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Abstract
Fishers’ local knowledge and their perceptions of climate change are increasingly recog-
nized by researchers and international institutions. However, in India, limited regional stud-
ies are available to understand the fishers’ local knowledge, and a crucial question which
largely remained unaddressed has been how fishers perceive the relevance of their local
knowledge systems in the face of climate change. Provided this background, this paper
aims to explore the fishermen’s local knowledge and their climate perceptions in the face
of climate change. This paper has employed the data that were obtained by in-depth inter-
views and focus-group discussions with the small-scale fishermen of three highly vulner-
able fishing villages of Nagapattinam district, Tamil Nadu. The marine fishers across this
coast were the victims of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster, several major cyclones,
and various weather and climate events for over the last four decades. Key results show
(1) fishermen perceive multiple aberrations and anomalies in the weather and climate pat-
terns for over the previous three to four decades, particularly after the 2004 Indian Ocean
Tsunami disaster. (2) The next finding is contrary to the conventional understandings, in
which we have found that the fishermen are increasingly felt and experienced that their
local knowledge is no longer adequately relevant in the face of climate change. Thus, for
promoting the adaptive capacity of fishers, this paper has suggested that fishermen’s per-
ceptions and their expectations should be appropriately recognized and there is a strong
need to provide scientific assistance to the fishermen through proper channels to respond to
climate change impacts.
* Devendraraj Madhanagopal
devendraraj.mm@gmail.com
Sarmistha Pattanaik
spattanaik@iitb.ac.in
1
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai,
India
13
Vol.:(0123456789)
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
1 Introduction
Across the world, small-scale fishers are largely relied on their local ecological knowl-
edge for their fishery livelihoods. Hence, there is a strong need to recognize the scope of
fishers’ expertise in fisheries management, mainly from the developing nations’ point of
view as fisheries management literature is biased primarily to western science and ideas
(Berkes et al. 2001). Moreover, the discussions on marine socio-ecological systems at a
local scale are significantly limited (Charles 2012). Coastal systems and low-lying areas
are particularly sensitive to sea-level rise and all associated impacts of climate change
(IPCC 2014). Climate change impacts mix with the existing stressors of marine ecosys-
tems, and thereby, it makes the marine resource-dependent communities further vulner-
able (Allison et al. 2005; Perry et al. 2010), and it exacerbates the marine systems which
were already under stress due to various pressures (Perry et al. 2010). Marine fishing
communities are the immediate sufferers to the broader impacts of climate change. The
impoverished populations of the less developed nations are the most sufferers to climate
change impacts (IPCC 2014; Leichenko and Silva 2014).
Several studies across the globe suggested the relevance of local perceptions and
local knowledge in climate change research (Vedwan and Rhoades 2001; McNamara
and Westoby 2011; McNamara and Prasad 2014; Nehren et al. 2013; Macchi et al. 2014;
Musinguzi et al. 2015; Guerreiro et al. 2017). Scholars’ propounded local knowledge
can be integrated with scientific knowledge (Becken et al. 2013; Hiwasaki et al. 2014;
Ford et al. 2016). However, there have been noted vocal critics on traditional knowl-
edge systems (Widdowson and Howard 2008). Berkes (2008) noted that it is a myth to
believe all such traditional/indigenous practices are ecologically sound and sustainable.
Tibby et al. (2007) argued that the evidence of the local/indigenous knowledge of the
communities on environmental change should be validated by other sources, primarily,
by science; unless it may lead us to get the distorted understanding of our local environ-
ment. Byg and Salick (2009) pointed out that observations of locals and their interpreta-
tions of climate change have its limitations and it cannot be a substitute for the scien-
tific understandings of climate change. It can, however, be helpful to the scientists and
the policymakers as an essential scientific supplement. They suggested knowing about
social, cultural and moral aspects of the local community is also necessary to under-
stand how they deal the impacts of climate change at the local levels.
Agrawal (1995) underlined the weakness in strictly delineating and differentiating
between indigenous knowledge and scientific knowledge by its epistemological and
practical nature, respectively. He posed questions on the strict differentiation, deline-
ation and dichotomization between scientific and indigenous knowledge and advo-
cates for productive dialogues between the knowledge systems and to discuss multiple
domains of knowledge, with differing logics and epistemologies. Mazzocchi (2006)
advocated the pluralist approach to understand the knowledge systems by acknowledg-
ing its uniqueness and historical backgrounds. Mistry and Berardi (2016) suggested the
similar view that expanding the range of options of indigenous knowledge for action
will highly be beneficial to the indigenous communities, but not trying to validate their
indigenous knowledge systems. As suggested by Singh et al. (2017), such understand-
ings of local perceptions will act as a supplement to assess the vulnerability of the com-
munities and regions to climate change in different epistemic frames. Local popula-
tions in the coastal areas are experiencing climate-related changes on a daily basis as
their livelihoods are integrated with the marine environment. Hence, there is a need to
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Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
document their perceptions and local knowledge and to connect with adaptation plan-
ning to climate change impacts (Aswani et al. 2015).
1.1 Study background
Patnaik and Narayanan (2009) studied the vulnerabilities of the eastern coastal districts
of India due to climate change impacts and emphasized that climate change has had vari-
ous adverse effects on poverty-reduction initiatives, physical and social infrastructures of
the coastal communities. Recent studies (Lakshmi 2011; Salagrama 2012) discussed how
climate change impacts exacerbate the livelihoods vulnerability of coastal fishers across
India. Tamil Nadu is one of the prominent coastal states in India, which has the coastal
length of 1076 km. Coasts of Tamil Nadu have a long history of vulnerability to climate
change and disasters. Cyclonic storms/depressions hit it for about 31 times with disastrous
effects from 1952 to 2004 (Government of Tamil Nadu n.d.). Recent studies acknowledged
the climate change vulnerability of southeastern coastal Tamil Nadu (Khan et al. 2012;
Ramachandran et al. 2016). With the 0.47 million tons of marine fish production for the
year 2016–2017, Tamil Nadu ranks fourth in total fish production of the country. The fish-
eries resources of Tamil Nadu provide livelihoods to more than a million fishing popula-
tion of the state (Government of Tamil Nadu 2018).
Some recent studies documented and discussed the impacts of climate change on
marine resources and the decline of fish productivity in Indian coasts (Vivekanandan and
Jeyabaskaran 2010; Vivekanandan 2011; Kizhakudan et al. 2014; Zacharia et al. 2016).
Similarly, some studies (Santha 2008; Swathi Lekshmi et al. 2013; Geetha et al. 2015;
Menon et al. 2016) addressed the climate perceptions and indigenous knowledge of fish-
ers in South India. However, in India, significant knowledge gaps exist to understand fish-
ers’ knowledge and their perceptions in the face of climate change. In the marine fisheries
research of India, the question that mostly has remained untapped and overlooked is how
the small-scale marine fishermen, who are considered as the repositories of local knowl-
edge systems, perceive their local traditional knowledge in responding to climate change
impacts. Particularly, in India, the literature (Suyasaaradha, 2005; Santha 2008; Santha
et al. 2010; Newmaster et al. 2011; Swathi Lekshmi et al. 2013; Panipalla and Marirajan
2014; Karnad et al. 2014; Sebastian Raju et al. 2016) that focused on the local ecological
knowledge of small-scale marine fishermen and their climate perceptions in the face of cli-
mate change has remained scanty though significant literature documented and discussed
the local ecological (indigenous knowledge) systems of marine fishers.
