Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses of Britain, and,

still hoping for the best, are apt to call out,"COME,COME,WE SHALL BE FRIENDS
AGAIN,FOR ALL THIS." But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring
the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me,
whether you can hereafter love,honor,and faithfully serve the power that hath
carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all these,then are you only
deceiving yourselves,and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity.Your future
connection with Britain,whom you can neither love nor honor will be forced and
unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a
little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if you say, you can
still pass the vio-lations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your
property been destroyed before your face! Are your wife and children destitute of
a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their
hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor! If you have not,then are
you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with
the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or
lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life,

happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been
driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time,
assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them,and of our
desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce more
good effects to this Continent, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to
Britain.

Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither be received

nor heard abroad:The custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an
inde-pendlance, we take rank with other nations.

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other
steps which we have already passed over, will ina little time become familiar and
agreeable;and,until an independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like
a man who con-tinues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet
knows it must be done,hates to set about it, wishes it over,and is continually
haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.

hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us,and treacherously by them.

To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and
our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is
madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us
and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the rela-tionship expires,
the affection will increase,or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times
more and greater concerns to quar-rel over than ever?

Ye that tell us of harmony and reconcili-ation,can ye restore to us the time that is

past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile
Britain and America. The last cord now is broken,the people of England are
presenting addresses against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive;
she would cease to be nature if she did. As well canthe lover forgive the ravisher
of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain.The Almighty hath
implanted in us these unex-tinguishable feelings for good and wise pur-
poses.They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from
the herd of comnmon animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be
extirpated the

granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?-No going to law with nations;
can-non are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war,
decides the suit. To beon the footing of sixty-three,it is not sufficient, that the laws
only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances,likewise, be put on the
same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up,our private losses
made good,our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged;otherwise,we
shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period.Such a request,had it
been complied with a year ago,would have won the heart and soul of the
Continent-but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."

Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary

law,seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human
feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto.The object, on either
side, doth not justify the means;for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast
away on such trifles. It is the vio-lence which is done and threatened to our
persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of our
country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And
the instant, in

A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects
on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is
infinitely wiser and safer,to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate
manner,while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interest-ing event to
time and chance. If we omit it now,some[2]Massanello may hereafter arise, who
laying hold of popular disqui-etudes,may collect together the desperate and the
discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may
sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the government of
America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things will
be a tempta-tion for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a
case, that relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news,the fatal business
might be done; and our-selves suffering like the wretched Britons under the
oppression of the Conqueror.Ye that oppose independence now,ye know not what
ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of
gov-ernment. There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it
glorious to expel from the continent that barbarous and hellish power, which hath
stirred up the Indi-ans and Negroes to destroy us; the cruelty

two of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there
are men who want either judgment or honesty.

It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But do such
men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it may
prove,should the Continent divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the
various orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own,
are to be considered there-in. Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer
whose ALL is ALREADY gone,and of the soldier,who hath quitted ALL for the
defence of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private
situations only,regardless of others,the event will convince them, that "they are
reck-oning without their Host."
Put us,says some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I answer,the
request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she pro-pose
it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question,By
what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements?
Another parliament, nay, even the present, may here-after repeal the obligation,
on the pretense,of its being violently obtained, or unwisely

tell what may be the event? The property of no man is secure in the present
unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and
seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts.
Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks
himself at liberty to act as he pleases.The Tories dared not have assembled
offensively, had they known that their lives,by that act, were forfeited to the laws
of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn,between, English soldiers taken
in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the
latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.

Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our

proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions.The Continental Belt is
too loosely buckled.And if something is not done in time, it will be too late to do
any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in which, neither RECONCILIA-TION nor
INDEPENDANCE will be practi-cable. The king and his worthless adherents are got
at their old game of dividing the Con-tinent, and there are not wanting among
us,Printers,who will be busy in spreading spe-cious falsehoods. The artful and
hypocritical letter which appeared a few months agoin

breaking out of hostilities,it was not worth while to have disputed a matter, which
time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise,it
is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant,
whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than
myself,before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that
day was made known,I rejected the hardened,sullen tempered Pharaoh of England
for ever; and disdain the wretch,that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS
PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their
blood upon his soul.

But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I
answer,the ruin of the continent. And that for sev-eral reasons.

FIRST.The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will
have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath shewn
himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and dis-covered such a thirst for
arbitrary power;is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies,"YOU
SHALL MAKE NO LAWS BUT WHAT I PLEASE." And is there any inhabitant in
America so ignorant as not to

The reader will pardon this digression,as it does not properly come under the head
I first set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz.

