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Magic and Medicine

Gems and the Power of Seals

Véronique Dasen

A number of recent studies have explored the fluidity of the the Hippocratic treatise on Ancient Medicine:
boundaries between medical, religious, and magical therapies Again, cupping instruments, which are broad and tapering, are so
in Classical antiquity,1 but the implications of this interplay constructed on purpose to draw and attract blood from the flesh.
have yet to be fully investigated. In this paper, I would like to […] Of the parts within the human frame, the bladder, the head,
and the womb are of this structure. These obviously attract
pursue reflections on these interactions. I will more specifically powerfully, and are always full of a fluid from without.7
focus on the notion of sphragis (seal), common to both
practices, and explore the double meaning of the word which The image of a cupping vessel is also the conventional emblem
casts light on an important aspect of the cultural context of of the medical profession during the Graeco-Roman period.
magical gems and could elucidate one of their operating The device thus possessed a supplementary value; it added
modes. medical authority to the efficacy of the magical procedure.
Material evidence of the relationship between ancient Other literary medical metaphors can be detected on gems,
magic and medicine is manifold. On the one hand, medical such as the image of the octopus, representing the womb in
instruments may show divine or magical devices ensuring the medical texts and on uterine gems.8 These interactions are no
success of the practitioner. Besides Asclepios, the figure of coincidence: they reflect a wide therapeutic system which
Heracles is common. His presence is partly explained by his could combine magical and medical remedies without
fame for his courage and endurance, partly by his competence antagonism, and in a complementary way.
as alexikakos, ‘evil’s averter’, partly by the genealogy of
Hippocrates. Some believed that Hippocrates was descended Sphragis
from Asclepios through his father, and from Heracles through The double meaning of the word sphragis throws an interesting
his mother. An apocryphal letter to Artaxerxes compares light on the nature and function of healing stones, pointing to
Hippocrates, who defeats ‘wild’ and ‘bestial’ diseases, with other possible connections between medical and magical
Heracles, the champion of dangerous animals. Divinised, therapies. Sphragis usually designates a seal ring or stamp.9
Hippocrates allegedly received in Greece the same honours as Physicians also had stamps: oculists used to impress solid sticks
Heracles and Asclepios.2 Roman period coins from Cos depict of eye ointments with a stamp, usually made of greenish-black
on the obverse a seated Hippocrates, inscribed with his name, steatite, carved with a text, cut in reverse, on the flat face of
and on the reverse the bust of Heracles holding a club.3 It is thus each edge. The content of the inscription provides the name of
no surprise to find allusions to Heracles on medical the person who probably invented the salve, the name of an
instruments, especially on items used for painful operations affliction, and the name of the salve for its treatment,
requiring great skill; some handles of surgical knives from sometimes adding how to use it.10
Pompei depict his bust, the knotty handles of embryo hooks The word sphragis also has another meaning for
and needles for cataract couching imitate the hero’s club, practitioners: it denotes the result of stamping, namely not just
whereas retractors end in the shape of a lion’s head, possibly of the impression of the stamp, but the remedy itself. A sphragis is
the Nemean lion.4 Heracles thus helped ‘taming’ pain as he thus a stamped pill, called in Greek trochischos, in Latin
mastered wild animals, also promoting the patient’s resistance pastillus.11 In the reign of Tiberius, Celsus describes the famous
and chances of survival. Collyrium stamps for eye-salves too sphragis or pill of Polyidus, perhaps named after the legendary
can bear divine or magical figures, such as the stars and moon seer and healer Polyidus:
also found on magical gems (Pls 1–2).5 But the pastil of Polyidus called the ‘seal’, sphragis autem
On the other hand, magical gems often refer to medical nominatur, is by far the most celebrated. It contains split alum
practices. They share a common imagery of the body, displayed 4.66g, blacking 8g, myrrh 20g, lign aloes the same, pomegranate
heads and ox-bile, 24g each; these are rubbed together and taken
on gems. Uterine gems are thus carved with a cupping device,6 up in dry wine.12
a visual metaphor for the womb used in medical texts, such as

Plates 1a-b Steatite or green serpentine (46 x 20 x 12mm). Avignon, Palais du Plate 2 Red jasper (15 x 13 x 4mm). London, British Museum, PE 1849,1127.16
Roure

