VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N

FOOD SECURITY REPORT

By Angela Ho and Alan Chen
hua foundation | August 2017
Photo credit: Louis Lapprend, Chinatown Today
TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S
Page

ABOUT HUA FOUNDATION 05

ABOUT THE AUTHORS 06

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 07

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 08

BACKGROUND 10

B .C .’ S C H I N E S E F O O D D I S T R I B U T I O N SYS T E M , PA S T & P R E S E N T

C H I N ATO W N : W H AT ’ S AT S TA K E

R E C O G N I Z I N G T H E R O L E O F C U LT U R A L F O O D A S S E T S

FOCUS & RESEARCH QUESTIONS 17

METHODS 18
 Page

SUMMARY OF DATA RESULTS 21

DISCUSSION 25

CHINATOWN FOOD POLICY ANALYSIS 28

CONCLUSION 37

OPPORTUNITIES 40

GLOSSARY 42

REFERENCES 44

APPENDIX 46
A B O U T H U A F O U N DAT I O N

Hua foundation is a youth driven non-profit organization based in Vancouver, British Columbia,
on the traditional, ancestral, and unceded territories of the xʷməθkʷəyəm (Musqueam),
Skxwú7mesh (Squamish), and Səlílwətaʔ/Selilwitulh (Tsleil-Waututh) First Nations. Our
mission is to empower youth in the Asian diaspora to fully participate in advancing social change
through exploring our racialized identities and building resilience in communities. This report is
Cultural Heritage
the result of the Choi Project, which aims to advance the role of culture in food security efforts by
promoting food and cultural literacy, education, and community engagement. Through our work,
we hope to build capacity and support spaces of learning that centre marginalized histories, voices,
and lived experiences.

Social Change

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Angela Ho | 何嘉雯

Angela is a second-generation Chinese Canadian studying Geography and Asian

Canadian and Asian Migration Studies at the University of British Columbia.
Angela’s engagement with local food system efforts dates back to her involvement in
community initiatives with Windermere Secondary School. Through her work with
hua foundation, Angela’s interests have grown to using food as a vehicle for
unpacking issues relating to race, power, and representation, as well as a means for
intercultural learning.

Alan Chen | 陈晓征

Alan is a first-generation Chinese Canadian and holds a Bachelor of Arts and
Science in Sustainability and Urban Systems from McGill University. While most of
Alan’s work to date engages with the social design of public spaces, such as why we
should put comfy seats on streets instead of homeless spikes, his contributions to the
Chinatown food report represent a different direction of interest. Spending time
away from Vancouver in Montreal’s diverse cultural context nurtured a desire to
better understand how his cultural background shapes the way he navigates his
identity. To this end, Alan joined hua foundation in Vancouver to explore his
cultural heritage while supporting initiatives aligned with his passions for social
justice, urban contexts, and sustainability.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to the following individuals for sharing their insights during our
consultation process: Doris Chow, Stephanie Lim, and James O’Neill. Many
thanks to Emily Tso for layout design, Jackie Wong for copyediting, and
Kevin Huang for advisory support.

Recommended Citation:

Ho, A., & Chen, A. (2017). Vancouver Chinatown Food Security Report.
Retrieved from hua foundation website:
http://www.huafoundation.org/foodreport/

Citation in text: (Ho & Chen, 2017)

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 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Food assets are defined by the Vancouver Food Strategy as Cultural food assets make important contributions to Vancouver’s local food system by promoting the
resources, facilities, services or spaces that are available to food security of its citizens while providing spaces that support the maintenance and transmission of
Vancouver residents, and which are used to support the local food
system. Examples of food assets include community gardens and
culture. Due in part to how the early Chinese-Canadian community, including British Columbia’s
orchards, urban farms, farmers markets, food processing Chinese food distribution system, formed in the backdrop of systemic racism and exclusionary
infrastructure, community composting facilities, and neighbourhood policies, a high concentration of cultural food assets are located in Vancouver’s Chinatown. This makes
food networks.1 Cultural food assets are businesses and services
Chinatown an area of particular interest given the intersection of various socioeconomic, cultural, and
that provide a similar, if not identical function as food assets defined
by City of Vancouver. Cultural food assets extend beyond the role of developmental pressures facing the neighbourhood in recent years. The impact of these pressures have
food assets identified by City of Vancouver by providing spaces that been widely discussed and captured in many forms, including in local media, through the efforts of
support the maintenance and transmission of culture. While cultural community organizers, and in academic studies. However, the state of cultural food assets and its rate of
food assets are not limited to a particular cultural group, this report
identifies greengrocers, fishmongers, barbecue meat stores and
loss in Chinatown remains undocumented and is not well known.
butcher shops, Chinese dry goods stores, as well as traditional
Cantonese bakeries and restaurants as strong examples of cultural This report documents the change in Chinatown retailers between 2009 to 2016. It demonstrates that
food assets. These assets support a cultural food distribution system
cultural food assets are being lost at an alarmingly rapid rate. Fifty percent of Chinatown’s fresh food
(e.g., the Chinese food distribution system) that is not formally
considered to be part of the local food movement. stores—greengrocers, fishmongers, barbecue meat shops, and butchers—have been lost within this
timeframe. Thirty-two percent of Chinese dry goods stores, as well as 56% of food service retailers that
were in operation in 2009 have been lost as well. These results stand in stark contrast to City of
The Chinese food distribution system refers to the older, long Vancouver’s target of increasing food assets by 50% by 2020,1 and demonstrate the need for a closer
established network of local Chinese farmers, wholesalers, and examination of the intended and emergent outcomes of municipal policy.
retailers that operate in parallel to the newer, rapidly expanding local
food movement consisting of farmers’ markets, Community
Supported Agriculture (CSA) and other publicly supported While there are many factors that have contributed to the loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown, this
institutions.2 Formed in the backdrop of systemic racism and social report considers the degree to which cultural food assets are acknowledged within City of Vancouver’s
and economic segregation, the Chinese Food Distribution System
has and continues to provide the Metro Vancouver region with policy landscape.
access to fresh, often local, and culturally appropriate food.

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 However, cultural food assets are not formally recognized as active contributors to
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
food security within current policy frameworks, and the absence of cultural food
assets from City of Vancouver’s official definitions of local food system actors results
This report analyzes the following municipal documents related to food policy in in their lack of recognition, protection, and mobilization.
Chinatown:
The rapid, recent loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown is, in part, a
1. Vancouver Food Strategy (VFS);
manifestation of municipal policy that falls short of providing meaningful
2. Chinatown Neighbourhood Plan and Economic Revitalization Strategy (CNP);
recognition and support for systems that exist outside of formally recognized
3. Downtown Eastside Local Area Plan (DTES LAP);
structures. Identifying the stakeholders that are being mobilized within municipal
4. Downtown Eastside Social Impact Assessment (DTES SIA);
policy is critical for determining who is being included in city planning and public
5. Healthy City Strategy (HCS).
discourse. The loss of many cultural food assets in Chinatown demonstrates that
A careful examination of these policy documents reveals several paradoxes regarding there remains a significant area of untapped potential for building a more inclusive,
their recognition and support for cultural food assets in Vancouver. just, and sustainable food system in Vancouver.

This report:
First, the documents tend not to recognize culture beyond its physical manifestations
such as architecture or conventional forms of artistic expression; they also imply that
a) Reviews the history and formation of the Chinese food distribution
food and culture are mutually exclusive. This results in the exclusion of system and its role in Vancouver’s local food system;
unconventionally artistic and often intangible forms of culture, such as food, in policy
discussions of arts and culture in Vancouver. Consequently, current policy frameworks b) Documents the rate of cultural food asset loss in Chinatown
between 2009 to 2016;
have overlooked both the tangible and intangible culture of food and the role it can
play in cultivating healthy communities. c) Analyzes municipal policy to identify gaps relating to the inclusion
and support for cultural food assets in Vancouver;
Second, the significance and contributions of cultural food assets to Vancouver’s local
d) Highlights opportunities for the better recognition and protection of
food system is not well captured within municipal policy documents, despite their cultural food assets in Vancouver;
overlap in achieving similar policy objectives. For example, while cultural food assets
may not operate in the same channels as the assets defined by the Vancouver Food e) Lends support for the need to extend beyond standard analytical
frameworks for advancing the potential of Vancouver’s local food
Strategy, they still support local food systems, such as B.C.’s Chinese food distribution
system and, relatedly, its cultural landscape.
system and contribute to the food security of Vancouver’s neighbourhoods.

