Journal of World Prehistory, Vol. 13, No.

3, 1999

The Prehistoric Exploration and Colonization of

Fuego-Patagonia
Luis Alberto Borrero1,2

The main goal of this paper is to review the earliest archaeological evidence
for the presence of humans in Fuego-Patagonia. The paleoenvironmental
and paleoclimatic framework is briefly introduced, followed by a discussion
of its relevance to understanding the exploration and colonization of Fuego-
Patagonia. Technological and faunal evidence from a number of sites from
the southern extreme older than 10,000 B.P. is analyzed. This leads to the
conclusion that an early entry, at least 12,000 years old, appears best to
accommodate the available chronological evidence. On the other hand, data
from the Northern fringes of Patagonia clearly suggest an earlier human colo-
nization.
KEY WORDS: Late Pleistocene; Fuego-Patagonia; archaeology.

INTRODUCTION

The history of the early human exploration of Patagonia was until

recently the subject of heated debate, as part of a larger discussion, involving
South America as a whole. The main point of contention concerned the
time depth for humans in the subcontinent, with some authors suggesting
ages of 40,000 years or more (Schobinger, 1987; Parenti, 1996), and others
proposing more conservative dates of around 12,000 years (Lynch, 1990).
The issue is now basically settled. Not surprisingly the best evidence at
hand tends to support yet a third position, in which humans arrived before
1Prograrnade Estudios Prehistoricos, CONICET, and Facultad de Filosoffa y Letras, Universi-
dad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
2To whom correspondence should be addressed at Prograrna de Estudios Prehistoricos, Barto-
lome Mitre 1970, Piso 5, (1039) Buenos Aires, Argentina, e-mail: prep@conicet.gov.ar.

321
0892-7537/99/0900-0321$16.00/0 © 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation
322 Borrero

Clovis times but not necessarily before the Last Glacial Maximum (Meltzer,
1995). The recent refutation of any possibility for an ice-free corridor for
the movement of humans between the Laurentide and the Cordilleran ice
sheets (Mandryk and Rutter, 1996) is an important part of the argument.
Circulation was possible only around 14,000-13,000 B.P. Human dispersal
into America before that time must consider alternative and less direct
routes (Dillehay, 1999).
Only scattered sites provide information concerning the Late Pleisto-
cene in South America as a whole (Dillehay et al, 1992). However, there
is clear evidence for a Late Pleistocene age for human populations in Fuego-
Patagonia from a number of sites.
Several important concepts are worth discussing before reviewing the
evidence from southern South America. First, the peopling of Fuego-
Patagonia was, like that of Scandinavia (Nygaard, 1989; Eriksen, 1996) and
various islands (Gamble, 1994), one of the last important colonization
processes in human history. Archaeological sequences in the region are
thus relatively short. This means that they have been less exposed to destruc-
tive or mixing processes than sites in much of the rest of the world.
Second, all the available evidence suggests that the direction of immi-
gration was from the north. Decades ago Mendes Correa (Rivet, 1960)
considered Australia as the source for the first human populations that
arrived in Fuego-Patagonia, but no evidence was offered to substantiate
that claim. Unexpectedly, this position has recently reemerged with the
work of Augusto Cardich (1997), and, again, no evidence is offered. Appar-
ently the southern Pacific, the southern Atlantic, the Sea of Drake, and
Antarctica were effective barriers for humans during the late Pleistocene.
Accordingly, we must look to the north in order to understand the coloniza-
tion of Patagonia.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze, using the available archaeologi-
cal and paleoclimatic records, the conditions under which the exploration
and colonization of Fuego-Patagonia took place. I use the term Fuego-
Patagonia to make reference to the continuous expanse of land ending
near the Cape Horn, which constituted the southern end of South America
before the opening of the Strait of Magellan. All ages are given in uncali-
brated radiocarbon years.

THE GEOGRAPHIC SETTING

Extra-Andean Patagonia, which makes up most of Patagonia, consists

of vast horizontal expanses of nearly continuous steppe dissected by a few
major rivers, which flow predominantly from west to east into the Atlantic
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 323

ocean. The steppe is not uniform, but has important differences in the
proportions of shrubs and grasses (Mancini, 1998; Prieto et al, 1998; Paez
et al., 1999). The major rivers are the Negro, Chubut, Deseado, Chico-
Chah'a, Santa Cruz, Gallegos, and Southern Chico. All of them, except the
Southern Chico, are located in what now is Argentina. The Southern Chico
has its headwaters in Chile, not far from Laguna Blanca, and reaches the
Atlantic in Argentina. There is evidence that these hydrographic units have
been present at least since the end of the Pleistocene and, thus, throughout
the whole period of human occupation. The rivers are important in terms
of human use of space, since they dictate the distribution of water within
a basically dry region. The only places where the water was not a limiting
factor were near the Andean range and in the archipelagos of the southwest
on the Pacific Ocean coast. Extensive plateaux characterize the spaces
between rivers. Lower-lying areas within the plateaux have at least seasonal
fresh water, which attracted human occupation.
The Andean region has belts of forest present on both sides of the
range, but more important in the west due to the rain-shadow effect pro-
duced by the dominant westerly winds against the Andes. Araucaria arau-
caria characterizes the forests in northern Patagonia and is replaced in the
south by Nothofagus sp. A mass of continental ice is present south of 46°,
with a few peaks reaching over 3000 m above sea level. In Chile, the
Patagonian territory is discontinuous, broken by the system of fiords and
sounds, and is constantly remodeled by earthquakes and volcanoes.
The diversity of large Patagonian vertebrates is extremely limited.
Guanacos (Lama guanicoe) and South American ostriches (Pterocnemia
pennata) are the most abundant, with small populations of southern Andean
deer (Hippocamelus bisulcus) and pudu (Pudu pudii) in the Andean forests.
There are a few carnivores, including pumas (Felis concolor), small wild
cats (Felis geoffroi, F. colocolo), and foxes (Pseudolopex griseus, P. cul-
paeus). The coasts offer scattered sea lion rookeries, which are more abun-
dant in Tierra del Fuego, and the occasional stranding of whales and
dolphins.

CLIMATIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY

Tierra del Fuego is today separated from continental Patagonia by the

Strait of Magellan, but in late Pleistocene times was still a part of the
continent. The Strait of Magellan opened only in the Early Holocene,
around 9000-8000 B.P., after a process of deglaciation and landscape reor-
ganization that took nearly 6000 years to be completed (Clapperton, 1992;
Heusser, 1998). During that period the connection with Tierra del Fuego
324 Borrero

Fig. 1. Principal sites mentioned in the text (modified from Borrero and McEwan, 1997,
p. 33).
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 325