This paper has addressed such research gaps, and additionally, it suggested recom-
mendations to the policymakers. The key objectives of this paper are the following: (1) to
briefly document the community lingo of small-scale fishermen that are related to oceano-
graphic factors and climate, and to explore the local observations, perceptions and personal
experiences of fishermen on climate change impacts in the context of their local knowl-
edge, (2) to discuss how fishermen perceive the contemporary relevance of their local
knowledge in the face of climate change. This paper does not intend to quantify the social
phenomena of fishers’ local knowledge and their perceptions of climate change. Instead, it
intends to enrich the existing literature by providing a better qualitative understanding of
the fishers’ perceptions of local knowledge in the face of climate change. This study was
undertaken in the selected small fishing villages of Nagapattinam district of Tamil Nadu,
which is the part of southeast coast of India. Mujabar and Chandrasekar (2013) pointed out
that the southeastern coastal Tamil Nadu (which includes Nagapattinam district) of India
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
are highly vulnerable to severe threat due to rapid changes in geology and geomorphology,
sea-level change, tropical cyclones and storm surges. The sensitivity and exposure of Naga-
pattinam district make it one of the vulnerable regions in India to the impacts of climate
change (CSTEP 2014).
The remaining portions of this paper are structured as follows: “Study area” sec-
tion describes the study sites and the vulnerability of local small-scale marine fishermen
to climate change impacts. “Materials and methods” section describes the methodologi-
cal aspects and techniques of the study that we adopted to collect and analyze the data.
“Results” section is divided into five subsections: The first subsection briefly documents
the community lingo and local knowledge of marine fishermen. The second and third sub-
sections discuss the climate perceptions and local knowledge of fishermen in the face of
climate change. The fourth subsection discusses the long-term impacts of the 2004 Indian
Tsunami Ocean disaster on the fishery livelihoods across the study region by pointing
out the field data and scientific literature. The fifth subsection discusses how the small-
scale marine fishermen across the study region perceived the contemporary relevance of
their local ecological knowledge in the face of climate change. Throughout the “Results”
section, we have highlighted the selected field narratives, tables and a figure to ensure
keen insights to the readers. In the end, “Conclusion and recommendations” section dis-
cusses the key findings and concludes by providing few recommendations toward policy
formulation.
2 Study area
The marine fishers who inhabit the entire stretch of Coromandel Coast of Tamil Nadu,
which lies from Pulicat Lake in the North and Point Calimere to the South predominantly
belong to the traditional marine fishing caste, Pattinavar1 (Bavinck 2001). Around 57
marine fishing villages belong to Nagapattinam district, which is spanning across 165-km
coastal stretch (CMFRI 2012; Government of Tamil Nadu 2014). Each marine fishing ham-
let across the entire coastal range of Nagapattinam district is governed and regulated by
customary governance systems and collective sea-tenure rights. The roots of this custom-
ary self-governance system have a rich cultural and social history. Customary governance
systems of the marine fishing villages across the coast play dominant roles in regulating
and governing the marine fisheries sector, and it ensures the well-being of fishers (Bavinck
2001; Chandrasekhar 2012; Novak Colwell and Axelrod 2016; Bavinck 2018). The coastal
waters of Tamil Nadu are well known for its plentiful fishery resources. It was identified
that 95 different fish species belonging to 42 family and 59 genera distributed along the
Nagapattinam coast (Ramu et al. 2015). Nagapattinam coastal waters are famous for its
abundance of Indian oil sardines (Sardinella longiceps), flying fish (Family: Exocoetidae),
Indian mackerel (Rastrelliger kanagurta), seer fish (Scomberomorus guttatus), Indian
prawn (Fenneropenaeus indicus) and anchovies (Genus: Stolephorus) (Field survey).
Five districts in Tamil Nadu, including Nagapattinam district, are highly vulnerable
to the impacts of sea-level rise. Most of the areas of the district are located either below
or above sea level. Hence, this district is more prone to seawater intrusion, weather and
1
“Pattinavars” are the dominant marine fishing caste who inhabit in the fishing villages of the Coromandel
Coast of Tamil Nadu and Puducherry.
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Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
climate stress (Bhalla et al. 2008; Byravan et al. 2010; Arivudai Nambi and Bahinipati
2012). Besides, Nagapattinam district was the worst affected district in India due to the
2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami (Government of Tamil Nadu n.d.). Tsunami disaster brought
both risks and opportunities in the lives of fishing families across the entire district. Vari-
ous recent studies (Hastrup 2011; Chandrasekhar 2012; Fihl 2014; Swamy 2014, Bavinck
et al. 2014) discussed the successful post-tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction meas-
ures in the district.
Defining small-scale fisheries is a precisely complicated task as the definition varies
according to the regions. Many scholars discussed the differentiation between small- and
large-scale fisheries (Panayotou 1982; Kurien 1998). Kurien devised some of the typical
characteristics of small-scale fisheries, which are the following: (1) use of small fishing
vessels and simple crafts of relatively low capital intensity, (2) skill-intensive fishing oper-
ations, (3) relying upon the local traditional knowledge to predict the weather and climate
patterns for fishing activities, (4) nearshore fishing which does not take place more than a
day, (5) influence of informal leaders and informal institutions in fisheries management, (6)
socially, economically and politically disadvantaged sections (Kurien 1998). The present
study adopted Kurien’s (1998) definition of small-scale fisheries and Johnson’s conceptual
explanations on small-scale fisheries systems (Johnson 2006, 2018). Both geographical and
social vulnerabilities were considered to select the study villages in Nagapattinam district.
In this paper, we have presented the selected findings that come from three small coastal
villages that are located in the southern tip of Nagapattinam district, Tamil Nadu. They
are Kodiyampalayam, Chinnakottaimedu and Chavadikuppam. The significance of choos-
ing the three particular fishing villages lies on the following factors: (1) Fishermen across
the study sites are traditionally involved in small-scale fishing for generations, and so they
are mainly dependent on their traditional local knowledge for their fishing livelihood;
they were the victims of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, several cyclones, heavy rainfall
events, sea erosion and multiple climate change impacts for over the last four decades; their
livelihoods are increasingly getting affected by various stressors, including climate change.
(2) Nagapattinam district administration has identified these three villages as one of the
few highly vulnerable coastal fishing villages to coastal hazards and erosion.
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
According to CMFRI (2012), around 197 fishing households reside in this village. Of the
197 families, 75 families belong to below poverty line. The 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami
disaster did extensive damages to the fishing families of this village whose houses used
to locate near the beach. As a part of tsunami rehabilitation measures, the humanitarian
agency constructed the free houses for the tsunami-affected fishing households, which
is around five hundred meters away from the old village. The fishing families of this
village had then settled in the newly constructed Tsunami Nagar by the humanitarian
agency.
3. Chavadikuppam This is small single-caste (Pattinavar) fishing village in Nagapattinam
district, Tamil Nadu. The population of this village comes around 600, and the liveli-
hoods of majority fishing households in the village depend on small-scale fishing.
The study villages are highly homogenous, single-caste (Pattinavar) fishing villages, and
the livelihoods of the fishing households depend on nearshore small-scale marine fish-
ing. The fishing households across the study sites primarily depend on small-scale fishing,
and substantial numbers of fishing families (around 40%)2 do not own boats and gears.
