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Table of Contents
Title Page
Praise
DEAD MAN IN CANAL WAS A STREET CORNER CLOWN
Dedication
PROLOGUE
Miss Sinaloa
Dead Reporter Driving
Murder Artist
Miss Sinaloa
Dead Reporter Driving
Miss Sinaloa
Murder Artist
Dead Reporter Driving
Murder Artist
Dead Reporter Driving
Murder Artist
Afterword
After That Year
APPENDIX - THE RIVER OF BLOOD
EXTENDED PHOTO CAPTIONS
Acknowledgements
Copyright Page
Also by Charles Bowden
But you see that line there moving through the station?
I told you, I told you, told you, I was one of those.
—LEONARD COHEN, “FIRST WE TAKE MANHATTAN”
The killings?
Murder itself is simply a little piece of life and so it can be
dismissed as exceptional or irrational or extreme.
Though it is curious how, if you kill with style, it does get
everyone’s attention.
Surely, we know that even at our best we can only know little
pieces of life.
What, you are uncomfortable? The tape binding your hands
behind your back is too tight?
Shut your fucking mouth.
You want this pistol cracked over your ugly face?
No?
That’s better.
Now shut up before I have to tape your mouth.
What was I saying?
Oh, yes.
We can still believe that destroying another human life is an
extreme act.
Unless of course, the slaughter is done by governments. Or
the killing is done to some vague group variously dubbed as
terrorists or gangsters or drug dealers or people—and this
varies with location—of other color or religious notions.
Still, you can see, there is really nothing to worry about since
people know how to ignore whatever interferes with the way
people want to think about the world.
Yes. I mean this. People can have murders all around them
and have people vanish in broad daylight and still go on just fine
and say, well, those people were bad, or it doesn’t happen that
often.
What?
Stop shaking your head. You say nothing and do nothing.
You understand?
You are simply along for the ride. And all those things you
said didn’t matter, well, now maybe you will change your mind,
just a little bit.
The trick is to leave, fade away and stop thinking about the
killings.
In the first eleven days of August, seventy-five go down. On
Monday, August 11, fifteen are murdered.
Let it go, fade away, turn the page, change the music.
Twice I was at a fresh kill, and the freshness does matter, and flies
buzzed up into my face from the blood. I cannot remember the names
of the dead, hardly anything about them, but the flies buzz in my face all
the time, follow me into good restaurants, trail me to fine venues where
people read poems or play serious music in the calm air of the
fortresses of culture.
Perhaps you think I am mad? I can see that look in your eyes, and
yes, I understand why you have your reservations. But then you do not
have to listen to those two women talking into the night. I cannot decide
what is worse: when they are crying or when they are laughing.
And something has changed inside, something in a deep part, near
that place we can never locate but often claim is the core of our being.
In the past, I have covered kidnappings, murders, financial debacles,
the mayhem that my species is capable of committing. I spent three
years mired in reporting sex crimes. There is little within me that has
not been battered or wrenched or poisoned. But the path I followed
with Miss Sinaloa proved all my background to be so much nothing. I
have not entered the country of death, but rather the country of killing.
And I have learned in this country that killing is good.
For years, I toyed with a history of my earth, and I found that the way I
could understand my earth was through its elemental fury.
Freeman Dyson, a major physicist, once tried to express the allure
of power and killing. “I have felt it myself,” he warned. “The glitter of
nuclear weapons. It is irresistible if you come to them as a scientist. To
feel it’s there in your hands, to release this energy that fuels the stars,
to let it do your bidding. To perform these miracles, to lift a million tons
of rock into the sky. It is something that gives people an illusion of
illimitable power, and it is, in some ways, responsible for all our
troubles—this, what you might call technical arrogance, that
overcomes people when they see what they can do with their minds.”
I think Dyson erred in one detail: This attraction to slaughter and
power is not simply a temptation of the mind.
I found this glitter in a room with flies buzzing off the fresh blood on
the floor and walls. A candle glittered in the corner by a crucifix. The
bodies had been taken out, the machine gun fire had died. There was
nothing left but the flies and the flame.