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Similarly, the physician Galen uses sphragis as a synonym for What they call Lemnian earth is brought up from a certain
collyrium (eye-salve): ‘For inflammed eyelids, apply a collyrium cavernous underground passage and mixed with goat’s blood; the
people there, after moulding it and stamping it with the figure of a
mixed with water, that some call a sphragis’.13 goat, call it sphragis. It is an uncommonly effective antidote for
An oculist stamp from Reims in France confirms that the deadly poisons when drunk with wine, and, when taken ahead of
word sphragis could designate a remedy: it names the time, it forces one to vomit the poisons. It is suitable for the strokes
impressed dried salve stick not collyrium, as expected, but of venomous animals and for their bites. It is mixed with
antidotes.20
sfragis in Latin transliteration, demonstrating that the Greek
term was well understood in 2nd–3rd century ad Roman We have a precious eye-witness in the person of the physician
Gaul:14 Galen himself who wrote a detailed account of his second
d galli (s)fragis ad aspritudin(em). journey to Lemnos.21 Lemnian earth was one of the 37
d galli (s)fragis ad impet(um) lippit(udinis) ingredients of his famous mithridatium. He wanted to see how
the product was exploited and manufactured before buying it
Sphragis of Decimus Gallus Sestus for trachoma
for his own practice :
Sphragis of Decimus Gallus Sestus at the onset of inflammation
I also sailed to Lemnos and for no other reason than to get the
Lemnian earth or ‘seal’ (sphragis) whichever it is called. This has
Terra Lemnia been thoroughly described in the ninth book of my treatise On the
Properties of the Simple Drugs.22
The analogy between stamped pills and stone gems extends far
beyond the common use of the word sphragis. Like gems, pills Galen first describes the ritual performed by the priestess of
could bear pictures, some of them being very similar to those Artemis, and confirms that she stamped an image on the clay:
found on medical magical gems. The most famous, and the The priestess collects [the earth], to the accompaniment of some
most ancient, sphragis of classical antiquity was sealed clay, local ceremony, no animal being sacrificed, but wheat and barley
made of earth collected on the island of Lemnos in north- being given back to the land in exchange. She then takes it to the
city, mixes it with water so as to make moist mud, shakes this
eastern Greece. Lemnian earth was highly reputed as an
violently and then allows it to stand […]. She takes small portions
antidote with wide-ranging healing properties, from eye- and imprints upon them the seal of Artemis [the goat]; then again
diseases to stomach pains and the bites of venomous animals. she dries these in the shade till they are absolutely free from
The pill was characterised by its reddish colour – and by a moisture […]. This then becomes what all physicians know as the
Lemnian Seal.23
stamped image. Pliny defines the earth as a red ochre, rubrica
Lemnia: Galen was intrigued by the description of Dioscorides:
In medicine it is a substance ranked very high. Used as a liniment I had once read in the works of Dioscorides and others that the
round the eyes it relieves defluxions and pains, and checks the Lemnian earth is mixed with goat’s blood, and that it is out of the
discharge from eye-tumours; it is given in vinegar as a draught in mud resulting from this mixture that the so-called Lemnian seals
cases of vomiting or spitting blood. It is also taken as a draught for are moulded and stamped. Hence I conceived a great desire to see
troubles of the spleen and kidneys and for excessive menstruation; for myself the process of mixture […] in order to see in what
and likewise as a remedy for poisons and snake bites and the sting proportion blood was mixed with the earth.24
of sea serpents; hence it is in common use for all antidotes.15
On the spot, the enigma was soon solved: ‘All who heard this
Many ancient authors discuss the healing qualities of Lemnian question of mine laughed’.25 No goat’s blood was added, the red
earth that could also reduce inflammations, heal up recent and colour was natural. As we know thanks to Hallas and Photos-
malignant wounds and soothe chronic pains.16 Its styptic Jones, it is due to the presence of haematite. A book providing a
properties are observed by Cassius Felix (5th century ad) who respected medical authority was brought to Galen:
recommends Lemnian seals against blood spitting.17 Theodorus I got a book from one of them, written by a former native, in which
Priscianus (5th century ad) also prescribes it against all the uses of the Lemnian earth were set forth. Therefore I had no
haemorrhage as does Mustio (6th century ad) against hesitation myself in testing the medicine, and I took away twenty
thousand seals.26
gynaecological bleeding.18
Thanks to the recent analysis by two geologists, Hallas and Galen then goes on describing the astringent and dessicative
Photos-Jones,19 we know today that the typical red colour of action of Lemnian earth on animal bites, ulcers, persistent
Lemnian clay is due to the presence of haematite, a powerful pains and swellings, and explains how to employ the seals for
red pigment (c. 5%). They also found that Lemnian pills could external and internal use. They had to be dissolved in a liquid,
work as a medicine because of its other components: such as vinegar, wine, or oxymel, until it has a mud-like
montmorillonite (c. 40%), a clay with a strong absorbing consistency, ‘like these pastilles (trochisci) which are made in
power, very efficient for the removal of toxins, also used various ways’.27 Mixed with vinegar it was applied to a wound.
externally, and kaolin (35%), another healing clay efficient As an antidote against poisoning, it had to be drunk, added to a
against soft tissue inflammation, and an absorbent when taken special preparation. The long-lasting fame of Lemnian clay,
in case, for example, of gastro-enteritis. The earth also used as a kind of panacea, extended beyond antiquity. In post-
contains alum (20%) with well-known haemostatic and anti- medieval and modern times, it was no longer collected by the
bacterial properties. priestess of Artemis, but blessed by the church.28
The most intriguing fact about the Lemnian clay sphragis is No clay sphragis from Lemnos is preserved, but we find a
that it looked like a gem because it was stamped with an image, reflection of it on a gem from the Seyrig collection in the
that of a goat. Dioscorides underscores the role of the goat, and Cabinet des médailles in Paris (Pls 3a–b).29 A she-goat is
reports that the presence of its blood explained the colour of carved, not on a reddish clay, but on a haematite, a stone which
the earth: produced a red colour too. On the reverse, we find the