was interrupted several times, but circulation was possible most of the time
(McCulloch et al., 1997; Coronato et al., 1999).
[S]ince ca. 12 to 10 14C ka B.P., when sea level was perhaps 60 m below present,
a so called "land-bridge" existed between the primera Angostura and Segunda
Angostura, where glacial moraines of different ages extended, at least in part, across
the present Magellan Straits (Clapperton, 1992). This valley was then occupied by
a meltwater discharge, braided stream, with many shallow channels and gravel
islands in between which had probably been quite easy to go across on foot. (Coro-
nato et al., 1999, p. 88)
Deglaciation started around 14,000 B.P. and ended by 11,000 B.P.
(Clapperton et al., 1995; Lowell et al., 1995). By the time of the opening
of the Strait, the climate was turning milder, a process culminating ca. 8500
B.P. but punctuated by short cold spells.
A problem still to be solved concerns the intensity of those cold pulses.
The existence of an equivalent to the Younger Dryas cold interval (ca.
11,000-10,000 B.P.) has been suggested for South America, mainly on the
basis of pollen analysis (Heusser and Rabassa, 1987; Rabassa, 1990), but
this evidence is heavily disputed by some (Ashworth et al., 1991; Markgraf,
1993). In general, there is some support in geology (Marden, 1993), but
other palynological and entomological data do not show the Younger Dryas
signal. This issue must be resolved, since human populations were already
present in Patagonia during that period. If they were exposed to the harsh
climatic conditions of the Younger Dryas, even though they may have been
milder than in the northern hemisphere, displacement or extinctions were
probably occurring.
The archaeological record for the end of the Pleistocene is discontinu-
ous, and the evidence points toward short-term occupations, mostly at
sheltered places. While this evidence need not be explained by a model of
use and abandonment of the region, it is at least coherent with it. However,
it might also be simply the result of very low population densities. Low
frequencies of artifacts at all of the sites dated between 12,000 and 10,000
B.P. indicate that human groups were small and very mobile. The scarcity
of sites may also suggest that populations were small and dispersed. It is
difficult to tell whether this is the result of harsh climate, and we must await
additional evidence. In fact, a drop in population density is a consequence of
geographic expansion, and recovery of density is expected immediately
after the initial dispersal. The problem is the coincidence of the Younger
Dryas with the period during which the process of human colonization was
beginning to occur. It makes sense that the initial populations were small
and dispersed, and even that they were experiencing problems in adapting
because of any number of reasons, including volcanic activity, difficulty in
finding adequate rock sources or abundant food (Borrero, 1994-1995). But
it is also suggestive that the first indications of population recovery or
326 Borrero

demographic success appear very late, around 9000 B.P. and are coincident
with a climatic amelioration. This scenario suggests that the cold spells of
about 11,000-10,000 B.P. did indeed have an effect on human populations.
The way out of this difficulty appears to lie in high-resolution climatic and
archaeological sequences.
In terms of the environments that were available to the first humans,
it is clear that the floral communities recorded at the end of the Pleistocene
in several Fuego-Patagonian localities lack any analogue in modern ecosys-
tems (Markgraf, 1993; Heusser et al., 1994; Paez et al., 1999). Pollen data
also tell us that conditions in many areas were probably inhospitable for
humans, especially the treeless vegetation near the Cordillera (McCulloch
et al., 1997). However, paleontological data show that there was a diverse
faunal community that may have constituted adequate prey for humans.

THE PLEISTOCENE FAUNAS

We first review the faunas available in Fuego-Patagonia before the

arrival of humans. Information is scanty, but what emerges is important
for understanding the adaptation of the first inhabitants. Pleistocene faunas
were characterized by a number of large species, including ground sloths
(Mylodon darwinii), American horse (Hippidion saldiasi), extinct [Lama
[Vicugna] gracilis, Paleolama] and modern (Vicugna sp., Lama guanicoe)
camelids, South American deer (Hippocamelus bisulcus), South American
ostriches (Rhea americana and Pterocnemiapennata), puma, a large panther
(Panthera onca mesembrina), and extinct (Dusicyon avus) and modern
foxes. All these species are found at several sites in Patagonia and Tierra
del Fuego. Many of them are now extinct, and others, like Rhea americana,
no longer inhabit Patagonia. The best data come from southern Chile,
especially from sites at the Seno de la Ultima Esperanza and from the Tres
Arroyos site, in Tierra del Fuego. The chronology of the faunas from
elsewhere in Patagonia rests mainly on indirect dates—that is, dates on the
deposits containing megafauna—making it difficult to discuss chronological
issues. The formation of mixed deposits, accumulated by both humans
and other animal agents, such as carnivores, would have been a common
situation at the end of the Pleistocene, when the first humans were taking
over carnivore or herbivore dens in caves, and it is clear that we still lack
a firm grip on the subject.
Since the megafauna from Ultima Esperanza is the best dated, we
review the evidence from this area in some detail (Borrero, 1999a). The
environmental history of Ultima Esperanza is not very well known, but
there is evidence for the presence of a high-stand glacial lake during the
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 327

end of the Pleistocene (Prieto, 1991). With deglaciation, the ice damming
the lake melted, and the lake emptied into the Pacific Ocean immediately
after the explosive eruption of the Reclus volcano at around 12,000 B.P.
A thick tephra layer of about 50 cm was deposited in several places in
Ultima Esperanza, and 2- to 12-cm lenses are found as far as the eastern
section of the Strait of Magellan (McCulloch et al., 1997) and Tierra del
Fuego (Stern, 1990). Charles Stern describes the eruption as "closer in size
if not bigger than the 1932 Quizapu rather than the 1980 Mount St. Helens
eruption" (Stern, 1990, p. 122).
It is probable, then, that the eruption of the Reclus produced a major
ecological catastrophe that significantly affected herbivores. Twenty-six
radiocarbon dates on ground sloth dung, hide, and bone at Cueva del
Mylodon plus nine dates on ground sloth bones from four nearby sites
suggest a ground sloth population decline immediately after the eruption
(Borrero, 1999b). Moreover, the partially articulated remains of a ground
sloth were found buried within the tephra at Rockshelter Dos Herraduras
3. All major vertebrates were probably affected by extirpation or by migra-
tion. It must be emphasized that, according to the existing archaeological
record, the sloth decline took place before humans arrived at Ultima Esper-
anza, and our available knowledge on the effects of eruptions on local
faunas suggests that, after a few years, the process of recolonization would
have begun (Saba and de Lamo, 1994). Guanacos, horses, and sloths proba-
bly returned from nearby refugia or areas not affected by the eruption.
These areas, based on the known distribution of the tephra, were probably
located to the east of Ultima Esperanza. At this latitude the Andean range
is easily negotiable, but its presence was nonetheless an important filter
affecting the speed and success of recolonization for different species. Gua-
nacos were probably the best adapted for quick recolonization, as attested
to today by their distribution from the high Andean punas to the coast
(Franklin, 1982). Guanacos continued to inhabit the region up to late
Holocene times. In the case of sloths, the abundant radiocarbon dates at
Cueva del Mylodon attest to some recovery after the eruption. However,
this recovery was probably difficult, since sloths were a highly k-selected
species with a low reproductive capacity. Horses, on the other hand, were
present during the interval between 11,000 and 10,000 B.P. and, afterward,
disappear from the record. The important question regarding horses is
whether they were really abundant and widespread in Fuego-Patagonia.
While there is a relatively rich record for sloths, there is almost no natural
record for late Pleistocene horses (Alberdi et al., 1987). It is possible that
horses constituted a dwindling resource during the late Pleistocene. Studies
of feral horses show that their social groups are very responsive to the
distribution of resources, being more ephemeral and smaller where re-
328 Borrero

