pick up a fight to protect the dignity of Methi says, “Look Teeha, this happens every day and it will go
on. You shouldn’t have unnecessarily picked a fight” (Macwan 17). This shows that harassing Dalit women has been one of the
favourite time-pass of caste-Hindu youths.
Almost all Dalits in villages have been living in fear of caste-Hindus. Dalits like Teeha and Valji are exceptions. The
penal code of caste system is oppressive against Dalits, though it was outlawed by the Government of India. It has been
terrorizing Dalits right from the inception of caste system in the Indian sub-continent. Caste-Hindus easily get away using their
money and influence. Moreover, most of the personnel of law enforcing agencies are caste-Hindus and though they belong to
different castes, there has been mutual understanding and support between the caste-Hindus of different castes. What disturbs
Teeho is that although he saved a girl of his own caste, nobody comes out of the house to laud him. When he calls a few men of
the locality, their daughters or wives lie that they are not at home. Macwan comments, “Nobody wanted to come in Patidar’s
[Patel’s] eye... Nobody could think of going against them, and how can they? Patels had money. They had influences. Police was
in their hand” (Macwan 21).
Patels set fire to the fields and cut down the trees of Dalits. Caste-Hindus destroy the source of livelihood of Dalits and
ransack their properties. Caste-Hindus believe that Dalits should always be dependent on them for their livelihood. They consider
that Dalits’ economic independence would give them the audacity to rebel against them. They ask the village-head to expel Teeho
from his village. But the village-head Dharamshi Thakor denies. For that they say, “You’re forgetting Thakor. You’re on the
position of power till the British are there. Once Swaraj comes you have to oblige us” (Macwan 38). It is quite attention-grabbing
to discover Dalits see British as their ally. It is so because the British had brought everyone under their rule under the purview of
common penal code irrespective of caste.
Dalits are entirely dependent on caste-Hindus, economically. Most of the Dalits do not possess farmland in India and
those who possess small tracts of land are dependent on caste-Hindus for cultivation. The loss incurred by Dalits in cultivation is
indeed a big loss, which would direct them to the caste-Hindus to avail loan from them by pledging their land or to earn money by
doing odd jobs in order to cultivate in the next season. Enmity with them simply means no loan or no odd jobs.
After the way the fields were damaged, there was still the monsoon. The seeds for bajri and pulses had to be got
from the Patels. The Patels used to employ the low-castes for the odd seasonal jobs and money thus earned
came in handy; this too stopped after Teeha’s adventure. (Macwan 37)
The repercussion on Dalits due to their enmity with the caste-Hindus not only stops with economic oppression rather it
extends to other realms. The houses in the entire Dalit locality would be set on fire. Fearing this, Dalits have been leading a
cautious life, which Moti, Methi’s brother describes metaphorically: “. . . one can’t live in water and risk enmity with the
crocodile” (Macwan 19). Because of this, Teeho was not appreciated by Dalits for saving the damsel in distress. Dalits of
Shilapaar are afraid of the threat uttered by the Patidars. Their fear is well-highlighted by the author: “If anyone offered shelter to

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Teeha after his fight with the upper castes, they would set the entire mohalla [settlement] on fire. Afraid of this, no one dared even
to greet Teeha although he had rescued a young girl of the community from disgrace” (Macwan 18).
Caste-Hindus have been in the habit of appropriating the wares sold by Dalits in the pretext of credit purchase and not
repaying the price of the wares brought on credit. Teeha is quite aware of this tactics employed by the caste-Hindus. Therefore he
refuses to give two bales of cloth on credit to the mukhi [leader], Dhelavala’s nephew. Dhelavala has become the minister of the
state and his nephew the sarpanch [village head]. Deeming the refusal as an insult to his caste-honour, the mukhi attacks Teeha
but gets defeated by Teeha. On seeing this, mukhi’s men and policemen attack Teeha and leave him half-dead. “Eight to ten
young men came crashing down upon Teeha. With sticks and punches, they left Teeha half-dead. Two policemen were seated in
the square. They dragged Teeha there and beat the remaining life out of his body and threw the bloodied body outside” (Macwan
226). The police machinery in India is dominated by caste-Hindus, who has strong contempt for Dalits. A 2006 study by
International Dalit Solidarity Network, Denmark on untouchability in rural India covering 565 villages in 11 states revealed that
in 27.6% villages taken for the study, policemen have been preventing Dalits from entering the police station (Dalits of India,
<www.idsn.org>).