They earn their livelihood by working as fish workers. The prime income source for fish-
ing households is mostly dependent on male heads. The overall economic conditions of
these three fishing villages are in backward status. In several cases, fishermen had already
worked in foreign countries, and they returned to their native village, and they are now
involved in their traditional occupation, marine fishing. Marine fishers of the study villages
are the regular victims of weather and climate stress and coastal hazards for over the last
four decades, including the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, 2011 Thane cyclone and 2015
heavy rains. Recently, the 2015 massive showers of rain did significant damages to the
fishing assets of marine fishers across the district and disrupted the fishing activities of
small-scale fishers for a few months. Hence, the small-scale marine fishers across the study
sites have been in frequent livelihoods crises and sometimes severe for over the last two
decades. In this paper, we have presented the findings of the data that were collected from
those as mentioned above three marine fishing villages (Fig. 1).
The fieldwork3 was carried out in four different phases from 2015 to 2017 and lasted
for around 5 months. The study adopted qualitative methods to collect the primary
data as the aims and objectives of this study require flexibility and freedom in the data
2
The percentage is an approximate one because of the following reasons. (1) In the fieldwork, it was
found that around 30% of the respondents who participated in the study were hesitant to share exact owner-
ship details of their fishing assets. (2) Few fishermen owned non-motorized catamaran boats. They, how-
ever, preferred to work as fishing workers as fishing is an ‘uncertain’ occupation. In a few cases, fisher-
men owned just fishing gears, but not fishing vessels. Besides, in this paper, the socioeconomic data of the
respondents and the fishing villages that we have shown come from the field survey of the author, and it is
an approximate one as the details were collected from the local leaders and senior fishermen. It should be
noted that there are no very recent, accurate data available regarding ownership details of fishing vessels
and gear and the details of migrants in the small fishing villages of the Coromandel Coast in Tamil Nadu.
3
Primary data were entirely collected by the first author of this paper as a part of his Ph.D. research. The
fourth and fifth sections of this paper are largely derived from the unpublished Ph.D. thesis of the first
author since the paper used the data from the same study.
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
collection process (Eisenhardt 1989). It is difficult to provide a single definition for qualita-
tive research as it represents the umbrella of various strategies. According to Shank (Shank
2002: 5), qualitative research is “a form of systematic empirical inquiry into meaning.”
Observation, interviewing and examination of the documents are the most common meth-
ods of qualitative research (Starman 2013). In-depth open interviews and focus-group dis-
cussions were conducted by local language (Tamil) through proper schedules and check-
lists. Besides, concurrent informal interviews and non-participant observations were
carried out. The primary survey was structured to elicit the local knowledge, observations,
perceptions and personal experiences of fishermen4 on the changing weather and climate
patterns.
In this paper, we have presented the data that were obtained from 60 small-scale fisher-
men, including fish workers. Fishermen were identified and selected by age, fishing experi-
ence and local knowledge about fishing practices and the ongoing changes in their local
environment. Fishermen’s age and fishing experience were given prominent importance
before establishing the decadal limits to secure their traditional baseline of knowledge
(Menon et al. 2016). Main preference was given to senior fishermen5 who have more than
4
Throughout the paper, we have used the term ‘fishermen’, instead of the gender-neutral term ‘fishers’ as
this paper has utilized the data that were collected from fishermen.
5
Seasonal migration of small-scale fishermen along the Coromandel Coast of Tamil Nadu to the foreign
countries has become the widespread phenomenon for over the last few decades. Primarily, fishermen
migrate out due to insufficient income, declining fish catch and other economic reasons. Hence, it was chal-
lenging to identify the senior fishermen who have rich fishing experience.
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
30 years of continuous fishing experience. All the respondents were small-scale fishermen
and fish workers. We did not adopt the similar sampling size in each marine fishing villages
as the population size is not equally consistent among the villages. Besides, in some vil-
lages (for example, Kodiyampalayam), the senior fishermen and local leaders showed more
interest to participate in the study and contributed relevant information that is required by
the study. In the fieldwork, main focus was given to provide more participation of senior
fishermen who possess indigenous knowledge on fishing practices and climate patterns and
adequate participation of middle-aged and young fishermen (Table 1).
In most cases, the senior fishermen referred to choose the suitable respondents who
have the capacity, knowledge and willingness to contribute relevant information. Hence,
snowball sampling and purposive sampling methods were adopted to select the respond-
ents (Patton 2002). Apart from separate in-depth interviews, ten focus-group discussions,
twenty informal talks and non-participant observations were done at different time inter-
vals to gain deep insights. Olsson et al. (2014) explained how climate change interacts
with other non-climatic stresses and exacerbates the vulnerabilities of the poor. They used
“weather events and extremes” as an “umbrella term” to denote the broad impacts of cli-
mate change and variability. Developing the similar method, we used the term “climate
change” as an “umbrella term” that encompasses global climate change associated with
weather and climate variability, including climate extremes and gathered the data from the
fishermen. Nakashima and Roue (2002) pointed out that the usage of the term “indige-
nous” lacks clarity as any knowledge can be labeled as “local one.” Considering the diverse
complexities, to enhance the clarity and simplicity in data collection, we employed the
term “local knowledge” as an “umbrella term” that comprehensively entails the “local eco-
logical” and “indigenous” knowledge systems of marine fishers across the region (Table 2).
The respondents were given a basic description of the study before conducting the inter-
views and focus-group discussions. In all the cases, before collecting the data, the purpose
of the study was informed to the respondents, and oral consent was gotten from them for
their participation in the study. Almost all the local marine fishermen were interested in
participating with the study as communicating and seeking the respondents to participate
in our study through the local leaders and senior fishermen of the fishing villages. Around
60% of the respondents were readily accepted that their responses to be recorded. It was
then audio-recorded. Few fishers had shared hesitation to share their village issues as they
thought that it would aggravate them in the future. In such cases, the author understood
the situation and avoided to record their responses. Socioeconomic data were collected in
the form of semi-structured interviews, and the core data that relate to research aims of the
study were primarily obtained from in-depth open interviews, mainly in the form of par-
ticular narratives of fishermen. Hence, the research data were also written in the notebooks
and separate data sheets. We followed the descriptive qualitative analysis method (Creswell
2014) to analyze the data. The qualitative data were transcribed from Tamil to English.
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
Table 2 A few selected questions/schedule that guided the data collection
S. no. Selected questions/interview schedule
1. Share the different traditional names (community lingo) of the sea currents, wind patterns and
seasons
2. How do you find out the timings, directions and fish shoals when you are in the sea?
3. What is the significance of wind patterns in detecting the fish shoals and determining the fish
caught in the typical fishing day?
4. How do the currents influence the fish catch and safely navigating the boats?
5. How do you predict the impending rainfalls, cyclones and floods by local traditional knowledge?
6. What are the signs and indicators of the heavy rains, cyclones and floods? Explain
7. How does the lunar cycle influence the fish catch?
8. Explain the relationship between the changes in the climate patterns and fish catch
9. What are the climate variables that affect the fish availability and catch? List and rank the variables
according to its influence
10. Explain the effects of the climate events that occurred for over the past three to four decades and
point out how it has changed the fish catching patterns over the years.
11. Elaborate the effects of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster on weather and climate patterns
and fishery livelihoods
12. How did the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster influence the changes in weather and climate pat-
terns, and what are the changes of fish catch and fish stock aftermath of the tsunami disaster?
13. Sources of weather-related updates and early disaster warning and its efficiency—Fishermen’s
opinions and narratives
14. What are your views on the relevance of local traditional knowledge in the face of climate change?
Is it helpful to face and to reduce the weather-related challenges and to earn sufficient income for
your family?