70 | ‘Gems of Heaven’
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Medical sphragides
How widespread were medical sphragides, apart from the
Lemnian one, and do other magical gems look like them? A
number of remedies with pictures can be traced, some
presenting images also found on magical gems.
Galen reports a remedy from a lost treatise of Asclepiades
the Younger (1st century ad): ‘The yellow remedy of Antigonos,
Plates 3a–b Haematite, 13 x 9mm. Paris, Cabinet des médailles (Seyrig called little lion because it was printed with the image of a
collection) lion’.37 In the same treatise, Asclepiades also mentions a crow
seal, korakinè sphragis, a remedy good for mouth or throat
expression pauson, ‘stop, put an end to’, which could refer to troubles;38 the name may refer to its black colour or to the
the bleeding stopped by the power of haematite, or to the relief image of a crow. Another example occurs in a 1st-century ad
of any pain. The formula pauson ponon occurs on other medical Egyptian papyrus where Servilius explains to Nemesion, a
gems, such as a haematite gem from the Skoluda collection wealthy man from Philadelphia, that he bought for him a
addressing Chnoubis ‘pauson ponon tou stomachou’ (Pl. 4).30 ‘stone’ (litharion) of silphium, printed with the image of
The choice of the stone carved with the goat is not a Harpocrates;39 a very common iconographic type on magical
coincidence: haematite, or ‘bloodstone’, was credited with gems.40 In the same period, the Pliny the Elder tells us that:
qualities very similar to those of Lemnian earth. It was highly ‘Now indeed men also are beginning to wear on their fingers
reputed as a blood-stauncher; it could also cure eye diseases Harpocrates and figures of Egyptian deities’.41
and venomous bites, says the Orphic Lapidary.31 Dioscorides Remedies prepared in a magical context could also be
has a similar description, arguing that: stamped, like normal drugs, with an image, but this time
It has properties that are astringent, that warm somewhat, that explicitly magical. One of the Greek Magical Papyri offers a
thin, and that wipe off scars and roughness in the eyes with honey. description of the preparation of a collyrium made of animal
With a woman’s milk it is good for opthalmia, for rents, and for and plant material (field mouse, dappled goat, dog-faced
bloodshot eyes.32
baboon, ibis, river crab, moon beetle, wormwood, and a clove
The manner of using it provides another parallel between of garlic), duly stamped, like regular remedies, but with a ring
haematite stone and Lemnian clay. Like Lemnian pills, it was bearing the image of Hecate and a magical name:
advised to drink the stone broken and mixed with a liquid, such Blend with vinegar. Make pills, kolluria, and stamp them with a
as water, or applied with other ingredients, such as honey or completely iron ring, completely tempered, with a Hecate and the
human milk.33 This procedure explains why a large number of name Barzou Pherba.42