Imagine living in a place where you can kill anyone you wish and
nothing happens except that they fall dead. You will not be arrested.
Your name will not be in the newspapers. You can continue on with
your life. And your killing. You can take a woman and rape her for days
and nothing will happen. If you choose, if in some way that woman
displeases you, well, you can kill her after raping her. Rest assured,
nothing will happen to you because of your actions.
Enough. I can barely speak of this change within me. I can hardly
expect others to understand.
How did this change come to pass?
It began with a woman.
In the beginning, I was not looking for Miss Sinaloa. In fact, I had
never heard of her and had no reason, no reason at all, to think she
even existed. I remember clearly, it was a bright winter day, the sun
poured down on me, and the desert seemed so kind and generous
after spending time in the colonias and bad bars of the border city.
Suddenly, she appeared in my life.
Miss Sinaloa is . . . waiting.
Relax.
This is a nice car, no?
We’re gonna have us a time.
I have been to the far country with her and now I am back.
The air of morning tastes fresh, the sunrise murdered the night,
and now the light caresses my face. I chew on ash and bone, this has
become
my customary breakfast. I drink the glass of blood for my health.
Silence has returned again to this city of two million souls. The
governor of Chihuahua has been in seclusion since January—they say
his face is frozen due to some mysterious medical condition. The city
police have announced they will no longer be answering calls but
prefer to stay in their station houses.
The newspaper account of that night notes that the cop’s safe return
was a miracle, a historic act, because his captors—never named or
identified, and they most likely never will be—“pardoned his life.”
Over the previous weekend, seven men died in executions, one of
them a Mexican army captain who worked in intelligence and died
driving his car on Sunday morning down a Juárez avenue. By Monday,
March 3, eighty-nine murders had been tallied since New Year’s Day.
I sit on a curb on a heavily rutted dirt street. About ten blocks away
rises a new Catholic church, a huge edifice with red-tiled domes
etched with yellow tiles, fine new wooden doors, the walls gleaming
with stained-glass windows. The church is encircled by new pickup
trucks and SUVs, all with deeply tinted windows. Inside, people pray.
Set against the surrounding dirt streets and general poverty, the new
huge church seems like a miracle. But in this city, it is not. Like the
huge discos and fine restaurants of Juárez, it is built not of bricks and
mortar but of narco-dollars.
No one speaks of this.
No one doubts this.
But where I sit on the curb, the world is linked to the church and the
people praying there this Sunday. Across the street is a two-story
home painted yellow and green with iron trim and a satellite dish. Up
and down the dirt street, men in dark uniforms with flak jackets and
machine guns stand around and watch for something. They are busy
digging for bodies in a building just down the street. I can hear the soft
voices of people, the bark of dogs, the swish of clothes drying on a
line. Overhead, the sun hunts through the clouds. In the yard behind me,
there is a shrine to the Virgin of Guadalupe, grape vines, and a large
rose bush.
The digging goes on and on for days. There is much to uncover.
When I cross from El Paso to Juárez in January, the river is dry. Nine
thousand jobs have vanished in the past few months as the economy
sinks. It is thirty-three degrees and very still. Air presses down like Jell-
O and has a gun-metal blue cast from the wood fires of the poor. A
vendor walks with a stack of newspapers on his head and carefully
plods between the puddles.
Everything has already begun, but at this moment it has not yet been
said out loud. The beginning will come later, when the dead get so
numerous we can no longer silence them.
She came to this place in the desert to live with the other crazy
people under the giant white horse. She did not belong, but then
neither did the caballo. The half-mile-long horse was sketched on the
Sierra de Juárez with whitewash by a local architect in the late 1990s.
He copied the design from the Uffington horse in Great Britain, a three-
thousand-year-old creation deep from the dreamtime of neolithic
people. He said he was doing it as an exercise in problem solving (this
horse faces right, the original faces left and is three times as large)
and as a way to draw attention to the beauty of the mountains. What he
did not say is what some in the city whispered, that the horse was
sponsored by Amado Carrillo, then head of the Juárez cartel.