Triangulation of primary data was done to ensure the consistency. The contents were sys-
tematically coded into relevant themes by using excel sheets to address the research ques-
tions of the study. We had based our data analysis more on the particular narratives of the
fishermen and the other stakeholders who participated in the study. From that, the manual
analysis and interpretations of the primary data were done.
4 Results
Based on the analysis, it was found that fishermen’s local knowledge on climate elements,
oceanographic factors, fishing and marine ecosystem may be biased by some factors like
age groups, fishing experience and the types of fishing vessels that they use to practice fish-
ing. Senior fishermen elaborated on how climate change impacts over the last three to four
decades have affected their livelihoods and how it further has impacted the fish distribution
and stock in their traditional fishing grounds. Fishermen have traditional names/community
lingo to demonstrate the winds, sea currents, seasons in their mother tongue, Tamil. They
devise plans about their fishing activities after considering the speed and direction of the
winds and sea currents, short-term predictions on fish abundance and they start their fish-
ing activities in the sea. Nevertheless, such techniques and traditional names are usually
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
known to the senior and best fishermen. In a typical fishing day, the fishermen go for fish-
ing in the early morning around 4 A.M. and back to their home around 9 A.M. after having
done with the marketing of the fish that they catch. This is the usual routine of fisher-
men across the study area. Fishermen indicate fishing trip as “paadu/meen paadu.” In many
instances, in a typical fishing day, fishermen do more than one fishing trip as merely doing
a single fishing trip is not enough to sustain their families and to manage their expenses.
The number of fishing trips in a day, however, depends on the fish catch availability.
Fishermen differentiate between the types of winds that come from the sea from their
traditional ecological knowledge. Fishermen across the Coromandel Coast of Tamil Nadu
have categorized the wind patterns into eight types: (1) Naer vaadai kaatru (Vaadai kaatru/
Nedun kaatru/Vadamara kaatru)6 blows from north to south direction, and it usually hap-
pens during November to February. (2) Naer chola kaatru blows from south to north direc-
tion. (3) Naer Kachaan kaatru blows from west to east direction, and it happens in April,
May and June. Fishermen consider this wind as “favorable” one as it eases them to reach
the shore safely. (4) Naer kondal kaatru blows from east to west direction. Fishermen con-
sider this wind as a “rare one,” but it may happen at any time throughout the year, except
few monsoon months such as October, November and December. (5) Vaadai kachaan
kaatru/Kunnuvaadai kattru/Saaral kaatru blows from northwest to southeast direction,
and it happens around November, December and January. It has high velocity, and hence,
the fishermen consider it as “unfavorable” to their fishing activities. (6) Vaadaikondal
kaatru blows from northeast to southwest direction, and it happens in October, November,
December and January. Sea gets turbulent during this period. Fishermen considered this
wind as “unfavorable” to their fishing activities. (7) Cholakachaan kaatru/Kachaan konda
kaatru blows from southeast to northwest direction, and it gets fierce from April to June.
Fishermen get significant fish catch during this period. (8) Cholakonda kaatru blows from
southwest to northeast direction, and it usually happens during April to August. It gets
more aggressive in April, May and June (Suyasaaradha 2005; Samas 2015; Field survey).
The nature of the sea currents varies according to the types of winds. In the field visits,
it was found that the fishers broadly divided the seasons into two types: (1) Kachaan (sum-
mer): from March/April to September and (2) Vaadai (rough season)7: from October to
February/March. According to the fieldwork, the fishermen across our study sites tradition-
ally divide the sea currents into four types such as (1) Vanni vellam: Vanni vellam and other
types of vanni vellam come during Vaadai (winter). It flows from north to south direc-
tion. (2) Soni vellam: Soni vellam and other types of soni vellam typically happen during
kachaan (summer). It flows from south to north direction. Fishermen consider this current
is favorable for fishing. It happens from April to August. (3) Memari vellam: It flows from
west to east direction. (4) Karaieduppu vellam: It flows from east to west direction.
6
The ‘community lingo’ of fishermen was transliterated from Tamil to English. We have italicized the
‘community lingo’ of fishermen.
7
Fishers of the coastal districts of Tamil Nadu consider October to December as the “rough season.” Naga-
pattinam district is frequently affected due to northeast monsoon. Field survey showed that, at least once in
three or 4 years, this district is fiercely affected by cyclonic storms/flooding/massive rains.
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
Signs of high and low fish catch/fish shoals During the new moon period (Amavasai: in Tamil),
more fish catches are obtained. During the full
period (Pournami: in Tamil), fewer fish catches are
obtained
Flocks of birds hover on the seawater indicate the fish
shoals
Coastal upwelling is an indication of good fish catch
Dark blue patches, the presence of frequent bubbles
and ripples on the sea water indicate the fish shoals
The presence of fishy odor at sea denotes substantial
fish catch, whereas the bad odor at sea denotes the
less concentration of fish in the particular fishing
ground
The presence of muddy water indicates the substan-
tial concentration of fish shoals, whereas the clear
white water suggests the less fish availability at the
fishing grounds
Signs of weather extremes including heavy rain- Sea water remains very calm
falls/cyclones Dark clouds are seen in the horizon
Sudden increase/upsurge of the speed and intensity of
sea currents
Abnormal behavior of the animals (mainly dogs) and
birds
Foaming of water at the sea shore is an indication of
the impending cyclone
4.2 Environmental precursors that signal less fish catch and weather extremes:
Fishermen’s local ecological knowledge
Senior fishermen observe the movements of clouds to predict the onset of heavy rainfalls.
They say “mappu” to indicate the weathers’ cloudiness and to denote the upcoming rain.
In general, fishermen prefer to go fishing during the summer season (except April and May,
which is the fish ban period) rather than the rough season (October to December). Across
the research region, it was noted that the fishermen avoid navigating their boats more than
around twenty nautical miles during the rough season. Further, during the rough seasons,
their fishing trips depend on both the early warning information (science) and their local
knowledge systems.
The senior fishermen usually observe and analyze the cloud movements and predict
whether it would rain or not before venturing the sea for fishing and advice the local fisher-
men. As described in Table 3, according to fishermen who participated in the study, if the
color of the clouds is dark, and it assembles in the particular place, it gives the sign for the
onset of rains, whereas the color of the cloud appears white and it moves with fast disper-
sion, they consider it is the sign of less or no showers. Swathi Lekshmi et al. (2013) doc-
umented the indigenous technical knowledge of marine fishermen of eight coastal states
of India, including Tamil Nadu. The illustrations of fishermen’s local knowledge that are
shown in Table 3 largely concur with the observations of Swathi Lekshmi et al. (2013).
Around 50% of fishermen who participated in the study responded that they would not pre-
fer to do fishing for at least 2 days although the sea gets calm after the climate events. They
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
believe that the situation gets normal after 2 days and so forth, but not immediately after
the extreme circumstances. Senior fishermen shared their experiences how they started
venturing the sea for fishing aftermath the tsunami disaster, by just giving the break of
around 4 days. More than 80% of fishermen (including the senior fishermen) knew noth-
ing about the migration patterns of the species that they regularly catch. For example, they
were asked to respond to the migration patterns of Indian oil sardines, Indian mackerel
and flying fish that they usually catch in their fishing grounds, and the reasons behind the
migration patterns to examine their local knowledge systems. The responses of the fisher-
men revealed that they possess limited knowledge about the movement and migratory pat-
terns of those species. A senior fisherman in Kodiyampalayam noted
Before two decades, we used to catch flying fish after making travels of about five
‘thalai vaaram’8 (In Tamil). But, aftermath the 2004 tsunami disaster, we notice
that we could catch flying fish by just making travels of around two ‘thalai vaaram.’
