HEARTFULNESS INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL

Omega Branch

HEARTSMUN 2024
Breaking Barriers, Building Bridges & Connecting Hearts

Measures To Promote Dialogue

Letter from the EB

The Executive Board warmly welcomes you to this edition of India Pakistan Special
Summit under the banner of HeartsMUN’24. This special summit will focus on
building/repairing the already existing relationships between India and Pakistan
while also looking after disputes between the attending members and hopefully
attaining a peaceful settlement of disputes. The committee will be simulated with a
freeze date of 11th July 2024 with the sole agenda being to contemplate issues and
settling with the aim of attaining peace.

The Background guide covers important topics and sub-sections which will aid and
supplement you in your research. However, we as the Executive Board or the EB,
expect the delegates to abide by their countries stances and perform their own
research other than what is already given in the Background Guide. Keep in mind,
this Background guide is just a wormhole into the issue being discussed.

The delegates are welcome to text us personally in regards to any clarification or help
required.

Regards,
The Executive Board of India Pakistan Summit
T S Abhishek, Chairperson, +91 8903277297
Karthik Sriram, Chairperson, +91 9884991501

Introduction to the Committee

Delegates, it is imperative that all of you understand the fact that, this committee is
literally what it says. It is an India-Pakistan Special Summit which has been set up
entirely to promote peace talks between the 2 neighbouring nations. However, it is
completely within your right to try and stir up controversy as this is a simulation of
real-world talks, where talks are occasionally fruitful.

This committee shall have 4 representatives from India and Pakistan, namely the
Prime Minister, the External Affairs Minister, the National Security Advisor and the
Defense Minister.

There are 5 more countries which will be represented by their leader of the
government. These 5 countries will be the United States of America, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland, the French Republic, the People’s
Republic of China, and the Russian Federation.
Aside from these 13 portfolios, we shall have 21 Representatives of
countries/organizations attending this summit to pursue or express their relations
to either of the 2 primary parties to the dispute.

Since this is a special committee, the Rules of Procedure (ROP) will be explained in
detail in the upcoming sections of this Background/Study Guide. To give you a brief
further insight, the ROP followed shall be a combination of Traditional UNA USA
ROP as well specialized ROP set by us, the Executive Board. Rest assured, we shall
be briefing you on the same, on the day of the first session.

History

The issue of India versus Pakistan has always been a hot topic. From cricket to
demographics, the 2 countries have been on edge since the partition in 1947. This
rivalry can be placed amongst the list of the greatest rivalries ever, FC Barcelona vs
Real Madrid, Chennai Super Kings vs Mumbai Indians, Russia vs America and any
other rivalry you can imagine. The 2 countries have been at loggerheads since before
partition when Muhammad Ali Jinnah started the Muslim League with the agenda
of promoting Muslim representation, which ended in them getting a separate nation.

Partition and Indo-Pak War of 1947

It all began with the Mountbatten Plan, with the Indian Independence Act of 1947
which divided overall British controlled India into two dominions, namely
Dominion of India and the Dominion of Pakistan which involved splitting parts of
Punjab and Bengal and assigning them to Pakistan as guided under the Radcliffe
Line or the Radcliffe Demarcation. However, the entire problem that started the
rivalry between India and Pakistan is the princely state of Kashmir.

Kashmir was a primarily Muslim dominated state with a Hindu King. Raja Hari
Singh, the then ruler of Kashmir, did not wish to accede to either India or Pakistan
and wished to remain independent. However, Pakistan wanted Jammu and Kashmir
for itself which sparked the Indo-Pakistani war of 1947-48. It all started on 22nd
October 1947, when the Pashtun tribal attack was launched in the Muzaffarabad
sector. The state forces stationed in the border regions around Muzaffarabad and
Domel were quickly defeated by tribal forces (Muslim state forces mutinied and
joined them) and the way to the capital was open. Among the raiders, there were
many active Pakistani Army soldiers disguised as tribals. They were also provided
logistical help by the Pakistan Army. When Maharaja Hari Singh, asked for India’s
military assistance and intervention, India put forward the condition that the Princely
state of Kashmir was to be acceded to India after which Pakistan declared war on
India.
The rest is history, with the likes of Operation Vijay and Operation Eraze, India
succeeded in the war setting up the LOC (Line of Control) and determining the
POK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) , despite the United Nations calling for an
intervention in the form of Resolution 38 which called for the 2 engaging parties to
refrain from aggravating the situation in Kashmir followed by Resolution 39 which
created the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) to
peacefully settle the Kashmir issue.

On 13 August 1948, after discussions with both the governments, the Commission
unanimously adopted a three-part resolution, amending and amplifying the UN
Resolution 47.
• Part I dealt with ceasefire, calling for a complete cessation of hostilities.
• Part II dealt with a truce agreement. It asked for a complete withdrawal of
Pakistan's fighting forces, including the army, tribes, and other Pakistani
nationals, and stated that the evacuated territory would be administered by
local authorities under the surveillance of the Commission. Following the
Pakistani withdrawal, India was expected to withdraw the "bulk of its forces"
reducing them to the minimum level required for maintaining law and order.
• Part III stated that, after the acceptance of the truce agreement, the two
countries would enter a consultation with the Commission for settling the
future of the state in accordance with the will of the people.

The Karachi Agreement formally called the “Agreement Between Military

Representatives of India and Pakistan Regarding the Establishment of a Cease-Fire
Line in the State of Jammu and Kashmir,” was signed on 27 July 1949, supervised
by the Truce Subcommittee of the UNCIP.

However, in Resolution 91 of 1951, Sir Owen Dixon, the United Nations

Representative for India and Pakistan resigned. These observers, under the
command of the Military Adviser, formed the nucleus of the United Nations Military
Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP). On 30 March 1951, following
the termination of UNCIP, the Security Council, by its resolution 91 (1951) decided
that UNMOGIP should continue to supervise the ceasefire in Kashmir.
UNMOGIP's functions were to observe and report, investigate complaints of
ceasefire violations, and submit its finding to each party and to the Secretary-
General. As a result of the establishment of the UNMOGIP and the failure of
UNCIP, UNCIP was finally terminated.

