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 What Is Speech? 103 What Drives Participation? 183
Commercial and Youthful Speech 106 Political Participation Among Young People 185
5-3 The First Amendment and Freedom
of Religion 107 Chapter 9: Political Parties 189
The Free-Exercise Clause 108
9-1 What Is a Party? 190
The Establishment Clause 109
Political Parties at Home and Abroad 191
5-4 Crime and Due Process 111
9-2 The Rise and Decline of the Political
The Exclusionary Rule 111
Party 192
Search and Seizure 112
The Founding 192
Confessions and Self-Incrimination 114
The Jacksonians 193
Relaxing the Exclusionary Rule 115
The Civil War and Sectionalism 193
Terrorism and Civil Liberties 115
The Era of Reform 195
Searches Without Warrants 117
Polarization and Resurgence 195
Chapter 6: Civil Rights 121 Party Realignments 197
9-3 The Functions of Political Parties 197
6-1 Race and Civil Rights 122 Recruiting Candidates 197
The Campaign in the Courts 125 Nominating Candidates 198
The Campaign in Congress 131 Helping Candidates Win Elections 201
6-2 Women and Equal Rights 134 9-4 Parties as Organizations 201
Women’s Rights and the Supreme Court 136 The National Parties 202
Sexual Harassment 137 State and Local Parties 202
Privacy and Sex 137 9-5 Parties in the Electorate: Partisanship 203
6-3 Affirmative Action 138 9-6 The Two-Party System 206
Equality of Results 139 Minor Parties 208
Equality of Opportunity 139
6-4 Gay Rights 143
Elections and
Chapter 10:

6-5 Looking Back—and Ahead 145 Campaigns 213

Here and Abroad 215
Part II Opinions, Interests, and Organizations 151
10-1 Presidential Elections: Winning the
Chapter 7: Public Opinion 152 ­Nomination 216
10-2 How Does the Campaign Matter? 217
7-1 What Is Public Opinion? 154 Assigning Credit or Blame
How Do We Measure Public Opinion? 155 for the State of the Nation 217
7-2 What Drives Opinion? 156 Activating Latent Partisanship 219
Political Socialization and the Family 156 Judging the Candidates’ Character 220
Demographic Factors 158 10-3 How Do Voters Learn About the Candidates? 221
Political Partisanship and Ideology 163 Campaign Communications 221
7-3 Political Information and Public Opinion 166 Campaign Events 225
7-4 Public Opinion and Public Policy 167 10-4 Building a Winning Coalition 227
10-5 Congressional Elections 229
Chapter 8: Political Participation 171 The Incumbency Advantage 229

8-1 A Close Look at Nonvoting 172 Redistricting and Gerrymandering 230

8-2 The Rise of the American Electorate 176 On-Year and Off-Year Elections 231
From State to Federal Control 177 10-6 Campaign Finance: Regulating the Flow of
­Political Money 232
Voter Turnout 180
The Sources of Campaign Money 232
8-3 Who Participates in Politics? 182
Campaign Finance Rules 233
Forms of Participation 183

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 10-7 The Effects of Elections on Policy 239 Part III Institutions of Government 295

Chapter 11: Interest Groups 244 Chapter 13: Congress 296

11-1 The Rise of Interest Groups 246 13-1 Congress Versus Parliament 299
11-2 Kinds of Organizations 247 13-2 The Evolution of Congress 301
Institutional Interests 248 13-3 Who Is in Congress? 305
Membership Interests 249 Gender and Race 305
Upper-Class Bias? 252 Incumbency 306
11-3 Interest Groups and Social Movements 253 Party 309
The Feminist Movement 254 Representation and Polarization 310
11-4 The Activities of Interest Groups 255 Organizational View 311
Lobbying and Providing Information 256 Attitudinal View 312
Earmarks 257 13-4 The Organization of Congress: Parties and
Public Support: The Rise of the New Politics 257 ­Interests 312
Money and PACs 258 Party Organizations 313
The “Revolving Door” 260 Party Voting 314
Civil Disobedience 261 The Organization of Congress: Committees 315
Which Groups and Strategies Are Most ­Effective? 262 The Organization of Congress: Staffs and Specialized
Offices 317
11-5 Regulating Interest Groups 263
13-5 How a Bill Becomes Law 319
Chapter 12: The Media 268 Introducing a Bill 319
Study by Committees 320
12-1 The Media and Politics 269 Floor Debate 321
Journalism in American Political History 271 Methods of Voting 322
Covering Politicians 274 Legislative Productivity 324
12-2 Where Do Americans Get Their News? Does 13-6 Reforming Congress 325
This Matter? 276
Media Choice and Political Knowledge 278 Chapter 14: The Presidency 331
Do People Hear Both Sides of the Issues? 278
Can People Get Local News? 279 14-1 Presidents and Prime Ministers 332
12-3 Media Effects 280 Presidents Are Often Outsiders 333
Setting the Public Agenda 280 Presidents Choose Cabinet Members from Outside
­Congress 333
Framing 281
Presidents Have No Guaranteed Majority in the
The Media as Watchdog: Political
­Legislature 333
Accountability 281
Presidents May Face Divided Government 334
Can the Media Lead Us Astray? 282
14-2 The Powers of the President 336
Are There Limits to Media Power? 284
Constitutional Powers 336
12-4 Is the Media Trustworthy and
Unbiased? 284 The Evolution of the Presidency 338
Is the Media Biased? 285 Concerns of the Founders 338
12-5 Government Regulation of the The First Presidents 340
Media 286 The Jacksonians 341
Confidentiality of Sources 287 The Reemergence of Congress 342
Regulating Broadcasting and Ownership 289 14-3 The Power to Persuade 344
Regulating Campaigning 291 The Three Audiences 344
Popularity and Influence 345

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 The Decline in Popularity 348 16-4 The Supreme Court in Action 416
The Power to Say No 348 The Power of the Federal Courts 417
14-4 Presidential Character, Organization, Checks on Judicial Power 421
and ­Policymaking 352
Presidential Personality and Leadership Style 352 Part IV Public Policy and American Democracy 427
The Office of the President 354
Chapter 17: Domestic Policy 428
The President’s Program 360
14-5 Presidential Transition 363 17-1 Policymaking Politics Revisited 430
The Vice President 364 17-2 Social Welfare Policy 431
Problems of Succession 365 From the New Deal to the New Health Care Law 432
Impeachment 365 Two Kinds of Social Welfare Programs 435
How Powerful Is the President? 366 17-3 Business Regulation Policy 445
Antitrust Laws: Majoritarian Politics 445
Chapter 15: The Bureaucracy 371 Labor and Occupational Health and Safety: Interest-Group
Politics 446
15-1 Distinctiveness of the American Agriculture Subsidies: Client Politics 447
Bureaucracy 372
Consumer and Environmental Protection: Entrepreneurial
American Constitutionalism
Politics 449
and the Federal Bureaucracy 373
17-4 Environmental Policy 452
Proxy Government 373
The Politics of “Cap and Trade” 452
15-2 The Evolution of the Federal Bureaucracy 374
Environmental Policy in America: Three Distinctive
The Appointment of Officials 375
­Features 453
A Service Role 375
17-5 Beyond Domestic Policy 458
A Change in Role 376
15-3 The Federal Bureaucracy Today 377 Chapter 18: Economic Policy 461
Recruitment and Retention 380
18-1 The Economy and Elections 463
Personal Attributes 382
What Politicians Try to Do 464
Do Bureaucrats Sabotage Their Political Bosses? 384
Public Opinion and Government Spending 465
Culture and Careers 385
18-2 Economic Theories and Political Needs 467
Constraints 385
Monetarism 467
15-4 Checks, Problems, and Possibilities for
­Reform 387 Keynesianism 467
Checks 387 Planning 467
Bureaucratic “Pathologies” 391 Supply-Side Economics 468
Reforming the Bureaucracy 393 18-3 The Machinery of Economic Policymaking 468
The Federal Reserve System 469
Chapter 16: The Judiciary 398 Congress 469
Globalization 472
16-1 Judicial Review 401 Income Inequality 472
16-2 The Development of the Federal Courts 402 18-4 The Budget, Spending, and Taxes 473
National Supremacy and Slavery 402
Reducing Spending 474
Government and the Economy 403
Levying Taxes 476
Government and Political Liberty 404
The Revival of State Sovereignty 406 Foreign and Military
Chapter 19:
16-3 The Structure, Jurisdiction, and Operation Policy 481
of the Federal Courts 407
Selecting Judges 408 19-1 Kinds of Foreign Policy 483
The Jurisdiction of the Federal Courts 411 19-2 The Constitutional and Legal Context 484
Getting to Court 413 Presidential Box Score 484