Though such changes have been profitable to fishermen, aftermath tsunami disaster,
the fish catch has become decidedly less as compared to earlier decades.
(Date: 05 June 2015. Place: Kodiyampalayam).
Our analysis shows that the fishermen’s local ecological knowledge to identify the fish
shoals and to predict the impending rains/cyclones varies according to their age and fishing
experience. Fishermen reported the increasing intensity and unpredictable weather patterns
in the recent years had made their occupation difficult. They noted that they felt difficult
in identifying the fish shoals in the sea due to the erratic weather patterns, which directly
affected their livelihoods and income.
Since the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster, the advancement of economic status of
the fishing households across the coastal regions of Tamil Nadu and the resulting increas-
ing availability of information and technology access have influenced the behavior and
interests of young fishermen, which results in showing less/lack of interest to learn and
understand their own local traditional knowledge from the senior fishermen. Hence, it was
often noted that the transformation of fishers’ local ecological knowledge from the senior
fishermen to the young fishermen has not been effective, and so the young fishermen are
mostly relied on news outlets rather than their traditional knowledge to predict the impend-
ing cyclones and other related weather information. Fishermen reported overfishing and
climate change effects are the two prime reasons for the less and insufficient fish catch over
the past two decades, especially since the tsunami disaster. There was complete symmetry
in the responses of all fishermen, that is, the overfishing and less fish catch over the past
two to three decades. Based on age, the senior fishermen were of the similar opinion that
climate change is a reality and it has had direct impacts on the less fish catch.
As shown in Table 4, irrespective of the differences in age groups, majority of fishermen
primarily reported the changes in the weather and climate patterns over the years, and the
denial of climate change effects on the fish decline was negligibly less. Fishermen stated
that the climate variations including the increase in the temperature during the summer sea-
son and the increasing droughts over the years are the main reasons for species decline and
the less fish catch over the decades. Senior fishermen noted that the extreme climate events
and the chaotic weather patterns were used to be normal before 3 days, but the intensity
and the frequencies of the events have become more, especially since the 2004 tsunami.
8
One “thalai vaaram” denotes approximately 20 km. Source: field survey.
13
Table 4 Reasons for species decline: perceptions of fishermen
Both overfishing and climate change effects Only overfishing Only climate change effects Denial of climate change effects
SF MF YF SF MF YF SF MF YF SF MF YF
35 (87.5%) 8 (80%) 6 (60%) 4 (10%) 2 (20%) 3 (30%) 1 (2.5%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (10%)
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
Majority of fishermen did not singly link that the changes in weather and climate patterns
over the years are the only reason for the less fish catch. Instead, they integrated the climate
change effects with overfishing and noted that such combined forces over the decades had
exacerbated their livelihoods stress, and it gets more increased due to the impacts of cli-
mate change. Almost all the fishermen who participated in the study expressed concern and
fear about the increasing intensity of climate events and the resulting livelihoods insecurity
over the years. In the interviews, of the forty senior fishermen, around thirty-five senior
respondents noted that climate change has been one of the two primary reasons for the
continuous fish decline and the resulting less fish catch, whereas the remaining four senior
respondents noted that over-exploitation had been the primary reason for the declining fish
catch over the decades. It should be noted that those senior respondents, however, did not
deny the changes in climate patterns over the decades (Table 4).
The understandings of fishermen on climate elements and its impacts come from their
local knowledge and continuous experiences with the sea and fishing. All senior fishermen
were aware of the fluctuating environmental conditions and its negative impacts on their
livelihoods for over the last three to four decades, whereas many young and middle-aged
fishermen (ages 35–45 years; n = 15) reported overfishing is the acutest stressor to their
livelihoods. It concurs with the observations of Santha (2008) that the local knowledge of
fishermen varies according to the types of gears that they use, family structure and geo-
graphical locations. Besides, this paper points out that the fishermen’s age groups act as
a crucial factor that influences their climate perceptions. However, observations of young
and middle-aged fishermen on climate change were often not consistent. Only senior fish-
ermen who have fishing experience of more than 30 years had enough capacity to elaborate
climate change impacts and its various manifestations. Young and middle-aged fishermen
primarily perceived climate events, including heavy rainfalls and drought, were the pri-
mary manifestations of climate change.
In most cases, they did not show adequate emphasis on the erratic changes of the winds
and currents. Few climate change impacts that fishermen collectively stated were unpre-
dictable weather patterns (mostly high and strong tides), irregular wind patterns, erratic
monsoon, extreme temperatures in the summer seasons (also extension of the summer
season), drought, coastal erosion and increasing salinization of groundwater. In the focus-
group discussions, the senior fishermen provided various insights into the broad impacts
of climate change on their fishery livelihoods. Almost all the senior fishermen who par-
ticipated in the focus-group discussions were aware of the fluctuating environmental con-
ditions for over the past three to four decades and its negative impacts on their fishery
livelihoods and coastal spaces. All the senior fishermen reported that seasonal anomalies
and the wild weather patterns were the primary factors that decreased the fishing days, but
intensified their risks for over the last 15 years. Apart from this, turbulent rough seasons
over the previous 10 years declined their fishing days. Figure 2 attempts to show the cli-
mate perceptions of senior fishermen by utilizing the field insights.
Fishers across the study area are primarily dependent on the catch of Indian oil sar-
dines around the year. Indian oil sardines (Mathi, in Tamil) were not well known to the
coast of Tamil Nadu before the 1980s, but after 1990s, Indian oil sardine and other sardines
had occupied the prominent position in the fish catch of Tamil Nadu coast (Murugan and
Durgekar 2008; Kizhakudan et al. 2014). Significantly, fishermen stated that they could not
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
Fig. 2 Perceptions of senior fishermen on climate change impacts. Source: field survey and analysis
find more than half of the species that they used to catch before 30–40 years in their tra-
ditional marine fishing grounds. They reported some species such as silver batfish (Mono-
dactylus argenteus) and stated it has already been extinct or is in endangered condition.
Their livelihoods were mostly dependent on the catch of Indian oil sardines, Indian mack-
erel, seer fish, prawn, flying fish and little tunny (Euthynnus affinis).
Fishermen witnessed the continuous less fish catch for over the last three to four dec-
ades, particularly aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster. They, however,
shared multiple views about the reasons for such diminishing fish catch over the years.
Majority of young and middle-aged fishermen (around 80%) reported the capital-intensive
fisheries projects and the unsustainable fishing methods are the primary reasons for the
continuous depletion of marine resources and the diminishing fish catch over the years.
They placed turbulent weather patterns and climate change impacts as secondary reasons,
whereas senior fishermen who have more than 30 years of fishing experience perceived
climate change impacts in various instances. They placed both climate change impacts and
overfishing that acts as the prominent reason for the continued dwindling of fish stock over
the last four decades.
In some cases, we found contradictory responses among the young and middle-aged
fishermen in associating the effects of climate change with the diminishing fish catch over
the decades as compared to their perceptions on species decline. We need more large-scale
and regional level researches to examine the perceptions of marine fishermen on diminish-
ing fish catch. Table 5 shows the number of fishermen who denied the effects of climate
change on fish catch over the decades (which is negligibly less).