The cartel begins in the mists of time, but with the flow of cocaine
starting in the mid-1980s, it becomes a colossus. In the spring of
1993, the head of the cartel is murdered while on holiday in Cancún,
and Amado Carrillo takes over. He has a genius for business, and
soon ten to twelve billion a year is flowing into the cartel coffers.
Carrillo becomes the organizational genius who brokers cocaine
shipments for the other Mexican cartels, buys the Mexican government,
and lands full-bodied jets full of cocaine at the Juárez airport. By the
time he is murdered in 1997, he has taken the Mexican drug world
from that age of the outlaw into the era of a multinational business.
But the era of Carrillo was the golden age of peace in Juárez, when
murders ran two or three hundred a year and, at any one moment,
fifteen tons of cocaine was warehoused in the city and waiting to go
visit American noses.
There was a time when death made sense in Juárez. You died
because you lost a drug load. Or you died because you had a drug
load. Or you died because you tried to do a drug deal. Or you died
because you were a snitch. Or you died because you were weak and a
woman and it was dark and someone thought it would be fun to rape
and kill you. There was a pleasant order to death, a ritual of federal
police or state police or the army taking you, then tying your hands and
feet with duct tape, torturing you, and finally killing you and tossing your
body into a hole with a dose of milk, the friendly term for lime. Your
death would be called a carne asada, a barbeque. Life made sense
then, even in death. Those were the good old days.
Now, the world has changed. Since the first of January 2008, El
Paso, the sister city of Juárez and just across the remnants of the Rio
Grande, has had one murder in two months. In the first two months of
the year, Juárez has officially had ninety-five, and there is likely some
slippage in these numbers. Two of the dead were Juárez police
commanders, the one shot twenty-two times—a third commander
somehow survived and was taken to the bridge (according to rumor, in
a tank, but actually in a Humvee—every fact in this city soon succumbs
to magical fraud) and transferred to an ambulance and then to an El
Paso hospital, where he was guarded by local and federal agents.
Now he has vanished and left no forwarding address. As of February
2008, besides the people murdered in the Juárez area, another three
hundred have died in Mexico, also mainly in drug killings. Thirty
thousand Mexican soldiers are said to be fighting the drug world. By
2009, there will also be twenty thousand U.S. Border Patrol agents on
the line facing down Mexico. Just two governments taking care of
business.
Just yesterday, a friend came upon the body of a cholo who had
been executed and left on the street. This killing did not even merit the
attention of the newspapers. But then, outside of a few mentions, the
U.S. media paid little notice of the slaughter until early 2009, when it
became clear that neither the change of the calendar year nor the
presence of the Mexican army had done anything to decrease the
death toll as the months passed. True, the commanders at Fort Bliss in
El Paso declared Juárez off limits to soldiers because they might get
hurt. But like almost everything else that happens in this city, the
response has been silence. Amado Carrillo had a thorough-bred
racehorse he named Silencio, Silence. It is a good trait to have in this
place.
She was beautiful and they called her “Miss Sinaloa.” She was a
teenager when the white horse was created in the late 1990s. At that
time, Miss Sinaloa knew nothing of giant horses painted on mountains,
nor of the cartels or of the crazy place here in the desert. She came
here very recently to visit her sister, sometime in December 2005. She
stayed some months and then went home to Sinaloa, the Mexican
state on the Pacific coast that is the mother of almost all the major
players in the drug industry in Mexico. She was very beautiful. I know
this because Elvira is telling me everything as I stand in the wind with
the sand whipping around me.
Elvira is heavy with a coarse sweater, pink slacks, dark skin, and
cropped hair with a blonde tint dancing through it. She is one of fifteen
caretakers at the crazy place—the asylum in the desert—and receives
fifty dollars a week for cooking three meals a day, six days a week. A
man straddles a bicycle by her side, a boy in red overalls carrying a
pink purse stares, and sitting on the ground is the lean and hungry dog
of the campo. Smoke fills the air from a trash fire behind the asylum
where they all work. The facility—a concrete block wall with various
rooms inside—hosts a hundred inmates. A doctor drops by on Sunday
to check on the health of the crazy people, and the whole operation is
sponsored by a radio evangelist in Juárez, a man all the inmates call
El Pastor.