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 Evaluating the Power of the President 486 20-2 Government Growth: Influences and
Checks on Presidential Power 487 ­Consequences 517
19-3 Making Foreign Policy 489 The Influence of Structure 517
Political Elites 489 The Influence of Ideas 518
Public Opinion 490 Consequences of Government Growth 519
Mass Versus Elite Opinion 492 20-3 American Democracy—Then, Now, and Next 521
Cleavages Among Foreign Policy Elites 493 Then 521
19-4 The Politics of Foreign Affairs: Military Action, Now 521
­Defense Policy, and the Future 497
Military Action 497
Appendixes
Building Support for U.S. Military Action 503 The Declaration of Independence A1
Defense Policy 503 The Constitution of the United States A3
The Structure of Defense Decision Making 508 A Brief Guide to Reading the Federalist Papers A18
The Future of American Foreign Policy 509 The Federalist No. 10 A20
American Democracy,
Chapter 20: The Federalist No. 51 A25

Then and Now 511 Glossary G1

20-1 The Old Versus the New System 514 Notes N1
The Old System 514
The New System 515 Index I1

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 Letter to Instructors...
Dear American Government Instructor:

We wrote American Government: Institutions and Policies, 15e not only to explain to students how
the federal government works, but also to clarify how its institutions have developed over time and
describe their effects on public policy. Within this distinguishing framework, we explain the history of
Congress, the presidency, the judiciary, and the bureaucracy because the politics we see today are dif-
ferent from those we would have seen a few decades ago. Likewise, we also explain how public opinion,
elections, interest groups, and the media shape and contribute to policy, and how that influence has
evolved over time.
American Government: Institutions and Policies, 15e is written around certain key ideas that help
students understand not simply American government, but the reasons why the government in this coun-
try is different from those in other democracies. These ideas are the U.S. Constitution, America’s adver-
sarial political culture, and a commitment to freedom and limited government. This book is an attempt to
explain and give the historical and practical reasons for these differences.

New to This Edition

And as always, the book is thoroughly revised to excite students’ interest about the latest in American pol-
itics and encourage critical thinking. Updates reflect the latest scholarship and current events, including
2015 Supreme Court rulings on gay marriage and health care; the 2014 elections and the 2016 presiden-
tial race; ongoing debates about the federal budget, immigration, taxes, and other key issues in Ameri-
can politics; and foreign-policy decisions on Iran, Russia, and Syria. Reworked Learning Objectives open,
organize, and close each chapter, serving as a road map to key concepts and helping students assess their
comprehension. Each chapter now contains a “Constitutional Connections” box to help students connect
the topic to the nation’s founding, “What Would You Do?” to deal with a real-life controversy, and “Policy
Dynamics: Inside/Outside the Box” to apply our framework for understanding public policy to various
issues. More visual aids are included throughout, including infographic inside covers, new figures, and a
striking new design.
We are also excited to have Matthew S. Levendusky of the University from Pennsylvania onboard as
a new coauthor. Matt’s expertise in areas including political polarization and the mass media, public opin-
ion, and campaigns and elections has been a great asset to this edition.

MindTap
MindTap™ Political Science for Wilson, American Government: Institutions and Policies, 15e is the
digital learning solution that helps instructors engage and transform today’s students into critical think-
ers. Through paths of dynamic assignments and applications that you can personalize, real-time course
analytics, and an accessible reader, MindTap helps you turn cookie cutter into cutting edge, apathy into
engagement, and memorizers into higher-level thinkers. Access to this product is valid for 6 months of
usage. The product can be used fully online with its interactive eBook, or in conjunction with the print
text. Students can purchase either an Instant Access Code (ISBN 9781305575851) or a Printed Access
Code (9781305575868) for the product.

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 We hope this book helps your students grapple with the fundamental questions of American
­ overnment, and understand who governs and to what ends. And we hope it inspires them to continue
g
their engagement with the exciting and dynamic world of American politics.

Sincerely,

John J. DiIulio, Jr.

Meena Bose
Meena.Bose@hofstra.edu

Matthew S. Levendusky
mleven@sas.upenn.edu

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 Letter To Students...
Dear Student:

Welcome to American Government: Institutions and Policies, 15e! We wrote the textbook to help you
grapple with two of the fundamental questions of American government and politics: who governs and
to what ends? The textbook will help you to answer these questions, and to better understand how the
structure of American government determines the policies that we see. The features we include—from
learning objectives, to constitutional connections, to policy dynamics, and what would you do—will help
you to master key concepts and topics, and apply them from the classroom to everyday political life.
• Learning Objectives open and close each chapter, serving as a road map to the book’s key concepts
and helping you to assess your understanding.
• Now and Then chapter-opening vignettes offer attention-grabbing looks at a particular topic in the
past and in the present, reinforcing the historical emphasis of the text and applying these experiences
to the world around you today.
• Constitutional Connections features raise analytical issues from the constitutional debates that
remain relevant today.
• Policy Dynamics: Inside/Outside the Box features present policy dynamics and encourage you to
think about where they belong within American Government’s classic politics of policymaking frame-
work, which is introduced in Chapter 1.
• Landmark Cases provide brief descriptions of important Supreme Court cases.
• How We Compare features show how other nations around the world structure their governments and
policies, and ask you to think about the consequences of these differences with American democracy.
• How Things Work boxes summarize key concepts and important facts that facilitate your comprehen-
sion of the political process.
• What Would You Do? features place you in the role of a decision maker on realistic contemporary
policy debates.
• To Learn More sections close each chapter with carefully selected Web resources and classic and
contemporary suggested readings to further assist you in learning about American politics.
In addition, MindTap is new.

The Benefits of Using MindTap As a Student

MindTap™ Political Science for Wilson, American Government Institutions and Policies, 15e provides you with the
tools you need to better manage your limited time. You can complete assignments whenever and wherever
you are ready to learn with course material specially customized for you by your instructor and streamlined in
one proven, easy-to-use interface. With an array of tools and apps—from note taking to flashcards—you’ll get
a true understanding of course concepts, helping you to achieve better grades and setting the groundwork for
your future courses. Access to this product is valid for 6 months of usage.

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 We hope all of these resources help you to master the material in the course and have a richer understand-
ing of American government and democracy. We also hope that this textbook encourages you to continue
your intellectual journey in American politics, and that understanding how the political process functions will
inspire you to become involved in some way. How will you shape who governs and to what ends?

Sincerely,

John J. DiIulio, Jr.

Meena Bose
Meena.Bose@hofstra.edu

Matthew S. Levendusky
mleven@sas.upenn.edu

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 Resources for Students
and Instructors
Students…
Access your American Government: Institutions and
Policies, 15e resources by visiting www.cengage
brain.com/shop/isbn/9781305500051
If you purchased MindTap access with your book,
enter your access code and click “­Register.” You can
also purchase the book’s resources here separately
through the “Study Tools” tab or access the free com-
panion website through the “Free Materials” tab.

