Q1.

The position of Deputy Speaker remains underutilized despite its potential to enhance
parliamentary efficiency. Discuss the need for reforms in the appointment, tenure, and
responsibilities of the Deputy Speaker to strengthen India's legislative institutions. (15 Marks/ 250
words)

How to approach the Question?

Introduction

 Briefly explain the constitutional mandate regarding the Deputy Speaker in Lok Sabha and
State Assemblies.

Body

 Discuss the significance of the Deputy Speaker and highlight the current issues.
 Suggest key reforms and best practices.

Conclusion

 Highlight need for strengthening the office of Deputy Speaker’s office.

Introduction

 Articles 93 and 178 of the constitution mandates that both the Lok Sabha and State Legislative
Assemblies shall choose two members as Speaker and Deputy Speaker, respectively. While the
Speaker enjoys prominence and institutional recognition, the office of the Deputy Speaker
remains persistently underutilized and, in recent years, conspicuously vacant, raising serious
questions about India’s commitment to legislative checks and institutional balance.

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Body

 Significance of the Deputy Speaker

o Ensures Legislative Continuity
 The Deputy Speaker (DS) acts as the constitutional backup to the Speaker and
ensures that legislative proceedings continue smoothly during the Speaker's
absence due to illness, resignation, leave, or when the position is vacant.
 Article 95 (Lok Sabha) and Article 180 (State Assemblies) empower the Dy.
Speaker to discharge the duties of the Speaker when the office is vacant or the
Speaker is unable to perform.
 This was critical, for instance, during the resignation of Speaker Somnath
Chatterjee in 2009, when the DS presided temporarily.

o Impartial Oversight Mechanism

 While not a constitutional requirement, by convention, the DS is often selected
from the Opposition party. This fosters a bipartisan spirit and reinforces trust in
the fairness of the legislative process.
 The presence of an Opposition DS acts as a check against the monopolization of
legislative control by the ruling party and strengthens deliberative democracy.

o Strengthens Committee System

 The Deputy Speaker is often the ex-officio chairperson of key committees,
especially the Committee on Private Members' Bills and Resolutions, which
facilitates legislative input from non-ministerial members.
 This democratizes lawmaking, allowing backbenchers to contribute meaningfully
to legislation.
 It also allows for better scrutiny of government bills and fosters a culture of
accountability in the legislative process.

o Democratic Balance and Representation

 The office of the DS serves as a symbol of inclusive governance. When a
member from a marginalized region, minority, or Opposition party occupies the
position, it sends a strong message of parliamentary diversity and trust-building.
 Example: electing Charanjit Singh Atwal (Dalit leader) as DS in the 14th
Lok Sabha (2004–09) reflected the House’s intent to ensure social
representation in top legislative offices.
 The office helps balance executive dominance in legislative affairs and
symbolises inclusive governance, especially when allocated to members outside
the ruling coalition.

 The Reality: Underutilisation and Neglect

o Prolonged Vacancies Undermining Legislative Functioning
 The 17th Lok Sabha (2019–2024) was the first in Indian history to complete its
tenure without electing a DS, despite over 270 sittings and 200+ bills passed.
 The trend continues in the 18th Lok Sabha, which, as of June 2025, still has not
elected a Deputy Speaker and this highlights a deliberate political choice rather
than an administrative lapse.

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  This is not limited to the Union:
 In Jharkhand, the Deputy Speaker’s post has remained vacant for over
20 years.
 Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have seen continued inaction in appointing
a DS, even as their Assemblies approach the end of their terms.
 In Maharashtra, despite political changes and new Speaker
appointments, no serious effort has been made to elect a Deputy
Speaker.
 Such prolonged vacancies weaken the resilience of legislative functioning by
overburdening the Speaker and undermining neutral arbitration during crises or
disorder in the House.

o Erosion of Parliamentary Conventions

 Traditionally, the Deputy Speaker is chosen from the Opposition to foster non-
partisan engagement, a principle critical to the health of India’s adversarial
parliamentary democracy.
 The established convention of giving the post to the Opposition is no longer
consistently followed, leading to a deterioration of trust and cooperation within
legislatures.
 However, this unwritten convention has eroded in recent years.
 In the 17th and 18th Lok Sabha, the post remained vacant, denying the
Opposition a symbolic and functional position of balance.
 This has worsened legislative deadlock, escalated acrimony, and diluted the
ethos of bipartisan cooperation. It also signals the growing executive dominance
over the legislature.

o Absence of Statutory Timeline or Judicial Enforcement

 Articles 93 and 178 only state that the House “shall, as soon as may be, elect” a
Deputy Speaker. This ambiguous phrasing has been exploited by successive
governments.
 There is no timeline prescribed in the Rules of Procedure of either the Lok Sabha
or State Assemblies.
 In the absence of either statutory prescription or judicial intervention, the
appointment of Deputy Speaker has become a discretionary and politicised act,
rather than a democratic norm.

o Weakening of Legislative Oversight and Deliberation

 Without a Deputy Speaker, there is greater concentration of power in the
Speaker, who is typically from the ruling party, thereby reducing checks within
legislative proceedings.
 Committee leadership and procedural oversight suffer, as the DS also plays a
role in managing Private Members’ Bills and moderating sensitive debates in the
absence of the Speaker.
 Example: According to PRS, over 400 Private Members’ Bills were introduced in
the, yet the committee remained underutilized without a DS to guide
prioritization and debate.