haematite gems are found broken: they were taken as a Apart from solid sticks of salve, containers of precious
medicine, as were other stones with medical properties, but in medicine were also impressed with an image certifying its
lesser quantities.34 In a medical context, brittleness was even authenticity, such as the famous lykion pots, miniature jars
regarded as a quality for haematites. Dioscorides thus asserts around 2–3cm high, containing a much valued liquid extracted
that: from a shrub from the buckthorn family, originally from Lycia
Haematite is of excellent quality when it breaks easily as if of its in Asia Minor. The most ancient jars seem to be as early as the
own accord and when it is hard, uniformly strong, and free of any 3rd or 2nd century bc and are stamped with the word ‘Lykion’,
dirt or veins.35 occasionally with the name of the druggist or owner,
In sum, the picture on Lemnian seals has a revealing parallel sometimes also with the head of Asclepios with or without a
on a magical medical gem. The stone in the Seyrig collection radiating diadem.43 The label proved that the druggist was
could be identified as a kind of Lemnian seal, not impressed, selling the genuine product, an alleged wonder drug, effective
but carved with a she-goat, not in red clay, but in a stone with as an astringent, good against ophthalmic inflammation,
similar qualities.36 Did gem carvers intend to imitate the ulcerations, and bleeding.
famous clay pill? They may have followed the more general The image of Asclepios and Hygieia impressed on a pot
custom of stamping precious medical products. found in Aquincum (Pl. 5) could indicate that the vessel was

Plate 4 Haematite, 46.2 x 24.9 x 5.8mm. Plate 5 Pot fragment, from Aquincum (size of the printed Plates 6a–b Brown agate, 22.5 x 18 x 3.5mm. London,
Skoluda Collection M085 gem: 19 x14mm). Present location unknown British Museum, PE G21

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Dasen

Sphragis Theou
The word sphragis occurs not only on regular medical stamped
pills or collyria, but is carved on magical gems. We find it on
the well-known 4th–5th century ad series of so-called
‘Solomon’ gems. The type depicts on one side a horseman,
often labelled ‘Solomon’, spearing a prostrate female figure (Pl.
8a). The reverse usually bears the inscription sphragis theou,
‘Seal of God’ (Pl. 8b).52 The motif of the rider may derive from
Horus stabbing a crocodile personifying evil, or the hunting
emperor struck on coins, though Solomon is not in military
Plate 7 Carnelian, 19 x 16mm. London, British Museum, PE 1859,0301.118
costume.53 The device is nearly always carved on haematite, a
choice so far unclear.
The expression sphragis theou is traditionally interpreted as
also a container for a medicine.44 Unfortunately, it is so referring to the magic seal-ring which Solomon received from
fragmentary that no conclusion can be drawn, but it is Iahweh to repel the vampire-like demons assaulting him
interesting to note that the image was made with a gem, during the construction of the Temple of Jerusalem. The gems
perhaps magical, as the type exists, as on a dark brown agate are usually explained as depicting how Solomon masters a
from the British Museum (Pl. 6a) showing Chnoubis on the female demon harmful to women and children, present in all
reverse (Pl. 6b).45 Mediterranean folklores. Different names are proposed for the
Two gems demonstrate the intertwining between medical woman, such as Gello, Gylou, or Abyzou.54 The role of Solomon,
and magical sphragides. A deep orange carnelian gem, carved however, was not limited to women and children’s protection;
with a retrograde inscription, was thus used as a stamp to mark as Spier points out, he controlled all evils.55 Thus, the reverse of
a collyrium for the eyes (Pl. 7).46 The inscription is short, but a haematite in the British Museum is carved with the
typical of collyrium stamps: herophili/ opobalsamvm. The inscription stomachou designating his power over pains of the
name Herophilus may designate the druggist who invented the belly (Pl. 9b),56 which fits well with the haematite’s potency for
salve. It is also the name of the famous Alexandrian physician or against internal bleeding, like Lemnian earth.
who worked on the anatomy of the eye and carried out the first The double meaning of the word sphragis introduces a new
dissection of the eye.47 The druggist may have attributed the reading of the ‘Solomon’ series which could explain the
salve to him in order to increase the fame of its product, or a preference for haematites: sphragis theou could also mean ‘the
physician himself took the name of his famous predecessor. medicine of god’. ‘Solomon’ haematites are often found broken,
The second term, opobalsamum (opobalsaminum), is a well- most likely because they were used as a drug, as we saw above.
attested drug from the balsam-tree efficacious against eye One may guess that, like pills, the broken part of the gem was
diseases.48 pulverized and drunk mixed with a liquid.57
Eyesight is central in the scene, carved with the image of It may be noted that the iconography of the horseman
Athena seated, looking at a tragic mask, as if it were an active subduing the female demon appears when the figure of
persona. As M. Pardon-Labonnelie demonstrated,49 the image Heracles mastering the lion disappears. Solomon seems to have
contains several references to the power of eyesight. First the taken over the capacity of the hero. Like Heracles, who
eyes of Athena were reputed for their special colour, glaukos, controlled the roaming of the womb (compared with a wild
greenish-blue, but also, according to Plutarch and Pausanias, animal), variants depict Solomon with the hystera formula.58
she saved Lycurgus from losing a wounded eye. Lycurgus in Solomon had power over all diseases inflicted by demons,59
return introduced in Sparta the cult of Athena Ophtalmitis or including the fear of poisoning, mastered by haematites, like
Oplitetis.50 the red Lemnian earth.60
A round jasper from Wroxeter with a name and a
prescription, but no image, provides another example of a gem-
like (or pill-like?) stamp for dried salve sticks.51