Instructors…
Access your American Government: Institutions and
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Log in using your Cengage Learning single sign-on
user name and password, or create a new instructor account by
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MindTap for
American Government:
Institutions and Policies, 15e
ISBN for Instant Access Code: 9781305575851 | ISBN
for Printed Access Code: 9781305575868
MindTap for American Government: Institutions and
Policies, 15e is a highly personalized, fully online learn-
ing experience built upon Cengage Learning content and
correlating to a core set of learning outcomes. MindTap
guides students through the course curriculum via an
innovative Learning Path Navigator where they will
complete reading assignments, challenge themselves
with focus activities, and engage with interactive quiz-
zes. Through a variety of gradable activities, MindTap
provides students with opportunities to check them-
selves for where they need extra help, as well as allowing
faculty to measure and assess student progress. Integra-
tion with programs such as YouTube, Evernote, and Google Drive
allows instructors to add and remove content of their choosing with
ease, keeping their course current while tracking local and global
events through RSS feeds. The product can be used fully online with
its interactive eBook for American Government: ­Institutions and
Policies, 15e, or in conjunction with the printed text.

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 Instructor Companion Website and a chapter summary. Additionally, the Instructor’s Manual
features a critical thinking question, lecture-launching sug-
for American Government: gestion, and an in-class activity for each Learning Objective.
The Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations are ready-
Institutions and Policies, 15e— to-use, visual outlines of each chapter. These presenta-
for instructors only tions are easily customized for your lectures and offered
along with chapter-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint®
ISBN: 9781305504684 Image Slides. Access the Instructor Companion Website
This Instructor Companion Website is an all-in-one multi- at www.cengage.com/login.
media online resource for class preparation, presentation,
and testing. Accessible through Cengage.com/login with IAC Cognero for American Government:
your faculty account, you will find available for download: Institutions and Policies, 15e
book-specific Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentations; a ISBN: 9781305500099
Test Bank compatible with multiple learning management
systems (LMSs); an Instructor Manual; and Microsoft® Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero is a
PowerPoint® Image Slides. flexible, online system that allows you to author, edit,
The Test Bank—offered in Blackboard, Moodle, and manage Test Bank content from multiple Cengage
Desire2Learn, Canvas, and Angel formats—contains Learning solutions; create multiple test versions in an
Learning Objective–specific multiple-choice and essay instant; and deliver tests from your LMS, your class-
questions for each chapter. Import the Test Bank into your room, or wherever you want. The Test Bank for American
LMS to edit and manage questions, and to create tests. Government: Institutions and Policies, 15e, contains
The Instructor’s Manual contains chapter-specific Learning ­Objective–specific multiple-choice and essay
Learning Objectives, an outline, key terms with definitions, questions for each chapter.

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 Acknowledgments
Additional thanks go to Marc Siegal, Jesse Crosson, and Taylor Nefussy for their research assistance;
­Matthew Howell of Eastern Kentucky University for his revision of the Test Bank; Robert Carroll of
­East-West University for his revision of the Instructor’s Manual and PowerPoint lecture; and Eugene Chase
of Edmond Public Schools for creating the AP Edition’s Fast Track to a Five.
We would also like to thank our team at Cengage Learning: Carolyn Merrill, Product Team M ­ anager;
Joanne Dauksewicz, Managing Developer; Rebecca Green and Laura Hildebrand, Senior Content Developers;
Cathy Brooks, Senior Content ­Project Manager; Valerie Hartman, Marketing Manager; Milica G ­ olubovic,
Digital Content Designer; Emily Hickey, Senior Learning Design Author; Jessica ­Wang-Strykowski, Associate
Content Developer; and Michelle Forbes, Product Assistant.

Reviewers
We would also like to thank the instructors who have contributed their valuable feedback through reviews
of this text:

New Reviewers: Ethan Fishman, University of South Alabama

Glenn David Garrison, Collin County Community
James Brent, Arkansas State University–Beebe
College–Spring Creek Campus
Teddy Davis, Arkansas State University–Beebe
Richard Grubbs, R.L. Paschal High School
Cyril Ghosh Wagner College
Jeff Harmon, University of Texas at San Antonio
Vanessa Lal, Adlai E. Stevenson High School
Kathleen C. Hauger, Abington Senior High School
Elizabeth Prough, Madonna University
Stephen Kerbow, Southwest Texas Junior College
Greg Rabb, Jamestown Community College
Halima Asghar Khan, Massasoit Community College
Lelia Roeckell, Molloy College
Young-Choul Kim, University of Evansville
Brian Stevens, Coldwater High School
Junius H. Koonce, Edgecombe Community College
Linda Trautman, Ohio University–Lancaster
William Lester, Jacksonville State University
Previous Edition Reviewers: Brad Lockerbie, University of Georgia
Philip Aka, Chicago State University Randall McKeever, Forney ISD
Lucas Allen, Michigan State University Marvin Overby, University of Missouri
Roger Ashby, Peace College Anne F. Presley, McKinney High School
Michael Baranowski, Northern Kentucky University Gayle Randolph, Neosho County Community
Chuck Brownson, Stephen F. Austin High School College
Dr. Robert Carroll, East-West University Donald Ranish, Antelope Valley College
Jack Citrin, University of California, Berkeley Jonathan Roberts, Portland, Oregon, schools
Zach Courser, Boston College P. S. Ruckman, Rock Valley College
Albert Cover, Stony Brook University Erich Saphir, Pima Community College
Stan Crippen,Riverside County Office of Education Rebecca Small, Herndon High School
Gregory Culver, University of Southern Indiana Randall Smith, Naperville Central High School
Nicholas Damask, Scottsdale Community College Greg Snoad, Mauldin High School
Virgil H. Davis, Pellissippi State Community College Jennifer Walsh, Azusa Pacific University
Jenna P. Duke, Lehigh Carbon Community College David Wigg, St. Louis Community College
Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, University of North Texas Teresa Wright, California State University–Long
Terri Fine, University of Central Florida Beach

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 About the Authors
James Q. Wilson
James Q. Wilson most recently taught at Boston College and Pepperdine University. He was Professor
Emeritus of ­Management and Public Administration at the University of California Los Angeles and was
previously Shattuck Professor of Government at Harvard University. He had written more than a dozen
books on the subjects of public policy, bureaucracy, and political philosophy. Dr. Wilson was president of
the American Political Science Association (APSA), and he is the only political scientist to win three of the
four lifetime achievement awards presented by the APSA. He received the Presidential Medal of Freedom,
the nation’s highest civilian award, in 2003. Dr. Wilson passed away in March 2012 after battling cancer.
His work helped shape the field of political science in the United States. His many years of service to his
American Government book remain evident on every page and will continue for many editions to come.

John J. DiIulio, Jr.

John J. DiIulio, Jr. is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania and has won each
of Penn’s most prestigious teaching awards. He was previously Professor of Politics and Public Affairs at
Princeton University. Dr. ­DiIulio received his Ph.D. in Political Science from Harvard University. He has
been a senior fellow and directed research programs at several leading think tanks, including the Brook-
ings Institution, and has won awards from the Association of Public Policy Analysis and Management, the
APSA, and other bodies. Dr. DiIulio has advised presidential candidates in both parties, served on biparti-
san government reform commissions, and worked as a senior staff member in the White House.

Meena Bose
Meena Bose is director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency,
Peter S. Kalikow Chair in Presidential Studies, and Professor of Political Science at Hofstra University. She
received her Ph.D. (1996) from ­Princeton University. Dr. Bose teaches such courses as American Presi-
dency, Presidential Leadership and Policy Making, and A ­ merican Politics. She is the author or editor of
several volumes in presidency studies and American politics. Dr. Bose taught for six years at the United
States Military Academy at West Point.