Every five days, the staff takes the blankets from the inmates,
washes them, and then comes out beyond the walls and clumps them
on creosote or yucca plants for drying. They now huddle in the wind like
a herd of beasts—green, red, blue, violet, and one is gray with a tiger
and her kitten on it. My mind spins back to the mid-1990s, when
Amado Carrillo ran Juárez and for a spell was leaving bodies wrapped
in tiger blankets. He was rumored to have a private zoo with a tiger,
one he fed with informants, but of course, such a custom was a
common legend in the drug industry. Then for a spell, he was wrapping
informants in yellow ribbons as gifts to the DEA. All this happened in
the quiet days of the past, when the killing was not nearly so bad.
Elvira explains how people wind up in her care: “There are many
brought here because they tried to stab a father, or they are addicts, or
they have been robbed or assaulted and broken forever. Many of the
women here have been raped and lost their minds forever. There is a
thirty-four-year-old woman here who saw her family assaulted and then
she was raped and lost her mind.”
She says this in a calm voice. It is simply life. The inmates consume
twelve kilos of beans a day, she continues on, and could I bring them
some frijoles?
The wind blows, the dust chokes, the white horse watches, and
suddenly, Elvira starts talking about Miss Sinaloa, her exact phrase,
this Miss part, yes, Miss Sinaloa she says, a beauty queen who came
to Juárez.
“Once,” she says with pride, “we had a very beautiful woman, Miss
Sinaloa. She was here about two years ago. The municipal police
brought her here. She was twenty-four years old.”
And then Elvira takes flight about her beautiful hair that hung down to
her ass, and how very, very white Miss Sinaloa’s skin was, oh, so
white. Her eyebrows had been plucked and replaced by elegant
tattooed arcs to echo the hair. The police had found her wandering
around on the street one morning. She had been raped and she had
lost her mind. Finally, Elvira explains, her family came up from Sinaloa
and took her home.
The asylum facing the giant horse is not a place in Juárez where
beautiful women with white skin tend to stay. Just down the road to the
east is La Campana, the alleged site of a mass grave where Louis
Freeh, then head of the FBI, and various Mexican officials gathered in
December 1999 to excavate bodies. That story slowly went away
because the source was a local comandante who had fled to the
United States, a man known on the streets of Juárez as El Animal. And
he could produce very few bodies, basically only a handful, and each
and every one of them he had personally murdered. The burying
ground itself was owned by Amado Carrillo. One of his killers, who
worked there, now teaches English to rich students in a Juárez private
high school. Of course, he continues to take murder contracts between
classes. And then to the southeast of La Campana is the Lote Bravo,
where dead girls have been dumped since the mid-1990s. All this
history comes flowing back to me as I hear the story of Miss Sinaloa.
I have been coming to this city for thirteen years, and naturally, I have,
like everyone here, an investment in the dead. And the living. Here is a
story, and like all stories here, like Miss Sinaloa, it tantalizes and floats
in the air, and then vanishes. A poor Mexican woman in El Paso wants
drug treatment for her young teenaged son, but she cannot afford the
facilities in the United States, so she checks him into a clinic in Juárez.
A few days, later, he is back in the United States and housed in the
very hospital where the Mexican comandante who survived
assassination was briefly housed. The boy has been raped and has a
torn rectum.
Then the tale erases itself from consciousness.