Plates 8a-b Haematite (25 x 15 x 4mm). London, British Museum, PE G 87 Plates 9a-b Haematite (20 x 12 x 2 mm). London, British Museum, PE G 439

72 | ‘Gems of Heaven’
 Magic and Medicine

Conclusion dans l’antiquité romaine. Exposition Lons-le-Saunier, Musée

In conclusion, I suggest that magical medical gems could be d’archéologie, 31 janvier-4 avril 1994, Lons-le-Saunier, 1994;
R. Jackson, ‘Eye medicine in the Roman Empire’, in Aufstieg und
conceived as sphragides, that is, as stone remedies. The practice
Niedergang der römischen Welt, II, 37.3 (1996), Berlin-New York,
of carving this category of gems with images can be 2228–51, at 2238–43; Voinot (n. 5), 1–49; M. Pardon-Labonnelie,
understood in the light of the custom of stamping costly ‘La préparation des collyres oculistiques dans le monde romain’, in
medical drugs. For both medical and magical sphragides, the F. Collard and E. Samama (eds), Pharmacopoles et apothicaires: les
“pharmaciens” de l’Antiquité au Grand Siècle, Paris, 2006, 41–58.
image certified the authenticity and quality of the medicine. It 11 D. Gourevitch, ‘Collyres romains inscrits’, Histoire des sciences
also increased the value of the gems, as we should not forget médicales 32 (1998), 365–72; M.-H. Marganne, ‘Les médicaments
that medical gems without any device did also exist. Carved estampillés dans le corpus galénique’, in A. Debru (ed.), Galen on
Pharmacology: Philosophy, History, and Medicine. Proceedings of
medical gems were luxury products as were precious stamped
the Vth International Galen Colloquium, Lille, 16–18 March 1995,
products. A chronological coincidence is worth noting: Leiden, 1997, 153–74; eadem, ‘Les médicaments estampillés dans la
references to stamped remedies begin in the Hellenistic period littérature médicale latine’, in P. Defosse (ed.), Hommages à Carl
and intensify with trade and exportation in the early Empire, Deroux, II, Prose et linguistique, médecine, Brussels, 2002, 536–48.
12 Celsus De medicina 5.20.2 (trans. W.G. Spencer, Loeb Classical
when magical gems with a specific iconography develop.61 The Library, Cambridge, MA, 1935). For further literary references to
emergence of both genres may be interrelated. Stone and clay this sphragis, see Marganne 2002 (n. 11), 537–8.
pills may also have had a similar destiny: manufactured in one 13 Galenus De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos 4 (12.751
K. = C.G. Kühn, ed. and Latin trans., Galeni opera omnia, 20 vols,
place, sold or used by itinerant practitioners in another.
Leipzig, 1821–1833).
14 CIL XIII 76; Voinot (n. 5), no. 158 ; Marganne 2002 (n. 11), 546.
Notes 15 Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXXV.33–4.
1 See e.g. C. Nissen, Entre Asclépios et Hippocrate. Etude des cultes 16 H. Hasluck, ‘Terra Lemnia’, Annual of the British School at Athens 16
guérisseurs et des médecins en Carie (Kernos suppl. 22), Liège, 2009; (1909-10), 220–31; L. Taborelli, ‘A proposito della genesi del bollo