When Teeho is beaten to death by the Patels and policemen, trust-run hospitals deny treat to him. The unconscious Teeha
is taken to different hospitals for treatment, but nobody admits him. The Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) is out rightly
denies to file a complaint. The Master requests the DSP to help Teeha on humanitarian ground. To their shock, the DSP retorts,
“We have an order all the way from Mumbai. He is a troublesome fellow and keeps sticking his neck out. Thank your stars that
the mukhi has not lodged a complaint against him for assault. Go away” (Macwan 227-8)! Teeha dies a pathetic death
orchestrated by the caste-Hindus in power. The state by joining forces with the caste-Hindus eliminated Teeha as a warning to
other Dalits.
V. AROUSAL OF DALIT CONSCIOUSNESS
Dalit consciousness springs forth from Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s world-view and philosophy. Dalit consciousness is
essentially a consciousness of revolt, rebellion and change. It is a state of cognition of a Dalit that oppressions, rapes, murders,
massacres, harassments, injustices, discriminations, contempt, insults, abuses, alienation, economic disabilities, cultural rejection,
denial of education and opportunities, invisibility in history, press and media and political disadvantages confronted by Dalits in
the past and in the present are due to the broken or the crushed state thrust on them by Brahmanism. Along with it comes, the
Dalit’s search for the ways and means to destroy Brahmanism to reclaim dignity. The Dalit eventually turns into a disbeliever of
Hinduism and an agnostic of the deities of the Hindu pantheon. To the Dalit, who is overcome with Dalit consciousness, self-
respect is of paramount importance. Hitherto, the self-respect of the Dalit which had been being allowed to assaults, henceforth
the Dalit will never ever allow such assaults. Rather, the Dalit will be ready to retaliate at the slightest provocation. The Dalit after
equipping with sufficient information on Brahminism will foray into the hostile territory to expose its hypocrisy. Aroused with
Dalit consciousness, it becomes inevitable for the Dalit to declare war on Hinduism. Laura R. Brueck points out:
The term Dalit consciousness has significantly influenced the lives of millions of Dalits by awakening them and
inspiring them for self-realization of their identity as a human being beyond caste and creed, though it is a
complex term to be described. It is a general perception that Dalit consciousness is the awareness that makes
Dalit realize what they actually are and what they are said to be. Various Dalit writers, scholars and critics have
defined Dalit consciousness differently some call it ‘a revolutionary mentality’ whereas some others call it,
deconstructive consciousness. (Brueck 51)
To Valmiki, “Dalit consciousness is deeply concerned with the question, ‘Who am I? What is my identity?’ The strength
of character of Dalit authors comes from these questions” (Valmiki 28-29). He states that ‘Dalit consciousness’ is what gives
Dalit literature its unique power. He opines that this character of Dalit literature sets it apart from ‘traditional’ literature. Any
literary enterprise by Dalits devoid of Dalit consciousness should not be accepted as Dalit literature. At the same time, a literary
activity by any intellectual, who has internalized the entire corpus of Dalit ideology, sworn allegiance to Dalit cause and authentic
in his narrative of Dalits should be accepted as Dalit literature as Jothirao Phule’s writings are accepted as Dalit literature. Dalit
consciousness serves as the acid test to determine a literary enterprise’s recognition as Dalit literature.
5.1. AROUSAL OF DALIT CONSCIOUSNESS IN MACWAN’S THE STEPCHILD
Joseph Macwan has vividly etched instances in his novel The Stepchild, which arouse Dalit consciousness in Dalits. It
inspires Dalits to protest against the oppressions encountered by them from the hands of caste-Hindus. Teeho is a character who is
seen bubbling with Dalit consciousness throughout the novel. He is hardly 23 years old. His perennial anger against caste system
and caste oppressions has been keeping him constantly at boiling point. But on the contrary, Methi’s brother, Moti is endures the
oppressions. He is of notion that Dalits are a helpless lot and it is beyond their reach and capacity to fight against their oppressors.