Most of the senior fishermen (n = 36) claimed that there had been an increase in temper-
ature over the previous three decades, and they equated the increasing temperature with the
decline of fish populations. They perceived climate change impacts exacerbate their liveli-
hoods vulnerabilities, which are under stress due to overfishing; consequently, it intensifies
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
Table 5 Fishermen on diminishing fish catch over the decades: climate change denial
Category Number of Age group Fishing Number of fishermen who denied
respondents (in years) experience (in climate change effects on diminishing
years) fish catch over the decades
their already existing income insecurity. However, the changes (including climate change)
over the decades also brought opportunities (Macchi et al. 2014) to the lives of fishers
across the research region. Non-participant observations across the study sites revealed that
seasonal migration enhanced the income security of fishing households, except in a few
cases. Fishermen’s perceptions of sea surface temperature and its impacts on fish reproduc-
tion and fish migration supported the scientific findings (Kizhakudan et al. 2014). When
asked about the decline of marine resources, one fisherman noted
Depletion and the decline of the fish population have been tremendous for over the
last two decades. We consider the fishing day is ‘fortunate’ if we can catch enough
fish to sustain our family.
(Date: 27 June 2015. Place: Kodiyampalayam)
Fishermen consistently stated that the onset of “vaadai” had become more unpredictable
for around the last 10 years. Notably, most of the senior fishermen (n = 35) noted that the
onsets of “vaadai” were more abrupt than its “normal” time period. Senior fishermen
reported the shift in the time periods of “vaadai” for over the last one decade and observed
that they had lost fish catch during March and April. Among them, few fishermen reported
the time period shift of the northeast monsoon in the last year (2015) was the primary
reason for the postponement of peak fish catch season in April and May, which is the ban
period.9 Small fishermen across the study sites go fishing even during the ban periods.
However, over the years, the seasonal anomalies and erratic weather patterns affected and
altered their fishing activities. As one senior fisherman remarked the current situation:
For over the last five years, because of seasonal anomalies and erratic shifts of mon-
soon periods, our fishing days have been highly reduced during February and March.
The normal fish catch season has been delayed to April and May, which is the fish
ban period.
(Date: 16 April 2016. Place: Chinnakottaimedu).
Similar views were expressed by majority middle-aged and young fishermen. They also
shared their economic vulnerability due to erratic and unpredictable weather patterns over
the years. As described by a young fisherman whose age is around thirty-five:
I have been an active fisherman for over the past 20 years. Due to the prolonged
periods of summer seasons and the increasing number of hot days, fish species are
9
The period of fishing ban differs between the west coast and east coast of India. It is being imposed by
the state governments of India to all the mechanized fishing vessels (but not traditional fishing vessels) to
enable fish breeding in the seas. In Tamil Nadu, every year, this seasonal closure usually commences from
April 15 to May 29. (It has recently been extended until June 15, 2017, by the state government.)
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
getting migrated to inland sea or some other places in the sea. Also, because of
growing seasonal shifts, we receive ‘vaadai kaatru’ even in January and Febru-
ary for over the past five to ten years; ‘vaadai kaatru’ is a sign of rough condition
in the sea. Fishing amidst ‘vaadai kaatru’ is a risky thing. I happened to trap in
a dangerous situation in the sea this February (2016) due to this ‘vaadai kaatru’.
A strong wave hit my boat and was being capsized. I was drowned in the water.
Somehow, I managed to reach the sea-shore; but I lost my fishing vessel and gear.
As far as I know, the government does not have any provisions to provide compen-
sation to us for our damaged vessels and gears in such small turbulent weather con-
ditions. In a few instances, they (government and NGO people) informed us about
insurance schemes and the procedure of claiming the assets loss. We (the local
fishermen) are however not aware of any such policies and procedures to receive
the compensation from the government. At the end of the day, fishermen have to
bear the entire loss. That is the reality. Such losses are a kind of routine thing in the
lives of us.
(Date: 25 April 2016. Place: Chavadikuppam).
Recent excessive rainfall for over the 3 months (November and December 2015 and
January 2016) profoundly disrupted the fishing activities of the fishers across the study
sites for about 3 months (Madhanagopal 2018). Because of the heavy rainfall, the fish-
ing vessels and nets of fishers were damaged. Many senior fishermen (n = 25) across the
study sites stated that the frequency and intensity of rains for over the last 15 years were
lower than in the previous decades. But during the primary survey, it was observed that
locals’ observations of rainfall and climate events were often inconsistent among the oth-
ers. They had limited memory to pinpoint the nuanced details of the climate events and
the intensity of rain falls for over the last three to four decades. As stated by Patt and
Schröter (2008), the perspectives of the locals on climate change events are shaped by
various factors, including respondents’ memories. Table 6 attempts to compare the cli-
mate perceptions of senior fishermen (n = 40) with the recent scientific findings. It shows
that the climate perceptions of senior fishermen are largely concurred with the recent
scientific findings.
Fishermen’s local observations on the impacts of climate events were often not pin-
pointed one. Age, education and the types of fishing gears acted as the crucial factors that
determine the biases of the fishermen. The summer season in India lasts from March to
June. All senior fishermen observed that the maximum summer temperatures were lower
before around 10–15 years than the contemporary period. They pointed the brunt of heat
during June and July for over the last 5 years is almost similar to “Agni nakshatiram”
(In Tamil: peak summer period that occurs in May). Increase in sea surface temperature
along the Tamil Nadu coast for over the 105 years (1906–2010) had a direct link with the
decline of fish catch (Kizhakudan et al. 2014). Fishermen believed both short-term changes
in weather patterns and the decadal variations significantly affected the marine resources.
They consistently pointed out the seasonal changes and the increase in the temperature
over the last 5 years and elaborated how it affected the fish distribution, spawning and
abundance.
A catamaran fisherman of Chinnakottaimedu who had more than 30 years of fishing
experience described how the erratic increase in temperature over the past few decades
affects fish catch.
13
Table 6 Comparison of climate perceptions of senior fishermen (n = 40) with the recent scientific findings
Climate variables Climate perceptions of senior fishermen Recent scientific findings Conformity
13
Sea-level rise Fishermen possess limited local ecological knowledge to discuss Five coastal districts of Tamil Nadu, including Nagapattinam Unknown
sea-level rise and its impacts on fishery livelihoods district, are highly vulnerable to sea-level rise, and they are
estimated to the projected impacts of storm surges (Byravan
et al. 2010)
Coastal erosion Heavy for over the past three decades. It has been very heavy since Coastal erosion has widely been observed and documented across Agreement
the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster the coastal Tamil Nadu. Apart from climate change effects, vari-
ous other factors such as rapid urbanization and industrialization
play important roles for the increasing trends of shore erosion
(Natesan et al. 2015; Bhalla et al. 2008)
Temperature Increasing trend, particularly during the summer seasons. Such Temperature data for the period 1901–2005 indicate that Tamil Agreement
increasing trends have direct impacts on decreasing trends of Nadu experienced more dry days than wet days every year
fish catch and fish decline over the decades (Guhathakurta et al. 2011). Likewise, another recent study
(Kizhakudan et al. 2014) on sea surface temperature showed that
there is a rise in SST along the Tamil Nadu coast over a period
of 105 years (1906–2010) and such increasing trend is evident
across the coastal regions of Nagapattinam district for over the
last 20 years (1990–2010)
Rainfalls Decreasing trend and it is becoming increasingly uncertain and In Tamil Nadu, heavy rainfalls were observed during the northeast Partial agreement
unpredictable due to the shifts of monsoon patterns monsoon season and a slight decrease during the southwest
monsoon season from 1970 to 2000 (Bal et al. 2016). Rainfall
projections with the baseline period of 1970–2000 show the
decreasing trend (CCC&AR and TNSCCC 2015). Northeast
monsoon, the primary rainy season (October–December) is
becoming increasingly chaotic (Indira and Inbanathan 2013)
Climate events All the senior fishermen are of the view that the frequency and As compared to 1891–2006, 37.5% of the increase in cyclonic hits Partial agreement
intensity of climate events are increasingly becoming high and on the coasts of Tamil Nadu was observed between the years
unpredictable for over the past three to four decades. However, 2006–2011. Increasing trends of cyclonic disturbances in the
fishermen were not able to point out the exact changes of trends Bay of Bengal were observed during the winter (October–Febru-
according to the seasons ary) and pre-monsoon months (March–May). (TNSAPCC 2013)
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
We can get enough fish catch if and only the temperature is favorable to fish shoals.