V. Nutton, ‘From medical certainty to medical amulets: three sui contenitori vitrei. Note sul commercio delle sostanza
aspects of ancient therapeutics’, in W.F. Bynum and V. Nutton medicinali e aromatiche tra l’età ellenistica e quella imperiale’,
(eds), Essays in the History of Therapeutics (Clio Medica 22), Athenaeum. Studi periodici di letteratura e storia dell’Antichità 63
Amsterdam, 1991, 13–22; V. Nutton, Ancient Medicine, London, (1985), 198–217, at 202–5.
2004. On gems, see e.g. M.G. Lancellotti, ‘Médecine et religion 17 Cassius Felix, De medicina 39.7 (Lemnias sfragitidos) (ed. V. Rose,
dans les gemmes magiques’, Revue de l’histoire des religions 218 Leipzig, 1879).
(2001), 427–56; A. Mastrocinque, ‘Medicina e magia. Su alcune 18 Theodorus Priscianus, Euporistes 3.7.29 (Lemnia sfragitide) (ed.
tipologie di gemme propiziatorie’, in A. Marcone (ed.), Medicina e V. Rose, Leipzig, 1894); Mustio, Sorani Gynaeciorum uetus
società nel mondo antico. Atti del convegno di Udine (4–5 ottobre translatio Latina, 30.83 (sfragitida) (ed. V. Rose, Leipzig, 1882).
2005), Grassina, 2006, 91–100; S. Michel, Die magischen Gemmen. 19 A.J. Hall and E. Photos-Jones, ‘Accessing past beliefs and practices:
Zu Bildern und Zauberformeln auf geschnittenen Steinen der Antike the case of Lemnian earth’, Archaeometry 50/6 (2008), 1034–49.
und Neuzeit, Berlin, 2004, 146–202; Á.M. Nagy, ‘Daktylios 20 Disocurides, De materia medica 5.97 (= Pedanius Dioscorides of
pharmakites. Magical healing gems and rings in the Graeco- Anazarbus, De materia medica, trans. and ed. L.Y. Beck,
Roman world’, in I. Csepregi and Ch. Burnett (eds), Ritual Healing Hildesheim, Zürich, New York, 2005). On the associations of goats
in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, London, 2011 (in press). with Artemis, girls and medicine, see P. Brulé, ‘Héraclès à l’épreuve
2 Hippocrates, Letter II (9.314-5 L. = E. Littré, Oeuvres complètes de la chèvre’, in idem, La Grèce d’à côté. Réel et imaginaire en miroir
d’Hippocrate, Paris, 10 vols, 1839-1861); see also Pliny, Nat. Hist. en Grèce antique, Rennes, 2007, 255–81.
7.123 (trans. H. Rackham), London, 1952; J. Jouanna, Hippocrate, 21 The date is debated, between ad 162 and 167.
Paris, 1992, 32–3. 22 On Antidotes 1.2 (14.8 K.= Kühn [n. 13]); A.J. Brock (trans. and ed.),
3 E.g. A. Verbanck-Piérard (ed.), Au temps d’Hippocrate. Médecine et Greek Medicine. Being Extracts Illustrative of Medical Writers from
société en Grèce antique, Mariemont, 1998, 221, I. 22 (fig.). Hippocrates to Galen, London, 1929, 199.
4 E.g. L.J. Bliquez, ‘The Hercules motif on Greco-Roman surgical 23 On Simple Drugs 9.2 (12.169-70 K. = Kühn [n. 13]); Brock (n. 22).
tools’, in A. Krug (ed.), From Epidaurus to Salerno, Symposium held 192.
in Ravello, April 1990, (PACT 34), Rixensart, 1992, 35–50; idem, 24 Ibid., 9.2 (2.171 K.); Brock (n. 22), 192–3.
Roman Surgical Instruments and Other Minor Objects in the 25 Ibid., 9.2 (2.173-4 K.); Brock (n. 22), 194.