Should affairs be patched up with Britain,and she to remain the governing and
sovereign power of America, (which, as mat-ters are now circumstanced, is giving
up the point entirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the
debt we have,or may contract. The value of the back lands which some of the
provinces are clandes-tinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of
Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to
upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsyl-vania currency; and the quit-rents at one
penny sterling per acre, to two millions year-ly.

It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen to
any,and the quit-rent reserved thereon,will always lessen, and in time, will wholly
sup-port the yearly expence of government.It matters not how long the debt is in
paying,so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the
execution of which,the Congress for the time being,will be the continental
trustees.

reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed
by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal
than aIl the malice of Britain.

Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably
suf-fer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing
suffered.All they NOW possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to
its service,and having nothing more to lose,they disdain submission. Besides, the
general temper of the colonies, towards a British government,will be like that of a
youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a
government which cannot pre-serve the peace, is no government at all, and in
that case we pay our money for nothing;and pray what is it that Britain can
do,whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very
day after reconcili-ation! I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe
spoke without thinking,that they dreaded an independence,fearing that it would
produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and
that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up
connection than from independence.I make the sufferers

without locks or bolts to our doors or win-dows. The case now is altered, and our
meth-ods of defense ought to improve with our increase of property. A common
pirate,twelve months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and laid the city of
Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the same
might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow,in a brig of fourteen
or sixteen guns might have robbed the whole continent, and carried off half a
million of money. These are circum-stances which demand our attention, and
point out the necessity of naval protection.

Some,perhaps,will say,that after we have made it up with Britain, she will protect
us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours
for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath
endeavoured to subdue us,is of all others the most improper to defend
us.Conquest may be effected under the pre-tence of friendship; and ourselves
after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery. And if her ships
are not to be admit-ted into our harbours, I would ask,how is she to protect us? A
navy three or four thou-sand miles off can be of little use,and on sudden
emergencies, none at all. Wherefore,

over in silent disdain, than to mnake use of such new methods of dislike, as might
intro-duce the least innovation, on that guardian of our peace and safety.
And,perhaps,it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech,
hath not, before now, suf-fered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called
one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the com-mon
good, and the existence of mankind;and is a formal and pompous method of
offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of
mankind is one of the privileges, and the cer-tain consequence of Kings; for as
nature knows them NOT, they know NOT HER,and although they are beings of our
OWN creat-ing, they know not US, and are become the gods of their creators. The
Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calcu-lated to deceive,
neither can we, even if we would,be deceived by it.Brutality and tyranny appear
on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the
moment of reading, that He,who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and
untutored Indian,is less a Savage than the King of Britain.

Sir John Dalrymple,the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously

Of the Present Ability of America, with Some Miscellaneous Reflections

I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not
confessed his opinion that a separation between the countries, would take place
one time or oth-er: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less
judgement, than in endeav-ouring to describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness
of the Continent for independence.

As all men allow the measure,and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in
order to remove mistakes, take a general sur-vey of things, and endeavour, if
possible, to find out the VERY time. But we need not go far,the inquiry ceases at
once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US.The general concur-rence, the glorious union
of all things prove the fact.

It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present num-
bers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world.The Continent hath, at this
time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven;
and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single

mode for choosing members of that body,deserves consideration. And I put it as a

question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation and
elec-tion is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess?
When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remem-ber, that virtue is not
hereditary.

It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently
sur-prised into reason by their mistakes, Mr.Cornwall (one of the Lords of the
Treasury)treated the petition of the New-York Assem-bly with contempt,because
THAT House,he said,consisted but of twenty-six members,which trifling number,
he argued,could not with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his
involuntary honesty.[4]

TO CONCLUDE,however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling they

may be to think so,matters not,but many strong and striking reasons may be giv-
en, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and
deter-mined declaration for independance. Some of which are,
FIRST.-It is the custom of nations,when any two are at war, for some other powers,
not engaged in the quarrel, to step

I proceed now to the second head,viz.Which is the easiest and most practicable
plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPEN-DANCE;With some occasional remarks.

He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument,and on
that ground,I answer GENERALLY-THAT INDEPENDANCE BEING A SINGLE SIMPLE
LINE,CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES;AND RECONCILIATION,A MATTER
EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COM-PLICATED,AND IN WHICH,A TREACH-EROUS
CAPRICIOUJS COURT IS TO INTERFERE,GIVES THE ANSWER WITH-OUT A DOUBT.