If the sea is warmer, fish shoals travel to deep-sea/some other fishing grounds where
the sea is less warm. Because of this, we cornered to travel more in the sea, which is
very risky.
(Date: 18 July 2015. Place: Chinnakottaimedu)
Of the total 60 respondents, few senior and young fishermen (n = 4, n = 5, respectively)
across the study sites also have viewed that the weather and climate variations over the
years are just a cyclical phenomenon and it was nothing “new” to them. Few of them
pointed that the recently emerged large-scale fishery sector and shrimp farming are the sig-
nificant reasons for the changing weather patterns of their local environment in the recent
decades. Our study systematically followed up the climate observations and perceptions of
fishermen in the three study villages for over the last 3 years (2015–2017) and observed the
different changes of perceptions of fishers on the changes of the weather patterns of their
locality. In the latter year (2017), fishermen’s distress about the changes in weather patterns
were more complicated than the previous years 2015 and 2016. In 2017, the same fishing
villages were again visited by the first author, and substantial respondents were being inter-
viewed to know the consistency and discrepancies of their perceptions on climate change.
Fishers across the study area experienced heavy rainfalls during November and Decem-
ber 2015 and January 2016. Such events might also shape and influence their perceptions
of weather and climate stress. This finding supports the study conducted by Paerregaard
(2016). In the study with the Andean community people in Peru for the last 30 years
(1986–2016), Paerregaard found that these community people recently started perceiving
the local impacts of climate change in multiple ways. Though the time intervals of our fol-
low-ups were highly lower than that of Paerregaard’s follow-ups, our analysis underscored
the similar reflections in its broadest sense; fishermen started experiencing the localized
impacts of weather and climate stress over the years.
Discussions that are centered on the effects and association of climate change with the
occurrence of Tsunamis are purely scientific, and they lie beyond the scope of this study.
Besides, the discussions on the impacts of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster on the
fishery livelihoods across the research region appear to be out of place in the overall focus
of this study. In contrast, the fieldwork of this study however revealed that the discussions
of the 2004 Tsunami disaster impacts have an essential place in influencing the climate
perceptions of fishermen. Majority of fishermen irrespective of their socioeconomic cat-
egories integrated the long-term effects of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster on their
fishery livelihoods with climate change impacts. Hence, the discussions that are centered
on the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster and its long-term implications on fishery liveli-
hoods had become an inevitable part of this study.
During the open discussions centered on climate perceptions, attempts were made
delineating the long-term effects of tsunami disaster on the fishery livelihoods from cli-
mate change impacts. Nevertheless, interestingly, many senior fishermen (n = 15) across
the study area shared the common perception that tsunami disaster is also part of climate
change and they shared the fear of future tsunamis in the face of climate change. All the
fishermen respondents across the study region are of the similar perception that the effects
of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami still haunt to affect and alter their fishing activities and
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
fish stock in various manifestations. They shared their concern about the increasing dwin-
dling of fish populations and fish stock for over the last 15 years, particularly since the
occurrence of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster. Some fishermen stated that the
integrated effects of rampant capital-intensive fishing methods, the long-term impacts of
the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami and climate change would deteriorate in the coming years
and it will corner them to live under precarious situations. Most of the senior fishermen
(n = 30) strongly pointed out that the weather patterns in recent years had been more abrupt
than before three to four decades. Fishermen irrespective of their socioeconomic groups
consider the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami as an essential “time-yardstick” to compare the
changes in the patterns of their livelihoods and fishing activities with the earlier decades.
They viewed the indirect effects of the tsunami still haunt to affect their livelihoods in mul-
tiple modes.
Significant literature discussed the long-term adverse effects of 2004 Indian Ocean
Tsunami on coastal recovery, psychology, emotions and community resilience and envi-
ronment (Bhushan and Sathya Kumar 2007; Kumar et al. 2007; Rajkumar et al. 2008).
The literature strongly supported that 2004 Tsunami had major impacts on fisheries and
aquaculture sector in the coastal regions of Tamil Nadu (FAO 2005; Government of Tamil
Nadu n.d.) and it is continued to affect the marine fishers across the region in multiple ways
(Shanthi et al. 2017). Besides, there are a growing emphasis and consensus among the sci-
entific community that global warming and the resulting sea-level rise trigger earthquakes,
submarine landslides, tsunamis and volcanoes (McGuire et al. 2002; McGuire 2010, 2012;
McGuire and Maslin 2013). McGuire et al. (2002: 112–132) discussed the intriguing links
among the raising and fluctuating sea levels and the collapse of volcanic ocean islands with
the increasing intensity and frequency of the tsunami disasters.
McGuire’s (2012) recent work “Waking the Giant—How a Changing Climate Triggers
Earthquakes, Tsunamis, and Volcanoes” elaborately discussed how global warming con-
tributes, triggers and intensifies the complicated interactions and the effects of earthquakes,
tsunamis and volcanic eruptions across the globe. Similarly, Li et al.’s (2018) recent work
that is centered on Macau demonstrated that even the modest sea-level rise could have the
potential to trigger the incidence of tsunamis and could reduce the return period of poten-
tial tsunamis in the future, which may pose inundation threats to the coastal communities.
In contrary, Spencer (2008: 17–18) registered vocal criticisms in associating global warm-
ing with the occurrence of Tsunamis. There is, however, no such detailed account of sci-
entific studies that are centered on the coasts of Bay of Bengal, which discussed the asso-
ciation of climate change with the frequency and intensity of the tsunami disaster. Hence,
in the context of the Bay of Bengal, we need more scientific studies, which discuss the
association of global warming with the occurrence of coastal hazards, including tsunami
disasters.
Results show that the majority of fishermen (90%) were increasingly tending to more
depend on scientific updates to know early warning information, particularly after
the tsunami. Apart from this, few private actors played vital roles in providing regu-
lar updates on weather-related information for substantial fishing villages across the
selected regions in Nagapattinam district; however, it was not equally dispersed. They
offered weather updates to the registered mobile numbers of fishermen through mes-
sages and calls. Fishermen found it quite useful. The feasibility of losing lives due to
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
climate events has almost wholly reduced due to the advancement of technology and
the increasing utilization of mass media among the fishers, particularly after the 2004
tsunami. However, fishermen face various difficulties and risks in the face of climate
change. The challenges of small-scale fishermen fall under two categories in the face of
climate change which are the following: (1) to assess potential fishing zones in the sea
and (2) safe navigation of their fishing vessels amidst turbulent weather patterns.