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 o Perception of Institutional Decay
 The persistent neglect of the DS office adds to public cynicism about
Parliament's integrity. It feeds into the broader perception of executive
encroachment, majoritarianism, and the weakening of democratic institutions.
 As former Lok Sabha Secretary General P.D.T. Achary said, “The failure to elect a
Deputy Speaker reflects a deeper malaise where political convenience is
trumping constitutional responsibility.”

 Need for Reforms

o Mandating Time-bound Election
 A statutory or rules-based framework should prescribe a strict deadline (e.g.,
within 30 days) from the first sitting of the legislature to elect the DS, similar to
what is practiced in the UK and Canada.
 In case of undue delay, the President (or Governor in the case of states) may be
constitutionally empowered to direct the House to initiate the election process,
thereby reinforcing accountability and avoiding executive misuse of procedural
loopholes.

o Codifying Opposition Participation

 Institutionalising the convention of offering the DS post to the Opposition would
strengthen bipartisan dialogue. This could be incorporated into the Rules of
Procedure of the House.

o Expanding Functional Role

 The DS can be given greater responsibility in legislative planning, budget
discussion moderation, and functioning of parliamentary committees, thereby
reducing dependency on the Speaker.

o Fixed Tenure and Security of Office

 The DS should have tenure security similar to the Speaker. Removal should
require a clearly defined process involving effective majority and notice, to
avoid political misuse.

o Public Accountability and Visibility

 A 2015 Lok Sabha report demanded that the DS’s performance such as debate
participation, committee leadership, presiding sessions etc, be reviewed and
published in an annual Secretariat report, enhancing accountability.

 Best Practices and Comparative Examples

o UK Model: Deputy Speakers are elected via secret ballot, ensuring impartiality during
contentious debates.
o South Africa: Deputy Speakers actively manage legislative planning and budget
discussions, reducing executive dominance.
o Supreme Court Petition (2021): Sought judicial clarification on mandatory timelines for
appointments, pending resolution.
o Australia and Canada elect Deputy Speaker at the start of each Parliament with
predefined timelines and responsibilities, preventing any vacuum in leadership.

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Conclusion

 As Fali Nariman rightly observed, “Parliamentary democracy thrives not on numbers alone, but
on the strength of institutions and conventions.” Thus strengthening the Deputy Speaker’s office
is therefore a democratic imperative to ensure accountable, inclusive, and impartial governance
within the legislative framework.

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Q.2- "The decline of Naxalism marks a shift from armed confrontation to state consolidation."
Critically analyse the factors that contributed to this decline and outline what more needs to be done
to ensure sustained peace. (15 Marks/ 250 words)

How to approach the Question?

Introduction

 Briefly explain about Naxalism and its historical threat and mention the recent decline in Left
Wing Extremism (LWE) incidents.

Body

 Analyse the factors behind the decline of Naxalism and highlight the remaining challenges.
 Outline what further steps can be taken to curb the menace.

Conclusion

 Conclude by emphasising the security successes, coordinated approach to integrate red zones
into India’s growth story.

Introduction

 Naxalism or Left Wing Extremism (LWE) has long posed a grave internal security threat to India,
particularly across the “Red Corridor” stretching from Andhra Pradesh to Bihar. However, there
has been a noticeable decline in LWE-related violence by over 77% since 2010, and the number
of affected districts has reduced from 90+ to just 45 as per the Ministry of Home Affairs. This
marks a critical transition from armed conflict to proactive state-led governance and inclusion
efforts.

Body

Factors Contributing to the Decline

 Robust Security Response

o Security modernisation has been a key factor, with specialised units such as the CRPF’s
COBRA and Telangana/Andhra Pradesh’s Greyhounds conducting targeted counter-
Naxal operations.

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 o The use of advanced technologies like drones, satellite surveillance, and coordinated
joint operations between the Centre and states has significantly improved operational
efficiency in anti-Naxal campaigns.
o Example: In the April 2025 Kanker operation, coordinated action between Chhattisgarh
and Maharashtra led to the neutralisation of 22 Naxals, including top commander
Basavaraju, using satellite and drone intelligence.