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B A C K G R O U N D B.C.’s Chinese Food Distribution System, Past and Present

While not often recognized, Chinese immigrants have played a to be too cheap, and the greengrocers where their vegetables
significant role in British Columbia’s food economy since the were sold were perceived to be unsanitary.2 Greengrocers are “small markets often
mid-19th century. Barred from many forms of wage labour due specializing in [the] cuisine of a particular
population.”5 Although greengrocers are not
to anti-Chinese racism and difficult economic conditions, Eventually, anti-Chinese racism manifested in the form of the currently defined by City of Vancouver nor are
Chinese immigrants turned towards agricultural production Produce Marketing Act of 1927, which was enacted by the ethnic groups linked to business ownership,
and grew much of B.C.’s produce supply. In fact, by the 1920s, provincial government to regulate the marketing of vegetables. Chinese and Asian greengrocers are
ubiquitous in Vancouver and serve as an
Chinese immigrants produced and distributed 90% of B.C.’s Under this act, the volume of farm produce allowed into the important source for fresh, local Asian and
vegetables.2 market, as well as its selling price, was to be determined by an non-Asian produce. They also serve as an
important distributor for Asian farmers and
external board instead of the Chinese farmers and vegetable
other local food system producers.5 While
Despite the substantial contributions Chinese farmers made to sellers themselves. This was perceived by Chinese farmers, food circulated within the Chinese food
B.C.’s local food system, the agricultural sector was not free of wholesalers, peddlers, and storekeepers as a move to curtail their distribution system tends to be sourced from
local farms, imports are also distributed along
racism and anti-Chinese sentiments.i As the number of Chinese business activity, as they argued that the board would raise the this supply chain as a result of factors such as
farmers grew and flourished, white settler Canadians perceived prices for consumers while reducing the producers’ return.3 seasonality and availability (see Phan (2011)
and Gibbs & Wittman (2013) for further
them as a threat to their economic viability and subsequently
reading). For this report, greengrocers have
discriminated against them.3 They put forth proposals to limit Despite their social and economic segregation, Chinese farmers been identified based on their predominant
economic competition, including pledges to refuse the lease or found creative ways to resist the racist nature of B.C.’s food offering of fresh fruits and vegetables.
However, it should be noted that greengrocers
sale of land to Chinese farmers, the implementation of special system. To maintain their livelihoods, the early network of often sell other goods in addition to produce,
taxes on Chinese-grown produce, and enforcement of an Chinese food businesses continued to operate through such as fresh meat, eggs, and dry goods.
occupational license that would have included a compulsory non-mainstream distribution channels, where Chinese farmers
exam designed so that non-white applicants could not pass.4 opted to sell their produce to Chinese wholesalers, greengrocers,
A harmful public discourse about Chinese farmers and their and on roadside farms, rather than to white wholesalers.2
businesses also abounded; Chinese-grown vegetables were said

[i] While this report focuses on the experiences of early Chinese-Canadian farmers in B.C.’s agricultural sector, it is important to note that broader anti-Asian sentiments were also experienced by other minority groups such as Japanese
berry growers during that time. The form and intensity of opposition experienced by racial minorities in the agricultural sector varied over time, space, type of agriculture, and way in which different communities responded to their
marginalization.4

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B A C K G R O U N D B.C.’s Chinese Food Distribution System, Past and Present

Presently, B.C.’s Chinese food distribution system is

unregulated, meaning that the sales and marketing of these The local food movement is an “umbrella term used to describe the
growing popular response to the social, [political], and material
crops are not maintained by an agency. Rather, the supply and consequences of globalized and industrial food systems.”iii This
demand of crops are dictated by the marketplace, as Chinese network informs—and is informed by—what mainstream local food
activists, policy-makers, and academics understand as “local food.”2
farmers are responsible for their own direct marketing and
Action typically centres on consuming local and organic food, resulting
selling efforts, namely through the established local network of in forms of participation that emphasizes voting with your fork (e.g.,
Chinese wholesalers, greengrocers, and direct purchasers.5 In shopping at the farmers market) or growing your own food.iv These
modes of participation are referred to as the mainstream local food
fact, many of the early distribution networks were built out of movement; while they are commonly represented in public institutions
Vancouver’s Chinatown, with a significant number of and discourse, they do not capture the diverse ways of engaging with
warehouses located on East Georgia and Union streets.6 the local food system that may fall outside of this framework.v

As a result of their creative resistance against systemic racism

and exclusionary policies, the older, long established Chinese Cultural acceptability or cultural appropriateness within food security
literature refers to food that is familiar, acceptable, and desired by a
food distribution system exists in parallel to Vancouver’s
cultural group. With that said, cultural appropriateness must be
newer, rapidly expanding network of farmers’ markets, understood beyond the mere inclusion or substitution of certain food
Community Supported Agriculture (CSA), and other types. Indeed, scholars contend that it is important to understand the
dynamic and nuanced role that culture plays throughout the food
institutions publicly supported by Metro Vancouver’s local system. Within this framework, cultural appropriateness recognizes
food movement.2 Although often underrepresented within the the centrality of cultural values in the production and consumption of
mainstream local food movement, the Chinese food food, involves cultural relationships built on trust and respect, and
emphasizes the importance of shared decision-making power within
distribution system continues to play an integral role in the food system.10
providing fresh, local, and culturally appropriate food options
for the region.ii Photo credit: James Crookall, Vancouver Archives

[ii] While the Chinese food distribution system is a prominent example of a parallel food system, Gibbs & Wittman note that there may be other parallel food networks in which food from Metro Vancouver farms moves through to local
consumers (2013). Currently, knowledge about other parallel food networks is constrained by the limited number of studies completed in this area.
[iii] [iv] [v] Definition courtesy of Stephanie Lim, 2017.

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Photo credit: Jacky Chen, Chinatown Today
Produce Row: Vancouver’s local distribution hub What is a parallel food system?

The assembly of fresh food businesses along Malkin Avenue in A parallel food system refers to a food supply chain that operates
Strathcona is better known as Produce Row, and is an example of a outside of and in parallel to the mainstream local food movement.
distribution hub whose networks were originally built out of It represents one of the many pathways through which food moves
Chinatown.7 These networks play an integral part in supporting the from local farms to consumers.2 However, due to factors such as
local Chinatown economy, serving many of the neighbourhood’s historic and contemporary racism, discrimination, as well as
restaurants and greengrocers,8 and employing generations of families different language and cultural norms, parallel food systems are
in Strathcona and Chinatown. Produce Row currently serves as a often underrepresented within the mainstream local food
critical food distribution hub that services most of western Canada, movement and have few points of intentional connection and
including cities as far east as Winnipeg.9 collaboration.2 The Chinese food distribution system is a
prominent example of a parallel food system in Metro Vancouver.

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B A C K G R O U N D Chinatown: What’s at Stake

Vancouver’s Chinatown is a historically and culturally In the four years that hua foundation has been working in
significant neighbourhood that stands as an important symbol Chinatown, we have formed important community Chinese dry goods stores refer to retailers that
sell dried goods used in Chinese cuisine and
of the struggle and resilience experienced by members of the partnerships with stakeholders who have helped us realize the Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). Some
Chinese-Canadian community. A major node for businesses potential of our cultural food programming efforts. For retailers may also offer consultation with
and activities, often run by early Chinese migrants from the example, our efforts to promote food and cultural literacy in Chinese physicians who can assess and
prescribe herbal medicines according to
Guangdong region during the 19th and 20th century, the form of multilingual guides, in-store signage, and public various needs.
Chinatown has been experiencing social and economic workshops have been supported by greengrocers, who serve as
pressures over the last several decades that threatens its important places for engaging in collaborative and community
integrity as a cultural hub. based learning. However, in light of the rapid changes that
Traditional businesses in Chinatown refer to
have been occurring in Chinatown over the last few years, we businesses that carry on the function that
Recently, Chinatown was identified on Vancouver Heritage’s are also experiencing challenges. Our ability to continue to Chinatown has played throughout time, that
is, as a retailer that provides a safer and more
2016 Top 10 Watch List11 and National Trust for Canada’s maintain partnerships and offer programming in the
accessible space that services immigrant,
Top 10 Endangered Places 2016.12 Both organizations cite neighbourhood is at risk because many of our community low-income and senior populations. These
recent development pressures as significant threats to the partners, such as Chinatown’s greengrocers, have closed down businesses tend to be well established in the
community (e.g., have been in operation for at
viability of Chinatown as an affordable and culturally unique or are experiencing pressures that threaten their ability to least 10 years) and have enduring
neighbourhood. They also point to the need for protecting remain in the neighbourhood. Given the historical and relationships with the community members
existing businesses that continue to provide affordable services contemporary significance of Chinatown to a wide range of that make up this neighbourhood. Traditional
businesses in Chinatown often have a Chinese
and amenities for the area’s low-income and senior residents, communities, a great deal is at stake with regard to future (more specifically Cantonese) orientation, but
including those living in Chinatown, Strathcona, and the trajectories in this neighbourhood. can also include businesses run by other
visible minorities. Examples of traditional
Downtown Eastside (DTES). These businesses include
businesses in Chinatown include Tin Lee
greengrocers, fishmongers, barbecue meat stores and butcher Market, Hung Wing Seafood, Money Barbecue,
shops, Chinese dry goods stores, and traditional Cantonese and New Town Bakery.

bakeries and restaurants.