sources are less abundant (Rubenstein, 1986; Pacheco and Herrera, 1997).
Environmental conditions in extra-Andean Fuego-Patagonia near the end
of the Pleistocene were unstable, and foraging resources were not necessar-
ily abundant (Markgraf, 1988; Clapperton, 1993). However, being social
animals, horses would have attracted the attention of human hunters, who
may have preyed upon them extensively. This process of human exploitation
may have increased the visibility of their bones, which are known to us
primarily from archaeological sites (Bird, 1988; Nami and Menegaz, 1991;
Prieto, 1991). In a paleontological sample from a felid den, Cueva Lago
Sofia 4, dated between 13,400 B.P. ± 90 years (AA-11498) and 11,590
B.P. ± 100 years (PITT-0940), horse remains are not abundant (Borrero
et al., 1997). Thus, it is difficult to assess the probability of recovery of the
horse populations in Ultima Esperanza.
In eastern Patagonia the evidence is less detailed. Paleontological infor-
mation for the Late Pleistocene is minimal, and most of the data are
provided by archaeological sites.
This is the scenario found by the first humans in the far south around
11,000 B.P.: a depauperate fauna living in unstable habitats immediately
after deglaciation (Pisano, 1975), with sloths painfully lingering on in a few
spots and an apparent relative abundance of guanacos and other camelids.
It is easy to imagine the negative effect of human hunting on such a fauna,
but it would be excessive to blame humans for their extinction. The evidence
for human consumption of sloths is good, but not necessarily as a result of
hunting (see below). There is no question that the novelty of human con-
sumers in the ground sloth habitat would have affected the functioning of
the ecosystem, but we do not really know in what ways. It is likely that
humans were just a concurrent factor in the process of extinction.
What was the situation farther north? A minimum of information is
available, but what we do have suggests that in many regions the Pleistocene
fauna was already gone when the first humans arrived. That appears to be
the case near the Andean range in northern Patagonia. A single radiocarbon
date from a paleontological site indicates that sloths were present between
12,600 and 10,800 B.P. (Nami, 1996). Ground-sloth bones found at Cueva
Traful 1 were not associated with human occupations (Crivelli et al., 1993,
p. 35). Ground sloth ossicles also occurred at Bano Nuevo (Mena and
Reyes, 1998a; Trejo and Jackson, 1998) and Cueva Las Guanacas in Aisen
(Mena and Reyes 1998b; Velasquez, 1998), but they were not associated
with the human occupations, which, in both cases, are later. This also
appears to have been the case near the headwaters of the Deseado River.
A layer of megafauna dung was recovered at the lower level of CCP7 and
dated to ca. 10,400 years. Human occupations occurred above, with dates
of about 9700 B.P. (Aschero and Civalero, 1998). In all of these cases,
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 329

it can be presumed that people arrived in the area after the extinction
of megafauna.

CHRONOLOGY OF EARLY HUMANS IN FUEGO-PATAGONIA

As already noted, after intense discussion concerning the age of hu-

mans in Patagonia, recent studies have satisfied most of the critics of an
early peopling model. Evidence for human occupation at Monte Verde, in
Llanquihue Province, south-central Chile, is securely dated to around
12,500 B.P. (Dillehay and Pino, 1997a). Moreover, the recently excavated
sites of Cerro Tres Tetas and El Puesto Rockshelter (Piedra Museo), both
in Santa Cruz, Argentina, have produced dates of 11,560 B.P. ± 140 years
(LP-525) (Paunero, 1993-1994) and 12,890 B.P. ± 90 years (AA 20125),
respectively (Miotti and Salemme, 1998). These two sites are not yet fully
published, but the evidence is encouraging. In both cases, there are other
dates from the upper levels in stratigraphic order (Salemme and Miotti,
1999).
For years, a single radiocarbon date of 12,600 B.P. ± 500 years, ob-
tained in the 1970s from the lower level (Level 11) of Los Toldos 3, was
cited as evidence for early human occupation (Cardich et al., 1973; Bryan,
1978). The problem is that the date, which lacks a laboratory number, was
made on dispersed flecks of charcoal and the association of this material
with the artifacts was never clear. No effort seems to have been made to
replicate the date. Moreover, compared with the rest of Patagonia, the
whole sequence is slightly out of phase (Borrero, 1989; Dillehay et al.,
1992). Thus, even when other sites such as Monte Verde and Piedra Museo
exhibit dates older than 12,000 years, this changes nothing in the interpreta-
tion of Los Toldos. Only new radiocarbon assays on materials with clear
provenience from Los Toldos itself will lead to acceptance of the chronology
of the site.
Radiocarbon dates falling around 11,000-10,500 B.P. are available
from various places in Fuego-Patagonia (Bird, 1988; Prieto, 1991; Nami
and Nakamura, 1995; Miotti, 1996) including what today is Tierra del Fuego
(Massone, 1987; Massone et al., 1998; Salemme and Miotti, 1999). In all
cases, the evidence is stratigraphic, backed by a solid radiocarbon chronol-
ogy, and consists of bifacial lithic artifacts, basin-shaped hearths, and butch-
ered faunal remains. Table I gives a list of the most important sites and
numbers of available dates. Extensive listings of radiocarbon dates can be
consulted in other sources (Orquera, 1987; Borrero, 1996).
Thus, the evidence for humans near the end of the Pleistocene in
southern Fuego-Patagonia is clear and relatively abundant. It indicates that
330 Borrero

Fig. 2. Cueva del Medio, Ultima Esperanza, Chile. Hearth on Square 26/9 a. Fell Cave
projectile point in association with horse teeth and camelid bones.

more than 2000 years before the transition there were human populations
in several parts of the region.

HUMAN REMAINS

Human remains relevant to the initial phases of colonization of Fuego-

Patagonian are not abundant. There were claims of a Late Pleistocene
antiquity for Mata-Molle in Northern Patagonia (Vignati, 1957-1959), but
those remains have recently been dated to ca. 4500 B.P. (Fernandez, 1983).
The remains from Cerro Sota and Pali Aike, in the southern part of the
continent, have traditionally been considered late Pleistocene (Bird, 1938,
1988; Turner, 1992), as has a sample from Cueva Lago Sofia 1, in Ultima
Esperanza (Soto-Heim, 1994). However, three samples of human bone
from Cerro Sota were dated by AMS to around 3900 B.P. (Hedges et al.,
1992), and two samples from Cueva Lago Sofia 1 were dated to around
4000 B.P. (Prieto, 1991). All that is left are the remains from Pali Aike,
which clearly should be dated. A recent attempt was made to date them,
but no collagen could be found. On the other hand,
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 331

Table I. Archaeological Sites and Number of Radiocarbon Dates (Years Before Present)
Number of
Site Temporal Span Dates
Northern Patagonia
Monte Verde 13,565 ± 250; 11,790 ± 200 9
Cuyin Manzano 9,920 ± 85 1
Epullan Grande 9,970 ± 100; 7,550 ± 70 3
Traful 1 9,430 ± 230; 9,285 ± 105 2
Deseado Basin
Piedra Museo (El Puesto Rockshelter) 12,890 ± 90; 9,710 ± 105 8
Cerro Tres Tetas 11,560 ± 140 - 1
Arroyo Feo 9,410 ± 70; 8410 ± 70 4
Cueva de las Manos 9,320 ± 90; 7280 ± 60 3
La Martita 9,050 + 90; 7940 + 260 2
El Verano 8,960 ± 140; 7500 ± 250 2
Cerro Casa de Piedra 7 9,730 ± 110; 8300 ± 115 3
Chico Basin
Cueva Fell 11,000 ± 170; 10,080 ± 160 7
Ultima Esperanza Sound
Cueva del Medio 12,390 ± 180; 9,595 ± 115 17
Cueva Lago Sofia 1 11,570 ± 60; 10,910 ± 260 3

Tierra del Fuego

Tres Arroyos 11,880 ± 250; 10,280 ± 110 5

. . . Free carbon molecules found during the pretreatment of the sample (acid
washes) were dated and generated an age of 7,830 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-099066). This
date must, however, be taken as a minimum age. (Neves et al., 1999, p. 261)

Fortunately, work by Francisco Mena recently produced human re-

mains at Bano Nuevo, in Aisen (Mena and Reyes, 1998a). Three newborns
and two adults are associated with several radiocarbon dates of ca. 8000
B.P., two of which were run on the bones of one of the adults (Table II).
The individuals were deposited in a flexed position against the back wall

Table II. Radiocarbon Dates Associated with Human Burials at Bano Nuevo (Mena and
Reyes, 1998; Jackson and Trejo, 1998)
Age Contextual
Individual (years) Sex Dating Direct Dating
BN-2 20-25 Male 8890 ± 90 8859 ± 50 (NSRL-3485) CAMS-36633;
8880 ± 50 (NSRL-3486) CAMS-36634
BN-3 40-45 Female 8530 ± 160
332 Borrero