Matthew S. Levendusky
Matthew S. Levendusky is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania.
He received his Ph.D. from Stanford University (2006). Dr. Levendusky teaches courses in public opinion,
campaigns and elections, policymaking, and political polarization. He has written two books on political
polarization and the mass media, both published with the University of Chicago Press.

xvi

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 Pa r t
1

The American System

1 The Study of American Government 2

2 The Constitution 21

3 Federalism 49

4 American Political Culture 76

5 Civil Liberties 95

6 Civil Rights 121

In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men,

the great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the government to
control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.

— Federalist No. 51

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 Orhan Cam/ShutterStock.com
Chapter 1
The Study of American
Government
Learning Objectives
1-1 Explain how politics drives democracy.
1-2 Discuss five views of how political power is distributed in the
United States.
1-3 E xplain why “who governs” and “to what ends” are fundamental
questions in American politics.
1-4 Summarize the key concepts for classifying the politics of
­different policy issues.

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 1-1 Politics and Democracy 3

Today, Americans and their elected leaders are hotly arithmetic: either spend
debating the federal government’s fiscal responsibilities, and borrow less, or tax issue A conflict, real or
apparent, between the
for both spending and taxation. more, or both. But now
interests, ideas, or beliefs
Some things never change. ask: Spend or borrow
of different citizens.
less for what, and raise
Then taxes on whom, when,
In 1786, a committee of Congress reported that since how, and by how much? For example, should we cut
the Articles of Confederation were adopted in 1781, the the defense budget but continue to fund health care pro-
state governments had paid only about one-seventh grams, or the reverse? Or should we keep defense and
of the monies requisitioned by the federal government. health care funding at current levels but reduce spend-
The federal government was broke and sinking deeper ing on environmental protection or homeland security?
into debt, including debt owed to foreign governments. Should we perhaps increase taxes on the wealthy (define
Several states had financial crises, too. wealthy) and cut taxes for the middle class (define middle
In 1788, the proposed Constitution’s chief architect, class), or . . . what?
James Madison, argued that while the federal govern- Then, as now, the fundamental government finance
ment needed its own “power of taxation” and “collectors problems were political, not mathematical. People dis-
of revenue,” its overall powers would remain “few and agreed not only over how much the federal government
defined” and its taxing power would be used sparingly.1 should tax and spend, but also over whether it should
In reply, critics of the proposed Constitution, including the involve itself at all in various endeavors. For example,
famous patriot Patrick Henry, mocked Madison’s view in 2011, the federal government nearly shut down, not
and predicted that if the Constitution were ratified, there mainly over disagreements between the two parties about
would over time be “an immense increase of taxes” spent how much needed to be cut from the federal budget (in
by an ever-growing federal government.2 the end, the agreed-to cuts totaled $38.5 ­billion), but pri-
marily over whether any federal funding at all should go
Now to certain relatively small-budget federal health, environ-
mental, and other programs.
The federal budget initially proposed for 2016 called for Fights over taxes and government finances; battles
spending almost $4 trillion, with close to a $500 ­billion over abortion, school prayer, and gay rights; disputes
deficit (i.e., spending nearly half a trillion more than pro- about where to store nuclear waste; competing plans
jected government revenues). An expected national debt on immigration, international trade, welfare reform, envi-
of more than $19 trillion, much of it borrowed from foreign ronmental protection, or gun control; and contention
nations, was projected to balloon to $26 trillion by 2025. surrounding a new health care proposal. Some of these
Projected interest on the national debt in 2016 would be matters are mainly about money and economic interests;
nearly $300 billion, and was expected to triple by 2025.3 others are more about ideas and personal beliefs. Some
The Budget Control Act of 2011 had called for long- people care a lot about at least some of these matters;
term deficit reduction, but when the White House and others seem to care little or not at all.
Congress could not reach agreement in 2013, automatic Regardless, all such matters and countless others
spending cuts—known as “sequestration”—went into have this in common: each is an issue, defined as a con-
effect, and the federal government even shut down for flict, real or apparent, between the interests, ideas, or
16 days in October 2013. The two branches ultimately beliefs of different citizens.4
produced the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2013, but could An issue may be more apparent than real; for exam-
not find common ground on questions about long-term ple, people might fight over two tax plans that, despite
revenue and spending goals. superficial differences, would actually distribute tax bur-
So, in the 1780s, as in the 2010s, nearly everyone dens on different groups in exactly the same way. Or an
agreed that government’s finances were a huge mess issue may be as real as it seems to the conflicting par-
and that bold action was required, and soon; but in each ties, as, for example, it is in matters that pose clear-cut
case, then and now, there was no consensus about what choices (high tariffs or no tariffs; abortion legal in all cases
action to take, or when. or illegal in all cases).
And an issue might be more about conflicts over
1-1 Politics and Democracy means than over ends. For example, on health care reform
or other issues, legislators who are in the same party and
This might seem odd. After all, it may appear that the have similar ideological leanings (like a group of liberal
government’s financial problems, including big budget Democrats, or a group of conservative Republicans)
deficits and revenue shortfalls, could be solved by simple might agree on objectives but still wrangle bitterly with

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 4 Chapter 1 The Study of American Government

each other over differ- and government. Our goal in this textbook is to develop,
politics The activity by ent means of achiev- enliven, and inform that interest through examining con-
which an issue is agitated or
ing their goals. Or they cepts, interests, and institutions in American politics from
settled.
might agree on both a historical perspective as well as through current policy
power The ability of one ends and means but dif- debates.
person to get another person fer over priorities (which
to act in accordance with the goals to pursue first),
first person’s intentions. timing (when to pro-
­
Power, Authority, and Legitimacy
authority The right to use ceed), or tactics (how to Politics, and the processes by which issues are normally
power. proceed). agitated or settled, involves the exercise of power. By
Whatever form is­sues power we mean the ability of one person to get another
take, they are the raw person to act in accordance with the first person’s inten-
materials of politics. By politics we mean “the activity— tions. Sometimes an exercise of power is obvious, as
negotiation, argument, discussion, application of force, when the president tells the Air Force that it cannot build
persuasion, etc.—by which an issue is agitated or set- a new bomber, or orders soldiers into combat in a for-
tled.”5 There are many different ways that any given issue eign land. Other times an exercise of power is subtle, as
can be agitated (brought to attention, stimulate conflict) when the president’s junior speechwriters, reflecting
or settled (brought to an accommodation, stimulate con- their own evolving views, adopt a new tone when writing
sensus). And there are many different ways that govern- about controversial issues such as education policy. The
ment can agitate or settle, foster or frustrate p ­ olitical speechwriters may not think they are using power—
conflict. after all, they are the president’s subordinates and may
As you begin this textbook, this is a good time to ask see their boss face-to-face infrequently. But if the presi-
yourself which issues matter to you. Generally speaking, dent speaks the phrases that they craft, then they have
do you care a lot, a little, or not at all about economic used power.
issues, social issues, or issues involving foreign policy Power is found in all human relationships, but we are
or military affairs? Do you follow any particular, ongoing concerned here only with power as it is used to affect
debates on issues such as tightening gun control laws, who will hold government office and how government
expanding health care insurance, regulating immigration, will behave. We limit our view here to government, and
or funding antipoverty programs? chiefly to the American federal government. However,
As you will learn in Part II of this textbook, some citi- we pay special attention repeatedly to how things once
zens are quite issue-oriented and politically active. They thought to be “private” matters become “public”—that
vote and try to influence others to vote likewise; they join is, how they manage to become objects of governmen-
political campaigns or give money to candidates; they tal action. Indeed, as we discuss more later, one of the
keep informed about diverse issues, sign petitions, advo- most striking transformations of American politics has
cate for new laws, or communicate with elected leaders; been the extent to which, in recent decades, almost
and more. every aspect of human life has found its way onto the
But such politically attentive and engaged citizens are political agenda.
the exception to the rule, most especially among young People who exercise political power may or may not
adult citizens under age 30. According to many experts, have the authority to do so. By authority we mean the
ever more young Americans are closer to being “politi- right to use power. The exercise of rightful power—that is,
cal dropouts” than they are to being “engaged citizens” of authority—is ordinarily easier than the exercise of
(a fact that is made no less troubling by similar trends power not supported by any persuasive claim of right.
in the United Kingdom, Canada, Scandinavia, and else- We accept decisions, often without question, if they are
where).6 Many high school and college students believe made by people who we believe have the right to make
getting “involved in our democracy” means volunteer- them; we may bow to naked power because we cannot
ing for community service, but not voting.7 Most young resist it, but by our recalcitrance or our resentment we
Americans do not regularly read or closely follow political put the users of naked power to greater trouble than the
news; and most know little about how government works wielders of authority. In this book, we on occasion speak
and exhibit no “regular interest in politics.”8 In response to of “formal authority.” By this we mean that the right to
such concerns, various analysts and study commissions exercise power is vested in a governmental office. A pres-
have made proposals ranging from compulsory voting to ident, a senator, and a federal judge have formal authority
enhanced “civic education” in high schools.9 to take certain actions.
The fact that you are reading this textbook tells us What makes power rightful varies from time to time
that you probably have some interest in American politics and from country to country. In the United States, we