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B A C K G R O U N D Recognizing the Role of Cultural Food Assets

Food assets are defined by the Vancouver Food Strategy (VFS) distribution system), employ local residents, and provide
as “resources, facilities, services or spaces that are available to neighbourhoods with access to fresh food and produce. Furthermore,
Vancouver residents, which are used to support the local food rather than simply enabling access to food, these retailers play an
system.”1 Examples of food assets identified by City of important role in offering culturally appropriate food while fostering a
Vancouver include community gardens, orchards, urban farms, sense of community. Smaller storefronts are more conducive to
farmers markets, food processing infrastructure, community conversations between employees and shoppers, which can support
composting facilities, and neighbourhood food networks. the growth of more personal relationships over time. As many of these
However, we contend that the definition of food assets should businesses are run by members from the same cultural group, cultural
be extended to include cultural food assets such as greengrocers, cues and practices are often recognized and reciprocated. Moreover,
fishmongers, or barbecue meat stores and butcher shops. These these businesses tend to offer their services in their mother tongue,
assets provide a similar, at times identical function as the food which can empower and better accommodate those with English
assets defined by City of Vancouver, while supporting a language barriers.
cultural food distribution system that is not formally
considered to be part of the local food movement. We detail Cultural food assets also serve as important spaces that facilitate the
the significance of cultural food assets in the paragraphs that maintenance and transmission of cultural knowledge, often
follow. intergenerationally and interculturally. As bi/tri-cultural individuals
who have grown up feeling disconnected from our cultural identity,
We consider local retailers such as greengrocers, fishmongers, learning how to shop at Chinese greengrocers enables us to reconnect
barbecue meat stores and butcher shops, Chinese dry goods with our heritage by providing opportunities to practice our language
stores and traditional Cantonese bakeries and restaurants to be or to learn how to identify and utilize traditional ingredients. Cultural
strong examples of cultural food assets. These retailers food assets hold the unique potential of promoting intercultural and
contribute to the growth and functioning of local economies. intergenerational learning, as well as cultivating intangible values,
They purchase from local sources (such as the Chinese food such as the reaffirmation of cultural identity and sense of belonging.

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Photo credit: Julian Fok Photography
FOCUS & RESEARCH QUESTION

Cultural food assets play an important role in providing Vancouver residents with This report:
affordable and culturally appropriate services. Yet, Chinatown’s cultural food assets
face mounting pressures such as development pressure, increasing rental and property
rates, and socio-economic change that can increase the likelihood of these businesses
a) Reviews the history and formation of the Chinese food distribution
closing down or moving out of the neighbourhood. system and its role in Vancouver’s local food system;

Little research has been conducted to examine the rate of cultural food asset loss in b) Documents the rate of cultural food asset loss in Chinatown
Chinatown in recent years, let alone the implications of these losses on food security in between 2009 to 2016;
Chinatown, the Chinese food distribution system, or Vancouver as a whole. Many
neighbourhoods in the city are also home to an array of unique food assets, but face c) Analyzes municipal policy to identify gaps relating to the inclusion
and support for cultural food assets in Vancouver;
similar socioeconomic pressures as those experienced in Chinatown.vi The pressure of
condominium development in the Joyce-Collingwood area is just one example of this. d) Highlights opportunities for the better recognition and protection
of cultural food assets in Vancouver;
By taking a closer look at food security in Chinatown, this report aims to provide a
starting point for addressing current knowledge gaps. While our research is limited to e) Lends support for the need to extend beyond standard analytical
the scope of Chinatown as a neighbourhood, we hope that the insights produced by frameworks for advancing the potential of Vancouver’s local food
system and, relatedly, its cultural landscape.
this report will serve as a case study for understanding the state and importance of
assets not formally recognized as active contributions to food security, such as cultural
food assets in Vancouver.

[vi] Other neighbourhoods include (but are not limited to) Joyce-Collingwood, Victoria-Fraserview, and the DTES.

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 METHODS
E H A S T I N G S S T.

Using the Google Maps Street View function, we conducted quantitative primary
research in order to survey the rate of cultural food asset loss in Chinatown between
2009 and 2016. Data was available and recorded for the following years: 2009,
2011, 2012, 2014, 2015, and 2016.vii

P E N D E R S T. P E N D E R S T.
Losses were identified through the observation of one or more of the following
characteristics: changes in store signs, different property use, closures, and
construction activity. Businesses that exhibited such changes were identified, and
screencaptures of each site were taken for each year of available data. We also noted
C O L U M B I A S T.

M A I N S T.

G O R E S T.
the type of businesses that replaced previously existing stores, as well as the new food
retailers that were gained between 2009 to 2016.

KEEFER ST KEEFER ST A comprehensive list was compiled to identify changes in Chinatown’s foodscape
between 2009 to 2016. Data was organized into the following categories:
greengrocers, fishmongers, barbecue meat stores and butcher shops, Chinese dry
goods stores, and food service retailers (i.e., restaurants, bakeries, and cafes). Rate of
loss for each category was calculated using the following method:

# of cultural food assets lost

G E O R G I A S T. G E O R G I A S T.
between 2009 - 2016 % of cultural food
100 = assets lost between
Existing number of cultural food 2009 - 2016
U N I O N S T.
assets in operation in 2009

[vii] While our analysis is bounded by a seven-year timeframe, cultural food assets continue to be lost in
Chinatown, such as with the recent closure of Hon’s Wun-Tun House in June 2017. Changes in 2017 have not
been included for analysis in this report.
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METHODS

Area Surveyed
E HASTINGS ST

N
THE FOLLOWING AREA WAS SURVEYED
FOR CULTURAL FOOD ASSET LOSS.

Our surveyed area largely aligns with the

Chinatown Plan Area outlined by CIty of E PENDER ST

Vancouver in the Chinatown Neighbourhood

Plan and Economic Revitalization Strategy.

Additional areas that have been included in

our assessment include the properties along
the north-facing side of East Hastings between
KEEFER ST
Gore and Columbia Street. Although these
areas do not fall under formally recognized
areas of Chinatown, their close proximity to
the neighbourhood, as well our awareness of
different local understandings of what
constitutes Chinatown, justified our decision E GEORGIA ST

to extend our analysis slightly beyond official

boundaries.

UNION ST

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R E S E A R C H L I M I TAT I O N S

There are several limitations with using Google Maps data in our
survey of cultural food assets. While we had a sizeable timeframe
of data to analyze, we were unable to determine specific
timepoints (e.g., day or month of year) in which the changes
occurred, as Google Maps is not updated regularly on a daily or
monthly basis. Moreover, we were unable to analyze changes
within larger establishments such as part of Golden Gate Centre
and Chinatown Plaza.

A greater time frame of data could have been analyzed through

the use of City of Vancouver’s Business License data set, which
contains annual business license records since 1997. However,
the categorization scheme used to organize these records does not
provide a precise indication of the type of businesses that are in
operation. For example, Tin Lee Supermarket, a Chinatown
greengrocer, was categorized as a “Retail Dealer - Food” and
assigned a subcategory of “Convenience Store” in 2014.

For the purposes of our study, categorizing a greengrocer as a

convenience store would not have been reflective of its role and
function in the community. Conducting primary research using
Google Maps data was more accessible and allowed us to develop
categorization schemes that were more specific and reflective of
the businesses of interest.

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S U M M A R Y O F D ATA R E S U LT S
Below is a summary of our survey results. A comprehensive list documenting the change in Chinatown retailers between 2009 to 2016 can be found in Appendix A.

Number In Operation Number Lost Percent Lost

Business Type 2009 2016

Greengrocers 11 5 6 55%

Fishmongers 5 2 3 60%

Barbecue meat stores/Butcher shops 8 5 3 38%

Chinese dry goods stores 31 21 10 32%

Food Service Retailers 36 1 6* 20 5 6 % viii

* of the 36 in operation in 2009

[viii] Due to the absence of baseline data, this figure does not include the change in food retailers in the Chinatown Plaza cafeteria.

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Loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown between 2009 to 2016

40

30 32%

56%

20

55% 60% 38%

10

2009 2016 2009 2016 2009 2016 2009 2016 2009 2016
Greengrocers Fishmongers Barbecue Meat Stores / Chinese Dry Food Service Retailers
Butcher Shops Goods Stores (Restaurants/Bakeries/Cafes)
 50% of fresh food stores ix

lost between 2009 to 2016

[ix] For this report, fresh food stores refer greengrocers, fishmongers, barbecue meat stores/butcher shops.

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+33 FOOD SERVICE
RETAILERS GAINED
It should be noted that the increase of food service retailers
between 2009 to 2016 does not compensate for the
simultaneous loss of food service retailers during this
period, as new food service retailers tend to cater to higher
income brackets and differ in terms of cultural specificity and/or
orientation compared to the traditional Cantonese food service
retailers that were in operation in 2009.

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DISCUSSION

Our survey of Chinatown’s foodscape has produced alarming results that point to the The proliferation and success of Chinese businesses, combined with the greater
need for greater attention to the state of cultural food assets in Vancouver. The following consumer demand elsewhere in the city, has overshadowed the role of Chinatown as
section will offer insight into several factors contributing to the losses that have been the centre for cultural services and retailers and contributed to its marked economic
documented. Although there is a wide range of factors contributing to the decline of decline.13 With that said, the increase and success of Chinese businesses outside of
cultural food assets in Chinatown, several key trends are worth noting as they can Chinatown does not diminish the importance of those within, as they continue to
augment the current pressures faced by these businesses. While these factors contribute provide the local community with access to affordable and culturally appropriate
to different pressures in Chinatown on their own, it should also be noted that these services.
factors often interact with and reinforce one another in a way that compounds the
sensitivity of the system as a whole. 2. Increasing property value

The overall trend of rising property values in Metro Vancouver is of particular

Factors concern in Chinatown, given the neighbourhood’s concentration of businesses that
service low-income and senior populations. In City of Vancouver’s Downtown
1. Decreased Chinese businesses Eastside Local Area Profile, Chinatown’s land value was documented to have
increased from $167 million in 2001 to $564 million in 2013, while its building
While Chinatown continues to serve as an important node for many Chinese businesses, value increased from $110 million in 2001 to $209 million in 2013.13
the neighbourhood has also been experiencing economic decline for the past several
decades. This can be partially explained by the spatial and economic diversification of Rising property values and increasing rental prices exacerbates the broader trend of
the Chinese-Canadian community. With the influx of Chinese immigrants after World economic decline in Chinatown by amplifying economic pressures on businesses that
War II, the residential and business concentration of the Chinese-Canadian community provide affordable and culturally appropriate services. As a result, these businesses can
began to expand out to other parts of the city. For example, in 1981, 10 Chinese be priced out of the neighbourhood.
greengrocers (3%) existed in Chinatown whereas 324 (97%) Chinese greengrocers
existed outside of the neighbourhood, across the Lower Mainland.13