The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of
reflexion. Without law, without government,without any other mode of power than
what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled
concurrence of sentiment,which,is nevertheless subject to change, and which,
every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condi-
tion,is,Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; a constitution without a
name;and, what is strangely astonishing,perfect Independance contending for
depen-dance. The instance is without a precedent;the case never existed before;
and who can

I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with
silently remarking,the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And
among the many which I have heard, the following seems the most
general,viz.that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence,instead of
NOW,the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the depen-
dance. To which I reply, that our military ability, AT THIS TIME, arises from
theexpe-rience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would
have been totally extinct.The Continent,would not,by that time,have had a
General, or even a mili-tary officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us,
would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this
single position, closely attended to,will unanswerably prove, that the present time
is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus-at the conclusion of the last
war, we had experience,but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we
should have numbers,without experience; wherefore,the proper point of time,
must be some particu-lar point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency
of the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that
point of time is the present time.

if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?

The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of
them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in being; yet their
names are pompously continued in the list, if only a plank be left of the ship: and
not a fifth part of such as are fit for service, can be spared on any one station at
one time. The East and West Indies,Mediterranean,Africa,and other parts over
which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy.From a
mixture of prejudice and inattention,we have contracted a false notion respecting
the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to
encounter at once,and for that reason,supposed, that we must have one as large;
which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of
disguised Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from
truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of
Britain,she would be by far an overmatch for her;because, as we neither have, nor
claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coast,
where we should,in the long run,have two to one the advantage of those who had
three or four

of war is uncertain, neither do the expres-sions mean any thing; for this continent
would never sufer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in
either Asia, Africa, or Europe.

Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is
commerce,and that,well attended to,will secure us the peace and friendship of all
Europe; because,it is the interest of all Europe to have Amer-ica a FREE PORT. Her
trade will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her
from invaders.

I challenge the warmest advocate for rec-onciliation, to shew, a single advantage

that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the
challenge,not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any
market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we
will.

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without
num-ber; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to
renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependence on Great
Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and
sets us at variance with

his measures were only of a temporary kind,replied "THEY WILL LAST MY

TIME."Should a thought so fatal and unmanly pos-sess the colonies in the present
contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with
detestation.

The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a city,a
county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent-of at least one eighth part of
the habitable globe. 'Tis not the concern of a day,a year, or an age; posterty are
virtually involved in the contest, and wilI be more or less affected, even to the end
of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-timeof continental union, faith
and honour.The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a
pin on the ten-der rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and
posterity read it in full grown characters.

By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new aera for politics is struck;a
new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the
nineteenth of April, i. e. to the commencement of hostil-ities, are like the
almanacs of the last year;which, though proper then are superseded and useless
now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question

twelve only,omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former
Con-gress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper
rotation.And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily
just not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority-He that will
promote discord,under a government so equally formed as this,would have joined
Lucifer in his revolt.

But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this business
must first arise, and as it seems most agree-able and consistent, that it should
come from some intermediate body between the gov-erned and the governors,
that is, between the Congress and the people. Let a CONTINEN-TAL CONFERENCE
be held,in the follow-ing manner, and for the following purpose.

A committee of twenty-six members of Congress,viz.two for each colony.Two

Members from each House of Assembly,or Provincial Convention;and five
representa-tives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of
each province,for and in behalf of the whole province,by as many qualified voters
as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if
more convenient, the repre-sentatives may be chosen in two or three of

state of foreign dependance,limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in

its legislative powers, can ever arrive atany material eminence. America doth not
yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made
stands unpar-alleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood,compared
with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the
legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time,proudly coveting
what would do her no good,were she to accomplish it; and the Continent
hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce
and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that
would in a great measure continue,were the countries as independant of each
other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better
market. But it is the indepen-dance of this country of Britain or any other,which is
now the main and only object wor-thy of contention,and which,like all other truths
discovered by necessity,will appear clearer and stronger every day.

First. Because it will come to that one time or other.

Secondly.Because,the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish.

nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have
nei-ther anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form
no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer
clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependence
on Britain,she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.

Europe is too thicklyplanted with king-doms to be long at peace, and whenever a

war breaks out between England and any for-eign power, the trade of America
goes to ruin,BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH ENGLAND.The next war may
not turn out like the last, and should it not,the advocates for reconciliation now,
will be wishing for separation then, because, neu-trality in that case, would be a
safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for
separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries,'TIS TIME TO
PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America,
is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other,was
never the design of Heaven. The time like-wise at which the continent was
discovered,adds weight to the argument, and the man-

cruelty,procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of America

to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more
her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property,to support a power
who is become a reproach to the names of men and chris-tians-YE,whose office it
is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are
of, as well as ye, who,are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if
ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption,
ye must in secret wish a separa-tion-But leaving the moral part to private
reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.