National Archaeological Museum of Naples. With a Catalogue of the 26 Ibid., 9.2 (12.174 K.); Brock (n. 22), 194.
Surgical Instruments in the «Antiquarium» at Pompei by Ralph 27 Ibid., 9.2 (12.176 K.); Brock (n. 22), 195.
Jackson, Mainz, 1994, 83–4, 99–106, nos 40–1, fig. 20. 28 Hasluck (n. 16).
5 Collyrium stamp: J. Voinot, Les cachets à collyres dans le monde 29 C. Bonner, ‘Amulets chiefly in the British Museum’, Hesperia 20
romain, Montagnac, 1999, no. 240 (stars and moon); gem: S. (1951), 301–45, at 342, no. 73 (not illustrated). I am very grateful to
Michel, Die Magischen Gemmen im Britischen Museum, London, Attilio Mastrocinque for providing me with the image.
2001, no. 92 (stars and moon); see also, A. Mastrocinque (ed.), 30 S. Michel, Bunte Steine - dunkle Bilder: ‘Magische Gemmen’,
Sylloge gemmarum gnosticarum, vol. II, Rome, 2008, Ts 25 and 26 Munich, 2001, no. 145.
(stars and moon). 31 R. Halleux and J. Schamp, Les lapidaires grecs: lapidaire orphique,
6 C. Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets, Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, kérygmes lapidaires d’Orphée, Socrate et Denys, lapidaire nautique,
Ann Arbor, 1950, 79–94; V. Dasen and S. Ducaté-Paarmann, Damigéron-Evax, Paris, 1985: lapidaire orphique 21.
‘Hysteria and metaphors of the uterus’, in S. Schroer (ed.), Images 32 De materia medica (n. 20), 5.126.1.
and Gender. Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient 33 Halleux and Schamp (n. 31): lapidaire orphique 21.645-76;
Art (OBO 220), Fribourg and Göttingen, 2006, 239–61. kérygmes lapidaire d’Orphée 22; Damigéron-Evax IX.
7 Hippocrates, Ancient Medicine 22 (1.629 L.; trans. W.H.S. Jones, 34 Some are also burnt, see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 37.139 (antagates); Michel
Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, MA, 1868). (n. 1), 151.
8 V. Dasen, ‘Métamorphoses de l’utérus, d’Hippocrate à Ambroise 35 De materia medica (n. 20), 5.126.1.
Paré’, Gesnerus 59 (2002), 167–86; eadem, ‘Représenter l’invisible: 36 I leave aside the question of the choice of the goat as the seal of
la vie utérine sur les gemmes magiques’, in V. Dasen (ed.), Artemis, and the healing properties of the animal, but it may be
L’embryon humain à travers l’histoire. Images, savoirs et rites, noted that the she-goat was much appreciated in medicine and
Gollion, 2007, 41–64. magico-medical treatments: see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 28.130 on the
9 P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. properties of her milk.
Histoire des mots, nouvelle édition avec un supplément sous la dir. de 37 R.J. Durling, A Dictionary of Medical Terms in Galen, Leiden, 1993,
A. Blanc, Ch. de Lamberterie, J.-L. Perpillou, Paris, 2009, 1041. 219; Marganne 1997 (n. 11), 165. On magical gems, see Michel (n. 5),
10 M.J. Roulière-Lambert, A.-S. de Cohën and L. Bailly (eds), L’œil no. 253 (red jasper with a lion in profile); no. 280 (yellow jasper