Finally United Nations Security Council Resolutions 96 mandated that India and
Pakistan would work for a peaceful settlement, continue to observe a ceasefire, and
accepted the principle that the accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir should
be determined by a free and impartial plebiscite under the auspices of the United
Nations. At the end, Resolution 98 urged the Governments of India and Pakistan to
enter immediate negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations
Representative for India and Pakistan to reach an agreement on the specific number
of troops to remain of each side of the cease-fire line at the end of the previously
established period of demilitarization.

Indo-Pak War of 1965

In early 1965, relations between India and Pakistan were strained again because of
their conflicting claims over the Rann of Kutch at the southern end of the
international boundary. The situation steadily deteriorated during the summer of
1965, and, in August, military hostilities between India and Pakistan erupted on a
large scale along the ceasefire line in Kashmir. In his report 15 of 3 September 1965,
the Secretary-General stressed that the ceasefire agreement of 27 July 1949 had
collapsed and that a return to mutual observance of it by India and Pakistan would
afford the most favourable climate in which to seek a resolution of political
differences.

In the 1960s Pakistan received 700 million dollars of military aid from the United
States, by signing a defense agreement in 1954, which significantly modernized
Pakistan's military equipment. During this period, despite being numerically smaller
than the Indian Military, Pakistan's armed forces had a qualitative edge in air power
and armour over India, which Pakistan sought to utilize before India completed its
defense build-up. Pakistan's leadership, under President Ayub Khan, decided to
launch a covert operation in Kashmir. On August 5, 1965, between 26,000 and
33,000 Pakistani soldiers crossed the Line of Control (LoC) dressed as Kashmiri
locals, inaugurating "Operation Gibraltar." The operation was headed by Major
General Akhtar Hussain Malik and aimed to instigate a rebellion among Kashmiri
Muslims, sabotage military targets, and pave the way for Pakistan to seize control of
the region.

However, Operation Gibraltar faced several setbacks. Contrary to Pakistani

expectations, the local Kashmiri population largely did not support the infiltrators
and in many cases informed Indian authorities about their presence. The Indian
Army, led by Chief of Army Staff General J.N. Chaudhuri, responded swiftly to the
incursion. By August 15, the Indian forces had captured the Haji Pir Pass, a strategic
location that had served as a route for the Pakistani infiltrators.

As Operation Gibraltar faltered, Pakistan launched Operation Grand Slam on

September 1, 1965. This operation, spearheaded by the 12th Division under Major
General Akhtar Hussain Malik, aimed to capture the vital Akhnoor Bridge in the
Jammu sector. The bridge was crucial for Indian communications and supply lines
to the Kashmir Valley. The Pakistani forces, equipped with M47 and M48 Patton
tanks, made initial gains, capturing Chamb and threatening Jaurian. India responded
to this escalation by crossing the international border at Lahore on September 6,
1965. The Indian XI Corps, led by Lieutenant General Harbaksh Singh, launched an
offensive towards Lahore with three infantry divisions and an armoured brigade.
This move caught Pakistan by surprise, as they had not anticipated that India would
expand the conflict beyond Kashmir.
The war now spread across several fronts:
1. Kashmir Front: In addition to the ongoing fights in the Kashmir Valley,
intense battles were fought in the Chamb-Jaurian sector. The Indian forces,
primarily the 10th Division and elements of the 26th Division, managed to
blunt the Pakistani advance but could not entirely push them back.
2. Lahore Front: The Indian 15th Infantry Division and 7th Infantry Division
advanced towards Lahore, capturing the town of Burki. However, they were
stopped short of Lahore by fierce Pakistani resistance, including defensive
canal systems and counterattacks by Pakistan's 10th and 11th Divisions.
3. Sialkot Front: On September 8, India launched an offensive towards Sialkot
with its I Corps, comprising the 1st Armoured Division and 6th Mountain
Division. This led to one of the largest tank battles since World War II at
Chawinda. The battle involved around 400 tanks on each side and lasted until
September 22. Notable units involved included India's 1st Armoured Division
and Pakistan's 6th Armoured Division.
4. Rajasthan Front: Pakistan's 18th Division made some advances in the
Rajasthan sector, capturing Kishangarh before being pushed back by India's
11th Infantry Division.
5. Aerial Warfare: Both air forces were actively involved. The Indian Air Force
(IAF), led by Air Marshal Arjan Singh, conducted extensive bombing raids on
Pakistani armour and artillery positions. The Pakistan Air Force (PAF), under
Air Marshal Nur Khan, focused on attacking Indian air bases. Notable aerial
engagements included the air battle over Sargodha on September 7, where the
IAF claimed to have shot down four Pakistani aircraft.
6. Naval Engagements: The naval aspect of the war was limited but significant.
On September 7-8, the Indian Navy conducted Operation Dwarka, a
bombardment of the Pakistani port of Dwarka. The Pakistani submarine PNS
Ghazi was also active in the Arabian Sea, although it did not manage to sink
any Indian ships. The entire case of PNS Ghazi is a controversy entirely on
its own. Maybe, just maybe, the EB might allow a moderated caucus on the
disappearance of PNS Ghazi.

Some major battles fought as a part of the war were:

• Battle of Asal Uttar (September 8-10): This tank battle in the Khem Karan
sector saw the Indian 4th Mountain Division decisively defeat the Pakistani
1st Armoured Division. The battle earned Havildar Abdul Hamid of India's
4 Grenadiers the Param Vir Chakra (posthumously) for destroying several
Pakistani tanks.
• Battle of Phillora (September 11-12): Part of the Sialkot Campaign, this battle
saw India's 1st Armoured Division defeat elements of Pakistan's 6th
Armoured Division.
 • Battle of Burki (September 7-10): Indian forces captured this strategic
location near Lahore, with Major Bhupinder Singh winning a Maha Vir
Chakra for his actions.
• Aerial Battle over Sargodha (September 7): In this engagement, the IAF
claimed to have shot down four PAF aircraft without losses, although
Pakistan disputed this claim.

As a result of the growing tensions on the Kashmir LOC which led to the Indo-
Pakistani war in the end, the United Nations Security Council on 4th September 1965,
noticed the deteriorating situation in the Kashmir LOC passed resolution 209, called
upon India and Pakistan to take all steps necessary to immediately cease fighting and
return to their respective sides of the line. The Council also called on the two
governments to co-operate fully with the UNMOGIP. The next resolution,
resolution 210 called on the parties to cease hostilities in the entire area of conflict
immediately and withdraw all armed personnel to the positions they held before
August 5, 1965.