First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.

Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,RECONCILIATION OR

INDEPENDANCE? With some occasional remarks.

In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of
the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments,
on that head,are not yet publicly known. It is in real-ity a self-evident position: For
no nation in a

Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I
offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments
DRAGONET-TI. "The science" says he "of the politician consists infixing the true
point of happiness and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages,
who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of
individual happiness, with the least national expense."[1]

But where, says some, is the King of America? I'll tell you.Friend,he reigns above,
and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain.Yet that we
may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set
apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law,
the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon,by which the world may know,
that so far as we approve of monarchy,that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in
absolute gov-ernments the King is law, so in free countries the law OUGHT to be
King; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise,
let the crown at the conclu-sion of the ceremony,be demolished, and scattered
among the people whose right it is.

laws without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is something very
ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to
several millions of people, older and wiser than him-self, I forbid this or that act of
yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never
cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the
King's residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The king's neg-
ative HERE is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for
THERE he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as
strong a state of defense as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a
bill to be passed.

America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England

consults the good of THIS country, no farther than it answers her OWN purpose.
Wherefore,her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of OURS in every
case which doth not promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A
pretty state we should soon be in under such a secondhand govern-
ment,considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to
friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation now is
a dangerous doc-

Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against

connections.

It has lately been asserted in parliament,that the colonies have no relation to

each other but through the parent country, i. e.that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys,
and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a
very round-about way of proving relationship, butit is the nearest and only true
way of proving enemy-ship,if I may so call it.France and Spain never were, nor
perhaps ever will be our ene-mies as AMERICANS, but as our being the subjects of
GREAT BRITAIN.

But Britain is the parent country,say some. Then the more shame upon her con-
duct. Even brutes do not devour their young,nor savages make war upon their
families;wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not
to be true, or only partly so and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath
been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites,with a low papistical design
of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not
England, is the par-ent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum
for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from EVERY PART of
Europe.Hither have they fled,not from

dren,and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther,would have
ren-dered this continent the glory of the earth.

As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we

may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the
continent,or any ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been
already put to.

The object,contended for,ought always to bear some just proportion to the

expense.The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter
unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was an
inconvenience,which would have sufficiently balanced the repea of all the acts
complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole conti-nent must
take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight
against a contemptible ministry only.Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of
the acts,if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to
pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always considered the
independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so
from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity,the event couId not be
far off. Wherefore, on the

the most populous parts thereof. In this con-ference, thus assembled, will be
united, the two grand principles of business KNOWL-EDGE and POWER.The
members of Con-gress,Assembies, or Conventions, by having had experience in
national concerns,will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole,being
empowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.

The conferring members being met,let their business be to frame a CONTINENTAL

CHARTER,or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the
Magna Carta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of
Con-gress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line
of business and jurisdiction between them:(Always remembering, that our
strength is continen-tal, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men,
and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dic-tates of
conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to
contain.Immediately after which,the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies
which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter,to be the legislators and
governors of this conti-nent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness may
God preserve,Amen.

within the following descriptions.Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak
men,who CANNOT see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of
moderate men,who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this
last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this
continent, than all the other three.

It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is
not sufficient brought to their doors to make THEM feel the precariousness with
which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for
a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and
instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The
inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and
affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, orturn and
beg.Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and
plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are
prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief,
they would be exposed to the fury of both armies.

If there is any true cause of fear respect-ing independence, it is because no plan is

yet laid down. Men do not see their way out-Wherefore,as an opening into that
business,I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I
have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving
rise to something bet-ter.Could the straggling thoughts of individ-uals be
collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve
into useful matter.

LET the assemblies be annual,with a President only. The representation more

equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a
Continental Congress.

Let each colony be divided into six,eight, or ten, convenient districts, each dis-trict
to send a proper number of delegates to Congress,so that each colony send at
least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be at least 390. Each Congress to
sit and to choose a president by the following method.When the delegates are
met, let a colony be taken fromn the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which,
let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of
that province.In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from

trine,I affirm,THAT IT WOULD BE POLICY IN THE KING AT THIS TIME,TO REPEAL THE
ACTS FOR THE SAKE OF REINSTAT-ING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
PROVINCES; in order,that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTLETY,IN THE
LONG RUN,WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT
ONE.Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

SECONDLY.That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain,can

amount to no more than a temporary expedi-ent, or a kind of government by
guardian-ship,which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the
general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unset-tled and
unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose
form of government hangs but by a thread,and who is every day tottering on the
brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants
would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects,and quit the continent.
But the most powerful of all arguments,is,that nothing but independence, i.e. a
con-tinental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent and
preserve it invio-late from civil wars. I dread the event of a

which such a mode of defence became neces-sary, all subjection to Britain ought
to have ceased; and the independancy of America,should have been considered,
as dating its aera from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS FIRED
AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; nei-ther drawn by caprice, nor
extended by ambi-tion; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies
were not the authors.