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 1-1 Politics and Democracy 5

usually say a person has political authority if his or her

right to act in a certain way is conferred by a law or by
a state or national constitution. But what makes a law
or constitution a source of right? That is the question of
legitimacy. In the United States, the Constitution
today is widely, if not unanimously, accepted as a
source of legitimate authority, but that was not always
the case.

Matthew Chattle/Alamy
Defining Democracy
On one matter, virtually all Americans seem to agree:
no exercise of political power by government at any
level is legitimate if it is not in some sense democratic.
Protestors around the world express support for the pro-democracy
That wasn’t always the prevailing view. In 1787, as the
movement in Hong Kong.
Framers drafted the Constitution, Alexander Hamilton
worried that the new government he helped create The second defini-
might be too democratic, while George Mason, who tion of democracy is the legitimacy Political
authority conferred by law
refused to sign the Constitution, worried that it was not principle of governance
or by a state or national
democratic enough. Today, however, almost everyone of most nations that are
constitution.
believes that democratic government is the only proper called democratic. It was
kind. Most people believe that American government is most concisely stated democracy The rule of the
democratic; some believe that other institutions of pub- by economist Joseph many.
lic life—schools, universities, corporations, trade unions, Schumpeter: “The dem- direct or participatory
churches—also should be run on democratic principles ocratic method is that democracy A government
if they are to be legitimate; and some insist that promot- institutional arrange­ment in which all or most citizens
ing democracy abroad ought to be a primary purpose of for arriving at political participate directly.
U.S. foreign policy. decisions in which indi-
representative democracy
Democracy is a word with at least two different viduals [i.e., leaders] A government in which
meanings. First, the term democracy is used to acquire the power to leaders make decisions
describe those regimes that come as close as pos- decide by means of a by winning a competitive
sible to Aristotle’s definition—the “rule of the many.” 10 competitive struggle for struggle for the popular
A government is democratic if all, or most, of its the people’s vote.”11 vote.
c itizens participate directly in either holding office
­ Sometimes this method
or making policy. This often is called direct or is called, approvingly, representative democracy; at
­p articipatory ­d emocracy. In Aristotle’s time— other times it is referred to, disapprovingly, as the elitist
Greece in the 4th century b . c .—such a government theory of democracy. It is justified by one or both of two
was possible. The Greek city-state, or polis, was arguments. First, it is impractical, owing to limits of time,
quite small, and within it citizenship was extended to information, energy, interest, and expertise, for the public at
all free adult male property holders. (Slaves, women, large to decide on public policy, but it is not impractical to
minors, and those without property were excluded expect them to make reasonable choices among compet-
from participation in government.) In more recent ing leadership groups. Second, some people (including, as
times, the New England town meeting approximates we shall see in the next chapter, many of the Framers of the
the Aristotelian ideal. In such a meeting, the adult citi- Constitution) believe direct democracy is likely to lead to
zens of a community gather once or twice a year to bad decisions because people often decide large issues on
vote directly on all major issues and expenditures of the basis of fleeting passions and in response to popular
the town. As towns have become larger and issues ­demagogues. This concern about direct democracy per-
more complicated, many town governments have sists today, as evidenced by the statements of leaders who
abandoned the pure town meeting in favor of either disagree with voter decisions. For example, voters in many
the representative town meeting (in which a large states have rejected referenda that would have increased
number of elected representatives, perhaps 200– public funding for private schools. Politicians who oppose
300, meet to vote on town affairs) or representative the defeated referenda speak approvingly of the “will of the
government (in which a small number of elected city people,” but politicians who favor them speak ­disdainfully
councilors make decisions). of “mass misunderstanding.”

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
 6 Chapter 1 The Study of American Government

Whenever we refer to that form of democracy involv- (through speeches or the press, in meetings, and on
ing the direct participation of all or most citizens, we use the Internet) be free; and that the voters perceive that a
the term direct or participatory democracy. Whenever the meaningful choice exists. But what, exactly, constitutes a
word democracy is used alone in this book, it will have “meaningful choice”? How many offices should be elec-
the meaning Schumpeter gave it. Schumpeter’s defini- tive and how many appointive? How many candidates or
tion usefully implies basic benchmarks that enable us parties can exist before the choices become hopelessly
to judge the extent to which any given political system confused? Where will the money come from to finance
is democratic.12 A political system is nondemocratic to electoral campaigns? There are many answers to such
the extent that it denies equal voting rights to part of its questions. In some European democracies, for example,
society and severely limits (or outright prohibits) “the civil very few offices—often just those in the national or local
and political freedoms to speak, publish, assemble, and legislature—are elective, and much of the money for cam-
organize,”13 all of which are necessary to a truly “com- paigning for these offices comes from the g ­ overnment.
petitive struggle for the people’s vote.” A partial list of In the United States, many offices—executive and judi-
nondemocratic political systems would include absolute cial as well as legislative—are elective, and most of the
monarchies, empires, military dictatorships, authoritarian money the candidates use for campaigning comes from
systems, and totalitarian states.14 industry, labor unions, and private individuals.
Scholars of comparative politics and government Some people have argued that the virtues of direct
have much to teach about how different types of politi- or participatory democracy can and should be reclaimed
cal systems—democratic and nondemocratic—arise, even in a modern, complex society. This can be done
persist, and change. For our present purposes, however, either by allowing individual neighborhoods in big cities
it is most important to understand that America itself to govern themselves (community control) or by requir-
was once far less democratic than it is today and that ing those affected by some government program to par-
it was so not by accident but by design. As we discuss ticipate in its formulation (citizen participation). In many
in the next chapter, the men who wrote the Constitution states, a measure of direct democracy exists when
did not use the word democracy in that document. They ­voters can decide on referendum issues—that is, policy
wrote instead of a “republican form of government,” but choices that appear on the ballot. The proponents of
by that they meant what we call “representative democ- direct democracy defend it as the only way to ensure that
racy.” And, as we emphasize when discussing civil liber- the “will of the people” prevails.
ties and civil rights (see Chapters 5 and 6), and again As we discuss in the nearby Constitutional Con­
when discussing political participation (see Chapter 8), nections feature, and as we explore more in Chapter 2,
the United States was not born as a full-fledged repre- the Framers of the Constitution did not think that the “will
sentative democracy; and, for all the progress of the past of the people” was synonymous with the “common inter-
half-century or so, the nation’s representative democratic est” or the “public good.” They strongly favored repre-
character is still very much a work in progress. sentative democracy over direct democracy, and they
For any representative democracy to work, there believed that elected officials could best ascertain what
must, of course, be an opportunity for genuine leader- was in the public interest.
ship competition. This requires in turn that individuals
and parties be able to run for office; that communications
1-2 Political Power in America:
Five Views
Scholars differ in their interpretations of the American
political experience. Where some see a steady march
of democracy, others see no such thing; where some
emphasize how voting and other rights have been
steadily expanded, others stress how they were denied
to so many for so long, and so forth. Short of attempting
to reconcile these competing historical interpretations, let
us step back now for a moment to our definition of rep-
resentative democracy and five competing views about
how political power has been distributed in America.
Representative democracy is defined as any system
of government in which leaders are authorized to make
Immigration reform advocates organize a rally to build popular decisions—and thereby to wield political power—by
­support for their cause. winning a competitive struggle for the popular vote. It is