He, instead of defending his sister’s modesty and dignity by expressing his protest, speaks of arranging her aanu [the ceremony of
uniting a girl with her husband, who got married in their childhood but had been living in their respective homes]. Moti expresses
his view of prudence that one cannot live in water and risk enmity with crocodiles. But Teeho indefatigably says, “To hell with
water and crocodiles... people like us either become extinct or we suck up all their water itself... the British sun is still warm.
Once Independence arrives, our days will be numbered” (Macwan 23). There are some Dalits who passively give in to the
customs set by the Patels and silently follow the dictates of caste-Hindus. But there are Dalits like Teeho, Valji, Kanku, Methi and
others who are overcome with Dalit consciousness and resist the injustices. Lack of Dalit consciousness in Dalits becomes the
strength for caste-Hindus like Dehlavala. He says to his nephew, “…they are not able to unite for their own benefit… The day
they become aware, the sun will set on us” (Macwan 115).
Master tries to arouse the consciousness in Dalits to resist the oppressions. He has a photograph of Dr. Ambedkar on his
table, which serves him a source of inspiration. He constantly discusses the battles fought by Dr. Ambedkar to reclaim the dignity

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of Dalits. Valji inspired by the ideas infused in him by the Master tries to rouse Dalit consciousness in his fellow Dalits as
follows:
Master rightly says that we are not humans, we’re mere cadavers. Even when thorns prick us, we rub dust on
ourselves and keep walking. Don’t we ever feel hurt? But if we have to fight among ourselves, then we can be
more warrior-like than even the Rajputs! . . . But if we have to confront them, we are like scared kittens!
(Macwan 42, 43)
Like Dr. Ambedkar, Dalits in The Stepchild are cynical about the Swaraj. They find political freedom without social
freedom is quite dangerous. To them, Indian society is immature to rule themselves. Unless the pernicious notion of caste is
removed from the minds of the caste-Hindus, swaraj cannot achieve its ideal. Bhavankaka says:
Don‘t blame the Swaraj Master! Blame the human heart. Till Ram inhabits their human heart, Ramrajya will be
a distant dream. And I feel the death of a single Valji or a single Teeha cannot bring that Rajya. Many more
Valjis and Teehas will have to die like this. Our eyes will not open otherwise. (Macwan 263)
VI. PROTESTATION OF DALITS
Protest is the awareness that arises when man confronts an unjust and inhuman situation, and decides to get rid of it by
way of raising his voice against it and acting to remove it. According to Douglas O.Willium, “Protest is not ideological in its
orientation, but is, essentially activist” (Willium 9). The basic ingredients of protest that naturally comes into conflict with the
establishment are a consciousness regarding fundamental rights, a tendency to struggle, and a sense of independence and liberty.
Protest is, thus, primarily the result of intense human consciousness, which involves values. It is both a manifestation of human
concern and an endeavor to add meaning to human existence by strengthening the concepts of social justice, equality, and liberty.
Protest has the quality of identifying itself with the downtrodden and the oppressed.
Protest in literature is a kind of evolution. It is a course of change and the need for reform. Dalit literature is a literature of
protest. And a Dalit writer is one who writes with the experience of his community, the pain of his past burdens subverting the
history, revitalizing the denigrated spheres of language and creating an alternate vision of the future. Raising the consciousness of
the Dalits, and recovering their self-respect and challenging the traditional Hindu values are the Dalit writers’ expressed goals.
Though Dalit writings seem to be revolutionary its central concern is promoting equality, freedom and justice. Dalit
protests can be perceived in two ways: first, as an ideological effort to counter the hegemony of the caste- Hindus, often led by
Brahmanas, who continue to wield the political control, reinforce economic domination and exercise cultural hegemony over the
original inhabitants through the caste system. In this process Dalits rebelled against the exploitative character of Hinduism and the
institution of caste and expressed their ideological protest through literature, in the form of poems, dramas and novels. Second is
their refusal to perform traditional duties. The disobedience assumed two forms, one an organized planned and overt protest and
the other an unplanned, unorganized and covert protest.