Jane Fonda cares, so does Sally Field, and so both have been to
Juárez to protest the murder of women. The Vagina Monologues has
been staged here, also. Over the past ten years or so, four hundred
women have been found murdered, the majority of them victims of
husbands and lovers and hardly mysterious cases. This number
represents 10 or 12 percent of the official kill rate. Two movies have
been made about the dead women. Focusing on the dead women
enables Americans to ignore the dead men, and ignoring the dead
men enables the United States to ignore the failure of its free-trade
schemes, which in Juárez are producing poor people and dead
people faster than any other product. Of course, the murders of the
women in Juárez are hardly investigated or solved. Murders in Juárez
are hardly ever investigated, and so in death, women finally receive the
same treatment as dead men. At least eight prosecutors have claimed
to tackle the murders. Last year, a forensics team from Argentina
showed up to straighten things out. The team was state-of-the-art,
thanks to Argentina’s dirty war in the 1970s that disappeared ten
thousand or twenty thousand or thirty thousand people—no one really
knows the tally. The Argentineans had also worked in El Salvador,
another country rich with mass graves. But none of this training
prepared them for Juárez. They came to solve the mystery of murdered
women in Juárez. They found the reality of the city.
They found heads sitting on the floor of the morgue, bodies without
heads, bodies tossed willy-nilly into mass graves. DNA also failed
them at times because the local forensic talent had boiled some of the
bodies of the girls, a cooking technique that destroys DNA. At least
three families, they discovered, had gotten the bodies of their loved
ones back, had buried them, and now had to be told they’d been given
the bodies of strangers.
But then, the local authorities can be a bit of a problem. The former
police chief was busted in January 2008 for setting up a dope deal in
El Paso. Two cops disappeared a week ago. Four days later, a
vagrant discovered a shopping bag downtown with the uniform of one
of the cops—it had his name, blood stains, and bits of duct tape, this
latter being a favored shackling device of locals when they execute
people. So apparently, there is a naked policeman wandering the city.
And then, there is the tale of Miss Sinaloa. She goes to a party with
police, and then after the fun, the police bring her to the crazy place. A
fair-skinned woman is a treat for street cops. When the girls began
vanishing from Juárez in 1993 and then reappearing at times as raped
corpses or simply bones, the local cops referred to them as las
morenitas—the little dark ones—because the favored prey came from
the poor barrios where young women who slave in American-owned
factories for next to nothing live. Miss Sinaloa hails from a different
world.
But there is always one enduring fact in Juárez: There are no facts.
The memories keep shifting. Miss Sinaloa is a beauty who comes to
party in Juárez and is raped. Miss Sinaloa is a beauty who comes to
party in Juárez and consumes enormous amounts of cocaine and
whiskey and becomes crazy, so loca, that the people call the police
and the cops come and take Miss Sinaloa away and they rape her for
days and then dump her at the crazy place in the desert. She has long
hair and is beautiful, and a doctor examines her and there is no
question about the rapes. She has bruises on her arms and legs and
ribs.
She is now almost a native of the city.
Dead Reporter Driving
There is a man driving fast down the dirt road leading to the border.
A rooster tail of dust marks his passage. He is very frightened, and his
fourteen-year-old son sits beside him in silence. The boy is that way—
very bright, yet very quiet. They are unusually close. The father has
raised him as a single parent since he was four after the relationship
with the mother did not work out.
Now, father and son are fleeing to the United States. Back in their
hometown of Ascensión, Chihuahua, men with automatic rifles are
searching for them. These men are soldiers in the Mexican army and
intend to kill the father, and perhaps the son, too. As the man drives
toward the U.S. port of entry, they are ransacking his house. No one in
the town will dare to lift a hand. The newspaper will not cover this event.
The man knows these facts absolutely.
His name is Emilio Gutierrez Soto, and he is the reporter covering
this part of Mexico and that is why he is a dead man driving. He
passes an ejido, one of the collective villages created by the Mexican
revolution as the answer to the land hunger of the poor. Once, the army
came here, beat up a bunch of peasants, and terrorized the community
under the guise of fighting a war on drugs. The peasants never filed
any complaints, because they are tied to the land and could not flee if
there were reprisals for their protests. They also knew that any
complaints would be ignored by their government. This is the kind of
thing the reporter knows but does not write and publish. Like the
peasants, he knows his place in the system.
It is June 16, 2008, and in two days, the man will have his forty-fifth
birthday, should he live that long.