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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
And so across the Thames into Cookham and Berkshire. Frederick
Walker discovered Cookham, and painted the common and the
geese cackling across it, long before Society had found the Thames.
He died untimely, and is buried in the old church close by; and since
then Cookham has become more sophisticated—pretty, of course,
and equally, of course, delightful, but not the Cookham of the
seventies. But if, on the other hand, you did not know the village
then, and make its acquaintance only now, you will have no regrets,
and will enjoy it the more. There is an odd effort at poetry on a
stone in the churchyard, which, perhaps, should not be missed. It
tells of the sudden end of William Henry Pullen in 1813, and among
other choice lines says—

“Well could he drive the coursers fleet, which oft he’d

drove before;
When, turning round a narrow street, he fell—to rise
no more.
No one commanded more respect, obliging, kind, and
fair;
None charged him with the least neglect, none drove
with greater care.
He little thought when he arose the fatal fifth of June
That morn his life’s career would close and terminate
so soon.”

Three parts of the road from Cookham to Maidenhead are

exceedingly dull and uninteresting; let us therefore take the towing-
path, and cycle along that, ignoring, like everyone else, the absurd
prohibition launched a few seasons ago by the Thames Conservancy.
Not hurrying—that would be foolishness; for although the river is
well-nigh spoiled by Boulter’s Lock, it is still lovely all the way to
Cookham, with the most glorious views of Clieveden Woods, rising,
tier over tier, on the opposite shore. Here too, of course, have been
changes since first Society, and then the Stage, discovered the river
a few years ago, and bungalows are built on the meadows; but we
must needs be thankful that they were built in these latter days,
now that the hideous villas of forty years since are quite impossible.
Nearing Maidenhead, and coming to the Bath road, running right
and left, we turn to the right and then down the first road to the left
(Oldfield road), then the next two turnings in the same direction,
when the old tower of Bray Church comes in sight; that Bray
celebrated for its vicar immortalised in the well-known song, who,
when reproached with being a religious trimmer and inconstant to
his principles, replied, “Not so; for I always keep my principle, which
is to live and die the Vicar of Bray.” Simon Alleyn was the name of
this worthy, who lived, and was vicar, in the reigns of Henry VIII.,
Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth.
First a Papist, he kept his place by becoming a Protestant, recanting
when Mary came to the throne, and again becoming a Protestant
under Elizabeth. Called apostate, renegade, turncoat, and denier of
Christ, modern times would give him the kindlier name of
“opportunist.” At anyrate, his opportunism was successful, for he
held office from 1540 to 1588. The ballad originated in 1712, in a
song entitled “The Religious Turncoat; or, the Trimming Parson,”
which refers to no particular place or person, and has no fewer than
eighteen verses, quite distinct from the modern ballad. Thus they
run, for example:—

“I lov’d no king in ’Forty-one,

When Prelacy went down;
A cloak and band I then put on,
And preached against the Crown.

When Charles returned into the land,

The English Crown’s supporter,
I shifted off my cloak and band
And then became a courtier.

When Royal James began his reign,

And Mass was used in common,
 I shifted off my Faith again,
And then became a Roman.”
These verses, it will be noticed, place the trimming story a hundred
years later.
The churchyard is entered by a lich-gate with a curious old house
over it. In the church itself is a monument to William Goddard, the
seventeenth-century founder of Jesus Hospital, and Joyce, his wife.
That celebrated old almshouse stands on the road as we leave Bray
for Windsor. It is a quaintly gabled, red brick building, with a statue
of the founder in an alcove over the entrance. A central courtyard
has little dwellings ranged round it, and a rather striking chapel,
familiar in Frederick Walker’s famous picture, the “Harbour of
Refuge,” painted here in 1871-72. Unfortunately, those who are
familiar with that beautiful picture (now in the National Gallery) will
be disappointed on seeing the real place, for the painter has quite
idealised Jesus Hospital, and has imagined many details that have
no existence.
 JESUS HOSPITAL, BRAY.