After both the resolutions went unheeded by both India and Pakistan, the next
resolution, resolution 211, the Council demanded, let us make that clear delegates
that now the UNSC demanded that a cease-fire take effect at 0700 hours GMT on
September 22 and that both forces withdraw to the positions held before August 5.
The Council requested the Secretary General to ensure the supervision of the cease-
fire and called on all states to refrain from any action which might aggravate the
situation. The Council also decided that as soon as a cease-fire could be reached it
would consider what steps could be taken to assist towards a settlement of the
political problem underlying the conflict.

UNSC Resolutions 214 and 215, adopted in September 1965, addressed the
escalating conflict between India and Pakistan. Resolution 214, passed on September
27, demanded that both countries honour their commitment to the ceasefire called
for in Resolution 211. It also requested the Secretary-General to exert every possible
effort to ensure the ceasefire was implemented.

Resolution 215, adopted on November 5, built upon the previous resolutions. It

called for a withdrawal of all armed personnel to the positions held before August
5, 1965. The resolution also requested the Secretary-General to provide the
assistance necessary for supervising the ceasefire and withdrawal, and to keep the
Security Council informed about the implementation of these resolutions.

Finally, a ceasefire was implemented between India and Pakistan. Next, the United
States and the USSR tried their best to intervene and broker peace discussions
between the 2 parties to war. This took place at Tashkent in modern day Uzbekistan
which was then under the Soviet Union from 4th January to 10th January 1966 where
the soviets represented by Aleksei Kosygin moderated the discussion between the
Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shashtri and Pakistani President Muhammad
Ayub Khan. A declaration was released that was hoped to be a framework for lasting
peace by stating that the Indian military and the Pakistani military would pull back
to their pre-conflict positions, their pre-August lines, no later than 25 February 1966;
neither nation would interfere in each other's internal affairs; economic and
diplomatic relations would be restored; there would be an orderly transfer of
prisoners of war, and both leaders would work towards improving bilateral relations.

However, the optics and the public perception of the same was very unfortunate and
hateful and biased towards one side. This is perhaps the only time when both Indians
and Pakistanis agreed on the same topic. What their leader did by signing the
Tashkent declaration was non-beneficial to either side which caused massive public
uproar. But this uproar was because of 2 different factors. The uproar on the
Pakistani side was because President Ayub Khan signed the declaration and failed to
seemingly scam India. However, the case was different on the Indian side, as after
the Tashkent Declaration was signed, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, died of
mysterious circumstances, where many sources said it was a heart attack, people
believed more in conspiracy theories, and thought the Pakistanis poisoned the Prime
Minister.

Indo-Pak War of 1971, Bangladeshi Liberation War

The next major turning point in the history of India and Pakistan was the
Bangladeshi Liberation war of 1971. The main problem between India and Pakistan
up to this point in this Background/Study guide has been Kashmir or Punjab, but
in this war, the scenario shifts to Bengal. Specifically, East Pakistan, the part of
Bengal given to Pakistan during the partition. Though India’s intervention of the
war was in 1971, the real war for East Pakistan’s liberation began in 1966.

The death of the Awami League's Suhrawardy in 1963 gave Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
(commonly known as Mujib) the leadership of East Pakistan's dominant party.
Mujibur Rahman, who as early as 1956 had advocated the "liberation" of East
Pakistan and had been jailed in 1958 during the military coup, quickly and
successfully brought the issue of East Pakistan's movement for autonomy to the
forefront of the nation's politics. At a 1966 Lahore conference of both the eastern
and the western chapters of the Awami League, Mujib announced his six-point
political and economic program (on 5 February) for East Pakistani provincial
autonomy. These included:
1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense
based on the Lahore Resolution, and the parliamentary form of government
with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected based on universal adult
franchise.
2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defence and
Foreign Affairs, and all other residual subjects should be vested in the
federating states.
 3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be
introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the
whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced
to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a
separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and
monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the
federating units and the federal centre would have no such power. The
federation would be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its
expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of
the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government
should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous
products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the
constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign
countries.
6. East Pakistan should have a separate military or paramilitary force, and Navy
headquarters should be in East Pakistan. This plan was in direct opposition
of President Ayub Khan who wished for national integration and Ayub Khan
worried about his plans and so did many West Pakistani’s who had the same
opinion. Ayub interpreted Mujib's demands as tantamount to a call for
independence. After pro-Mujib supporters rioted in a general strike in Dhaka,
the government arrested Mujibur Rehman in January 1968.

President Ayub Khan suffered several setbacks in 1968. His health was poor, and he
was almost assassinated at a ceremony marking ten years of his rule. Riots followed,
and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested as the instigator. At Dhaka a tribunal that
inquired into the activities of the already-interned Mujib were arousing strong
popular resentment against Ayub. A conference of opposition leaders and the
cancellation of the state of emergency (in effect since 1965) came too late to
conciliate the opposition. On February 21, 1969, Ayub announced that he would not
run in the next presidential election in 1970. A state of near anarchy reigned with
protests and strikes throughout the country. The police appeared helpless to control
the mob violence, and the military stood aloof. At length, on March 25 Ayub
resigned and handed over the administration to the commander in chief, General
Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan.

Once again, the country was placed under martial law. General Yahya assumed the
titles of Chief Martial Law Administrator and President. He announced that he
considered himself to be a transitional leader whose task would be to restore order
and to conduct free elections for a new constituent assembly, which would then draft
a new constitution. He appointed a largely civilian cabinet in August 1969 in
preparation for the election, which was scheduled to take place in December 1970.
Yahya moved with dispatch to settle two contentious issues by decree: the unpopular
"One Unit" of West Pakistan, which was created as a condition for the 1956
constitution, was ended; and East Pakistan was awarded 162 seats out of the 300-
member National Assembly. Yahya had announced plans for the December 7 1970,
national election, and urged voters to elect candidates who were committed to the
integrity and unity of Pakistan.

The elections were the first in the history of Pakistan in which voters were able to
elect members of the National Assembly directly. In a convincing demonstration of
Bengali dissatisfaction with the West Pakistani regime, the Awami League won all
but two of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan in the National Assembly. Bhutto's
Pakistan People’s Party came in a poor second nationally, winning 81 out of the 138
West Pakistani seats in the National Assembly. The Awami League's electoral victory
promised it control of the government, with Mujibur Rehman as the country's prime
minister, but the inaugural assembly never met.