The military has flooded across Mexico since President Felipe
Calderón assumed office in December 2006 with a margin so razor
thin that many Mexicans think he is an illegitimate president. His first
act was to declare a war on the nation’s thriving drug industry and his
favorite tool was the Mexican army. Now over 40,000 soldiers are
marauding all over the country in this war against the nation’s drug
organizations. In 2008, between 5,000 and 6,000 Mexicans died in the
violence, a larger loss than what the United States has endured during
the entire Iraq war. Since the year 2000, 24 reporters have been
officially recorded as murdered in Mexico, 7 more have vanished, and
an unknown number have fled into the United States. But all numbers in
Mexico are slippery because people have a way of disappearing and
not being reported. The entire police force of Palomas, Chihuahua,
fled in 2008, with the police chief seeking shelter in the United States,
the rest of the cops simply hiding in Mexico. Between July and October
2008, at a minimum 63 people—Mexican cops, reporters, and
businesspeople—sought political asylum at crossings in West Texas
and New Mexico. In all of 2008, 312 Mexicans filed credible fear
claims at U.S. ports of entry, up from 179 in 2007. Many more simply
blended into U.S. communities. This is the wave of blood and terror
suffocating the man as he heads north.
The reporter has tried to live his life in an effort to avoid this harsh
reality. He has been careful in his work. His publisher has told him it is
better to lose a story than to take a big risk. He does not look too
closely into things. If someone is murdered, he prints what the police
tell him and lets it go at that. If people sell drugs in his town or
warehouse drugs in his town, he ignores this information. Nor does he
inquire about who controls the drug industry in his town or anywhere
else.
The man driving is terrified of hitting an army checkpoint. They are
random and they are everywhere. The entire Mexican north has
become a killing field. In Palomas, a border town of maybe three
thousand souls, forty men have already been executed this very year,
and another seventeen people have vanished in kidnappings. Some of
these murders are by drug cartels. Some of these murders are by
state and federal police. Some of these murders are by the Mexican
army. There are now many ways to die.
The high desert is beautiful, a pan of creosote with lenses of grass
in moist low spots. Here and there, volcanic remnants make black
marks on the earth, and to the north and west, sierras rise. There is
almost no water. Almost all the rivers flowing from the Sierra Madre die
in the desert. But it is home, the place he has spent his life.
The reporter may die for committing a simple error. He wrote an
accurate news story. He did not know this was dangerous, because he
thought the story was very small and unimportant. He was wrong and
that was the beginning of all his trouble.
This is because there are two Mexicos.
There is the one reported by the U.S. press, a place where the
Mexican president is fighting a valiant war against the evil forces of the
drug world and using the incorruptible Mexican army as his warriors.
This Mexico has newspapers, courts, and laws and is seen by the U.S.
government as a sister republic.
It does not exist.
There is a second Mexico, where the war is for drugs, for the
enormous money to be made in drugs, where the police and the
military fight for their share, where the press is restrained by the
murder of reporters and feasts on a steady diet of bribes, and where
the line between government and the drug world has never existed.
The reporter lives in this second Mexico.
Until very recently, he liked it just fine. In fact, he loved it because he
loves Mexico and has never thought of leaving. Even though he lives
near the border, he has not bothered to cross for almost ten years.
But now, things have changed. He has researched the humanitarian
treaties signed by the United States, and he thinks, given these
commitments by the American government, he and his boy will be
given asylum. He has decided to tell the authorities nothing but the
truth. His research has failed to uncover one little fact: No Mexican
reporter has ever been given political asylum by the United States of
America.
Suddenly, he sees a checkpoint ahead, and there is no way to
escape it.
Men in uniforms pull him over.
He is frightened but discovers to his relief that this checkpoint is run
by the Mexican migration service and so, maybe, they will not give him
up to the army.
“Why are you driving so fast?”
“I am afraid. There are people trying to kill me.”
“The narcos?”
“No, the soldiers.”
“Who are you?”
He hands over his press pass.
“Oh, you are the one, they searched your house.”
“I have had problems.”
“Those sons of bitches do whatever they want. Go ahead. Good
luck.”