Table III. Radiocarbon Dates Associated with Human Burials at Epullan Grande
(Crivelli Montero et al., 1996)
Individual No. Contextual Dating Position
1 9970 ± 100 (LP-213) Charcoal close to burial
40 7900 ± 70 (Beta-44412) Charcoal below burial
82 7900 ± 70 (Beta-44412) Charcoal above burial
126 7550 ± 70 (Beta-47401) Charcoal near burial

of the cave and covered with stones (Mena and Reyes, 1998a). The dated
individual is a male about 160 cm in height, who died at 20-25 years. These
findings, together with the human burials associated with dates of about
8000 B.P. in Epullan, Neuquen, northern Patagonia (Table III) (Crivelli et
al., 1996), are all that exist relevant to the early peopling of Fuego-Pata-
gonia. In the case of Epullan, the dates were run on charcoal found in close
association with the burials. The association appears to be secure, but more
dates on the bones are needed. With one exception, the skeletons were
placed on beds of rocks or grass. Ocher was extensively used in the burials.
The sample is small but it constitutes our best evidence for the analysis
of the physical type and diet of early humans. Some somatic differences
from later populations were observed in the Bano Nuevo sample, essentially
that the skeletons can be described as members of a Mongoloid stock, but
more gracile. An association with red fox remains was observed in at least
three of the burials. Interestingly, canid teeth were also found with burials
dated around 8500 B.P. in the Pampas (Politis, 1996).
Studies of recent samples of skulls from Patagonia and Tierra del
Fuego demonstrate important morphometric differences (Guichon et al.,
1989-1990), and Marta Lahr observed that
the populations from Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia . . . showing a very robust
morphology that departs from a typical Mongoloid pattern, may be seen as a group
that has retained to a greater degree the morphology of the first inhabitants of the
Continent (Lahr, 1995, p. 190; see also Hernandez et al., 1997).
Evidence from mitochondrial DNA also supports the notion that differ-
ent populations were involved in the peopling of America, with the Fuegu-
ian and Patagonian samples representing a population lacking haplogroup
B (Lalueza Fox, 1996; Garcia Bour et al., 1998). These data clearly argue
against the model of strictly Mongoloid origins for the Americans
(Greenberg et al., 1986) and highlight the importance of the Fuego-Patagon-
ian samples for the wider issue of the peopling of the Americas.

THE LITHIC ASSEMBLAGES

I introduce the archaeological data most relevant to the initial peopling

of Fuego-Patagonia, focusing on Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 333

evidence. My presentation is organized using the major river basins. Most

of the early assemblages, with one important exception, come from Santa
Cruz, in Argentina, and Magallanes, in Chile. Evidence from Tierra del
Fuego derives from a single site, Tres Arroyos. Thus, the archaeology
from the southern portion of Fuego-Patagonia dominates the picture. The
absence of Late Pleistocene evidence from the northern part of Patagonia,
at latitudes between ca. 40° and ca. 48°, is noteworthy. The important
exception, west of the Andean range, in an area not always included in
Patagonia, is the site of Monte Verde.

Northern Patagonia

Monte Verde is an open-air site of about 3000 m2 near the Chinchihuapi

Creek, excavated by Tom Dillehay (1997a). The archaeological deposits
were covered by a peat layer, which was dated between 12,000 and 10,500
B.P. (Dillehay and Pino, 1997b, p. 32), and several dates have a mean
around 12,500 B.P. (Table IV). The foundations of log huts were preserved
under the peat, together with a suite of organic remains, including bones,
plants, and fragments of hide. Importantly, human footprints were identified
in hardened muddy sand. The settlement occurred above two sandy, gravel-
strewn beaches of the ancient stream. The presence of huts is inferred from
the disposition of logs within the site and from cuttings and fragments of
worked wood and tied stakes. Also, several features, including post holes
and hearths, were found. The reality of the huts has been contested by
some (i.e., Lynch, 1990, p. 26), and they do not necessarily constitute the
best evidence at Monte Verde. However, it is not possible to dispute the
artificial character of most of these features. It is also important to note
the preservation of soft tissues, some of which have been interpreted as
the Proboscidean (Cibull and Geissler, 1997). It is suggested that mastodon
hides were part of the cover used in the huts (Dillehay, 1997c).

Table IV. Radiocarbon Dates from Monte Verde (Dillehay and Pino, 1997a)
Radiocarbon Date Lab. No. Material
11,990 ± 200 TX-3760 Bone
12,230 ± 140 Beta-6755 Wood artifact
13,565 ± 250 TX-3208 Charcoal
12,000 250 OXA-105 Amino acids from collagen in ivory artifact
11,790 200 TX-5374 Carbonized wood
12,450 150 OXA-381 Wood artifact
12,650 130 TX-4437 Wood artifact
12,740 440 TX-5375 Wood artifact
12,780 240 Beta-59082 Burned artifact
334 Borrero

Lithic artifacts are not abundant at the site, which also led to some skepti-
cism, but indubitable artifacts were found, including 3 lanceolate projectile
points, 45 bola stones, and other modified rocks (Collins, 1997; Meltzer, 1997,
p. 754). Other artifacts, such as "hammerstones" and "grinding stones," are
more controversial. The majority of the artifacts can be seen as resulting from
expedient technology (Collins, 1997). The rocks were all locally available.
However, lithics form only a small part of the artifactual inventory. Appar-
ently, most of the artifacts were made on wood, such as wedges, pointed im-
plements, including possible lances, and possible digging sticks.
Perhaps the most impressive evidence of human presence at Monte
Verde is the cordage and cordage impressions (Adovasio, 1997). Cordage
was made primarily of Juncus sp. and Scirpus sp. and sometimes was tied
with pieces of wood.
The cordage assemblage from Monte Verde is presently both the oldest example
of this perishable industry from South America and one of the earliest—if not the
earliest—in the New World. (Adovasio, 1997, p. 227)
Its importance resides in the fact that no process other than human
agency can be invoked to explain its presence. Together with the remains
of plants (see below), it provides an impressive picture of a Late Pleistocene
population using a variety of resources that are not well preserved in other
kinds of sites.
The faunal remains include 414 fragments of mastodon bone (Cuvie-
ronius sensu Casamiquela) and a single Palaeolama bone (Casamiquela
and Dillehay, 1989; Dillehay, 1997b). This is a small sample for a site claimed
to be residential and characterized by its good preservation. Moreover, dirt
found embedded in some of the mastodon bones is not local (Karathanasis,
1997), suggesting that the bones were collected from a carcass elsewhere.
By any measure, plants appear to be the basic staple of the population
using Monte Verde (Dillehay and Rossen, 1997; Rossen and Dillehay,
1997). Wild potatoes and other tuberous plants (Ugent, 1997) are among
those with good nutritional potential. The remains of algae, Sargassum,
are one of the most spectacular findings, since today Sargassum is not
important on the Pacific coasts of South America (Ugent and Tindall, 1997).
These algae are used today for human consumption and mark the presence
of oceanic waters warmer than modern (Dillehay, 1997c, p. 768).
The evidence from Monte Verde can be seen as that of early explorers
of the cold temperate forest, using the area for a short period. According
to Dillehay, the site was probably used during a period of the order of 1
year. Apparently, the inhabitants of Monte Verde were using that portion
of the Chinchihuapi creek immediately after deglaciation, which is indicated
in the sequence by a gravel bed.
One of the strongest points for Monte Verde is the chronostratigraphy,
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 335