‘Gems of Heaven’ | 73
Dasen

with a lion, inscribed iaw; on the reverse a woman, inscribed Pardon-Labonnelie (n. 10), 45.
pausia perhaps derived from pauson?). 49 Pardon-Labonnelie (n. 46).
38 Asclepiades ap. Galen, De compositione medicamentorum per 50 Pausanias, Description of Greece (trans. W.H.S. Jones and H.A.
genera 5.11 (13.826, 4-7 K. = Kühn [n. 13]); Marganne 1997 (n. 11), Ormerod), Cambridge, MA, 1926, 3.18.2; Plutarch, Lycurgus 11. See
166. also Pausanias, ibid., 2.2.4.2 (Athena oxyderkes).
39 H. Cuvigny, Papyrus Graux II (P. Graux 9 à 29), Geneva, 1995, no. 51 Voinot (n. 5), no. 43. Two circular or cylindrical examples were also
10, 22–8, esp. lines 8–9; Marganne 1997 (n. 11), 153. found in Enns and Ipswich: Voinot (n. 5), nos 216 and 247. I would
40 Michel (n. 5), no. 112 (dark green jasper with the child seated on a like to thank Ralph Jackson for these references.
lotus flower, a hand to his mouth, the head crowned with the sun 52 Michel (n. 5), no. 436. On the series, see Bonner (n. 6), nos 294–328;
disc or the pschent). J. Spier, ‘Medieval Byzantine magical amulets and their tradition’,
41 Pliny, Nat. Hist. 33.41. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 56 (1993), 25–62.
42 PGM IV 2691–2 = K. Preisendanz, Papyri graecae magicae. Die 53 Bonner (n. 6), 210.
griechischen Zauberpapyri, 3 vols, Leipzig and Berlin, 1928, 1931, 54 P. Perdrizet, Negotium perambulans in tenebris. Etudes de
1941 (Eng. trans. by N. O’Neil in H.D. Betz (ed.), The Greek Magical démonologie gréco-orientale, Strasbourg, 1922; I. Sorlin, ‘Striges et
Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells, Chicago and Geloudes. Histoire d’une croyance et d’une tradition’, Travaux et
London, 1992 (2nd edn), 88, n. 331). mémoires du Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance
43 See, E. Sjövqist, ‘Morgantina: Hellenistic medicine bottles’, 11 (1991), 411–36; Spier (n. 52), 33–9; S.I. Johnston, ‘Defining the
American Journal of Archaeology 64 (1960), 78–83, at 80, pl. 19, fig. dreadful. Remarks on the Greek child-killing demon’, in M. Meyer
8. and P. Mirecki (eds), Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, Leiden-New
44 I. Wellner, ‘Aeskulapius és Hygieiát ábrázoló gemma York-Cologne, 1995, 361–87.
Lenyomatával díszített edény Aquincumból (un vase orné de 55 Spier (n. 52), 44.
l’empreinte d’une gemme représentant Esculape et Hygie trouvé à 56 Michel (n. 5), no. 447.
Aquincum)’, Archaeologiai Értesító 92 (1965), 42–4. 57 E. Zwierlein-Diehl, Magische Amulette und andere Gemmen des
45 Michel (n. 5), no. 319; see also, A. Delatte and Ph. Derchain, Les Instituts für Altertumskunde der Universität zu Köln, Opladen,
intailles magiques gréco-égyptiennes, Paris, 1964, 179, no. 235. 1992, 50. See PGM III (n. 42), 188: ‘Grind up a magnet’; on ingesting
46 First published by C.W. King, Antique Gems and Rings, II, London, magical powers: PGM I (n. 42), 231–248: ‘Wash the papyrus and
1872, 20, and discussed by M. Pardon-Labonnelie, ‘Les drink the water’.
thérapeutiques oculistiques romaines, entre survivances et 58 On Heracles and Omphale on magical gems, see V. Dasen, ‘Le
métamorphoses. L’exemple de la thérapeutique du vert’, in secret d’Omphale’, Revue archéologique 46 (2008), 265–81. See for
H. Duchêne (ed.), Survivances et métamorphoses, Dijon, 2005, 111– example the inscriptions of the hystera formula on a silver pendant
32, at 130–1, fig. on 124. See also, R. Jackson, Catalogue of Greek in Spier (n. 52), 30, nos 15–24, 33, pls 2a–b, 3a.
and Roman Medical Collections in the British Museum, in 59 See the bronze pendant with Solomon on one side and the Evil Eye
preparation. I thank Ralph Jackson for providing me with the attacked by animals on the other side: Bonner (n. 6), nos 298–303;
results of the stone analysis. Spier (n. 52), 62.
47 See H. von Staden, Herophilus. The Art of Medicine in Early 60 I note that inscriptions relating to the belly or stomach occur on all
Alexandria, Edition, Translation and Essays, Cambridge and New types of haematite gems. The image of the reaper, for example,
York, 1989. may be inscribed with pepte (instead of schiôn, ‘for the hips’) or
48 On the drug, see Voinot (n. 5), 47–8, no. 87–8; Jackson (n. 10), 2240. stomachou: Michel (n. 5), no. 427. In the Orphic Lapidary 21.675-
For a similar inscription on a conventional stamp, see E. 679, haematite also secures success and victory.
Esperandieu, ‘Recueil des cachets d’oculistes romains’, Revue 61 Taborelli (n. 16), 216–17.
archéologique 24 (1894), 58, no. 7: Herophili opob(alsamum);

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