The number of West Pakistani troops entering East Pakistan had increased sharply
in the preceding weeks, climbing from a pre-crisis level of 25,000 to about 60,000,
bringing the army close to a state of readiness. As tensions rose, however, Yahya
continued negotiations with Mujib, flying to Dhaka in mid-March. Talks between
Yahya and Mujibur were joined by Bhutto but soon collapsed, and on March 23
1971, Bengalis following Mujib's lead defiantly celebrated "Resistance Day" in East
Pakistan instead of the traditional all-Pakistan "Republic Day". Yahya decided to
"solve" the problem of East Pakistan by repression. On the evening of March 25
1971, he flew back to Islamabad. The military crackdown in East Pakistan began
that same night.

On March 1, 1971, General Yahya Khan called off the National Council session
scheduled for March 3 in a radio address, setting the stage for escalating tensions.
Six days later, on March 7, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the Awami League
party that had won a landslide victory in the 1970 Federal Elections but was denied
authority, made a historic speech at the Dhaka Race Course ground. He declared,
"The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation! The struggle this time
is the struggle for independence!" This powerful statement energized the Bengali
population, while Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan's Foreign Affairs Minister, refused
to recognize Bangladesh as an independent state.

Negotiations between Yahya Khan and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman began on March
16, but the situation remained tense. On March 19, nearly 200 people were injured
in clashes between protesters and the Pakistan Army in Jaydevpur. The violence
escalated on March 24 when the Pakistan Army opened fire on Bengali protesters in
Syedpur and Rangpur, resulting in about 150 deaths.
The night of March 25-26 marked a critical turning point. The Pakistan Army
launched Operation Searchlight, a brutal crackdown in Dhaka and across the
country. Led by General Tikka Khan, known as the "Butcher of Balochistan," the
operation targeted civilians, political activists, students, and Bengali members of the
armed forces and police. This event, known as the Dhaka University Massacre,
triggered a mass exodus of refugees into India, causing concern for Indian Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi.

In the early hours of March 26, at 1:15 am, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by
the Pakistani 3 commando unit. However, he had declared the independence of
Bangladesh just minutes before his arrest. Later that day, at 2:30 pm, M. A. Hannan,
an Awami League leader from Chittagong, officially declared Bangladesh's
independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from Kalurghat. This date is
recognized as Bangladesh's official Independence Day.

On March 27, Major Ziaur Rahman reiterated the declaration of independence on

behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The same day witnessed the Santahar massacre
committed by the Mukti Bahini. As March ended, the Kushtia resistance began on
March 31.

April brought further developments in the struggle for independence. On April 2,

the Jinjira massacre occurred. April 6 saw the dispatch of the infamous "Blood
Telegram," exposing the atrocities in East Pakistan. On April 10, a provisional
Bangladesh government-in-exile was formed, followed by a radio address by
Tajuddin Ahmad, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, on April 11.

International support began to materialize with the formation of the Bangladesh

Action Committee on April 24 in Coventry, UK, by non-resident Bangladeshis.
From April 25 to August 15, Operation Jackpot was carried out by the Mukti Bahini.
Tajuddin pleaded for arms aid to neighbors on April 28.

May brought more violence with the Gopalpur massacre on May 5. On May 15, the
Indian army began aiding the Mukti Bahini. The Chuknagar massacre took place in
Khulna on May 20, with the Pakistan army killing nearly 10,000 people. On May 24,
Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra found a home in Kolkata.

September witnessed the Battle of Goalhati in Jessore on September 5, and the

Bangladesh Air Force began functioning on September 28. In October, Dhaka
guerrillas killed Abdul Monem Khan, governor of East Pakistan, on October 13.
The Battle of Dhalai took place from October 28 to November 3, where Indian
Army forces defeated a larger Pakistani contingent. During this battle, Hamidur
Rahman of Mukti Bahini was posthumously awarded the Bir Sreshtho, Bangladesh's
highest recognition of bravery.
The Pakistani Air Force launched pre-emptive air strikes on various air bases in India
on 3rd December 1971 because of which India declared war on Pakistan. This air
action marked the start of all-out war; Gandhi ordered the mobilisation of troops
and launched a full-scale invasion of East Pakistan. This involved Indian forces
in coordinated air, sea, and land assaults. The main Indian objective on the eastern
front was to capture Dacca, and on the western front to contain Pakistani forces.

However, if you have the movie Sam Bahadur starring Vicky Kaushal as Field
Marshal Sam FHJ Manekshaw MC (Military Cross) (Do see it, it will help you in your
preparation), you will come to understand that it was because of his constant instinct
and planning that led to India becoming the victors in the war.

December 3, 1971:
At 5:45 PM, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched surprise air strikes on eleven
Indian air fields in the western sector, including Agra, Ambala, Amritsar, Awantipur,
Bikaner, Halwara, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer, Pathankot, Safdarjung, and Srinagar. This pre-
emptive strike, known as Operation Chengiz Khan, was intended to replicate the
success of the Israeli Air Force in the Six-Day War. However, it failed to achieve its
objectives, as most of the Indian aircraft were protected in reinforced concrete
bunkers. In response to these air strikes, at 9:30 PM, Indian Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi addressed the nation, declaring that the air strikes were a declaration of war
against India. She announced that India would react to defend its national integrity
and security. This marked the official beginning of India's full-scale involvement in
the war.

December 4, 1971:
The Indian Air Force retaliated with counter air strikes. At dawn, Indian Hunters
attacked PAF bases in Murid, Mianwali, Sargodha, and Chandher. Throughout the
day, the Indian Air Force conducted over 500 sorties against Pakistani targets. On
the ground, the Indian Army launched a multi-pronged assault into East Pakistan.
The Indian Army's II Corps, commanded by Lt. Gen. T.N. Raina, advanced from
the western sector towards Jessore. The IV Corps, under Lt. Gen. Sagat Singh,
pushed from the eastern sector towards Sylhet. The XXXIII Corps, led by Lt. Gen.
M.L. Thapan, moved from the north towards Rangpur and Bogra.

December 5, 1971:
The Battle of Longewala began in the Thar Desert of Rajasthan. A company of 120
Indian soldiers, supported by Indian Air Force Hawker Hunters, managed to thwart
an attack by an entire Pakistani brigade of 2,000 soldiers backed by an armored
regiment. In the Bay of Bengal, the Indian Navy launched Operation Trident, a
devastating attack on Karachi harbor. Indian missile boats sank several Pakistani
ships, including the destroyer PNS Khaibar, minesweeper PNS Muhafiz, and MV
Venus Challenger. This operation effectively neutralized the Pakistani Navy's threat
in the Arabian Sea.