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D I S C U S S I O N Factors Continued

3. Changing socio-economic landscape these trades. However, younger generations may lack the capacity, knowledge or
interest to maintain these businesses. This may be a result of various factors including
Chinatown has and continues to be a home for a large number of low-income the presence of language barriers that prevent the transmission of traditional and
residents and Chinese seniors. With plans for development and revitalization, cultural knowledge, high lease rates, and lack of resources and support for younger
Chinatown has seen an increase in new businesses and developments catering to entrepreneurs, or these trades being perceived as difficult and less economically viable
higher socioeconomic backgrounds in recent years. This can increase pressures on than other entrepreneurial activities.
affordable and culturally appropriate businesses in Chinatown, as audiences with
higher social and economic capital may not have the cultural competency and literacy As a result, many traditional businesses may eventually retire without a succession
to support traditional businesses, and/or would prefer to frequent newer business plan, which can lead to the loss of cultural knowledge and disruption of established
retailers. business networks and contacts. For example, the Chinese food distribution network
primarily works off of a system of social credibility and trust that is reinforced by the
Although data on the degree to which traditional businesses are being supported (i.e., community. Without proper succession planning and active efforts to build social
economically) by Chinatown’s higher socioeconomic bracket is absent, it is apparent capital, business relationships are often difficult to pass on. The lack of succession
that Chinatown will continue to be an attractive neighbourhood for newer retailers planning and business continuity can also contribute to the loss of affordable and
and developments. If this trend continues and is coupled by the displacement of culturally appropriate services in Chinatown.
existing low income residents and seniors, we expect that affordable and culturally
appropriate businesses will face growing challenges with maintaining a sustainable
customer base, thus threatening their ability to remain in the neighbourhood.

4. Lack of succession planning & continuity

Many of the cultural food assets in Chinatown are traditional businesses that have
been in operation for decades. The lack of business succession plans for many of these
businesses highlights the critical need for younger generations to continue and steward

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 V A N C O U V E R PCh H
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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S OVERVIEW

While the discussion above reviews the impact of socioeconomic, demographic, and Each document presents its own set of aspirations and motivations. We analyzed the
generational factors on the loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown, it is equally content of these documents in order to highlight their synergies and contradictions, as
important to highlight relevant gaps and opportunities present in the current well as to identify key intersections between the existing policy landscape and the
municipal policy landscape. Better understanding its texture will help yield further increasing loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown. While we recognize that the loss of
insights about what has potentially contributed to the loss of cultural food assets that Chinatown’s cultural food assets are the result of a range of interacting factors, the
we see in Chinatown today. scope of this analysis focuses on the degree to which cultural food assets are
acknowledged and understood within the municipal policy landscape. We hope that by
To this end, we conducted a cross-content analysis of the following five municipal identifying gaps and opportunities in the City’s policy literature, we can craft a new
policy documents relating to food policy in Chinatown: starting point from which we can provide suggestions for action moving forward.

The following discussion will be split into two sections, each reflecting core themes
present throughout the five food policy documents listed above.
1. Vancouver Food Strategy (VFS);

2. Chinatown Neighbourhood Plan and Economic Revitalization Strategy

(CNP);

3. Downtown Eastside Local Area Plan (DTES LAP);

4. Downtown Eastside Social Impact Assessment (DTES SIA);

5. Healthy City Strategy (HCS).

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DISCUSSION

1.The Arts & Culture Paradox

As a critical pillar of city life and livelihood, food is considered a main focus through and the environment through which it is served and/or distributed. As Aronson
dedicated policies and actions outlined in most of the policy documents. contends, “Food is only culturally appropriate in context,”16 and right now we are
bearing witness to the erasure of these sociocultural contexts.
In each of these sections, the cultural facet of food is explicitly recognized. For
example, both the DTES LAP and the VFS highlight [improving] “access to Goal #5 of the Vancouver Food Strategy aims to “advocate for a just and sustainable
nutritious, affordable, and culturally appropriate/diverse foods” as a major policy food system.”1 A just and sustainable food system requires that food be recognized as a
goal.14, 1 Within municipal and food justice definitions, food access refers to the need cultural right, and that this recognition is reflected in the policies that function to
for food to be acceptable in addition to four other criteria. uphold the rights of our citizens. Our current frameworks fail to do so, as references to
cultural assets only encompass things that are tangible and visibly cultural such as
On the other hand, considerations regarding food and culture appear to become buildings or gardens. By exclusively recognizing only the arts and tangible manifestations
mutually exclusive when each document begins its discussion of culture as a focal of culture, policy frameworks have overlooked both the tangible and intangible culture
point. This is a good example of what one might describe as the “Arts & Culture of food and the role it can play in cultivating healthy communities. We believe that this
Paradox:” while the arts, as understood colloquially, can be considered an integral part is a factor that has contributed to the rapid loss of cultural food assets in Chinatown.
of culture, it does not represent all forms of culture on its own. One of the fallacies
that this paradox creates is an exclusion of unconventionally artistic, often intangible Food Access is defined by the City of Vancouver as the policies, processes or programs that
forms of culture including food, during discussions of arts and culture in Vancouver. create the conditions for the following food security attributes to be met:

Architecture, street facades, and other forms of physical assets constitute much of what Availability: Sufficient food for all people at all times

is considered by the city as cultural heritage worthy of longevity and protection. This Accessibility: Physical and economic access to food for all at all times
Adequacy: Access to food that is nutritious and safe, and produced in environmentally
arises in each of the five policy documents observed, most notably in the DTES LAP
sustainable ways
and CNP. For example, when describing Chinatown’s “Rich Cultural Assets,” the Acceptability: Access to culturally appropriate food, which is produced and obtained in
CNP refers to 33 heritage designated buildings and facilities.15 For unclear reasons, ways that do not compromise people’s dignity, self respect or human rights
food assets in Chinatown are not included in this discussion. There is culture and Agency: The policies and processes that enable the achievement of food security1

heritage embedded not only in Chinatown’s food and cuisine, but also in the people

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2. Exclusion By Omission: Who Is Included in Policy?

Notes of inclusivity are embedded into the five municipal policy documents of relevance to Given that one of the core objectives of the VFS is to “improve access to healthy,
our study. In particular, these documents state efforts to promote diversity and inclusion affordable, and culturally diverse food”1 and that supporting and protecting the
through the support of culturally diverse foods and protection of key community assets. integrity of key community assets is an intended outcome shared across multiple
Specific instances of these commitments can be found in both the concrete policies and the policy documents, what might explain the rapid loss of cultural food assets
bodies of text leading up to them: observed in Chinatown?

To make sense of this paradox, it is necessary to consider the extent to which

POLICY ID cultural food assets are acknowledged and mobilized within municipal policy
through an examination of local food system actors that are formally recognized
VFS Improve access to healthy, affordable, culturally diverse by the City of Vancouver. Identifying the stakeholders that are being mobilized
Goal #3
food for all residents (p.45) within municipal policy is critical for determining who is being included in city
planning and public discourse.

DTES LAP 6.0 Retain, improve and celebrate key community assets, and
Policy Context Several terms used in the policy documents are relevant to our analysis as their
foster a sense of community belonging, inclusion, dignity
definitions outline the key contributions of local food system actors. They
and safety for all. (p.40)
include: food assets, community food markets, healthy food retail, and low-cost
meal, as defined by the VFS and the DTES SIA. The following section
summarizes the baseline definitions outlined by municipal policy and compares
DTES LAP: 10.3.2 Enhance Assist and support existing retail areas (including
Local-Serving Retail the extent to which they overlap with the function of cultural food assets. The
Chinatown, Powell Street (Japantown) and Gastown) to
following section summarizes the baseline definitions outlined by municipal
have a vibrant mix of shops and services. (p.117) policy and compares the extent to which they overlap with the function of
cultural food assets.
DTES SIA: 6.0 Our Well Being - Inclusion and Belonging:
Managing Community Identify and protect places with social and cultural
Assets and Impacts meaning to the community with emphasis on
Aboriginal, Chinese and Japanese communities. (p.55)17

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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S

Definition of food assets Comparable: Cultural Food Assets

VFS: Baseline Food assets are defined as resources, facilities, services Cultural food assets are present in many neighbourhoods in
Analysis of or spaces that are available to Vancouver residents, Vancouver and contribute to the local food system and economy.
Vancouver’s food and which are used to support the local food system. For example, greengrocers, fishmongers and barbecue meat
system stores/butcher shops provide residents with access to fresh, often
This includes physical assets such as:
local, affordable, and culturally appropriate food options.
community composting sites
community food market
Cultural food assets also provide spaces that support the
community fruit tree orchards
maintenance of social connections and cultural practices.
community gardens
While cultural food assets may not operate in the same channels
community kitchens
as the assets defined by the VFS, they still support local food
farmers markets
systems, such as the Chinese food distribution system. Their lack
street food vendors
of formal recognition as assets contributing to Vancouver’s food
urban farms
systems points toward significant potential yet to be realized
(p. 23 - 24)
within municipal policy.