I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely and well intended
hints.We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways by which an
independancy may here-after be effected; and that ONE of those THREE,will one
day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in
Congress; by a military power; or by a mob-It may not always happen that OUR
soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I
have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an
independancy be brought about by the first of those means,we have every
opportunity and every encour-agement before us, to form the noblest purest
constitution on the face of the earth.We have it in our power to begin the world
over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days
of

her complement of men was upwards of two

hundred. A few able and social sailors will

soon instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common work of a

ship.Wherefore,wve never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters
than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors
and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war of seventy and eighty guns were built
forty years ago in New-Eng-land,and why not the same now? Ship-build-ing is
America's greatest pride, and in which she will in time excel the whole world.The
great empires of the east are mostly inland,and consequently excluded from the
possibil-ity of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of bar-barism; and no power in
Europe hath either such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of
materials. Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to
America only hath she been liberal of both.The vast empire of Russia is almost
shut out from the sea: wherefore,her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage
are only articles of commerce.

In point of safety, ought we to be with-out a fleet? We are not the little people
now,which we were sixty years ago;at that time we might have trusted our
property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely

know, that according to what is called the PRESENT CONSTITUTION,that this conti-
nent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so
unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law
to be made here,but such as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved
by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England.
After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole
power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as
possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quar-
relling or ridiculously petitioning.-WE are already greater than the king wishes us
to be,and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to
one point.Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern
us? Whoever says No to this question, is an INDEPENDANT,for independancy
means no more,than,whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king,
the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us 'THERE SHALL
BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE."

But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make no

85 Sloops,bombs,

and fireships,one 2,000 170,000

with another,-------------

Cost 3,266,786

Remains for guns, -.-------233,214

----------

3,500,000

No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a

fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron,and cordage are her natural produce.We need
go abroad for nothing.Whereas the Dutch,who make large profits by hiring out
their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese,are obliged to import most of
their materials they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of
commerce,it being the natural manufactory of this country.It is the best money we
can lay out. A navy when fin-ished is worth more than it cost. And is that nice
point in national policy, in which com-merce and protection are united. Let us
build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our paper
currency with ready gold and silver.

In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not neces-
sary that one fourth part should he sailors.The Terrible privateer, Captain
Death,stood the hottest engagement of any ship last war,yet had not twenty
sailors on board, though

the present opportunity-TO BEGIN GOV-ERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END.

When William the Conqueror subdued England,he gave them law at the point of
the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government, in America,be
legally and authoritatively occupied,we shall be in danger of having it filled by
some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in thesame man-ner, and then, where
will be our freedom?where our property? As to religion, I hold it to be the
indispensable duty of all govern-ment, to protect all conscientious professors
thereof, and I know of no other business which government hath to do
therewith,Let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul,that selfishness of
principle, which the nig-gards of all professions are so unwilling to part with, and
he will be at delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the compan-ion of
mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscien-
tiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty,that there should be diversity of
religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian
kindness.Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want
matter for proba-tion; and on this liberal principle, I look on the various
denominations among us, to be
Thoughts on the Present State of Ameri-can Affairs

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments,
and common sense; and have no other Prelimi-naries to settle with the reader,
than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepos-session, and suffer his
reason and his feel-ings to determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or
rather that he will not put OFF the true character of a man, and generouisly
enlarge his views beyond the present day.

Volumes have been written on the sub-ject of the struggle between England and
America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy,from different
motives,and with various designs; but all have been inef-fectual,and the period of
debate is closed.Arms,as the last resource,decide this con-test; the appeal was
the choice of the king,and the continent hath accepted the chal-lenge.

It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pel-ham (who tho' an able minister was not
without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the
score,that

like children of the same family,differing only,in what is called, their Christian
names.

In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a Continental Charter,
(for I only presume to offer hints,not plans)and in this place, I take the liberty of
remen-tioning the subject, by observing, that a char-ter is to be understood as a
bond of solemn obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of
every separate part,whether of religion, personal freedom,or property. A firm
bargainand a right reckon-ing make long friends.