December 6, 1971:
India officially recognized Bangladesh as an independent nation. This diplomatic
move further solidified India's support for the Bengali cause and increased
international pressure on Pakistan. The Battle of Hilli, which had been ongoing since
November 22, intensified. Indian forces finally broke through the Pakistani defenses,
capturing this strategic location in northwestern Bangladesh.

December 7, 1971:
The Indian Air Force conducted deep penetration strikes inside Pakistani territory,
targeting airfields, radar installations, and other strategic assets. On the eastern front,
Indian forces made significant advances. The 57 Mountain Division captured
Akhaura, a crucial railway junction, cutting off Pakistani forces in Tripura.

December 8, 1971:
The Indian Navy launched Operation Python, a follow-up to Operation Trident.
This second strike on Karachi harbor further crippled Pakistani naval capabilities
and destroyed fuel storage facilities. In East Pakistan, the Mukti Bahini (Bengali
freedom fighters) and Indian forces liberated Jessore, dealing a significant blow to
Pakistani control in the region.

December 9, 1971:
The Indian Army's 57 Mountain Division, along with Mukti Bahini forces, captured
Comilla, a strategically important town in eastern Bangladesh. In the western sector,
Indian forces made advances in the Shakargarh bulge, aiming to cut off Pakistani
forces in the region.

December 10, 1971:

The Battle of Basantar began in the Shakargarh sector. This would become one of
the largest tank battles of the war, involving over 100 tanks on both sides. In East
Pakistan, Indian forces closed in on Dhaka from multiple directions. The 101
Communication Zone Area troops captured Madhupur, while the 95 Mountain
Brigade advanced towards Tangail.

December 11, 1971:

The Indian Army and Mukti Bahini forces liberated Kushtia and Noakhali in
Bangladesh. In a daring operation, the Indian Air Force conducted air drops of
paratroopers near Tangail, cutting off the retreat of Pakistani forces from the north.

December 12, 1971:

Indian forces captured Khulna, the third-largest city in East Pakistan, further
isolating Pakistani troops. The Battle of Basantar in the western sector continued,
with heavy casualties on both sides.

December 13, 1971:

The Indian Navy's Eastern Fleet effectively blockaded East Pakistan, preventing any
possibility of Pakistani reinforcements or evacuation by sea. Indian troops entered
Mymensingh, pushing closer to Dhaka.

December 14, 1971:

Indian forces closed in on Dhaka from all directions. The 2nd Parachute Battalion,
which had been airdropped near Tangail on December 11, linked up with advancing
ground forces. In a controversial incident, the Pakistani submarine PNS Hangor
sank the Indian frigate INS Khukri off the coast of Diu, resulting in the largest single
wartime loss for the Indian Navy.

December 15, 1971:

Indian troops reached the outskirts of Dhaka. The writing was on the wall for
Pakistani forces in East Pakistan. In the western sector, the Battle of Basantar
concluded with an Indian victory, effectively neutralizing the Pakistani armor threat
in the region.

December 16, 1971:

At 4:31 PM, Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi, the commander of Pakistani forces in East
Pakistan, signed the Instrument of Surrender at the Ramna Race Course in Dhaka.
He surrendered to Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh Aurora, the joint commander of Indian and
Bangladeshi forces. This event marked the birth of Bangladesh as an independent
nation and the end of the war in the eastern sector. The surrender ceremony was
attended by thousands of jubilant Bengalis. Over 93,000 Pakistani soldiers were
taken as prisoners of war, making it one of the largest surrenders since World War
II.

December 17, 1971:

India announced a unilateral ceasefire on the western front, which Pakistan accepted,
effectively ending all hostilities. The aftermath of the war saw significant geopolitical
changes. Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation, altering the map of South
Asia. India's role as a regional power was firmly established, while Pakistan faced a
major blow to its two-nation theory and its military prestige.

It is important to establish at this point that the United States of America, the United
Kingdom, and many other countries supported Pakistan in this war rather than
India. In fact, the then Secretary of State of the United States Government Henry
Kissinger as well as the US Ambassador to India, Kenneth Heating issued a threat
to Indira Gandhi at the Prime Minister’s Office. The US had stationed the aircraft
carrier USS Enterprise naval task group entry into the Indian Ocean during the
closing stages of 1971 Indo-Pak Conflict which led to further deterioration in the
relations between India and the United States (US), and this estrangement lasted
until the end of the Cold War.

It was at this juncture that the Soviet Union stepped in to provide support to India.
The Soviet Union proposed the Indo–Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and
Cooperation aimed at strategic cooperation which was signed in August 1971, in
response to increasing ties between the United States of America and Pakistan. The
war stripped Pakistan of more than half of its population, and with nearly one-third
of its army in captivity, clearly established India's military, and political dominance
of the subcontinent. India successfully led a diplomatic campaign to isolate Pakistan.
On state visits to the United Kingdom and France, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
convinced them to break with their ally the United States and block any pro-Pakistan
resolution in the United Nations.

After the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, Pakistan’s martial leader, president and army
chief Yahya Khan fell in the graces of the public due to Pakistan’s surrender to India.
As a result, he handed over the presidency to the all-favourite leader of the People’s
Party, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. It was also Bhutto, who released Mujibur Rehman who
was housed in a prison in Pakistan and allowed him to fly to London.

On 2nd July 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi met in
Shimla, Himachal Pradesh and signed the Shimla agreement. The treaty's official
purpose was stated to serve as a way for both countries to "put an end to the conflict
and confrontation that have hitherto marred their relations" and to conceive the
steps to be taken for further normalization of India-Pakistan relations while also
laying down the principles that should govern their future interactions. The treaty
also gave back more than 13,000 km square of land that the Indian Army had seized
in Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas, including
Turtuk, Dhothang, Tyakshi (earlier called Tiaqsi) and Chalunka of Chorbat Valley,
which was more than 883 km square.