 Development as Deterrence
o Over 11,000 kilometres of roads have been constructed under the Road Requirement
Plan-I, significantly improving connectivity in Left Wing Extremism (LWE)-affected areas.
o Electricity access has expanded in previously unreachable villages through initiatives like
the Deendayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana, ensuring power supply to remote tribal
regions.
o Telecom infrastructure has also improved with the implementation of BharatNet,
enabling digital connectivity and bridging the communication gap in LWE-affected
regions.

o Case Study: BharatNet & Electrification in Latehar (Jharkhand)

 Latehar district, once a hotbed of Naxal violence, witnessed transformation
through BharatNet Phase-II and the Deendayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana.
Over 250 villages were provided with electricity and internet-enabled Common
Service Centres (CSCs).
 Impact:
 Enabled access to digital services like telemedicine, e-learning, and DBT
schemes.
 Helped youth gain digital skills and explore employment.
 Enhanced governance delivery, reducing Naxal influence in local
decision-making.

 Inclusive Government Policies

o The Government’s vision of a ‘Naxalism-free India by 2025’ places strong emphasis on
surrender and rehabilitation policies, encouraging militants to rejoin the mainstream
through financial aid, skill development, and psychosocial support.
o The ‘Naxal-Mukt Bharat Abhiyan’ aims to integrate Left Wing Extremism (LWE) affected
red zones into national growth corridors, focusing on infrastructure development,
livelihood generation, and governance outreach.
o The National Policy and Action Plan (2015) adopts a multi-pronged strategy combining
robust security measures, accelerated development, protection of tribal rights, and
perception management to counter the ideological appeal of Naxalism.

 Civil Society and Tribal Empowerment

o Enhanced representation of tribal voices via the PESA Act and the Forest Rights Act
(FRA), though implementation is patchy.
o Gram Sabhas are empowered in forest governance in states like Odisha and Jharkhand.
o Example: Weekly grievance redressal camps called “Bastar Dialogue” are organised
where bureaucrats and police interact directly with tribal villagers.

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  Decline in Ideological Appeal
o Youth preference for jobs, skill development (e.g., RSETIs- Rural Self-Employment
Training Institute), and digital inclusion has diluted radical recruitment.
o Divisions within CPI (Maoist) and growing awareness of state-led schemes have further
eroded cadre strength.

What More Needs to be Done for Sustained Peace?

 Strengthen Last-Mile Governance

o District Mineral Foundation (DMF) funds—collected from mining revenues—must be
equitably used for tribal development in affected districts. As per the Ministry of Mines
(2024), over ₹72,000 crore has been collected under DMF till date, but under-utilisation
and leakages persist.
 Example: In Koraput, Odisha, only 40% of DMF funds had been utilised as of
2023, largely due to poor planning and lack of tribal representation.
o Improve human resource deployment in remote areas by incentivising postings of
doctors, teachers, and field administrators through financial bonuses, housing, and
career advancement.
 Example: Chhattisgarh’s Bastar division has begun offering ₹50,000 monthly
incentives for MBBS doctors in Naxal-hit areas.

 Deepen Rights-Based Development

o Effective implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA) and Panchayats (Extension to
Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) is key to empowering Adivasi communities with decision-
making powers over forests, land, and governance.
 Example: In Gadchiroli (Maharashtra), strong implementation of FRA and PESA
has enabled tribal gram sabhas to control over 1.5 lakh hectares of forest,
leading to a sharp decline in Naxal recruitment from the region.
o Prevent exploitative mining and forced displacement, which often push tribal youth
towards extremism. All mining clearances in Schedule V areas must ensure free, prior,
and informed consent from gram sabhas under PESA.

 Institutionalise Rehabilitation
o Fast-track surrender and rehabilitation policies under the Ministry of Home Affairs’ 2018
guidelines, which provide up to ₹6 lakh, vocational training, and housing support for
surrendered Naxals.
 Example: Under the Lon Varratu Campaign in Dantewada, over 500 Naxals
surrendered between 2020–2023, many of whom were successfully integrated
into forest patrolling and community development roles.
o Focus on skill development through ITI expansion and schemes like Deen Dayal
Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana (DDU-GKY) to ensure the employability of
surrendered individuals.

 Counter Ideological Narratives

o Launch community FM radios, folk art programmes, and local-language digital content
to counter Maoist propaganda and offer alternative narratives of peace and
development.

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  Example: In Jharkhand’s Khunti district, the use of tribal dialect-based
awareness campaigns on rights, health, and jobs has reduced the youth’s
ideological leanings.
o Develop Grievance Redressal Platforms such as mobile legal aid clinics and digital kiosks
to build trust in state institutions.

 Regional Coordination and Intelligence Sharing

o Strengthen the inter-state coordination mechanism for intelligence sharing, joint
operations, and legal follow-up, especially across Chhattisgarh–Odisha–Jharkhand and
Maharashtra–Telangana borders.
o Equip NTRO, NIA, and state intelligence units with AI-based surveillance tools, facial
recognition, and drone mapping to track Naxal movement.

Conclusion

 The decline in Naxalism reflects a successful transition from reactive policing to proactive
governance. However, for peace to be permanent, India must sustain and deepen this shift—
through inclusive development, tribal empowerment, rights protection, and ethical state
presence. As Prime Minister Modi stated, “We aim not just for zero violence, but for zero
alienation.” A secure and inclusive heartland is critical for India’s democratic and developmental
journey.

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