6.1. PROTESTATION OF DALITS IN MACWAN’S THE STEPCHILD
Dalits, whose Dalit consciousness is raised invariably, protest in the face of oppression. In The Stepchild, there are a few
protesting Dalits and Teeho is one such. With anger, Teeho dashes to champion Methi, when he observes her modesty and her
dignity being assaulted by the caste-Hindu boys. Teeho challenges and fights with them. Badly injured, one of the boys addresses
Teeho with the most offensive Charotari term dhedh (untouchable) and pargami (outsider) and wants to register a police
complaint against him. In the challenges and counter-challenges that follow, Teeho humiliates the man so thoroughly that he
swears revenge. He responds that he himself will complain as he trusts the British justice. For swaraj [self-rule] will bring more
discrimination between the two castes. Surprisingly, the wronged Dalits see the British in India as a boon. They find them
impartial, free from the prejudice of caste and evils of corruption. Even more astonishing is the fact that despite the presence of
some Gandhian elders in the Vankar community, they are afraid of Ramrajya [Hindu government] that the Congress-led
independent India will bring. For it will elevate higher caste to the national office and announce further repression for them. The
evidences are seen later in the novel when the caste-Hindus pressurize Dalits by intimidating them to live under their feet after
swaraj. Teeho worries, “Swaraj is to come and the condition of sisters and daughters is pitiable! Don‘t you have any regard for
our women?” (Macwan, 20)
When Teeho, Valji, Mukhi and Methi file complain against the caste-Hindus, the Patels try to take Methi in confidence
by offering her money. But she rejects strongly. A Gandhian leader from the Congress party comes to give judgment and asks the
Patel residents of Shilapar village to pay the damage to the afflicted. This is for the first time in the history of the Patidars that
they had to bow down to the Dalits.
The widows of the Vankar community marry their brother-in-law in defiance of the upper-caste norms and also for their
protection from the sarcasm of the community folk. This is the reason that Kanku, Valji’s wife marries his younger brother Danji
after his death. Widow remarriage during the British rule is a valorous protest by Dalits against caste-Hindus.
Valji loses his life in saving Methi when she is kidnapped by the caste-Hindus. Valji’s murderers are caught by the
police and beaten harshly in the presence of the Vankars. Valji’s wife Kanku honors him by calling him joddha (warrior).
Mourning the death of Valji and determined to take revenge, Dalits makes an armed attack on the Patels of Ratnapar village. The
caste-Hindus get frightened. A strong revolt breaks out. In the political assembly held by the Thakors it was declared that because
Dehlavala is supporting the Congress in the movement of Swaraj, he is being conspired against by the Vankars under the
guidance of the British government. In the second speech it was said, “The untouchables are revolting guided by the priests”
(Macwan 115). One can find that Thakores have joined hands with Patels.

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© 2019 JETIR June 2019, Volume 6, Issue 6 www.jetir.org (ISSN-2349-5162)
An assembly to mourn Valji’s death is arranged. His photo is kept beside Ambedkar’s to pay tribute. But community
people remain unconcerned as on the same day Patidars have also called a congregation. They cannot raise their voice against
caste-Hindus nor can they participate in their own gathering. Bhavankaka advises, “Learn to have courage like Valji in life. You
tolerated the wrong a lot. Now learn to fight” (Macwan 119).
Towards the end when Dehlavala inaugurates the first school in Ratnapar village he announces that the one who pays a
donation of over Rs. 5,000/- to the school will have his name inscribed on the marble plaque. Goka, Methi’s son and the adopted
son of Teeha steps forward and offers Rs. 7,001/- “in the name of Teesabhai Gopalbhai Parmal” (Macwan 270). Inscribing the
name on the plaque is an expression of rigid protest for the Dalits, who had been being so far pushed into the margins, denied
basic rights and humiliated by the caste-Hindus. By donating Rs. 2001/- above and over the minimum amount, the name
“Teesabhai Gopalbhai Parmal” would the first name to be inscribed in the marble plaque above the caste-Hindu names, which is a
candid sign of stiff protest by Dalits.
VII. CONCLUSION
Rita Kothari believes, “In an interesting and paradoxical way, the assertion of a Dalit identity takes place through
physical valour in the men and through purity as far as the women are concerned” (Macwan xxviii). Goka is the legacy of Valji
and Teeha. Dalit consciousness has been successfully transferred to the next generation. Goka is not only valiant but also prudent.
He has learnt a lot of lessons from the lives of his father Teeha and his uncle Valji, which makes him to protest in a subtle
manner, which would leave an indelible inscription in history.

Works Cited
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[10] Macwan, Joseph. The Stepchild. Trans. Rita Kothari. New Delhi: OUP. 2004. Print.
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