For the specifics of the Shimla Agreement, use the following link:
https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/LegalTreatiesDoc/PA72B1578.pdf

After the Shimla Agreement, a trilateral agreement was signed between the countries
of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. This agreement was signed on 28th August 1973
and ratified only by India and Pakistan and was signed by the External Affairs
Ministers of the 3 countries in New Delhi. This agreement was called the Delhi
Agreement. This agreement detailed the repatriation of Prisoners of War (PoWs)
from the country they were being held in to the country they belonged to.
The treaty came into effect on 28 August 1973 and ended on 1 July 1974. Under the
terms of the agreement, UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees) supervised the repatriation of Bangladeshi and Pakistani citizens.
According to the UN, 121,695 Bengalis were moved from Pakistan to Bangladesh.
They included high-level Bengali civil servants and military officers. 108,744 non-
Bengali civilians and civil servants were moved from Bangladesh to Pakistan. India
released 6,500 Pakistani PoWs, who were mostly transported by train to Pakistan. In
1974, General Niazi was the last Pakistan officer symbolically repatriated through
the Wagah - Attari Border.

Operation Smiling Buddha

The tension in the relations between India and Pakistan reached new heights with
the introduction of atomic/nuclear weapons when India conducted its first nuclear
test termed Operation Smiling Buddha/ Operation Happy Krishna in the Pokhran
Range of Rajasthan. As a result of Pokhran range being significantly close to
Pakistan, this deteriorated the relations between India and Pakistan.

After the same, the 2 countries-maintained peace till 1999 with a series of conflicts
and issues leading up to the 1999 Kargil War. However, the beginning of the decade
was not all the worse so to say. It had a better start than most with the signing of an
agreement which was signed on 31 December 1988 and entered into force on 27
January 1991 provides, inter alia, that India and Pakistan inform each other of the
nuclear installations and facilities to be covered under the Agreement on the first of
January of every calendar year.

Beginning of the End, Events from 1989- Kargil War-Present

Armed resistance to Indian rule in the Kashmir valley began in 1989. Muslim political
parties, after accusing the state government of rigging the 1987 state legislative
elections, form activist wings. Pakistan says that it gives its “moral and diplomatic”
support to the movement, reiterating its call for the earlier UN-sponsored
referendum. India says that Pakistan is supporting the resistance by providing
weapons and training to fighters, terming attacks against it in Kashmir “cross-border
terrorism.” Pakistan denies this. Activist groups taking part in the fight in Kashmir
continue to emerge through the 1990s, in part fuelled by a large influx of
“mujahideen” who took part in the Afghan war against the Soviets in the 1980s.

In 1992, India and Pakistan decided on an agreement in congregation with the

Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and agree to become regional signatories of
the same. India signed the CWC on 14 January 1993 and subsequently ratified it on
3 September 1996. Pakistan signed the CWC on 13 January 1993 and ratified the
treaty on 28 October 1997. This agreement was signed in New Delhi. In 1996, after
a series of clashes and separatist activities in Kashmir (some supported by Pakistan),
military officers from both countries met at the LoC to ease tensions.

We then move on 1998, when the Prime Minister Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee
commanded Mr APJ Abdul Kalam and Mr. R Chidambaram to prepare for another
nuclear weapons test. This operation was called Operation Shakti and was conducted
in the same Pokhran Range in Rajasthan. This operation was conducted in such
secrecy by the Indian authorities, it is considered one of the worst intelligence
failures in the history of the United States. These tests took place on 13th May 1998
and subsequently India declared that it shall not conduct any more tests.

Parallelly, Pakistan’s nuclear weapons test which was dubbed Operation Chagai-I
which had been in planning since the 1970s was conducted in direct response to
India’s nuclear weapons test. Operation Chagai-I was conducted on 28th May 1998
followed by Operation Chagai-II on 30th May 1998. Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal was
built with help from China and the United States alike, but when India built its own
self sufficient nuclear weapons, it was responded with sanctions and threats led by
the United States and Japan. However, since United States could not show
themselves as supporters to either side, economic sanctions were imposed on
Pakistan too.

The nuclear tests by both parties led to a cold war in the Indian subcontinent. To
defuse the situation, the Lahore Declaration was signed. This declaration was signed
on 21st February 1999. Under the terms of the treaty, a mutual understanding was
reached towards the development of atomic arsenals and to avoid accidental and
unauthorised operational use of nuclear weapons. The Lahore Declaration brought
added responsibility to both nations' leadership towards avoiding nuclear race, as
well as both non-conventional and conventional conflicts. This event was significant
in the history of Pakistan and it provided both countries an environment of mutual
confidence. In a much-covered televised press conference in both countries, Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif and Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee signed the treaty. It
was the second nuclear control treaty signed by both countries and pledged to
continue the use of the first treaty, Non-Nuclear Aggression Agreement, was signed
in 1988. The Lahore treaty was quickly ratified by the parliaments of India and
Pakistan and came into force the same year. This treat was a major breakthrough in
Indo-Pak relations and gave promises to find a peaceful and bilateral solution to the
Kashmir Conflict.

During the winter of 1998–1999, some elements of the Pakistani Armed

Forces were covertly training and sending Pakistani troops and paramilitary forces,
some in the guise of mujahideen, into territory on the Indian side of the LOC. The
infiltration was codenamed "Operation Badr", its aim was to sever the link between
Kashmir and Ladakh, and cause Indian forces to withdraw from the Siachen Glacier,
thus forcing India to negotiate a settlement of the broader Kashmir dispute. Pakistan
also believed that any tension in the region would internationalise the Kashmir issue,
helping it to secure a speedy resolution.

An infiltration into Kargil according to many sources was presented to previous

leaders of Pakistan, however they were shelved to not provoke an all-out war.
However, Nawaz Sharif might have been too enthusiastic to gain the support of the
people, that he agreed with this plan.

The Kargil War or Operation Vijay as it is commonly referred was a pivotal point in
Indian and Pakistani history alike. The war began on 3rd May 1999 and ended on 26th
July 1999.

The first signs of trouble emerged on May 3, 1999, when local shepherds reported a
Pakistani intrusion in the Kargil district. This initial report was followed by a tragic
incident on May 5, when five Indian soldiers sent to patrol the area were captured
and subsequently killed. The situation escalated quickly, with heavy shelling by the
Pakistan Army damaging Indian ammunition dumps in Kargil on May 9.

By May 10, multiple infiltrations across the LoC were confirmed in the Dras, Kaksar,
and Mushkoh sectors. The Indian military responded swiftly, moving more soldiers
from the Kashmir Valley to the Kargil district by mid-May. The conflict entered a
new phase on May 26 when the Indian Air Force (IAF) began airstrikes against
suspected infiltrator positions.