DTES SIA: 5.0 Our Well-Being - Food Access & Security:

Assessing Potential Some of the assets that support the local food system
Impacts of are community gardens, urban farms, community
kitchens, community food markets, farmers markets,
community composting sites, street food vendors and
neighbourhood food networks. (p.43)

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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S

Definition of community food markets Comparable: Greengrocers

EX

VFS: What are Community Food Markets (CFM), previously referred These definitions and sets of criteria overlap with what constitutes
community food to as pocket markets, are small markets for the sale of a greengrocer.
markets? fresh and/or locally-prepared fruits and vegetables.
Chinese greengrocers do a great deal to support the Chinese Food
These food options benefit: Distribution System through their procurement and sale of fresh
residents by increasing access to fresh foods and local produce. They are also small-scale in business size and
and healthy locally- prepared foods play an important role in providing their surrounding local
small-scale businesses by providing a local community with access to fresh foods. However, Chinese
market base greengrocers are not formally recognized as Community Food
market operators by allowing them to diversify Markets, as Community Food Markets are exclusively defined as
their vendors. smaller, official farmers markets operated by non-profits.
(p.104)

VFS: Baseline Community food markets (mini farmers markets with

analysis of fewer than 10 booths) have a mandate to improve
Vancouver's food access to fresh, affordable food. There are four
system community food markets, all operated by nonprofit
groups. (p.24)

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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S

Definition of healthy food retail Comparable: Cultural food assets

VFS: Healthy What is healthy food retail? Healthy food retail differs from Cultural food assets are small-scale, sell local and affordable
Food Retail regular food retail in: products, and give attention to a critically underserved part of the
city, especially in Chinatown.
1. scale of operation (generally small-scale, low impact)
2. a focus on healthier food options, and local, The fact that they are not mobile should not preclude them for
where possible consideration. In fact, their geographic permanence creates a
3. attention to underserved parts of the city, and valuable sense of place, grounding Chinatown’s character in its
4. use of infrastructure that can be relocated to importance as a cultural hub of relevant assets and services through
different sites based on need, such as pop up the cultural food security it provides to the neighbourhood.
grocery stores or mobile green grocers. (p.109)

Food security is defined by the United Nations Food and Agriculture

Cultural food security expands upon the United Nations definition by
Organization as “a situation that exists when all people, at all times, have
emphasizing food security as a state where people are “able to acquire food in
physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that
ways that are culturally acceptable, [empowering], and personally dignifying.”20
meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life."1

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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S

Definition of low-cost meal Comparable: Cultural food assets

DTES SIA: 5.0 High-Cost vs Low-Cost Restaurants: Traditional Cantonese bakeries and restaurants provide affordable
Assessing Presence of low-cost restaurant options increases the food options that encourage low-income patronage in the local
Potential possibility of low-income patronage of local economy. For example, a steamed bun can be purchased in
Impacts of
restaurants. Being able to patronize local restaurants Chinatown for approximately $2.00, which is comparable to the
Development
promotes feelings of belonging and inclusion. (p. 46) price of a low-cost breakfast or lunch offered by various community
organizations in the DTES.

While not all food items are offered at low-cost meal rates
(i.e., $2.00 - $3.75) or considered non-profit, charitable ventures,
many of these businesses still provide affordable food options
DTES SIA: 5.0 Our Well Being - Food Access & Security:
(e.g., $2.00 - $10.00) that services a range of income brackets,
Assessing There are numerous free or low-cost meal services
Potential including low-income residents. For example, a breakfast or lunch
run by social service organizations, housing
Impacts of meal set can be purchased from the Boss Restaurant for under
providers, the health authority and faith-based
Development $10.00.
groups. (p.44)

Purchasing from cultural food assets are legitimate contributions to

the local economy and food system.

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C H I N A T O W N F O O D P O L I C Y A N A LY S I S

By examining the benchmark from which local food system actors are recognized,
the following can be observed: while cultural food assets overlap and achieve similar Towards 2020: Revaluating performance indicators?
policy objectives in terms of impact and function, their significance and
contributions to Vancouver’s local food system is not well captured in current The City’s goal to increase food assets by 2020 is a target shared across the
municipal policy documents. The lack of awareness about cultural food assets in Vancouver Food Strategy, Greenest City Action Plan, and Park Board Local
municipal policy represents a substantial area of missed opportunities and takes away Food Action Plan. These policy documents are united under the Healthy City
from a meaningful bottom line from which we can measure our progress forwards or Strategy (HCS), which is a plan comprised of 13 long-term goals that aim to
backwards. promote the wellbeing of the city and its people. Fostering a just and sustainable
food system is an integral part of reaching this broader vision.
Given the rapid loss of cultural food assets in
Three performance indicators are identified by the HCS in their goal of
Chinatown, what does the VFS’s overall policy goal to “increasing city-wide and neighbourhood food assets by a minimum of 50% over
increase food assets by 50% by 2020 mean when we 2010 levels.”18 Those indicators include the number of food assets, the number
of neighbourhood food networks, and the cost of Health Canada’s National
are not supporting what already exists?
Nutritious Food Basket.
Recognizing Chinatown as an important food hub in Vancouver would be a concrete
While recent figures suggest a 42% increase in neighbourhood food assets in
contribution to the VFS as it currently stands. Additionally, we believe that cultural
Vancouver since 2010,19 our case study in Chinatown reveals an opposite trend
food assets deserve explicit inclusion in future iterations of municipal food policy. As
whereby cultural food assets are being lost at an alarmingly rapid rate. Evidently,
we have demonstrated, cultural food assets in Chinatown are disappearing at a rapid
evaluation and monitoring of progress within policy falls short in acknowledging
rate and require immediate and meaningful forms of support against the many
assets that exist beyond what is formally recognized, such as cultural food assets.
pressures that threaten their long-term viability. Taking these first steps would help
Given this, how might evaluation metrics be improved to better capture and
protect the cultural food security that Chinatown offers, and encourage better
assess progress and/or stagnation within municipal policy?
structural support for cultural food assets and other assets not formally recognized as
active contributors to food security in Vancouver.

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Photo credit: Theo Wong, Chinatown Today
CONCLUSION
By examining the state of food security in Chinatown, this report demonstrates that cultural food assets are being lost at an alarmingly rapid rate. The following
table illustrates the loss of Chinatown’s cultural food assets between 2009 to 2016:

Number In Operation Number Lost Percent Lost

Business Type 2009 2016

Greengrocers 11 5 6 55%

Fishmongers 5 2 3 60%

Barbecue meat stores/Butcher shops 8 5 3 38%

Chinese dry goods stores 31 21 10 32%

Food Service Retailers 36 1 6* 20 56%

* of the 36 in operation in 2009

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CONCLUSION

There are many factors that have contributed to the loss of cultural food assets in in their lack of recognition, protection, and mobilization. Evidently, our analysis has
Chinatown, such as decreasing business, increasing property values, increasing demonstrated that cultural food assets are not well acknowledged within the current
socioeconomic polarization, and lack of business succession planning. Given City of municipal policy landscape, and that there remains a significant area of untapped
Vancouver’s commitment to creating a “healthy, just and sustainable food system,”1 potential with regard to building a more inclusive, just and sustainable food system in
this report assesses the degree to which cultural food assets are acknowledged within Vancouver.
the municipal policy landscape. A careful examination of municipal documents
relating to food policy in Chinatown reveals several paradoxes regarding their In highlighting the absences and omissions that are present within current municipal
recognition and support for cultural food assets in Vancouver. policy, it is critical to underscore the legacy of earlier policies, systems and
governments under which our city continues to operate. Despite the past and present
First, while the cultural facet of food is explicitly recognized within policy, contributions of the Chinese food distribution system to our city and province, much
considerations regarding food and culture tend to become mutually exclusive when of their history and significance remains less known within the public sphere. The
culture is invoked as a central point of discussion in the policy documents. This is an existence of the Chinese food distribution system as a network that operates in
example of the “Arts & Culture Paradox” whereby physical assets, such as parallel to the mainstream local food movement is a tangible result of systemic racism
architecture and street facades, are regarded as cultural assets, whereas the heritage and exclusionary policies. Although the systemic oppressions that early
and culture of food (both tangible and intangible) are not recognized as integral Chinese-Canadian farmers experienced remain in the periphery of public and
components of culture. This results in the exclusion of unconventionally artistic and institutional memory, their legacy continues to inform the ways in which city
often intangible forms of culture, including food, in discussions of arts and culture in planning and decision making takes form. The lack of recognition and inclusion of
Vancouver. cultural food assets within municipal policy is in part a result of the use of formalized
frameworks that do not fully comprehend and acknowledge the histories and lived
Second, despite their overlap in achieving similar policy objectives, the significance experiences of those who fall outside of our dominant structures. These frameworks
and contributions of cultural food assets to Vancouver’s local food system is not well can result in contradictions and shortcomings, such as in the paradoxes identified
captured within municipal policy documents. Cultural food assets are absent from through our analysis of municipal food policy in this report.
City of Vancouver’s formal definitions of local food system actors, thereby resulting

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CONCLUSION

A closer examination of whom our systems are designed by and for is in order. Which
frameworks tend to be privileged in processes of city building, and how might that
shape the institutions we live with? With regard to municipal policy and
decision-making, who has the capacity to determine who and what is worthy of
inclusion and support? How might this reinforce asymmetrical representation and
access to power within civic processes?