In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal

representa-tion; and there is no political matter which more deserves our
attention. A small num-ber of electors, or a small number of repre-sentatives, are
equally dangerous. But if the number of the representatives be not only small, but
unequal, the danger is increased.As an instance of this, I mention the follow-ing;
when the Associators petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylva-nia;
twenty-eight members only were present,all the Bucks county members,being
eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the same,this
whole province had been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is
always

But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing
the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge,and is using posterity with the
utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon
their backs, from which they derive no advantage.Such a thought is unworthy of a
man of hon-or, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling
politician.

The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work be but accom-
plished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a national
bond;and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britainis oppressed
with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she
pays upwards of four millions interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she
has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the
twentieth part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The
navy of England is not worth, at this time,more than three millions and an half
sterling.

The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the follow-
ing calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the
navy is just.[3]

The infant state of the Colonies, asit is called, so far from being against, is an
argu-ment in favour of independance. We are suf-ficiently numerous, and were we
more so, we might be less united. It is a matter worthy of observation, that the
more a country is peo-pled,the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the
ancients far exceeded the modems: and the reason is evident. For trade being the
consequence of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to
anything else.Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military
defence.And history sufficiently informs us,that the bravest achievements were
always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.With the increase of
commerce,England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, not-withstanding its
numbers, submits to contin-ued insults with the patience of a coward.The more
men have to lose, the less willing are they to venture. The rich are in general
slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a
Spaniel.

Youth is the seed time of good habits,as well in nations as in individuals. It might
be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Conti-nent into one government half a
century hence. The vast variety of interests, occa-sioned by an increase of trade
and popula-

colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the
mat-ter, and either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land
force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that
Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built,while the continent
remained in her hands.Wherefore,we should be no for-warder an hundred years
hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so,
because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that,which will
remain at last,will be far off and difficult to procure.

Were the continent crowded with inhab-itants, her sufferings under the present
cir-cumstances would be intolerable. The more seaport towns we had, the more
should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily
proportioned to our wants, that no man need be idle.The diminution of trade
affords an army, and the necessities of an army create a new trade.

Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as
a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with a settled form
of govern-ment, an independent constitution of its own,the purchase at any price
will be cheap.

exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch like-wise,which that house made in their
last sit-ting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that province,ought
to warn the people at large,how they trust power out of their own hands. A set of
instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and
business would have dishon-oured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a
FEW, a VERY FEW without doors,were carried into the House, and there passed IN
BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY;where-as, did the whole colony know, with what
ill-will that House hath entered on some neces-sary public measures, they would
not hesi-tate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient,which if continued would

grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things.When the
calamities of America required a consultation, there was no method so ready, or
at that timne so prop-er,as to appoint persons from the several Houses of
Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath
preserved this continent from ruin.But as it is more than probable that we shall
never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own,that
the

tion,would create confusion.Colony would be against colony. Each being able

might scorn each other's assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in
their little dis-tinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been
formed before.WVhere-fore,the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it.
The intimacy wvhich is contracted in infancy,and the friendship which is formed in
misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union
is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed;
but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable area for
posterity to glory in.

The present time, likewise, is that pecu-liar time, which never happens to a nation
but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let
slip the opportunity,and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from
their con-querors, instead of making laws for them-selves. First, they had a king,
and then a form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of government,
should be formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterward but from
the errors of other nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of

the tender embraces of the mother,but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is
so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from
home, pursues their descendants still.

In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred
and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale;
we claim brotherhood with every European Christian, and triumph in the
generosity of the sentiment.

It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local

prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born in any town
in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow-
parishioners (because their interests in many cases will be common) and
distinguish him by the name of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from
home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of
TOWNSMAN;if he travel out of the county,and meet him in any other, he forgets
the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him
COUNTRYMAN,i.e.COUNTRYMAN;but if in their foreign excursions they should
associate in France or any other part of EUROPE,their local remembrance would
be

The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts,
yards,sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswain's
and carpenter's seastores,as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Sec-retary to the navy.
pounds Sterling

For a ship of a 100 guns-35,553

90--29,886

80--23,638

70--17,795

60 -- 14,197

50--10,606

40--7,558

30--5,846

20--3,710

And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the whole British
navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory consisted of the
following ships and guns:

Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost of all

6-100-35,553-213,318

12-90-29,886-358,632

12-80-23,638-283,656

34-70-17,785-764,755

35-60-14,197-496,895

40-50-10,606-424,240

45-40-7,558-340,110

58-20-3,710-215,180

ner in which it was peopled increases the force of it. Thereformation was preceded
by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a
sanctuary to the Persecuted in future years,when home should afford neither
friendship nor safety.