The following day, May 27, marked a significant escalation in the conflict. The
Pakistan Army's Air Defence Corps, using Anza surface-to-air missiles, shot down
two Indian aircraft - a MiG-21 and a MiG-27. Flight Lieutenant Kambampati
Nachiketa, the pilot of the MiG-27, was captured by Pakistani forces and given
Prisoner of War (POW) status. He was later released on June 3, 1999. The loss of
aircraft continued on May 28, when an Indian Mi-17 helicopter was shot down by
Pakistani forces, resulting in the deaths of four crew members.

As the conflict intensified, the Pakistan Army began shelling operations on India's
National Highway 1 in Kashmir and Ladakh on June 1. This strategic road is crucial
for supplying Indian forces in the region. In a significant development on June 5,
India released documents recovered from three Pakistani soldiers, providing official
evidence of Pakistan's involvement in the conflict. This revelation helped to counter
Pakistan's initial claims that the infiltrators were merely Kashmiri freedom fighters.

The Indian Army launched a major offensive in Kargil on June 6, marking the
beginning of a concerted effort to reclaim the occupied positions. Success came
quickly, with Indian troops recapturing two key positions in the Batalik sector on
June 9. To further strengthen its case internationally, India released intercepts of
conversations between Pakistani Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf
(who was on a visit to China) and Chief of General Staff Lieutenant General Aziz
Khan (in Rawalpindi) on June 11. These intercepts served as additional proof of the
Pakistan Army's direct involvement in the infiltrations.

The tide of the war began to turn decisively in India's favor from mid-June. On June
13, Indian forces secured Tololing in Dras after a fierce battle with militias backed
by Pakistani troops. This victory was strategically important as it provided Indian
forces with a vantage point to observe and target Pakistani positions.

International pressure on Pakistan began to mount as the conflict escalated. On June

15, United States President Bill Clinton intervened, pressuring Pakistani Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif to immediately withdraw all Pakistani troops and irregulars
from Kargil. This diplomatic intervention played a crucial role in bringing the
conflict to an end.

The latter half of June and early July saw a series of Indian victories. On June 29,
under pressure from their government, Pakistani forces began their retreat from
Indian-administered Kashmir, while the Indian Army advanced towards Tiger Hill,
a strategically important peak. The Battle of Tiger Hill, one of the most significant
engagements of the war, took place on July 4. Three Indian regiments (Sikh,
Grenadiers, and Naga) engaged elements of the remaining Pakistani Northern Light
Infantry regiment in a grueling 12-hour battle, ultimately recapturing the region.

The war's end was in sight when, on July 5, Nawaz Sharif officially announced the
Pakistan Army's withdrawal from Kargil following a meeting with President Clinton.
Indian forces swiftly capitalized on this withdrawal, taking control of Dras on the
same day. The momentum continued with Indian troops recapturing Jubar Heights
in Batalik on July 7, followed by the retaking of key peak points in Batalik on July 11
as Pakistani forces disengaged from the region.

On July 14, Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee declared Operation Vijay,
the codename for the Indian operation in Kargil, a success. The Indian government
also set conditions for future talks with Pakistan, signaling its position of strength
following the military victory.

The Kargil War officially came to an end on July 26, 1999, when the Indian Army
announced the complete withdrawal of Pakistani irregular and regular forces from
the region. This conflict, while relatively short, had significant implications for India-
Pakistan relations and brought international attention to the ongoing Kashmir
dispute.

The war resulted in hundreds of casualties on both sides and highlighted the risks of
conflict between the two nuclear-armed nations. It also led to diplomatic isolation
for Pakistan and increased international sympathy for India's position in Kashmir.
The conflict's aftermath saw increased defense spending in India and a reevaluation
of intelligence and military preparedness in both countries.

With that, we end with India- Pakistan conflict history. There have been many more
conflicts, many more disputes, many more historic landmarks, but that is for you to
research upon, understand and apply. The most recent dispute/conflict are the 2016
Surgical Strikes and 2019 Balakot Airstrikes. However, there is a lot of room for
discussion there.

It is an encouragement from the EB that as established in the Letter, you are

expected to do your own research apart from the material already given. The
Background guide is just a starting point for you to base your arguments.

Rules of Procedure (RoP)

This part talks about the Rules of Procedure that we will be establishing in the
committee. While most of the elements that we follow will be part of the UNA USA
RoP, there are some things that we shall be doing differently, because an India
Pakistan Special Summit is in no way affiliated with the United Nations.

To begin with we shall have 2 different types of voting procedures. These voting
procedures will be called procedural and substantiative voting. Both will be explained
below.

Procedural Voting:
Under this we shall be voting on the various motions such as roll call, setting of the
agenda, unmoderated caucuses etc. In the case of this committee, all 34 members of
this committee will be given the power to vote.

Substantiative Voting:
This voting method shall be used when we are discussing the end document to
committee which in this case shall be a working paper. This working paper can be
either unanimous or divided.

All other RoP shall be explained on the day of committee beginning and all are
expected to be there to avoid any delays. If you miss out, you can read the UNA
USA RoP and come to committee.

Position Paper

We expect a Position Paper from every delegate, detailing your stance on the issue
and how you would like the issue. It is mandatory. That being said, we might or
might not mark you on it. But we shall be following your actions very closely after
the submission of the Position Paper.

The format of the Position Paper is as follows:

Position paper 1.0

Portfolio:
Delegate Name:
Agenda:

(Body)

Keep in mind, your position paper can be submitted both electronically and via a
hard copy either in print or handwritten. The general rules that need to be followed
are that your position papers are not to exceed 2 pages at most. The font of the body
shall be Times New Roman, Font Size 12. The font of the other information
required can be as per your wish. For electronic submissions, the email-ID will be
provided when the WhatsApp groups are opened. The last date and time for
submissions are 10th August 2024, 7 am. The EB will not be accepting any position
papers that are late even by a minute electronically. For hard copy submissions, we
will be opening the floor after committee starts for 10 minutes for all to submit their
position papers which are in hard copy. The same rule about discipline applies to
you submitting your hard copy. Any reasons in delay need to be communicated to
the EB at least 1 hour prior to the submission date and time. We reserve the right to
demark you or even suspend you, if we see any effort at convincing us to extend the
date. Keep this in mind delegates.