As stated by the secretary of the fishermen co-operative society of Kodiyampalayam,
We have been exposed to various climate stresses for over the last 30 years, and
the frequencies are rising. Nowadays, we can’t entirely depend on our local eco-
logical knowledge to predict environmental cues, fish distribution, and abundance
as we have often realized and experienced that our traditional wisdom is no longer
precise and sufficient to understand the coastal systems.
(Date: 25 April 2017. Place: Kodiyampalayam)
When asked how unpredictable strong waves could be an extra burden to the lives of
them, a senior fisherman of Chavadikuppam stated
Our local traditional knowledge to detect some weather variables such as speed
and direction of the winds and sea currents, water mass movement, and upwelling
are increasingly becoming outdated. It has exacerbated our livelihood crisis. Sig-
nificant commercial fish species had already migrated to the interior sea. Hence,
we are cornered to travel to the interior sea to catch commercial fish species which
will require extra-fuel, extra-labor support and more risky.
(Date: 04 May 2017. Place: Chavadikuppam)
Similar perceptions were shared by the middle-aged and young fishermen across the
study sites, about fishing in the interior sea by their small fishing vessels. It indicated
that small-scale fishermen are risking their lives to earn their daily livelihoods. In sig-
nificant cases, fishermen were clueless to respond the challenges of chaotic weather pat-
terns and associated weather and climate impacts. They realized that their prior experi-
ences with the sea and weather patterns were of moderated value under the changing
environmental conditions. Fishermen did not feel the necessity of “science” in their
everyday fishing activities before around two to three decades. But for over the last two
decades, particularly after the tsunami, they have started recognizing the necessity of
equipping themselves with scientific updates and weather and navigation instruments.
Hence, the fishermen’s perceptions tend to rely on scientific techniques for their fishing
activities than sole dependence of their traditional wisdom.
Around 80% of the fishermen who participated in our study irrespective of the differ-
ences in their age, literacy, fishing experience and ownership of boats/nets look forward
to the help from the external sources (including state administration and donor agencies)
to predict the environmental fluctuations and the movement of fish shoals and abun-
dance. The increasing frequency of erratic weather patterns over the years has made the
fishermen lose reliability on their traditional seasonal calendars. Also, our discussions
with the fishermen revealed the fact that due to the advancement of technology, fisher-
men no longer depend on their traditional knowledge to identify environmental cues.
Young fishermen are increasingly losing their interest to obtain the accumulated body
of traditional knowledge and skills from the senior fishermen. Similar observations of
fishers’ disconnection with the traditional skills and knowledge were noted by Nayak
(2017) in the study in Chilika Lagoon, Odisha. There is a ground need to systematize
and safeguard the local knowledge of small-scale fishermen. As emphasized by Kurien
13
D. Madhanagopal, S. Pattanaik
(1996), scientific attempts will reinvigorate and strengthen the local knowledge of arti-
sanal fishermen that has been accumulated over centuries.
Environmental change impacts influence the intensity of poverty, and it has multiple
adverse effects on small-scale fisheries systems (Nayak et al. 2014). Alexander et al. (2011)
suggested traditional knowledge and indigenous narratives contribute to an adequate
understanding of global warming. Integrating such indigenous narratives with the scientific
knowledge exemplifies a valuable approach to assess climate change impacts and to recog-
nize climate adaptation efforts.
After summarizing the local knowledge of Tamil fishermen on oceanographic factors
and climate, this paper has elaborately presented the perspectives of small-scale fisher-
men on the changing weather and climate patterns for over the last three to four decades.
Then, it discusses the contemporary relevance of fishers’ local knowledge in the face of
climate change. The results of this paper provide further scope to research the perspectives
of marine fishers of India on climate change impacts. In the context of India, we need more
researches to understand the climate perceptions of both fishermen and fisherwomen in the
face of climate change. As suggested by Lorenzoni et al. (2007), in-depth researches are of
utmost importance in understanding the consistencies and ambiguities of the beliefs and
actions of the stakeholders who concern about climate change.
By pointing out the results of this paper, we have suggested that the fishers’ traditional
knowledge of oceanographic factors and marine ecosystem may not entirely suffice to con-
front the challenges of climate change. Hence, there is a ground necessity to consider vali-
dating and embedding their local knowledge in a scientific context; rational assessment
has to be done to substantiate its effectiveness in the present-day context (Wisner 2009).
Many recent studies discussed the need for integrating local knowledge for climate change
adaptation and disaster risk reduction (Raymond et al. 2010; Kelman et al. 2009; Armit-
age et al. 2011). However, integrating local and scientific knowledge is a long process, and
many factors and contexts have to be examined (Williams and Hardison 2013; Hiwasaki
et al. 2014).
Most small-scale fishing households across the entire Coromandel Coast of Tamil Nadu
primarily depend on marine fishing. Besides fishing, there are no viable livelihood options
available to them to sustain their family. Establishing a state-level formal institution spe-
cializing in providing accurate weather updates, including information that relates to the
potential fishing zone that operates in regional levels (particularly, at taluk levels) to the
fishermen, is a necessary need to address their needs to respond to climate change impacts.
Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services (INCOIS) had already launched
efforts to provide such scientific assistance to coastal fishers of Tamil Nadu (including
Nagapattinam district) through various channels, by partnering with the non-profit organi-
zation such as MS Swaminathan Research Foundation. It provides multiple mobile applica-
tion facilities, including weather updates that are related to potential fishing zones and so
on, to the fishermen at free of cost (NCAER 2010; INCOIS 2014).
Nonetheless, the findings of this study have demonstrated that fishers across the research
region have limited access to scientific assistance from the external sources. The scientific
updates related to the identification of potential fishing zones reduce the livelihoods burden
of small fishers. It will increase the fish catch size of the small fishers and may reduce their
13
Exploring fishermen’s local knowledge and perceptions in the…
risks in fishing (NCAER 2010). Besides, the World Bank has already sanctioned funds to
provide livelihood support, knowledge management and the establishment of the wireless
communication network to promote the lives and security of Tamil fishermen (Government
of Tamil Nadu 2018).
There is a ground concern to decrease the vulnerability as well as to improve the adap-
tive capacity of small-scale fishers to react to climate change impacts. In the long term,
policymakers and the relevant authorities may consider imparting concurrent climate
change education to the small-scale fishers, together with disaster management training to
improve their adaptive capacity. However, given the results of the study, this paper does not
de-emphasize the potential value of fishers’ local knowledge systems and their traditional
ability to cope and to adapt in the face of climate change. Instead, it advocates the necessity
of acknowledging the limits of local knowledge systems of marine fishermen to foresee, as
well as to react to climate change. It brings out the demand of conducting more studies to
understand how fishermen adapt to climate change by utilizing their local knowledge sys-
tems. This paper has pointed out the necessity of having the proper interface, dialogues and
partnerships between science and traditional knowledge of fishers as advocated by vari-
ous authors and international institutions (International Council for Science 2002; Mazzoc-
chi 2006; Berkes 2008). We have implied the need of providing regular, accurate weather
updates to the small-scale fishermen and fish workers for identifying the weather elements.
It is hoped that our results could help to understand future studies that are related to the
relevance of local knowledge of coastal fishermen in the face of climate change.
Acknowledgements The authors thank the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and sug-
gestions to improve the final version of the paper.
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