which is clear and well supported by radiocarbon dates (Table IV). Many
interpretations of the evidence may be open to question, but it is clear that
artifacts in good stratigraphic position within well-dated deposits were
found at Monte Verde.
The discussions around Monte Verde were heated, and not always
interesting. A visit to the site was arranged, and the publication of the
impressions of the archaeologists invited paved the way toward the accep-
tance of the site by the archaeological community (Gibbons, 1997; Meltzer
et al., 1997). However, it is the publication of Volume 2, with the archaeology
of Monte Verde (Dillehay, 1997), that is the most important argument for
the reality of the site. Testimonies from visiting archaeologists are no more
than arguments from authority and should not have an important role in
a debate which should be confined to technical matters.
Arguments about Monte Verde are not going to subside, since there
is at least one important controversy still to resolve: the MV-I possible
habitation surface. This is a sector of the site in which "3 clay-lined pits,
26 stones, and 8 charcoal scatters" were found (Dillehay and Pino, 1997b,
p. 36). The surface is dated 33,370 B.P. ± 530 years (Beta-6754) and >33,000
B.P. (Beta-7825). Dillehay (1997c, p. 774) distances himself from the inter-
pretation of these data:
... I cannot fully accept, in the absence of other valid archaeological sites of the
same age . . . that historically related people were wandering around the continent
of South America for more than 20,000 years before they returned to the same
locality.
There is certainly room for the existence of previous occupations,
however scattered and ephemeral, and there is no need to invoke historical
continuity. If sustained, this evidence may point to initial colonizations that
may have failed. The peak of the last glaciation, ca. 22,000 B.P. was an
important inhibiting factor for the continuous use of this region (Lowell et
al., 1995).
The Chinchihuapi site, not far away from Monte Verde, also discovered
by Dillehay, is dated to 12,420 B.P. ± 130 years (Beta-65842). Two flakes,
one spheroid, and three wooden artifacts were recovered in a test pit
(Dillehay and Pino, 1997a, p. 49). Chinchihuapi is also covered by peat,
which is dated to 11,800 B.P. ± 80 years (Beta-68997). The discovery of
Chinchihuapi clearly shows that there is still potential for colonization
research in the wet environments of the cold forest.

The Limay Basin

East of the Andes, the only evidence is early Holocene in age and
comes from three caves in the upper basin of the Limay River. Cueva
336 Borrero

Traful and Cueva Cuym Manzano, separated by about 7 km, are in the
forest or forest-steppe ecotone, near the headwaters of the basin. Cueva
Epullan is in the steppe on the left side of the Limay River, some 100
km east of the ecotone. The available palynological data suggest that the
environment was similar at the beginning of the Holocene (Heusser, 1993).
However, changes did occur, some minor and others more important for
human settlement. For example, palynological research at Epullan Grande
showed that between approximately 10,000 and 7,000 B.P., the availability
of water near the cave was higher than today (Prieto and Stutz, 1996).
Cueva Traful is located on the right side of the Traful River near its
confluence with the Limay. The initial, and very limited, occupations are
dated 9430 B.P. ± 230 years (AC-2676) and 9285 B.P. ± 105 years (GX-
1711AMS) (Crivelli Montero et al., 1993, p. 33). The lithic assemblage
consists mostly of unretouched flakes. No bifacial artifacts were found, but
a few bifacial-reduction flakes attest to their existence (Cuneo, 1993, p.
165). The fauna includes fox remains and a low frequency of guanaco. It
has been suggested that foxes were important in the diet of the initial
inhabitants of the cave (Crivelli et al., 1993, p. 38), but the faunal analysis
is not yet published. Immediately after the initial occupation, the "Compo-
nente 1-Traful," dated to 7308 B.P. ± 285 years (LP-8113) and 7850
B.P. ± 70 years (LP-5133), includes well-defined hearths and lithic artifacts,
including triangular projectile points. Guanaco remains are now more im-
portant, with additional findings of Lagidium sp., fox, and small rodents.
The faunal remains have not yet been studied to assess which species were
incorporated by humans and which by other agents.
Cueva Cuym Manzano is located by a small tributary of the Traful
River. The lower occupations were, again, ephemeral. They are dated 9920
B.P. ± 85 years (KN-1432). The faunal remains (not published in any detail)
include guanaco, which is not abundant. Bifacial artifacts are absent, but
end-scrapers are important (Ceballos, 1982).
Cueva Epullan is interesting in that the lower levels include a propor-
tionally higher use of obsidian than do the upper levels (Crivelli et al., 1996,
p. 200). This argues for logistical mobility during the initial occupations—
that is, a site intermittently used from a distant base. The initial occupations
are dated between 9970 B.P. ± 100 years (LP-213) and 7550 B.P. ± 100
years (Beta-47401). Lithic artifacts were made of obsidian and basalt, and
bifacial work was important. A small hearth was found. The fauna is com-
posed of guanaco, skunk, red and gray fox, Felidae, and South American
ostrich (cf. Pterocnemia pennata). The site was also used as a burial place.
The initial occupations of several sites in northern Patagonia, both west
and east of the Andes, show that guanaco, the most abundant vertebrate
today, was not necessarily the most important prey. Plants, perhaps foxes,
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 337

and other small mammals appear as the targeted resources. Since the evi-
dence comes from both caves and at least one open-air site, we should
consider the existence of adaptations that were not centered on the guanaco.
Megafauna, even when present as at Monte Verde, does not appear to
have been important. In sites east of the Andes, megafaunal remains are
always found below the cultural levels. It is interesting to notice the impor-
tance of fox remains. If their presence can be attributed to human activities,
this evidence, together with that from Bano Nuevo and the Pampas, informs
us of the importance for the early explorers of a resource which later was
to become secondary or ignored.
It has been suggested that some of the early deposits east of the Andes
represent a unifacial lithic tradition (Crivelli et al., 1993), but this concept
is difficult to defend. In the first place, it is necessary to accept that samples
are small and that functional requirements, within the context of initial
colonization, may better explain the unimportance of bifacial work. We
believe that bifacial reduction, blade technology, and other "sophisticated"
technologies were always available to the initial explorers of Fuego-Pata-
gonia, as indicated by findings at several early sites (Yacobaccio and Gura-

Fig. 3. Fell Cave type or "fishtail" projectile point, Cueva del Medio,
Ultima Esperanza, Chile, found within a hearth dated 10,550 B.P. ±
120 years (GrN-14911) (Square 26/9 a). Length, 48 mm. (Drawing by
Hugo G. Nami.)
338 Borrero

ieb, 1994; Nami, 1993-1994; Paunero, 1993-1994; Aguerre, 1997; Schein-

sohn, 1997). During the early period of human adaptation to the various
Fuego-Patagonian habitats, lithic artifacts were routinely and expediently
made on rocks available in the immediate vicinity, with an emphasis on
the transport of bifacial artifacts and/or preforms, as is appropriate for
situations of high mobility. Predominantly local raw material was used, and
high-quality, heavily curated exotic rocks are present at very low frequen-
cies. In the cases where they are relatively abundant, as in Epullan Grande,
they plainly point toward logistical mobility.

Southern Patagonia

The Deseado Basin (Santa Cruz)

Cueva Los Toldos 3 (LT3) is one of the best-known archaeological

sites in Patagonia (Menghin, 1952; Cardich et al., 1973; Cardich, 1977,1978,
1987; Cardich and Flegenheimer, 1978; Cardich and Miotti, 1983; Mansur-
Franchomme, 1983). As mentioned, this cave, in the canadon de las Cuevas
south of the Deseado river, is usually cited as evidence for a late Pleistocene
human presence in Fuego-Patagonia.
The earliest level (Level 11), which produced the date of 12,600
B.P. ± 500 years, is characterized by unifacial marginally retouched tools,
most of which are side-scrapers. There are also remains of extinct horse
[Onohippidium (Parahipparion) saldiasi], an extinct camelid [Lama
(Vicugna) gracilis], and guanaco. The dating is inconclusive, but the evi-
dence for people is clear. A level above (level 10) has a single radiocarbon
date of 8750 B.P. ± 480 years (no laboratory number). The butchered
remains of Lama (Vicugna) gracilis, extinct horse, and guanaco were found
together with triangular projectile points and large end-scrapers. Rhea sp.
and Canis (Pseudalopex) sp. were also found.
Cueva Los Toldos 2 (LT2), located near LT 3, was one of the key
sites used by Osvaldo Menghin (1952) in his sequence of Patagonian cultures
or phases. The relevant information is only partially published (Crivelli
Montero, 1976-1980; Mengoni Gonalons, 1976-1980) and is essentially
similar to that on the sequence recorded at LT 3. Menghin defined the
Toldense industry, characterized by triangular projectile points and mega-
fauna, on the basis of the lower levels (Menguin, 1952; Aguerre, 1979).
Some 150 km south, in the central plateau, is the site Cueva El Ceibo
7. An assemblage comparable to that of the lower level of Los Toldos 3
was found. Bones include those of extinct horse, extinct camelid, Lama
(Vicugna) gracilis, puma, and probably guanaco. No radiocarbon date has
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 339