He roars away. When he stops at the port of entry at Antelope Wells
in the boot-heel of New Mexico, U.S. Customs asks, as they always
do, what he is bringing from Mexico.
He says, “We bring fear.”
There is a phantom living in Juárez, and his name is on everyone’s
lips: la gente. He is the collective unconsciousness of the city, a
hoodoo conjured up out of murder, rape, poverty, corruption, and
deceit. Everyone in the city—man, woman, and child, professor and
street alcoholic—knows what la gente thinks. Just as I have never met
or interviewed an American politician who did not know what “the little
people” think, nor have I met this army of phantom dwarfs that allegedly
dominate my own nation or heard so much as a whisper from another
domestic band, the Silent Majority. In the same way, I must listen to
drivel about la gente.
In politer circles, la gente gives way to a different phantom, a thing
called civil society. Of course, neither la gente nor civil society exists,
just as in the United States there are no little people nor a Silent
Majority. All these terms are useful for two reasons: They allow people
to talk about things they do not know, and they allow people to pretend
there is an understanding about life that does not exist. Oh, and there
is a final bonus: They allow newspaper columnists to discuss people
they have never met and say knowingly what the people they have
never met actually think.
In Juárez, la gente—this collective mind that is wise and knowing—
is a necessary crutch because the police are corrupt, the government
is corrupt, the army is corrupt, and the economy functions by paying
third-world wages and charging first-world prices. The Mexican
newspapers dance around truth because, one, corrupt people who are
rich and powerful dominate what can be printed and, two, any reporter
honest enough to publish the truth dies.
And so we are left, those of us who actually entertain the possibility
that facts exist and that facts matter, with rumor and this phantom
called la gente. Of course, this means we have no one to talk to and
can only console ourselves with the dead, their bodies leaking blood
out those neat holes made by machine guns, because the dead are
past lying and the dead know one real fact: Someone killed them. They
often do not know who killed them. Nor do they know why they were
killed. But at least they know they have been killed and are now dead.
This is more than civil society and la gente know because the
television news and the newspapers do not always report murders and
if they report murders they do not always give the names and if they
give the names, they almost never follow up on the murders.
You live.
You die.
You vanish from public records.
And you become the talk of the phantom called la gente.
I insist on getting out of the truck even though I know everyone in the
narco neighborhood is watching me. I suck in the dusty air, feel the
warmth of the sun. Across the street, a large German shepherd barks
through the iron fence. He stares me down and does his work of
guarding a world where only large, angry dogs go about unarmed.
There are a few basic rules about the Mexican army. If you see them,
flee, because they famously disappear people. If you are part of them,
desert, because they famously pay little. In the 1990s, President
Ernesto Zedillo formed a new, pure force to fight drugs and had them
trained by the United States. They were paid a pittance—a friend of
mine in the DEA grew close to them because his agency instantly put
them on the payroll and he was their pay-master. By 2000, the special
antidrug force had joined the Gulf cartel and became known as the
Zetas, U.S.-trained military killers with discipline and skill with
weapons. The original Zetas are mainly dead, but their style—
decapitations, military precision in attacks—spread and now they are
the model for killers in many cartels. They are also an inspiration and a
constant lure for Mexican soldiers who desert for the cartels—over a
hundred thousand troops fled the army and joined criminal
organizations in the first decade of the new century. The pay is better
and so is the sense of power.
In 2000, the election of Vicente Fox ended the seventy-year reign of
the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI. The drug industry ceased
to be controlled by the central government, many independents
entered the business, domestic drug use skyrocketed, and federal
control of the nation grew ever more feeble. The razor-thin election of
Felipe Calderón in 2006 brought the very legitimacy of the president
into question. He responded by unleashing the army against the drug
industry ten days after his election as a show of force. And that is when
the killing began to spiral to previously unimagined levels. First, he
sent twenty thousand troops to his home state of Michoacan. Then, the
military mission grew to thirty thousand nationally, and eventually forty-
five to fifty thousand. With each escalation, the number of murdered
Mexicans exploded. At about the same time, the United States began
mumbling about Plan Mexico, a billion and a half dollars to help our
neighbors to the south fight the good fight, with the lion’s share going
to the army. Put simply, the United States took a Mexican institution
with long ties to the drug industry—the army was a partner in the huge
marijuana plantation in Chihuahua, Rancho Bufalo, of the mid-1980s,
and it was a Mexican general who became the drug czar in 1997 until
it was discovered he worked for the Juárez cartel—and bankrolled it to
fight the drug industry.