Working Paper

The End document for this committee will be a Working Paper. The rules for the
working paper are that there shall be only 2 sponsors (countries) that can represent
any one working paper that is submitted. The EB shall be accepting a maximum of
3 working papers. Where and how the working papers need to be sent will be
elaborated on the last day of committee. One important point that you need to keep
in mind is that, at the end of the day, this is an India Pakistan Special Summit. When
it comes to voting, you will need the support of either India and Pakistan at least to
make your working paper pass. If both countries do not vote for the working paper,
that paper fails and is scrapped and thrown in the dustbin. (Imagine Kobe Bryant
throwing a paper into a dustbin and yelling Kobe!)
That said, the following is the format:

Working paper 1.0

Sponsors:
Signatories:

- recommendation (a)
India should… Pakistan withdraws…

- recommendation (b)
Kashmir will accede…

Please keep in mind that your recommendations need not be limited to 2. There can
be as many as you want. This Working Paper is where we will be using the concept
of Substantiative Voting.

Crisis

Delegates! WE HAVE AN UPDATE!

Yes Delegates, you read it right. We have an update.
This committee will be using the concept of crisis in this conference. This is a real-
life scenario delegates where lives are lost, attacks are conducted, it is a game of
deception. When the different people, heads of state and representative of various
countries/nations are in committee focusing on the issue, the Executive Board will
make you aware of any and all events, pertinent or not pertinent to the entire
committee.

Rest assured; you will not need to send in directives to have an update. The EB will
be sending in updates. We will have SSL’s (Special Speakers List) to discuss the
update in detail. As a result, you will not be having any Moderated Caucuses.

Lines of Communication

Delegates, the Executive Board shall also be expecting you to form relations with
different countries which are in a way beneficial to just you or other countries as
well. When we say relations, the EB is not referring to love and the relationships that
you typically undergo in real life. However, if you try to get Narendra Modi and
Giorgia Meloni married, the EB will be seriously impressed. But we will be
entertaining lines of communication such as Memorandum’s of
Understanding/Treaties and Press Releases/Presidential Statements.

Press Release/Presidential Statement - A Press Release is given out by the External

Affairs Ministry or any other ministry of the nation, depending upon the nature of
the Press Release regarding a particular issue while a Presidential Statement is given
by the Head of State of a nation, to the entire world. Keep in mind that since we
have some heads of state in committee, these countries will not have the
opportunities to send Press Releases or Presidential Statements. Nations with
representatives on the other hand can send press releases and or presidential
statements.

Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) - A MoU is basically a show of cooperation

or economic action between two or more countries which they may or may not act
upon. These are essentially a show of two or more countries which stand in unison
towards a particular action.

Measures

Delegates, below are some measures already taken by the primary parties to resolve
disputes. Be clear, these are to show an example of how things are done and what
kind of measures can be taken. When and if proposing solutions, make sure that
they are not already existing and make sure you get creative because at the end of
the day, a MUN is always about out-of-the-box thinking.

1. Samjhauta Express (1976)

Initiated by: Indira Gandhi (India) and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Pakistan). The
Samjhauta Express, also known as the Friendship Express, is a bi-weekly train
that runs between Delhi and Lahore. It was started to improve people-to-
people contact between the two nations.

2. Delhi-Lahore Bus Service (1999)

Initiated by: Atal Bihari Vajpayee (India) and Nawaz Sharif (Pakistan)
This bus service, known as "Sada-e-Sarhad" (Call of the Frontier), was
launched to facilitate travel between the two capital cities.

3. Muzaffarabad-Srinagar Bus Service (2005)

Initiated by: Manmohan Singh (India) and Pervez Musharraf (Pakistan)
 This bus service connects the capitals of Indian-administered and Pakistan-
administered Kashmir, allowing families divided by the Line of Control to
meet.

4. Visa-on-Arrival for Senior Citizens (2012)

Initiated by: Manmohan Singh (India) and Asif Ali Zardari (Pakistan)
This scheme allowed senior citizens (aged 65 and above) from both countries
to obtain visas upon arrival at the Wagah-Attari border.

5. Religious Tourism Protocol (2015)

Initiated by: Narendra Modi (India) and Nawaz Sharif (Pakistan)
This agreement aimed to facilitate visits to religious shrines in both countries,
including Sikh pilgrimage sites in Pakistan.

6. Kartarpur Corridor (2019)

Initiated by: Narendra Modi (India) and Imran Khan (Pakistan)
This visa-free border crossing allows Indian Sikh pilgrims to visit the
Gurdwara Darbar Sahib Kartarpur in Pakistan.

These instances are to push you in the right direction. There is scope for debate but
not based on these already existing measures.

Questions

The following are some questions which the EB expects you to answer. These
include:

1. Are long lasting and peaceful relations possible between the 2 neighbouring
nations?
2. What mechanisms can be put in place to prevent nuclear escalation and
promote strategic stability between the two nuclear-armed nations, including
potential confidence-building measures and arms control agreements?
3. How can India and Pakistan collaborate to combat shared regional challenges
such as terrorism and what role can international organizations play in
facilitating this cooperation?
4. Which party to dispute is fated to succeed when it comes to their regional
claims over a disputed area?

Research Databases
Delegates, throughout this Background/Study Guide, the Executive Board has
stressed to you the importance of Research. While we cannot help you entirely, we
will help you choose how you can make your research worthwhile.

1. Wikipedia is a site which is common to all for us for gaining information.

However, it is a rule in an MUN that you do not use Wikipedia, because the
information given on Wikipedia can be modified. Hence, please do not cite
your sources as Wikipedia when asked. You can use for gaining normal
knowledge.
2. Use official websites such as government websites, official UN records and
official non-governmental organizations (NGO’s) websites to obtain your
information.
3. Do not trust news sites as well as they tend to be biased. The EB does not
want to hear a quote that starts with “Arnab Goswami said.” You can trust
international news websites such as the British Broadcasting Channel (BBC),
Reuters etc.

Thank you, delegates. The Executive Board is excited to see your performances at
this conference. We value your participation and expect you to maintain absolute
diplomacy and respect not only for us but for your fellow delegates as well. Any ill
treatment towards any other delegate will result in immediate disqualification. We
implore the delegates to respect the timings put forward by the EB as discipline is
another important aspect of Diplomacy and a Model United Nations.

This background guide serves just as a beginner source for your research. The
Executive Board expects each delegate to do their individual research apart from
what is given in the Background guide.