been published by the excavators for this or any other level at El Ceibo 7,
but Coronato and others (1999, p. 88) refer to a date of "ca. 9.5 14C ka."
El Puesto Rockshelter (AEP), at Piedra Museo, in the lower plateau
of the Deseado river, is one of the most promising sites in Fuego-Patagonia.
Two stratigraphic units yielded Pleistocene human occupations. Unit 5,
was radiocarbon dated to 12,890 B.P. ± 90 years (AA-20125) (Miotti and
Salemme, 1998), but its contents are still unpublished.
Unit 4, with two radiocarbon dates of 10,400 B.P. ± 80 years (AA-
8428) and 9710 B.P. ± 105 years (LP-859) (Miotti and Salemme, 1998),
produced a fragment of a bifacial tool, probably a projectile point. The
shape and technology are of the Fell Cave type. End-scrapers and side-
scrapers usually made on large flakes were also found. Guanaco, extinct
horse, ground sloth, Lama (Vicugna) gracilis, and South American ostriches
(Pterocnemia pennata and Rhea americand) dominate the faunal assemblage
(Miotti, 1996). Rhea americana is not present in the area today.
Cave 1 of Cerro Tres Tetas is some 55 km north of El Ceibo (Paunero,
1993-1994). At Unit 5, two hearths were found, one of which was dated
to 11,560 B.P. ± 140 years (LP-525). The lithic technology is basically
unifacial, but bifacial retouch was recorded. End-scrapers, side-scrapers,
knives, and retouched flakes characterize the lithic assemblage. The faunal
remains are dominated by guanaco bones. No Pleistocene fauna was found.
In addition, two sites in the plateau, El Verano and La Martita, offer
important insights early Holocene human settlement. (All of these sites
also include long Holocene sequences that attest to the later history of
human occupation of the region.) El Verano is located west of El Ceibo
(Duran, 1986-1987) and is a small cave with occupations dated to 8960
B.P. ± 140 years (1-13797) and 7500 B.P. ± 250 years (AC-0887). The
butchered remains of guanaco were found in association with triangular
points, large end-scrapers, and other edge-trimmed tools. La Martita is
similar, with an association of guanaco remains, large end-scrapers, and
triangular points dated between 9050 B.P. ± 90 years and 7940 B.P. ± 260
years (Aguerre, 1997). Both sites are used to characterize the Toldense unit.
Thus, the plateau immediately south of the middle Deseado river is
an important research area for the study of the colonization of Fuego-
Patagonia. In general, the sites reviewed display slight evidence of use
before the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, and more intense and repeti-
tive occupation during the early Holocene. Megafauna is present in the
earliest levels of some of the sites, but not in large numbers. Instead,
guanaco is the dominant large vertebrate.
Farther up the Deseado basin toward its headwater, less than 100 km
to the west, another concentration of sites was discovered. One of the most
important is Cueva de las Manos, at the base of a stepped cliff above the
340 Borrero

Pinturas River (Gradin et al., 1976, 1979, 1987; Mengoni Gonalons and
Silveira, 1976; Alonso et al., 1984-1985). Wall paintings that include hand
negatives and depictions of guanacos have made this site world famous.
The lower occupations are dated to 9320 B.P. ± 90 years (CSIC-138) and
9300 B.P. ± 90 years (CSIC-385), and some of the paintings may be of that
age on the basis of the stratigraphic position of painted rock fragments
fallen from the roof of the cave (Gradin et al., 1976, p. 224). Triangular
projectile points, a fragment of a bola stone, and large side-scrapers are
associated with the remains of modern fauna, mainly guanaco. Fox, puma,
birds, and small mammals are present in small quantities.
Arroyo Feo is a cave located near the high plateau (Gradin et al., 1976,
1979, 1987; Silveira, 1979; Aguerre, 1981-1982; Alonso et al., 1984-1985).
The lower levels, dated between 9410 B.P. ± 70 years (CSIC-514) and 8410
B.P. ± 70 years (CSIC-516), have a lithic inventory comparable to that
from Level 11 at Los Toldos (Gradin et al., 1987, p. 122). The absence of
projectile points may be the main reason for the overall similarity. However,
the excavators classified these deposits as pertaining to the Toldense
(Aguerre, 1997), a position that makes sense in terms of chronology as
well as assemblage content.
In sum, all of these upper Deseado sites consistently display traces of
human occupation around 9000 B.P. In contrast with the sites located south
of the middle Deseado River, such as Piedra Museo and Los Toldos,
megafaunal remains are never found in association and guanaco is always
the more important resource.
Finally, two sites located near the Andes, CCP7 and CCP5, may repre-
sent the first incursions into the forest from the east (Aschero and Civalero,
1998). Even when guanaco is dominant, the remains of Southern Andean
deer are present in the earliest levels. West of the Deseado headwaters, in
Chile, is the Bano Nuevo site. No detailed report on the lithic and faunal
assemblage is yet published for this important site, which has produced the
earliest human burials known in Patagonia. However, it is reported that
modern fauna (primarily guanaco), lithics (but no projectile points), and
fragments of an atlatl were found within the early Holocene levels (Mena
and Reyes, 1998a; Velasquez, 1998).
All of the sites reviewed for the Deseado basin have very similar
contents, probably because they are all caves. Thus, functional requirements
associated with the use of caves may be shaping the record as we know it.
The lack of open-air sites may result from a lack of archaeological visibility
or even differential destruction. Sites are usually included in the cultural
unit named Toldense (Aguerre, 1976, 1997). The earliest deposits at Los
Toldos, even though seen by Patagonian archaeologists as distinctive
(Cardich, 1997), can be accommodated within that unit (i.e., Bate, 1982;
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 341

Lynch, 1990; Gradin et al., 1987; Dillehay et al., 1992). The use of the
Toldense unit makes it difficult to recognize the variability inherent to the
cultural manifestations of the Deseado basin. When Aguerre speaks of the
Toldense, she refers to a homogeneous kind of adaptation, dated between
ca. 9500 and 6500 B.P. (Aguerre, 1997). It is not important whether the
Level 11 and the Toldense Industries are discrete entities or whether they
can be subsumed under some more general classification. What we need
to know is the degree of variation exhibited by early cultural contexts. To
accomplish this, we will need more sophisticated sampling and recovery
techniques, together with full descriptions of the findings.

The Gallegos Basin (Santa Cruz)

Las Buitreras is a cave located on a basalt cliff, near the Gallegos River
(Sanguinetti, 1976; Sanguinetti and Borrero, 1977; Caviglia and Figuerero
Torres, 1976; Caviglia et al., 1986; Prieto et al., 1998). In the lowest levels
of the long sequence of occupations, bones of at least two ground sloths
were closely associated with several flakes and an end-scraper. Mandibles
of extinct fox and two American horse teeth were also found. A vertebra,
which was previously described as from a dolphin (Caviglia, 1976), probably
is a caudal vertebra of a ground sloth. There are no radiocarbon dates for
these levels due to the absence of collagen in the sloth bones. A radiocarbon
date from the base of a level directly above the deposit with megafauna
gives 7670 B.P. ± 70 years (CSIC-372).