And so in Juárez tonight, the army does the killing, the United States
gloats over a battle against the cartels, the president of Mexico beams
as Plan Mexico comes close to his grasp. And the street soldiers of
the drug industry either duck down or die—the kills in Juárez are
largely of nobodies or of their local cop allies. And the Zetas, the
thousands they have trained, and their imitators get friskier. They have
training camps in northern Mexico—they killed four cops from Nuevo
Laredo in such a camp and then burned them in barrels. They have
heavy arms, grenades, rockets, good morale, and high pay. Desertion
is not an option.
By the late 1990s, the cartel in Juárez was said to have rockets. And
was hiring former Green Berets to make sure its communications
systems were up to snuff. But as the bodies mount in Juárez, the
capos are not the ones with bullet holes. In fact, there is no evidence
they are even concerned by this military exercise. It is a mystery.
During this season of gore, Francisco Rafael Arellano Felix, the
former head of the Tijuana cartel, was released in El Paso in early
March after doing about ten years in Mexican and U.S. prisons. He
crossed the bridge into what the DEA claims is enemy territory, the turf
of the Juárez cartel. By all reports, he expressed no concern as he
made his way to the airport.
MUSICAL CANS
Four 2-qt., four 1-qt. and four
1-pt. cans with different
amounts of water to make a
musical scale.
The more water and the larger the can the lower the note. The
less water and the smaller the can, the higher the note.
Put three pieces of sliced cork on the bottom of each can to lift it
above table top. Strike with cork hammer.
Closing. Sing again the closing chorus for the minstrel show.
Pre-Opening. Pick a simple radio theme song such as the “Duz” song
and let each boy write his own words for the music. Here is what
one Cub Scout in Mr. Starr’s Pack composed:
CUB CUB
Opening. Rather than follow through with the formal Den meeting,
use time to rehearse the Den’s acts for the minstrel show. Teach Cub
Scouts some rounds. Mr. and Mrs. Starr recommend the Blue Book
published by Hall & McCreary Co. Good rounds are: “Scotland’s
Burning,” “Sweetly Sings the Donkey,” “Row Row Row Your Boat,”
“Three Blind Mice” and “Are You Sleeping?”
Closing. Rehearse the Den song which was composed by the boys at
the first Den Meeting.
CUB SCOUT
TREASURE CHEST
GOT A GAME?
A lot of digging goes on before the Cub Scouting section of
Scouting Magazine reaches you each month. We do our best to make
available to you information which will help you in the planning of
your Pack programs. Naturally we cannot give you enough to make it
unnecessary for you to do some thinking too. Our purpose is to give
you just enough information to stimulate your own thinking and
planning.
One of the areas where we need some help is that of games. We
can keep passing games along to you, but we would like to be able
to give you games which other Cub Scout leaders have successfully
used in their Dens and Packs. The only way we can do that is for
you to send us the favorite games of your Den.
Would it help you if we were to start a Favorite Games
Department? Perhaps we could print two or three favorite games
each month. You would know that they were games which had been
successfully used in Cub Scouting in some section of the country.
Would you like such a favorite games column in your Scouting
Magazine? If so, send us your favorite game, and we will consider it
your vote in favor of the Department. Tell us just enough about your
game so that we can understand it. You need not worry about
making it polished writing. We’ll edit it. If the game you send us has
not been used in our literature, and if it’s the type of game we can
use, then we will publish it and give you credit for sending it.
Got a game?
CUBS OF REGION FOUR
(Tune: The Marine Corps Hymn)
(Chorus)
(Repeat Chorus)
(Repeat Chorus)
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