Bearing the limits of our formalized frameworks in mind, our city has both the
challenge and opportunity to support the integrity and growth of diverse food system
actors, including those who are actively contributing to our local food system but are
not currently being provided due attention. Given the complex and varied
demographic of Vancouver’s population, how can the City of Vancouver contribute
to advancing a food system that can better serve the diverse needs of its citizens?
While future iterations of municipal policy have been identified as critical areas to
leverage, it is valuable to remember that policy in and of itself can only play a part in
addressing some of the issues raised in this report. Equally important is the need to
extend beyond formalized frameworks to meaningfully acknowledge and make space
for less-known and often peripheral local histories, life experiences, and ways of
engaging with the local food system, for they play a crucial role in disrupting our
normative patterns of thought and action. Taking these steps are concrete efforts
towards reaching the broader vision of fostering a more inclusive, just, and Locally grown (本地）vegetables sold in Chinatown, August 2017.
sustainable food system in Vancouver.

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OPPORTUNITIES
SEVERAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMPROVING THE RECOGNITION AND PROTECTION OF CULTURAL FOOD ASSETS IN VANCOUVER ARE PRESENT.
THIS REPORT RECOMMENDS THAT THE CITY OF VANCOUVER:

1 Support the inclusion of culture as a fourth pillar of sustainability Policy 10.3.1 of the DTES LAP states to “ensure all residents, in particular
The City of Vancouver’s motion to investigate the adoption of the Agenda 21 low-income residents, have access to necessary affordable goods and services near
policy statement, “Culture as the Fourth Pillar of Sustainable Development,” where they live.” More specifically under this policy, the DTES LAP aims to
presents an exciting opportunity for culture to be recognized and adopted as an “facilitate the establishment of suitable and culturally appropriate affordable food
integral part of city building processes. Given the lack of acknowledgement of and retail enterprises (e.g. restaurant, greengrocer and produce markets) to areas of
culture outside of the context of artistic expression within municipal planning the neighbourhood where there are gaps in retail and amenities.” This is a
strategies, endorsing culture as a fourth pillar of sustainability can help ensure that promising commitment that should be incorporated into the next iteration of the
culture is recognized and advanced as a foundational component to future growth Vancouver Food Strategy and extrapolated to other neighbourhoods in Vancouver.
and development in the city. With regards to municipal food system efforts,
3 Support further research and education on cultural food assets and parallel
adopting culture as a fourth pillar of sustainability can promote the development
food systems
of policy frameworks that better understand and support the contributions of
cultural food assets to Vancouver’s overall health, vitality, and diversity as a city. Given the lack of discourse regarding the Chinese food distribution system,
concrete efforts (such as in the form of dedicated resources and funding) should be
2 Explicitly include and support cultural food assets in the next iteration of made to educate and promote public awareness regarding the history and legacy of
the Vancouver Food Strategy systemic racism and exclusionary policies in our local food system.

In consideration of the role they play in enhancing the food security of a

Further research should be conducted to better understand the state of cultural
neighbourhood, cultural food assets should be explicitly included and supported in
food assets in other neighbourhoods in Vancouver, such as in the
future iterations of the Vancouver Food Strategy. Specific measures should be
Renfrew-Collingwood, Victoria-Fraserview and Sunset neighbourhoods. Studies
made to increase the resilience of cultural food assets and better support their
can also be conducted to better understand the nature of parallel food systems in
contributions to Vancouver’s local food system. While the overarching policy goal
our province, as the Chinese Food Distribution System is merely one example of
of increasing food assets is necessary and important, future iterations of the
such alternative networks. Conducting research in these areas is important for
Vancouver Food Strategy should also take concrete steps to assess and support
increasing our local food system knowledge, and enhancing our capacity to
what already exists.
identify and leverage opportunities for structural support.
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Photo credit: James Crookall, City of Vancouver Archives
 Acceptability: Access to culturally appropriate
GLOSSARY food, which is produced and obtained in ways that
do not compromise people’s dignity, self respect or
This report is shaped by our interpretation of the following key terms. Although different human rights
Agency: The policies and processes that enable the
understandings exist outside of our chosen definitions, these definitions are important for achievement of food security1
framing the approach to our work in Chinatown and beyond.
Food assets are defined by the Vancouver Food
Strategy as resources, facilities, services or spaces
that are available to Vancouver residents, and which
Chinese dry goods stores refer to retailers that sell dried familiar, acceptable, and desired by a cultural group. With
are used to support the local food system. Examples
goods used in Chinese cuisine and Traditional Chinese that said, cultural appropriateness must be understood
of food assets include community gardens and
Medicine (TCM). Some retailers may also offer beyond the mere inclusion or substitution of certain food
orchards, urban farms, farmers markets, food
consultation with Chinese physicians who can prescribe types. Indeed, scholars contend that it is important to
processing infrastructure, community composting
herbal medicines according to various needs. understand the dynamic and nuanced role that culture
facilities, and neighbourhood food networks.1
plays throughout the food system. Within this framework,
The Chinese food distribution system refers to the older, cultural appropriateness recognizes the centrality of
Cultural food assets are businesses and
long established network of local Chinese farmers, cultural values in the production and consumption of
services that provide a similar, if not identical
wholesalers, and retailers that operate in parallel to the food, involves cultural relationships built on trust and function as food assets defined by City of
newer, rapidly expanding local food movement consisting respect, and emphasizes the importance of shared Vancouver. Cultural food assets extend
of farmers’ markets, Community Supported Agriculture decision-making power within the food system.10 beyond the role of food assets identified by
(CSA) and other publicly supported institutions.2 Formed City of Vancouver by providing spaces that
in the backdrop of systemic racism and social and Food Access is defined by the City of Vancouver as the support the maintenance and transmission of
economic segregation, the Chinese Food Distribution policies, processes or programs that create the conditions culture. While cultural food assets are not
System has and continues to provide the Metro for the following food security attributes to be met: limited to a particular cultural group, this
Vancouver region with access to fresh, often local, and Availability: Sufficient food for all people at all times report identifies greengrocers, fishmongers,
culturally appropriate food. Accessibility: Physical and economic access to food for all barbecue meat stores and butcher shops,
at all times Chinese dry goods stores, as well as
Cultural acceptability or cultural appropriateness Adequacy: Access to food that is nutritious and safe, and traditional Cantonese bakeries and
within food security literature refers to food that is produced in environmentally sustainable ways restaurants as strong examples of cultural

4 2 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
 food assets. These assets support a cultural system tends to be sourced from local farms, imports A parallel food system refers to a food supply chain
food distribution system (e.g., the Chinese are also distributed along this supply chain as a result that operates outside of and in parallel to the
food distribution system) that is not formally of factors such as seasonality and availability (see Phan mainstream local food movement. It represents one of
considered to be part of the local food (2011) and Gibbs & Wittman (2013) for further the many pathways through which food moves from
movement. reading). For this report, greengrocers have been local farms to consumers. However, due to factors such
identified based on their predominant offering of fresh as historic and contemporary racism, discrimination, as
Food security is defined by the United Nations Food fruits and vegetables. However, it should be noted that well as different language and cultural norms, parallel
and Agriculture Organization as “a situation that exists greengrocers often sell other goods in addition to food systems are often underrepresented within the
when all people, at all times, have physical, social and produce, such as fresh meat, eggs, and dry goods. mainstream local food movement and have few points
economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food of intentional connection and collaboration.2 The
that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for The local food movement is an “umbrella term used Chinese food distribution system is a prominent
an active and healthy life.”1 to describe the growing popular response to the social, example of a parallel food system in Metro Vancouver.
[political], and material consequences of globalized and
Cultural food security expands this industrial food systems.”x This network informs—and Traditional businesses in Chinatown refer to
definition by emphasizing food security as a is informed by—what mainstream local food activists, businesses that carry on the function that Chinatown
state where people are “able to acquire food policy-makers and academics understand as “local has played throughout time, that is, as a retailer that
in ways that are culturally acceptable, food.”2 Action typically centres on consuming local provides a safer and more accessible space that services
[empowering], and personally dignifying.”20 and organic food, resulting in forms of participation immigrant, low-income and senior populations. These
that emphasizes voting with your fork (e.g., shopping businesses tend to be well established in the community
at the farmers market) or growing your own food.xi (e.g., have been in operation for at least 10 years) and
Greengrocers are “small markets often specializing in
have enduring relationships with the community
[the] cuisine of a particular population.”5 Although
members that make up this neighbourhood.
greengrocers are not currently defined by City of These modes of participation are referred to
Traditional businesses in Chinatown often have a
Vancouver nor are ethnic groups linked to business as the mainstream local food movement;
Chinese (more specifically Cantonese) orientation, but
ownership, Chinese and Asian greengrocers are while they are commonly represented in
can also include businesses run by other visible
ubiquitous in Vancouver and serve as an important public institutions and discourse, they do
minorities. Examples of traditional businesses in
source for fresh, local Asian and non-Asian produce. not capture the diverse ways of engaging
Chinatown include Tin Lee Market, Hung Wing
They also serve as an important distributor for Asian with the local food system that may fall
Seafood, Money Barbecue, and New Town Bakery.
farmers and other local food system producers.5 While outside of this framework.xii
food circulated within the Chinese food distribution

[ix] [x] [xi] Definition courtesy of Stephanie Lim, 2017.