The Chico Basin (Magallanes, Chile, and Santa Cruz, Argentina)

Fell is a small cave on the right bank of the Chico River, some 50 km
south of Las Buitreras. The site is important not only because it was used by
Junius Bird to construct the first systematic sequence for Fuego-Patagonia
(Bird, 1937), but also for the quality of its information (Emperaire et al.,
1963; Bird, 1988; Clutton-Brock, 1988). Bird divided the cave sequence into
five periods. Of concern here are the lower deposits, named Periods I, II,
and III by Bird (1988). In the lower deposits, hearths, artifacts, and bones
of ground sloth, guanaco, and extinct horse were found in association. The
artifacts include abundant projectile points of what has come to be known
as the "fishtail" or Fell Cave type. Their abundance suggests intensive
activity at the site. Pollen analysis indicates that prior to 11,000 B.P. a
treeless herbaceous steppe was predominant, with xeric taxa appearing
between 11,000 and 10,000 B.P. (Markgraf, 1988).
342 Borrero

However, not only humans contributed to the formation of the depos-

its. A recent study of the bones stored at the American Museum of Natural
History (AMNH), New York, revealed not only cut marks on horse bones,
but also carnivore punctures on horse, Lama sp., and ground sloth bones
(Borrero and Martin, 1996). The size and location of the marks point
toward the Patagonian panther (Panthera onca mesembrina), a felid well
represented in the late Pleistocene of Ultima Esperanza and recently found
at Tres Arroyos, Tierra del Fuego (Massone et al., 1998). Moreover, the
Fell Cave deposits also include the abundant remains of hawks, falcons, and
terrestrial carnivores (Saxon, 1979), further suggesting natural deposition.
Human presence can be safely assumed for the lower levels of Fell, as
testified by cut marks on bones and abundant artifacts and hearths, but
humans were not the only contributors.
Pali Aike is a small cave within the caldera of an extinct volcano (Bird,
1938, 1946,1988). Bird found the bones of seven ground sloths, American
horse, and guanaco, together with human bones and artifacts. He excavated
the cave completely, so that its history can be reconstructed only by studying
the collections stored at the AMNH. A single radiocarbon date of 8639
B.P. ± 450 years (C-485) should be considered a minimum age (Hyslop,
1988). It is difficult to determine what proportion of the bones should be
attributed to human activities. From personal examination of the sloth
bones, I cannot argue that they were consumed by humans.
Cerro Sota is a small lava tube, where 12 individuals were found buried
(Turner and Bird, 1981; Bird, 1983,1988). The remains of American horse,
ground sloth, and guanaco were also found. Horse hair was analyzed by
Whitford, who classified it as being from Parahipparion saldiasi, an extinct
form (Hyslop, 1988, p. 209). Bird defended the association between mega-
fauna and the human burials, a position that was repeated in the literature
(Turner, 1992) until the recent publication of the mid-Holocene dates for
the human remains (Hedges et al., 1992). It is now clear that there is no
true archaeological association between the megafauna and the humans.

Ultima Esperanza Sound (Chile)

Cueva del Medio is a large cave with evidence of relatively intensive

early occupations (Nami, 1987). "Fishtail" projectile points, side-scrapers,
and other lithic artifacts were found in association with hearths and the
remains of Pleistocene and modern fauna. The Pleistocene fauna includes
abundant horse and ground sloth (Nami and Menegaz, 1991). Radiocarbon
dates clearly show the presence of humans between 11,200 and 9500 B.P.
(Nami and Nakamura, 1995). One radiocarbon date of 12,390 B.P. ± 180
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 343

years (Pitt-0343) was obtained on burned bone from within a hearth that
also produced dates around 10,500 B.P. At least two layers with human
occupation were recognized, but it is difficult to separate them chronologi-
cally (Borrero et al., 1998, p. 197). Bones of ground sloth and Patagonian
panther were found below the archaeological levels, and the ground sloth
bone yielded a date of 12,720 B.P. ± 300 years (NUTA-2341).
Cueva Lago Sofia 1 is a narrow rock-shelter with deposits containing
broken and burnt ground sloth, horse, and guanaco remains in association
with hearths. The predominant artifacts are side-scrapers and flakes (Prieto,
1991). The cultural layer is radiocarbon dated to 11,570 B.P. ± 60 years
(Pitt-0684). Megafauna remains were also recorded below the archaeologi-
cal levels and dated to 12,990 B.P. ± 490 years (Pitt-0939). Pollen spectra
indicate an open environment with scattered Nothofagus trees at the time
of occupation of the rock-shelter.

Big Island of Tierra del Fuego

Information relevant to the initial peopling of what now is the Big

Island of Tierra del Fuego comes from Chile. The Marazzi site, located
south of Bahia Iniitil on the Strait of Magellan, was excavated in the 1950s
by the French Mission (Laming-Emperaire, 1968; Laming-Emperaire et al.,
1972). Human occupations near an erratic boulder gave a date of 9590
B.P. ± 200 years (Gif-1023). This site has always been problematical, since
the remains were never fully studied. Recently, Flavia Morello (1998) began
a study of the collections, after some 30 years of inadequate storage. This
study, together with the reopening of the site, should help place the materi-
als within their proper context.
The best evidence from Tierra del Fuego was obtained in several
campaigns by a team led by Mauricio Massone at Tres Arroyos (Massone,
1987; Mengoni Gonalons, 1987; Jackson, 1987). Tres Arroyos is a small
rock-shelter on the isthmus between Bahia Inutil and Bahia San Sebastian
on the north of the island. In its lowest levels were one bifacially retouched
fragment, perhaps part of a "fishtail" projectile point (Jackson, 1987),
together with marginally retouched artifacts and the remains of guanaco,
horse, ground sloth, and extinct fox. There were at least five hearths. A
single radiocarbon date of 11,880 B.P. ± 250 years (Beta-20219) is usually
interpreted as dating the initial human use of the shelter (Coronato et al.,
1999). However, four additional radiocarbon dates range between 10,280
B.P. ±110 years (Dic-2732) and 10,600 B.P. ± 90 years (Beta-101023 AMS)
(Massone et al., 1998). Below the archaeological level was a tephra layer
resulting from the 12,000-B.P. eruption of the Reclus volcano. At the time
344 Borrero

of occupation of Tres Arroyos, Tierra del Fuego was still connected to

the continent.

DISCUSSION

Exploration

There are reasons to defend a slow mode of human advance and

colonization, with the successive filling of the areas more highly ranked in
terms of food and other resources. This would give a pattern of discontinu-
ous occupation, which is more or less in line with the available record
(Borrero, 1989-1990). A major point concerning the first human popula-
tions of Fuego-Patagonia is that they were living at low densities. Space
and other resources were probably abundant in relation to human needs.
Density-independent adaptations are thus indicated. Under these condi-
tions, there was no major need for niche differentiation and it is not neces-
sary to postulate the specialized use of parts of the ecosystem.
It has been noted that during the end of the Pleistocene, when the
process of human expansion into Patagonia took place, the general geogra-
phy and composition of the ecosystems were completely different from
today. For example, Tierra del Fuego was not an island and the continent
was wider due to glacial low sea levels (Isla, 1989). In addition, those
ecosystems were characterized by extinct faunas, as well as floral districts
that have no modern analogs. Moreover, we have evidence of a rapidly
changing climate, with alternating episodes of cooling and warming (Mark-
graf, 1993; Heusser, 1994). Tundra and steppe environments, or some re-
lated variants, covered most of the landscape. Under these conditions, there
were probably changes in the home ranges of humans and other animals.
In low-productivity ecosystems like the Magellanic tundra (Dollenz, 1991),
where resources are dispersed, mammals require large areas. An increase
in the size of the home range also increases prey-search costs and, in general,
creates time stress. Time available to obtain food was limited, as was time
to search for lithic raw materials. Under such conditions, large social groups
are difficult to maintain and only small societies would be really viable.
The observed predominance of locally abundant raw materials, intensive
utilization of prey, and brevity and lack of redundancy of most occupations
are in general agreement with this interpretation of the mode of exploration
of Patagonia (Borrero and Franco, 1997). Only Monte Verde, with longer
or more repeated occupations, contradicts this scenario. This may suggest
that Monte Verde was not a part of the initial exploration of the area, but
the result of a more mature phase of settlement, when there was good
Exploration of Fuego-Patagonia 345