Beyond the hospital, a turning to the left leads to Windsor, past

Clewer. Windsor bulks hugely from these levels, with huddled houses
and the towering mass of the castle lining a ridge above the
Thames; the Round Tower, grim and terrible in other days, merely, in
these times, a picturesque adjunct to the landscape.
It seems, indeed, that everywhere in these days the iron gauntlet
has given place to the kid glove; persuasion is, nowadays, more a
mental than a physical process. Only at Windsor these things take
higher ground; here for persuasion in this era read diplomacy, where
it had used to be a blood-boltered performance, in whose dramatic
course axe and chaplain took prominent parts. The castle survives,
its mediæval defences restored for appearance sake, but its State
Apartments filled with polite furniture, dreadfully gilded and tawdry.
It makes a picture, this historic warren of kings and princes; but alas
for picturesqueness, Henry the Eighth’s massive gateway is guarded
to-day—not by an appropriate Yeoman of the Guard, but by a
constable of that singularly unromantic body—the police!
If one is wise, one does not visit Windsor for the sake of the State
Apartments, but for the external view of the castle, set grandly, like
a jewel, amid its verdant meads. The meads form the most
appropriate foreground; the proper time, either early morning or
evening, for then, when the mists cling about the river, and the
grass is damp with them, that ancient palace and stronghold, that
court and tomb of Royalty, bulks larger than at any other hour, both
on sight and mind. And, having thus seen Windsor aright, you
cannot but return well pleased.
 SURBITON TO LEATHERHEAD
Surbiton, that great modern suburb of Kingston, can conveniently be
made the starting-point of many pleasant runs through Surrey. Let
us on this occasion start from Surbiton Station, and, making for the
high road that runs to Ripley, turn to the left at Long Ditton, where
the waterworks are, and so in a mile to the first semblance of
rusticity at that well-known inn, the “Angel at Ditton,” as it is
generally called by the many cyclists to whom for years this has
been a rallying-place; although this is not Ditton at all, and its real
name the not very romantically-sounding one of “Gigg’s Hill Green.”
We pass the “Angel” on the left; on the right hand stretches the
pleasant Green, with roads running away in the same direction to
the village of Thames Ditton, a mile away, and worth seeing for
those who have the exploring faculty well developed.
But to continue straight ahead, we pass Gigg’s Hill Green only to
come to other and larger commons—Ditton Marsh and Littleworth
Common respectively—along a road straight and flat for a
considerable distance, passing under the long tunnel-like archway of
the London and South-Western main line, and emerging from it to a
full view of beautiful Esher Hill, a mile and a half away, while away
on the left stretch miles of open country. Notice outside a modern,
dry, and dusty-looking inn, called the “Orleans Arms,” a tall, circular
stone pillar about ten feet in height, with names of towns along the
road, and the distances to them, carved on it. This is familiarly
known as the “White Lady,” and dates back to the coaching age; for
this was the old road to Portsmouth, and was once crowded with
traffic.
From this point it is a mile of continuous, though gentle, rise to
Esher village—Sandown Park racecourse on the right, under the hill.
Notice the very highly ornamental iron gates and railings of the park:
a romantic history belongs to them. They came from Baron Grant’s
palatial mansion of Kensington House, built but never occupied, and
then demolished, which stood in Kensington Gore.
Kensington House is now quite forgot, and on its site rise the stately
houses of Kensington Court. It was in 1873 that Baron Grant,
bloated with the money of the widow and the orphan, plundered
from them in his Emma Mine and other rascally schemes, purchased
the dirty slum at Kensington then known as the “Rookery,” and set
about building a lordly pleasure-house on its site. Just as it was
finished, his career of predatory finance was checked, and he never
occupied the vast building. For years it remained tenantless, and was
then demolished. “Grant,” as he called himself, died obscurely in
1899. He had in his time been the cause of the public losing over
£20,000,000 sterling. The Daily News spoke of him as an Irishman,
but it will readily be conceded that his real name of Gottheimer is
not strikingly Hibernian. He was, it is true, born in Dublin. So was
Dean Swift: but, as the Dean himself remarked, to be born in a
stable does not prove one to be a horse.
Although “Grant” died obscurely, and his name and his schemes had
long before that time become discredited, it must not be supposed
that he was personally ruined with the wreck of his projects. Not at
all. He lived and died very comfortably circumstanced, while many of
his creditors remained unsatisfied. He could pay debts when he
chose, but when he chose not to, there were no means of
compelling him. Where have we heard the same story in recent
years?
Esher, up along the hill, is a pretty village, with many and varied
associations and an extraordinary number of curious relics. It is a
charmingly rural place, with a humble old church behind an old
coaching inn, and a new church, not at all humble, across the way.
The old church and the old inn—the “Bear,” they call it—are both
extremely interesting. In the hall of the inn, placed within a glass
case, secure from the touch of the vulgar, are the huge boots worn
by the post-boy who drove Louis Philippe, the fugitive King of the
 French, to Claremont in 1848.
They are huge jack-boots closely
resembling the type worn by
Marlborough and his troopers at
Blenheim, Ramilies, and
Malplaquet.
“Mr. Smith”—for under that
plebeian disguise the Citizen
King fled from Paris—resided at
Claremont by favour of Queen
Victoria, and died there two
years later.
Claremont is an ominous place,
with a tragical cast to its story.
Most of those connected with it
have been unfortunate, if not
before they sought the shelter
of its ill-omened roof, certainly
afterwards. Clive, the “heaven-born general,” who built it, shot
himself; the newly married only child of George the Fourth—the ill-
fated Princess Charlotte—died there, under somewhat mysterious
circumstances; and the Duke of Albany, who had not long been in
residence, died untimely in the south of France, in 1884.
The old church of Esher, long since disused and kept locked and
given over to spiders and dust, has a Royal Pew, built for the use of
the Princess Charlotte and the Claremont household in 1816. It is a
huge structure, in comparison with the size of the little church, and
designed in the worst possible classic taste; wearing, indeed, more
the appearance of an opera-box than anything else.
The authorities (whoever they may be) charge a shilling for viewing
this derelict church. It is distinctly not worth the money, because the
architecture is contemptible, and all the interesting monuments have
been removed to the modern building, on a quite different site,
across the road.
It cannot be too strongly insisted upon that the death of the Princess
Charlotte in her eighteenth year made a vast difference in English
history—or, at least, English Court history. Had she survived, there
would have been no William the Fourth, and Queen Victoria would
never have been queen. Think of it! No Victorian Era, no Victoria
Station, no Victoria Embankment, no Victoria in Australia, no Victoria
in Vancouver Island; and, in short, none of those thousand things
and places “Victoria” and “Victorian” we are surrounded with. None
of those, and certainly no Albert Halls, memorials, streets, and
places commemorative of that paragon of men.

ESHER OLD CHURCH.

The reflections conjured up by an inspection of Esher old church are
sad indeed, and the details of it not a little horrible to a sensitive
person. There is an early nineteenth-century bone-house or above-
ground vault attached to the little building, in which have been
stored coffins innumerable. The coffins are gone, but many of the
bony relics of poor humanity may be seen in the dusty semi-
obscurity of an open archway, lying strewn among rakes and
shovels. To these, when the present writer was inspecting the place,
entered a fox-terrier, emerging presently with the thigh-bone of
some rude forefather of the hamlet in his mouth. “Drop it!” said the
churchwarden, fetching the dog a blow with his walking-stick. The
dog “dropped it” accordingly, and went off, and the churchwarden
kicked the bone away. I made some comment, I know not what, and
the churchwarden volunteered the information that the village
urchins had been used to play with these poor relics. “They’re nearly
all gone now,” said he. “They used to break the windows with ’em.”
And then we changed the subject for a better.
The “new” church—new in 1852—is a very imposing one, also with
its Claremont Royal Pew, very like a drawing-room, built on one side
of the chancel, high above the heads of the vulgar herd, who often,
when the church is open, climb up the staircase to it, and, seating
themselves on the chairs, go away and boast of having sat on the
seats honoured by the great—thereby proving the vulgarity
aforesaid.
The church was built chiefly from the accumulated funds of a
bequest anciently left to Esher. This was the piece of land now called
Sandown Park and the site of the well-known racecourse, let to the
racecourse company at an annual rent. Not until 1899 did it occur to
the Vestry that for the Church to be the landlord of a racecourse was
a rather scandalous state of affairs, and the sanction of the Charity
Commissioners was then sought and obtained for a scheme to sell
the land outright for £12,000, this sum to be invested in Consols.
These tender consciences obscured the business side of the
question, for the land, if not already worth more than that sum, very
shortly will be, considering the spread of London’s suburbs. It is
rather singular that this freehold, bequeathed so long ago, was once
the site of the forgotten Priory of Sandown, which would appear
never to have been revived after its Prior and all the brethren
perished in the great pestilence, the Black Death, that almost
depopulated England in the Middle Ages.

HORSESHOE CLUMP.

Leaving the village behind and pursuing the Portsmouth road, the
woodlands of Claremont Park are left behind as we come downhill
towards Horseshoe Clump, a well-known landmark on this road. This
prominent object is a semicircular grove of firs on the summit of a
sandy knoll, looking over the valley of the Mole, the “sullen Mole” of
the poets, flowing in far-flung loops below, on its way to join the
Thames at Molesey. This is a switchback road for cyclists thus far, for
the ridge on which Horseshoe Clump stands is no sooner gained
than we go downhill again, and so up once more and across the
level “fair mile,” to descend finally into Cobham Street, where the
Mole is reached again. Here turn to the left, along a road marked by
a sign-post “Church Cobham,” the original village, off the main road,
of which Cobham Street on the Portsmouth road is only an offshoot
developed by the traffic of old road-faring days. Church Cobham has,
besides its ancient church and “Church Stile House,” a picturesque
water-mill and mill-pond beside the road. Beyond, in two miles, the
tiny village owning the odd name of Stoke D’Abernon is sighted;
village in name only, for the church and a scattered house or two
alone mark its existence. The Norman family of D’Abernon gave their
name to this particular Stoke, originally a primitive British stockade,
or defensible camp, at a ford on the Mole.
For the happily increasing class of tourists who are interested in
archæology, let it be noted here that the chancel of this church
contains the earliest monumental brass in the kingdom, the mail-
clad effigy of Sir John D’Abernon, dated 1277.
Many of his race, before and after his time, lie here. The life-sized
engraved figure of this Sir John, besides being the earliest, is also
one of the most beautiful. Clad from head to foot in a complete suit
of chain mail, his hands clasped in prayer, heraldic shield on one
arm, his pennoned lance under the other, and his great two-handed
sword hanging from a broad belt outside the surcoat, this is a
majestic figure. His feet rest on a writhing lion, playfully represented
by the engraver of the brass as biting the lance-shaft.
A second Sir John D’Abernon, who died in 1327, son of the first, also
has his life-sized memorial engraved on brass.
Stoke “Dabbernun,” as the rustics call it, is at once exhausted of
interest when its church has been seen.
The road now crosses the Mole by an old red brick bridge, and leads
up a gentle rise to Slyfield Farm, a very picturesque old farmstead of
red brick, designed in the classic style prevailing in the reign of
James the First. This was once the manor-house of the now extinct
Slyfield family. Fair speech and presentation of a visiting-card may
generally be relied upon to secure the courtesy of a glimpse into the
 hall of this interesting old house, where an
ancient massive carved-oak staircase may
be seen, still guarded by the original “dog-
gates” that in the times of our forebears
kept the hounds in their proper place below
stairs.