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 4 3
REFERENCES

[1] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2013). WHAT FEEDS US: VANCOUVER [8] BENNETT, N. (2016, JUNE 7). VANCOUVER’S NEW FOOD
FOOD STRATEGY. RETRIEVED FROM: INSECURITY PROBLEM AS PRODUCE ROW THREATENED.
HTTP://VANCOUVER.CA/FILES/COV/VANCOUVER-FOOD-STRATEG BUSINESS VANCOUVER. RETRIEVED FROM:
Y-FINAL.PDF HTTPS://WWW.BIV.COM/ARTICLE/2016/6/VANCOUVERS-NEW-FO
OD-INSECURITY-PROBLEM/
[2] GIBB, N., & WITTMAN, H. (2013). PARALLEL ALTERNATIVES:
CHINESE-CANADIAN FARMERS AND THE METRO VANCOUVER [9] BC PRODUCE MARKETING ASSOCIATION. (N.D.). HISTORY OF
LOCAL FOOD MOVEMENT. LOCAL ENVIRONMENT, 18(1), 1-19. PRODUCE ROW. RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://BCPMA.COM/WP-CONTENT/UPLOADS/PRODUCE-ROW-FIN
[3] YEE, P. (2006). SALTWATER CITY: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY AL-BACKGROUNDER.PDF
OF THE CHINESE IN VANCOUVER. VANCOUVER, B.C; BERKELEY;:
DOUGLAS & MCINTYRE. [10] HAMMELMAN, C., & HAYES-CONROY, A. (2015).
UNDERSTANDING CULTURAL ACCEPTABILITY FOR URBAN FOOD
[4] ROY, P. E. (2014). THE ORIENTAL QUESTION: CONSOLIDATING POLICY. JOURNAL OF PLANNING LITERATURE, 30(1), 37-48.
A WHITE MAN’S PROVINCE, 1914-41. VANCOUVER: UBC PRESS. DOI:10.1177/0885412214555433

[5] PHAN, T. (2011). VANCOUVER’S ASIAN-OWNED GROCERY [11] HERITAGE VANCOUVER. (2016, MAY 5). 2016 TOP 10 WATCH
STORES: DISTRIBUTION SUPPLY CHAINS OF ASIAN PRODUCE. LIST. RETRIEVED FROM:
DOI: 10.14288/1.0102515 HTTP://HERITAGEVANCOUVER.ORG/CATEGORY/TOP10-WATCH-LI
ST/2016/
[6] PERRAULT, E. G. (2002). TONG: THE STORY OF TONG LOUIE,
VANCOUVER'S QUIET TITAN. MADEIRA PARK, B.C: HARBOUR PUB. [12] NATIONAL TRUST FOR CANADA. (2016). TOP 10
ENDANGERED PLACES. RETRIEVED FROM:
[7] UYSEUGI, B., & BRYAN, D. (2016, JUNE 4). OPINION: PRODUCE HTTPS://WWW.NATIONALTRUSTCANADA.CA/ISSUES-CAMPAIGNS/
ROW THREATENED BY CITY’S STREET PLAN. THE VANCOUVER TOP-10-ENDANGERED-PLACES/EXPLORE-PAST-LISTINGS/BRITISH
SUN. RETRIEVED FROM: -COLUMBIA/VANCOUVER%E2%80%99S-CHINATO
HTTP://VANCOUVERSUN.COM/OPINION/OPINION-PRODUCE-ROW-
THREATENED-BY-CITYS-STREET-PLAN

4 4 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
REFERENCES

[13] LI, E. X., & LI, P. S. (2011). VANCOUVER CHINATOWN IN [18] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2014). A HEALTHY CITY FOR ALL:
TRANSITION. JOURNAL OF CHINESE OVERSEAS, 7(1), 7-23. VANCOUVER’S HEALTHY CITY STRATEGY 2014-2025 (PHASE I).
DOI:10.1163/179325411X565380 RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://COUNCIL.VANCOUVER.CA/20141029/DOCUMENTS/PTEC1_
[14] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2013). DOWNTOWN EASTSIDE LOCAL APPENDIX_A_FINAL.PDF
AREA PROFILE. RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://VANCOUVER.CA/FILES/COV/PROFILE-DTES-LOCAL-AREA- [19] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2016). FEEDING OURSELVES WELL.
2013.PDF RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://VANCOUVER.CA/PEOPLE-PROGRAMS/FEEDING-OURSELVE
[15] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2012). CHINATOWN NEIGHBOURHOOD S-WELL.ASPX
PLAN AND ECONOMIC REVITALIZATION STRATEGY. RETRIEVED
FROM: [20] ROCHA, C., & LIBERATO, R. S. (2013). FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
HTTP://VANCOUVER.CA/FILES/COV/CHINATOWN-NEIGHBOURHOO FOR CULTURAL FOOD SECURITY: THE CASE OF AN INDIGENOUS
D-PLAN.PDF COMMUNITY IN BRAZIL. FOOD, CULTURE & SOCIETY, 16(4),
589-602. DOI:10.2752/175174413X13673466712047
[16] ARONSON, R. (2014). EATING IN CRISIS: CULTURALLY
APPROPRIATE FOOD AND THE LOCAL FOOD MOVEMENT IN THE
LIVES OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SURVIVORS. UVM HONORS
COLLEGE SENIOR THESES. RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://SCHOLARWORKS.UVM.EDU/CGI/VIEWCONTENT.CGI?ARTIC
LE=1032&CONTEXT=HCOLTHESES

[17] CITY OF VANCOUVER. (2014). DTES SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT. RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTP://VANCOUVER.CA/FILES/COV/DTES-SOCIAL-IMPACT-ASSES
SMENT.PDF

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 4 5
A P P E N D I X A - C H I N ATO W N B U S I N E S S C O U N T
TO TA L I N O P E R AT I O N TOTA L L O S S E S B E T W E E N
2009  2016:

GREENGROCERS 2009
2016
11
5 6

LEGEND L O S S O F B U S I N E S S F R O M C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T L O S S O F B U S I N E S S O U T S I D E O F C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T

R E L O C AT E D B U S I N E S S NEW FOOD BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS BUSINESSES CLOSED PRIOR TO 2009

ADDRESS 2009 2016

441 Gore Ave Canwa Produce Black Medicine Tattoo

747 Gore Ave Sieu Thi Wong Xing Market Ltd. DSC Fitness Martial Arts
751 Gore Ave Red Star Vegetable Fruit & Co. The Standard Bicycle Service & Repair
246 E Georgia Quality Enterprises Ltd. Quality Enterprises Ltd.
255 E Georgia Carley Quality Meat Ltd. (2nd location) Carley Quality Meat Ltd.
256 E Georgia 33 Market Chinese clothing store
260 E Georgia Tin Lee Market Tin Lee Market
269 E Georgia Fresh Egg Mart Empty unit
288 E Georgia Lok's Produce Empty unit
293 E Georgia Carley Quality Meat Ltd. (1st location) Jia Mei Market Ltd.
230 E Pender C.Z. Kwong Hing Enterprises Ltd Space Lab, Bootleg Barbers, Aubade Coffee
239 Keefer St Chinatown Supermarket Empty unit
267 Keefer St San Lee Enterprises San Lee Enterprises

4 6 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
A P P E N D I X A - C H I N ATO W N B U S I N E S S C O U N T
TO TA L I N O P E R AT I O N TOTA L L O S S E S B E T W E E N
2009  2016:

FISHMONGERS 2009
2016
5
2 3

LEGEND L O S S O F B U S I N E S S F R O M C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T L O S S O F B U S I N E S S O U T S I D E O F C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T

R E L O C AT E D B U S I N E S S NEW FOOD BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS BUSINESSES CLOSED PRIOR TO 2009

ADDRESS 2009 2016

595 Gore Ave Hung Wing Seafood Hung Wing Seafood

264 E Hastings Seasonal Seafood Market Ltd Empty unit
254 E Georgia Gar-lock Seafood & Meat Ltd. Gar-lock Seafood & Meat Ltd.
284 E Pender Pender Seafoods Empty unit
290 Keefer St Ocean 2U Seafood Blue Ling's Hair Salon

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 4 7
A P P E N D I X A - C H I N ATO W N B U S I N E S S C O U N T
TO TA L I N O P E R AT I O N TOTA L L O S S E S B E T W E E N
2009  2016:

BARBECUE MEAT STORES AND BUTCHER SHOPS 2009

2016
8
5 3

LEGEND L O S S O F B U S I N E S S F R O M C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T L O S S O F B U S I N E S S O U T S I D E O F C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T

R E L O C AT E D B U S I N E S S NEW FOOD BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS BUSINESSES CLOSED PRIOR TO 2009

ADDRESS 2009 2016

425 Gore Ave Lee Loy BBQ Meats Co. Ltd. Construction
427 Gore Ave Ferry Market Construction
595 Gore Ave Money Foods Enterprises Ltd Money Food Ent.
128 E Pender Quon H. Wong Agencies Quon H. Wong Agencies
255 E Pender Topper Poultry Topper Poultry
258 E Pender 利僑雞鴨公司 Empty unit
266 E Pender Dollar Meat Store Dollar Meat Store
276 E Pender Top King BBQ & Meat Co Ltd. Empty unit
282 E Pender Kam Wah Meat Ltd. 嘉華參茸燕窩行 (Chinese dry goods store)
231 E Georgia Mah Roy Market Ltd. Mah Roy Market Ltd.
253 Keefer St Sing Cheong Food Centre Sing Cheong Food Centre
273 Union St 鴻發蔬菓鮮凍肉食公司 Empty unit