knowledge of local resources. Since Monte Verde, located at the northern

extreme of the sites considered in this paper, is the oldest site in the region,
this, in turn, suggests that southern Patagonia was explored very late in
the Pleistocene. This is not unexpected, since environmental conditions
before 12,000 B.P. in the south were inhospitable for humans (McCulloch
et al., 1997).
As already mentioned, there may have been an equivalent to the
Younger Dryas in Fuego-Patagonia, and this would have had an effect on
human populations that were living in an almost empty world. Extinctions
of human demes, migrations, or at least a reorganization of settlement are
possible responses to increasing cold. Minimally, there would be discontinu-
ity in the occupation of near-cordilleran areas and a corresponding delay
in the process of human settlement. For the moment, the archaeological
record lacks the temporal resolution required to test the hypothesis that
the Younger Dryas was a problem to be solved by humans during initial
installation (Borrero, 1999a).
An important conclusion follows from this scenario: that only a few
regions were colonized during the initial period. It is likely that not all the
regions were equally productive, and some were probably well below the
levels necessary to sustain or attract human populations during the late
Pleistocene. Most of the plateaux were probably habitable only during
short periods, in summer. Thus, the basic pattern for the plateaux in the
earliest period was probably one of transient use, associated with nomadism.
Only with the amelioration of climate of the early Holocene was more
intensive settlement of the plateaux possible.

Adaptation and Continuity

A major point is that the human settlement was not necessarily the
result of a lengthy process of adaptation to Fuego-Patagonian environments
(i.e., Orquera, 1987). In fact, the changing of the environment as a response
to changing climate actually precludes this explanation. Instead, humans
had to adjust to changing sets of circumstances, which would require differ-
ent adaptations.
Most of the lithic technologies that were used during the Holocene
were already available at the very beginning of the colonization process.
Bifacial reduction and blade technology are present in the earlier levels of
several sites. Their proportionally low frequencies are best explained in
relation to functional needs during the exploration and early colonization
of the region. The use of one or another variant, then, was the result
of conscious or unconscious selection under different environmental and
346 Borrero

situational conditions. This also applies to bone artifacts, which were to

become abundant during the Holocene in the southwestern channels
(Scheinsohn, 1997).
The faunal evidence from the early sites points toward a generalized
subsistence, and it is difficult to maintain the notion that the early inhabit-
ants of Patagonia were specialized hunters of megafauna. In fact, even when
Pleistocene mammals were exploited, whether by hunting or scavenging,
apparently they were never a critical resource. Thus, although most of the
early archaeological faunas contain remains of extinct species, the bones
of guanaco, an extant animal, dominate these faunas. This is true even for
Cueva del Medio, one of the few sites for which it has been claimed that
the American horse was the most important resource (Nami and Menegaz,
1991). Only at Monte Verde do we have a predominance of megafauna,
but in this case faunal remains are very few, and the subsistence appears
to have been based primarily on plants. General indications, therefore, are
of the opportunistic use of Pleistocene mammals together with a more
systematic use of guanaco. As for ground sloths, scavenging was probably
the main strategy used to obtain this dwindling resource at the end of
the Pleistocene.
With the exception of the fringes of northern Patagonia, the available
evidence for continental Patagonia supports a model of subsistence based
on the consumption of guanaco, sometimes supplemented with South
American ostrich. The role of plants, previously hinted at at Las Buitreras,
is highlighted by the Monte Verde findings. Small birds and mammals were
probably used, but the evidence for this is minimal. Only in northern
Patagonia is there some support for the notion that large vertebrates were
not important in the human diet. Using the evidence from Cuyfn Manzano,
Traful 1, Epullan Grande, and Monte Verde, we find support for that
scenario up to the Early Holocene. Starting in the Holocene, guanacos
became important prey near the Andes.

The Beginning of the Holocene: Living in a Warmer Land

What happened at the beginning of the Holocene? It is necessary

to consider the importance of the climatic changes associated with the
Pleistocene-Holocene transition for human populations. We have already
pointed out the need to solve the Younger Dryas issue and, by extension,
the impact of climatic cooling on humans, which may well have slowed the
process of colonization. However, the case can be made that the transition
itself had no major impact on human populations, since at that time pro-
Exploration of Fiiego-Patagonia 347

cesses of adjustment to new environments were only beginning (Borrero,

1996).
There were, indeed, important environmental changes taking place,
such as the retreat of the ice masses, the rising of sea levels, and the
extensive reforestation. However, from the point of view of humans, these
were probably loops within a pattern of environmental instability. The
disruption of the Pleistocene trophic chains produced by the extinction of
the megafauna coincided with the transition, but, as noted, it did not have
any lasting impact on human populations, who appear to have subsisted
mainly on guanaco. The sparse human presence in an unpredictable envi-
ronment was not a particular response to the Pleistocene-Holocene transi-
tion, but a pattern probably reflecting the earliness of the stage of coloni-
zation.
After the short-term climatic changes of the transition, there was an
amelioration in climate. The tundra environment of the Cordilleran region
was replaced by Nothofagus forest and the grass steppe of the eastern
plateau by a shrub steppe of Asteraceae (Paez et al., 1996). The increase
in temperature was accompanied by the formation of new biogeographical
barriers, such as the Strait of Magellan and the Beagle Channel (Clapperton,
1992; Clapperton et al., 1995). This probably resulted in the isolation of
human populations, triggering "founder effects" and leading to high rates
of innovation in technology. In any case, nondirectional change is the
inevitable result of geographic isolation. On the continent, the strong geo-
graphic contrast between the Andes and the vast flat lands of the east
would have been critical in molding human adaptations. We must take into
account the fact that an increase in seasonality in the west would have
made the human exploitation of the Cordillera difficult during winters. On
the other hand, low annual rainfall in most of the eastern pampas created
conditions under which water sources were magnets for human groups.
In sum, conditions for the colonization of most of the Patagonian
ecosystems were better than they had been in the Late Pleistocene. Indeed,
there is evidence to support the existence of higher populations, including
the relative increase in the number of radiocarbon dates falling within
the period 10,000-8000 B.P. (Borrero, 1996), the number of sites with
occupations dated within that period, and the depositional rates of artifacts
(Borrero, 1994-1995). None of these measures is enough to demonstrate
that populations increased, but they are consistent with it. If an increase
in population is accepted, then we probably can also accept that a diminu-
tion of the size of home ranges took place. The home range is a measure
not only of the quantity and distribution of resources, but also of the
effectiveness of the exploitation strategies used. Archaeological evidence
suggests redundancy in the use of places, and the use of the best locally
348 Borrero

available rocks for the exploitation of the more abundant and widespread
resource, the guanaco. Indications of increasing use of a diversity of re-
sources, which is a general trend in South America (Stahl, 1996), appear
everywhere in Patagonia (Borrero, 1994-1995). Costly adaptations focusing
their subsistence on scattered resources, within a more densely populated
Patagonia, completely changed the social landscape, in which isolation and,
consequently, divergence had previously been the basic characteristics.
Competence and territoriality would continue to characterize the subse-
quent history of human adaptations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I gratefully acknowledge Donald K. Grayson, who suggested that I

write this paper, and Angela E. Close, who invited me to write it for the
Journal of World Prehistory. Craig Morris and the late John Hyslop pro-
vided easy access to the Junius Bird collections stored at the American
Museum of Natural History, New York. I also acknowledge the useful
comments provided by Tom Dillehay and an anonymous reviewer.

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