The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of government,which

sooner or later must have an end: And a seri-ous mind can draw no true pleasure
by look-ing forward under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls
"the present constitution" is merely temporary. As par-ents,we can have no joy,
knowing that THIS GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing
which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argu-ment, as we
are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, oth-
erwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty
rightly,we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years
farther into life;that emninence will present a prospect, which a few present fears
and prejudices conceal from our sight.
Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense, yet I am inclined to
believe, that all those who espouse the doc-trine of reconciliation, may be
included

precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true,for I
answer roundly,that America would have flourished as much, and probably much
more, had no European power had any thing to do with her.The commerce,by
which she hath enriched herself, are the necessaries of life,and will always have a
market while eating is the custom of Europe.

But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us is true, and
defended the continent at our expense as well as her own is admitted, and she
would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz.the sake of trade and
dominion.

Alas,we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices
to superstition. We have boasted the protec-tion of Great Britain, without
considering,that her motive was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not
protect us from OUR ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT,but from HER ENEMIES on HER
OWN ACCOUNT,from those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER
ACCOUNT,and who will always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT.Let Britain
wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependence,
and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with

Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses of Britain,
and,still hoping for the best, are apt to call out,"COME,COME,WE SHALL BE
FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS." But examine the passions and feelings of
mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then
tell me, whether you can hereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that
hath carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all these,then are you
only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your
future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honor will be forced
and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a
little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if you say, you can
still pass the vio-lations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your
property been destroyed before your face! Are your wife and children destitute of
a bed to lie on,or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their
hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor! If you have not, then are
you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and stiIl can shake hands with
the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or
lover, and whatever may be your ranak or title in life,

case my own, and I protest, that were I dri-ven from house and home, my
property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined,that as man, sensible of
injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation,or consider myself
bound thereby.

The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to conti-
nental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and
happy on that head. No man can assign the least pre-tence for his fears, on any
other grounds,than such as are truly childish and ridicu-lous, viz. that one colony
will be striving for superiority over another.
Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality
affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in
peace. Hol-land and Switzerland are without wars, for-eign or
domestic:Monarchical governments,it is true, are never long at rest; the crown
itself is a temptation to enterprising ruffians at HOME; and that degree of pride
and inso-lence ever attendant on regal authority,swells into a rupture with foreign
powers,in instances, where a republican government,by being formed on more
natural principles,would negotiate the mistake.

thousand miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distance to
return in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain, by her fleet, hath a check
over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the West
Indies,which,by laying in the neighbourhood of the continent,is entirely at its
mercy.

Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, if we

should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If premiums were to be
given to merchants, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with
twenty, thirty,forty or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of
bulk to the mer-chants) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on
constant duty,would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without bur-dening
ourselves with the evil so loudly com-plained of in England, of suffering their
fleet,in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks.To unite the sinews of commerce
and defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each
other's hand,we need fear no external enemy.

In amost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even to

rankness,so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other
countries.Our

small arms equal to any in the world. Can-non we can cast at pleasure.Saltpetre
and gunpowder we are every day producing.Our knowledge is hourly improving.
Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.
Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate?From Britain we can
expect nothing but ruin.If she is once admitted to the government of America
again, this Continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies will be always arising;
insurrections will be constantly hap-pening; and who will go forth to quell them?
Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?
The dif-ference between Pennsylvania and Connecti-cut, respecting some
unlocated lands, sheWS the insignificance of a British government,and fully
proves, that nothing but Continen-tal authority can regulate Continental matters.

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer
our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied,which instead of being
lavished by the king on his worthless dependants,may be hereafter applied, not
only to the dis-charge of the present debt,but to the con-stant support of
government. No nation under heaven hath such an advantage at this.

even a year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a fallacious dream. Nature hath

deserted the connection,and Art cannot supply her place.For,as Milton wisely
expresses, "never can true reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hate
have pierced so deep."

Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been
rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us,that nothing flatters vanity,
or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated peti-tioning-and nothing hath
contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute:
Witness Denmark and Swe-den. Wherefore,since nothing but blows will do, for
God's sake, let us come to a final sep-aration, and not leave the next generation
to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.

To say,they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the
repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose
that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent jus-

tice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with

any tolerable degree of convenience,by a power so distant from us, and so very
igno-rant of us; for if they cannot conquer us,they cannot govern us. To be always
running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a peti-tion,waiting four or five
months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it
in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness 一 There was a time
when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.

Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for
king-doms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in
supposing a conti-nent to be perpetually governed by an island.In no instance
hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as Eng-land and
America, wvith respect to each other,reverses the common order of nature, it is
evident they belong to different systems;England to Europe, America to itself.

I am not induced by motives of pride,party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine

of separation and independance; I am clearly,positively, and conscientiously
persuaded that it is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every thing
short of THAT is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felici-ty,-that it is
leaving the sword to our chil-

enlarged into that of ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all

Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are
COUNTRYMEN; for England,Holland,Germany,or Sweden, when com-pared with
the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divi-sions of
street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited for
continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province,are of
English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country
applied to England only, as being false, selfish, nar-row and ungenerous

But admitting,that we were all of Eng-lish descent, what does it amount to? Noth-
ing. Britain, being now an open enemy,extinguishes every other name and title:
And to say that reconciliation is our duty,is truly farcical. The first king of England,
of the present line(William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of
England are descendants from the same country; there-fore,by the same method
of reasoning,Eng-land ought to be governed by France.

Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in
conjunction they might bid defiance to the world.But this is mere presumption;
the fate

in as mediators, and bring about the prelimi-naries of a peace: but while America
calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no pow-er,however well disposed she
may be,can offer her mediation.Wherefore,in our present state we may quarrel on
for ever.

SECONDLY.-It is unreasonable to sup-pose,that France or Spain will give us any

kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the
purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the connection between
Britain and America;because,those powers would be sufferers by the
consequences.

THIRDLY.-While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of

foreign nations, be considered as rebels.The precedent is somewhat dangerous to
THEIR PEACE, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot,
can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance and sub-jection, requires an idea
much too refined for common understanding.

FOURTHLY.-Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign

courts,setting forth the miseries we have endured,and the peaceable methods we
have ineffec-tually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being
able, any longer, to lve

called,"THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND TO THE INHABITANTS OF

AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain sup-position, that the people here were to
be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely
on his part) the real character of the present one:"But" says this writer, "if you are
inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of,"
(meaning the Mar-quis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act) "it is very
unfair in you to with-hold them from that prince by WHOSE NOD ALONE THEY
WERE PERMITTED TO DO ANY THING." This is toryism with a wit-ness! Here is
idolatry even without a mask:And he who can calmly hear, and digest such
doctrine,hath forfeited his claim to rational-ity an apostate from the order of
manhood;and ought to be considered as one, who hath not only given up the
proper dignity of man,but sunk himself beneath the rank of ani-mals, and
contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm.

However,it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does;
he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled
nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit
of insolence and

then, terminated in one and the same point.viz.a union with Great-Britain: the
only dif-ference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one
proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath sofar happened that the first
hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.

As much hath been said of the advan-tages of reconciliation which, like an agree-
able dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we
should examine the contrary side of the argument,and inquire into some of the
many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by
being connected with,and dependent on Great Britain:To examine that connection
and dependence, on the prin-ciples of nature and common sense, to see what we
have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her
former connection with Great Britain that the same connection is necessary
towards her future happiness,and will always have the same effect. Nothing can
be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that
because a child has thrived upon milk that it is never to have meat, or that the
first twenty years of our lives is to become a

you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.

This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters,but trying them by those feelings

and affections which nature justifies,and without which, we should be incapable of
discharging the social duties of life, or enjoy-ing the felicities of it. I mean not to
exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge,but to awaken us from fatal
and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is
not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America,if she do not conquer
herself by DELAY and TIMIDITY.The present winter is worth an age if rightly
employed, but if lost or neglect-ed,the whole continent will partake of the
misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he
who,or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so
precious and useful.

It is repugnant to reason, to the univer-sal order of things, to all examples from

for-mer ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any
external power.The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch
of human wisdom cannot,at this time,compass a plan short of separation,which
can promise the continent\

Appendix

Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same
day on which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had
the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have
brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The
bloody minded-ness of the one, shew the necessity of pursu-ing the doctrine of
the other.Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying,
prepared a way for the manly prin-ciples of Independance.

Ceremony, and even, silence, from what-ever motive they may arise, have a
hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base and
wicked perfor-mances; wherefore, if this maxim be admit-ted, it naturally follows,
that the King's Speech, as being a piece of finished villany,deserved,and still
deserves, a general execra-tion both by the Congress and the people.Yet,as the
domestic tranquillity ofa nation,depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what may
properly be called NATIONAL MAN-NERS, it is often better, to pass some things