BRASS TO SIR JOHN

D’ABERNON.
 THE HALL, SLYFIELD HOUSE.

The road now winds pleasantly through the valley, but not within
sight of the river until past the outlying houses of the little village of
Fetcham. On gaining the point where the road from Great Bookham
to Leatherhead falls into the one we are following, look out for an
unassuming left-hand turning past the railway arch, leading in a
hundred yards to Fetcham mill-pond. This is a lovely spot, where the
wild-fowl congregate, and well worth halting at on a summer’s day,
but tucked away so artfully that it will scarce be found save by
asking. It is a long sheet of water, with reeds, and an island in the
middle, and a peep back towards Leatherhead from the farther end,
where the church tower peers above the trees. Flocks of moor-hens,
a few couples of stately swans, and some domestic ducks form the
invariable feathered company of the pond, and not infrequently the
coot takes up his quarters here, with myriads of dabchicks; the great
swans and little dabchicks, swimming together on the water, forming
the oddest of contrasts: the swans like warships and the dabchicks
like little black torpedo-boats.
Cycles can be walked along the path to the far end of the pond,
where the road is reached again.

THE "RUNNING HORSE."

Leatherhead itself lies off to the left, less than half a mile distant,
reached by a many-arched bridge straddling athwart the Mole, here
a divergent and sedgy stream broken up by osier aits. On the other
side of the bridge stands that crazy old inn, the “Running Horse,”
claiming a continued existence since the fifteenth century and to
have been the scene of the celebrated “tunning of Elynor
Rummyng”; but, like the silk stocking so long and so often darned
with worsted that no trace of the original material remained, the
“Running Horse” has in all these six centuries been so repaired here
and patched there that he would be a bold man who should dare
swear to a fragment of that old house remaining.

ELYNOR RUMMYNG.

Elynor Rummyng was a landlady who flourished in the time of Henry

the Seventh. Skelton, poet-laureate of that day, in a long rambling
set of rhymes, neither very elegant nor very decent, describes her
and her customers at great length. As for Elynor herself, he says she
was so ugly that

“Her visage it would assuage

A man’s courage.
Her loathly leer is nothing clear,
But ugly of cheer, droupy and drowsy,
Scurvy and lousy, her face all bowsy,"—
with much else in the uncomplimentary kind.
She was, Skelton goes on to say, “sib to the devil”; she scraped up
all manner of filth into her mash-tub, mixed it together with her
“mangy fists,” and sold this hell-broth as ale—

“She breweth nappy ale

And makes thereof port-sale
To Travellers and Tinkers, to Sweaters and Swinkers
And all good ale-drinkers.”

There is no accounting for tastes, and, reading Skelton, it would

seem as though the whole district crowded to taste the unlovely
Elynor’s unwholesome brew, bringing with them all manner of goods
—

“Insteede of quoine and mony, some bring her a

coney,
And some a pot with honey; some a salt, some a
spoone,
Some their hose, some their shoon; some run a good
trot,
With skillet or pot; some fill a bag full
Of good Lemster wool; an huswife of trust
When she is athirst, such a web can spin
Her thrift is full thin.
Some go straight thither, be it slaty or slidder,
They hold the highway, they care not what men say,
Be they as be may. Some, loth to be espied,
Start in at the backside, over hedge and pale,
And all for good ale.
Some brought walnuts,
Some apples, some pears, and some their clipping-
shears;
Some brought this and that, some brought I wot
ne’er what,
Some brought their husband’s hat,"—
and then, doubtless, there was trouble in the happy home.
Why the crowd resorted thus to tipple the horrible compound does
not appear: one would rather drink the usual glucose and dilute
sulphuric acid of modern times. The pictorial sign of the old house
still proudly declares—

“When Skelton wore the laurel crown

My ale put all the alewives down.”

To do that, you would think, it must needs have been both good and
cheap. Certainly, if the portrait-sign of Elynor be anything like her,
customers did not resort to the “Running Horse” to bask in her
smiles, for she is represented as a very plain, not to say ugly, old
lady with a predatory nose plentifully studded with warts.
Leatherhead is a still unspoiled little town, beside its “mousling
Mole,” as Drayton calls that river. “Mousling,” probably because of
the holes, or “swallows,” as they are called, into which this curious
river every now and again disappears, like a mouse, as the poet
prettily expresses it.

SIGN OF THE
"RUNNING HORSE."
 IGHTHAM MOTE AND THE VALE OF
MEDWAY
From Sevenoaks, on the South-Eastern Railway, let this tour be
begun; from that Sevenoaks Station rejoicing in the eminently
cricketing name of “Bat and Ball.” There are reasons sufficiently
weighty why the starting-point should not be fixed nearer London,
chief among them being the hilly nature of the way. Sevenoaks itself,
quite apart from the rather uninteresting character of its long street,
does not bulk largely in the affections of the outward-bound
wheelman, for to reach it one has a more than mile-long climb. But,
setting our faces eastward, and avoiding Sevenoaks town, an easier
beginning presents itself along the road to Seal, where, leaving
behind the trim gardens and modern villas that form a kind of
suburban and secular halo around the railway, we plunge into a
woodland district.
Seal village is a harbinger of the Thoreau-like solitudes that succeed
along the road to Ightham, standing as it does at the gates of Seal
Chart, where, away from the road on either hand, stretch such
crepuscular alleys of murmuring pines that even Bournemouth itself
never knew. Does there exist a cyclist who can hurry along this road
and not linger here, to rest his trusty steed against the corrugated
stem of one of these aromatic giants of the forest, and listen to the
intoning of the wood pigeons in the cathedral-like half-lights? If such
there be, surely he merits the Tennysonian description, “a clod of
thankless earth.” The far-spreading woods are unfenced and quite
open to the road for one to wander in at will, and never a sound in
their solitudes but belongs to the woodlands themselves; the cooing
of the pigeons, and the rustling of some “sma’ wee beastie”
disturbed by the crackling of the dry twigs under your feet. The
squirrels themselves are noiseless and, to the unpractised eye,
invisible; but there are many of them overhead, running with
lightning speed along the red-brown branches of the pines that so
accurately match the rust-red hue of their fur, and so help to conceal
them from casual observation.
Following the road and the woods for two miles, the highway dips
sharply, and takes a left curve just where you glimpse the blue
smoke rising from the rustic chimneys of a wayside inn, down on
whose lichened roof you look in descending. To dismount here, just
as the view begins to disclose itself, is the better way, for only thus
will you be in full receipt of the beauty and the exquisite stillness of
the scene. The woods recede, like some clearing in a Canadian
forest, and, standing back from the road, you see the inn whose
roof-tree was first disclosed. On the other side of the highway,
swinging romantically from the branches of a great Scotch fir, is the
picture-sign of the house, bearing the legend, “Sir Jeffrey Amherst,
Crown Point,” and showing the half-length portrait of a very
determined-looking warrior, clad in armour and apparently deep in
thought; while in the background is a broad river, across whose swift
current boat-loads of soldiers, in the costume of two centuries ago,
are being rowed.
 CROWN POINT.

The scene—the old inn, with the smoke curling peacefully upwards
against the blue-black background of the pine-woods, and the
picturesque sign swinging with every breeze—is a realisation of the
places pictured in the glowing pages of romantic novelists. If one
were only a few years younger, and conventions had not come to
curb one’s first impulses, there would be no more suitable spot than
this where to become an amateur Red Indian, or one of the robber
chiefs suitable for such a spot.
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