48 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
A P P E N D I X A - C H I N ATO W N B U S I N E S S C O U N T
TO TA L I N O P E R AT I O N TOTA L L O S S E S B E T W E E N

CHINESE DRY GOODS STORES

2009  2016:
2009 31
2016 21 10

LEGEND L O S S O F B U S I N E S S F R O M C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T L O S S O F B U S I N E S S O U T S I D E O F C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T

R E L O C AT E D B U S I N E S S NEW FOOD BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS BUSINESSES CLOSED PRIOR TO 2009

ADDRESS 2009 2016

749 Gore Ave Tiem Thuoc Bac Cathay DSC Fitness Martial Arts
663 Gore Ave Tung Yun Tong Herbal Co. Ltd. Fluffy Kittens
595 Gore Ave Hang Fung Herbal Products Inc Hang Fung Herbal Products Inc
437 Gore Ave Chung Shan Co. Ltd. Chung Shan Co. Ltd.
264 E Hastings Chinese Herbs Co. Ltd. (relocated to 236 E Hastings in 2016) Construction
89 E Pender Beijing Trading Co Ltd. Beijing Trading Co Ltd.
126 E Pender Vitality Enterprises Ltd. Studio 126
209 E Pender Gibo Health Food Ltd. (參燕莊) Propaganda Coffee
212 E Pender Ca Wah Herbal Ten Fu Tea & Ginseng
236 E Pender 華豐參茸海味 Art Gallery
250 E Pender Hang Loong Herbal Products Inc. Hang Loong Herbal Products Inc.
262 E Pender Nutra Trading Co, Ltd. Nutra Trading Co, Ltd.
265 E Pender Tai Hing Company Ltd. Tai Hing Company Ltd.

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 4 9
ADDRESS 2009 2016

269 E Pender Ng Fung Enterprises Ltd Empty unit

278 E Pender Continental Herbal Co Ltd. Continental Herbal Co Ltd.
282 E Pender 嘉華參茸燕窩行 嘉華參茸燕窩行
299 E Pender Hang Hing Herbal Medicine Ltd. Hang Hing Herbal Medicine Ltd.
223 Keefer St Tak Hing Loong Trading Co. Ltd. Tak Hing Loong Trading Co. Ltd.
227 Keefer St Gibo Health Food Ltd. (裕豐行) Gibo Health Food Ltd. (裕豐行)
240 Keefer St Yue Ha Trading Co. Ltd. Kwong Tak Hong Herbal Products Ltd.
247 Keefer St Four Seas Herbal & Health Products Ltd. Tone Ren Hong Enterprises Ltd.
261 Keefer St Kiu Shun Trading Co Ltd. Kiu Shun Trading Co Ltd.
212 E Georgia Tak Sing Co Trading Co. Ltd. Cafe Brixton
233 E Georgia EAS Chinese Traditional Herbs Ltd. EAS Chinese Traditional Herbs Ltd.
248 E Georgia Nam Bak Enterprises Ltd. Nam Bak Enterprises Ltd.
263 E Georgia Kwong Hing Herbal Products Inc. Kwong Hing Herbal Products Inc.
434 Main St Sunny Day dry goods store Empty unit
506 Main St 百昌參茸藥行 百昌參茸藥行
524 Main St National Herbs Chinese clothing store
526 Main St 國華燕窩參茸㣔 國華燕窩參茸㣔
536 Main St Cheung Sing Herbal and Birds Nest Ltd. Cheung Sing Herbal and Birds Nest Ltd.
530 Main St Yuen Tai Hong Yuen Tai Hong

5 0 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
A P P E N D I X A - C H I N ATO W N B U S I N E S S C O U N T BUSINESSES IN
O P E R AT I O N S I N C E BUSINESSES IN

RESTAURANTS / BAKERIES / CAFES

2 0 0 9  TOTA L I N O P E R AT I O N S I N C E 2 0 0 9 
O P E R AT I O N : T O TA L L O S T:

16 20
LEGEND L O S S O F B U S I N E S S F R O M C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T L O S S O F B U S I N E S S O U T S I D E O F C AT E G O R Y O F I N T E R E S T

R E L O C AT E D B U S I N E S S NEW FOOD BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS BUSINESSES CLOSED PRIOR TO 2009

ADDRESS 2009 2016

425 Gore Ave Golden Wheat Bakery Ltd. Construction

525 Gore Ave Kam Wai 862 Bakery & Dimsum Ltd. Tongsing Foods Ltd.
555 Gore Ave New Tong Garden Restaurant The Emerald
663 Gore Ave Tung Yun Tong Herbal Co. Ltd. Fluffy Kittens
721 Gore Ave Green Valley Trading Ltd. Pie Shoppe
789 Gore Ave Bean Around The World Roost Cafe
290 E Hastings Pasteur Vietnamese Restaurant Empty unit
18 E Pender Chinese Arts & Crafts Co. Half Fool
41 E Pender Mr Coffee Perks Cafe
75 E Pender Construction Everything Cafe, Musette Cafe
102 E Pender Foo Ho Ho's Restaurant Empty unit
105 E Pender Panda on Pender Bestie Cafe
127 E Pender Garden Villa Seafood Restaurant Empty unit

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 5 1
ADDRESS 2009 2016

137 E Pender Jade Dynasty Restaurant Empty unit

142 E Pender Daisy Garden Empty unit
145 E Pender Construction Construction
148 E Pender Houseware Store New Town Bakery & Restaurant
156 E Pender KK Boutique Empty unit
158 E Pender New Town Bakery & Restaurant Sai Woo
179 E Pender New Mitzie's Restaurant New Mitzie's Restaurant
209 E Pender Gibo Health Food Ltd. (參燕莊) Propaganda Coffee
223 E Pender Empty unit Ramen Butcher
249 E Pender Kam Wai Dim Sum Kam Wai Dim Sum
263 E Pender Hankang Swatow Restaurant Kissa Tanto
277 E Pender Kwong Wong Kee BBQ Wonton House Empty unit
284 E Pender Top Taste Food Restaurant Phen Phen Filipino Restaurant
280 E Pender Zhao Mah Bakery Zhao Mah Bakery
291 E Pender Sally's Cake House Klaus's Kaffee Haus
135 Keefer St Construction The Keefer Bar
139 Keefer St Goldstone Bakery & Restaurant Goldstone Bakery & Restaurant
163 Keefer St Mylite Soya Foods Cafe Bao Bei
178 Keefer St Streamland Bakery Octopus House Canada Ltd.

5 2 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
ADDRESS 2009 2016

180 Keefer St No data V Taste

180 Keefer St No data 民豐快餐 (99 Fast Food)
180 Keefer St No data Fu Wei Mandarin Cuisine
182 Keefer St Vikon Foods (Part of Golden Gate Centre) Juke
185 Keefer St Travel agency Juniper
257 Keefer St Maxim's Bakery Ltd. Maxim's Bakery Ltd.
245 Keefer St Sun Fresh Bakery House Sun Fresh Bakery House
218 Keefer St Gain Wah Restaurant Gain Wah Restaurant
232 Keefer St Kent's Kitchen Kent's Kitchen
268 Keefer St Hon's Wun Tun House Ltd. Hon's Wun Tun House Ltd.
400 - 180 Keefer St Floata Restaurant Floata Restaurant
212 E Georgia Tak Sing Co Trading Co. Ltd. Cafe Brixton
213 E Georgia Unidentified dim sum store Matchstick Coffee Roasters
217 E Georgia Empty unit (parking lot) Fat Mao
244 E Georgia Phnom Penh Phnom Penh
251 E Georgia Keefer Bakery Mamie Taylor's
416 Main St Marilyn's Restaurant 同福 林中菜館
495 Main St Waves Cafe Waves Cafe
509 Main St Golden Garden Vietnamese Cuisine Golden Garden Vietnamese Cuisine

VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T | 5 3
ADDRESS 2009 2016

532 Main St The Boss Restaurant The Boss Restaurant

544 Main St Park Lock Seafood Restaurant Empty unit
550 Main St Empty unit Empty unit
583 Main St Mandarin Health Centre Virtuous Pie
587 Main St Sing Tao Office Starbucks Coffee
625 Main St Mandarin Centre Pacific Poke
633 Main St Printing company Ba Le Sandwich Shop
648 Main St Phoenix Jewelry Inc. A20 Authentic Italian Pizza
687 Main St Golden Gate Centre Dalina
700 Main St Unidentified use of unit London Pub
730 Main St Brickhouse Bistro Brickhouse Bistro
620 Quebec St District electoral office Pazzo Cafe
219 Union St Construction The Union
237 Union St Construction The Tuck Shoppe
243 Union St Hair Salon Harvest Community Foods
261 Union St Unidentified noodle Store Tight Club Athletics

5 4 | VA N C O U V E R C H I N AT O W N F O O D S E C U R I T Y R E P O R T
 E HASTINGS ST

COLUMBIA
PENDER ST PENDER ST
TAYLOR

CARRALL

GORE
MAIN
ST
KEEFER ST KEEFER ST

AVE
ST
ST

AVE

QUEBEC ST
GEORGIA ST

UNION ST

H U A F O U N D AT I O N . C O P Y R I G H T 2 0 1 7.