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New Parties in Government

Party literature is largely focused on the rise and success of new parties and their
effects on party systems and older parties. This book, on the other hand, provides
a valuable and original addition to such literature by analysing what happens to a
party when it enters government for the first time.
Leading contributors assess how these parties, whether old or new, change
when entering government by answering a set of questions:

• How and why has their role changed?

• What are the consequences of change?
• What explains the evolution from principled opposition to loyal opposition
and eventually to participation in the executive?
• Which characteristics of the parties can be held responsible?
• Which characteristics of the parties’ context should be brought into the
picture?
• What have been the effects of the status change on party organization, party
ideology and electoral results?

Covering a wide range of European parties such as the Finnish Greens, right-
wing parties (FN, Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale) and new parties in Italy,
the Netherlands and Sweden to name a few; this book will be of particular inter-
est to scholars and students concerned with party systems, political parties and
comparative politics.

Kris Deschouwer is Professor of politics at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel,

Belgium.
Routledge/ECPR Studies in European
Political Science
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Ruhr University Bochum, Germany on behalf of the European Consortium
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Party Elites in Divided Societies

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New Parties in Government
In power for the first time

Edited by Kris Deschouwer

First published 2008
by Routledge
2 Park Square Milton Park Abingdon Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
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This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2008.

“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

© 2008 Kris Deschouwer for selection and editorial matter; individual

contributors, their contributions

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
New Parties in Government: in power for the first time/edited by Kris
Deschouwer
p.c.m – (Routledge/ECPR studies in European political science; 53)
ISBN 978-0-415-40499-0 (hardback: alk. paper) – ISBN
978-0-203-93859-1 (e-book: alk. paper) 1. Political parties–Europe–
Case studies. 2. Power (Social sciences)–Europe. 3. Europe–Politics
and government–1989– I. Deschouwer, Kris
JN94.A979N47 2008
324.2094–dc22
2007033768
ISBN 0-203-93859-3 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 10 0–415–40499–1 (hbk)

ISBN 10 0–203–93859–3 (ebk)
ISBN 13 978–0–415–40499–0 (hbk)
ISBN 13 978–0–203–93859–1 (ebk)
Contents

List of tables xiii

List of figures xiv
List of contributors xv
Series editor’s preface xviii

1 Comparing newly governing parties 1

Kris Deschouwer

New and newly governing parties 1

A new phase in life 3
Exploring diversity 6
Common patterns? 9

2 The organizational costs of public office 17

Nicole Bolleyer

New parties and the challenge of public office 17

New parties as representatives and organizations: analytical
lenses and conceptual caveats 19
New parties as organizational actors: newness and two
dimensions of vulnerability 21
The gains of government 23
The costs of public office 24
New parties in old party systems and the organizational costs of
public office 37
x Contents
3 Newly governing parties in Italy: comparing the PDSI/DS,
Lega Nord and Forza Italia 45
Jonathan Hopkin and Piero Ignazi

Introduction 45
Changes in the Italian party system: crisis and collapse
1992–94 45
Newly governing parties in Italy: the centre-left 48
Newly governing parties of the centre-right 55
Conclusion 61

4 The short road to power – and the long way back: newly
governing parties in the Netherlands 65
Paul Lucardie and Christian Pierre Ghillebaert

Introduction 65
Government participation and ideological change 66
Government participation and organisational change 76
Conclusions 80

5 Close but no cigar? 85

Newly governing and nearly governing parties in Sweden
and New Zealand 85
Tim Bale and Magnus Blomgren

Introduction 85
Contexts 85
Experiences 92
Conclusion 102

6 Greens in a rainbow: the impact of participation in

government of the Green parties in Belgium 104
Pascal Delwit and Emilie van Haute

Introduction 104
The road to power 105
Membership development 109
Intra-party changes 110
Conclusion 116
 Contents xi
7 Moving from movement to government: the transformation
of the Finnish Greens 121
Jan Sundberg and Niklas Wilhelmsson

Introduction 121
The framework 121
The success of new parties in the Finnish party system 122
The threshold of forming the Green Party 125
The maximisation of Green votes 129
The threshold of relevance: in and out 130
Who are the Greens’ supporters? 132
Conclusion 133

8 Independents in government: a sui generis model? 137

Liam Weeks

Introduction 137
Independents: who are they? 137
Why are Independents like new parties? 138
The nature of Independents’ support status 141
Why are Independents involved in the government process? 142
The cases 145
Consequences of participation in government 147
Conclusion 153

9 The electoral fate of new parties in government 157

Jo Buelens and Airo Hino

The electoral fate of newly governing parties 158

Why do some new parties survive while others fail? 160
Concluding remarks 171
Appendix 172

10 Populists in power: attitudes toward immigrants after the

Austrian Freedom Party entered government 175
Elisabeth Ivarsflaten

Introduction 175
Theories of how parties interact with public opinion 176
Government inclusion as a new dimension 177
Opinion leadership of the populist right parties themselves as a
new variable 178
xii Contents
Summary of hypotheses 179
Empirical evaluation of the hypotheses 180
Attitudes toward immigration and asylum policy over time 180
Partisanship and anti-immigrant sentiment 183
Government inclusion 185
Conclusion 186

Index 189
Tables

2.1 Intra-organizational and functional pressures generated

by public office 34
4.1 Dutch election results: distribution of seats (1946–2003) 68
4.2 Participation in government and ideological ‘softening’
or ‘toughening’ of D66 on relevant issues (1966–2003) 70
4.3 Participation in government and ideological ‘softening’
or ‘toughening’ of PPR on relevant issues (1968–89) 71
6.1 Electoral results of Ecolo, 1981–2004 105
6.2 The evolution of membership of Ecolo 109
6.3 Socio-demographic and attitudinal profile of the pre- and
post-1999 members of Ecolo 112
6.4 The difference between the two generations of
members: regression analysis 116
7.1 The support for new parties contesting parliamentary elections
in Finland since 1962 123
7.2 New party seats in the Finnish Parliament (time of entering
cabinet shown in bold) 126
7.3 Voter characteristics in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 134
8.1 History of Independent support for governments, 1922–2006 145
9.1 Number of governmental parties for each country (1945–2005) 158
9.2 Electoral fate and parties’ experiences in government 159
9.3 Winners and losers by party family and government
participation (1945–2005) 159
9.4 List of ‘new parties in government’, 1945–2004 161
9.5 Cross-tabulation between electoral fate and incumbent status 164
9.6 Cross-tabulation between electoral fate and minimum
winning coalition (MWC) 166
9.7 Multiple regression analysis on the Index of Electoral Fate 170
9.1A Truth table for Boolean analysis 172
Figures

1.1 An amended model of the life span of political parties 3

8.1 Independents’ proportion of total votes, seats and candidates at
Dàil elections, 1922–2002 138
9.1 ‘New parties in government’ and the Index of Electoral Fate 163
9.2 The Venn diagram for ‘new parties in government’ 167
10.1 Mainstream parties’ immigration and coalition policies in
Austria, Denmark and Flanders 179
10.2 Opposition to immigration in Austria in 1997, 2000, and 2003 181
10.3 Comparing changes in attitudes towards immigrants in
Austria, Denmark, and Flanders between 1997 and 2000 182
10.4 Anti-immigrant sentiment by party affinity: difference
from national averages, 2002–03 183
10.5 Anti-immigrant sentiment by mainstream party membership
in Austria, Denmark and Flanders, 2003 184
10.6 Anti-immigrant sentiment by populist right-wing party
affinity in Austria, Denmark and Flanders, 2003 185
Contributors

Tim Bale joined the Department of Politics and Contemporary European Studies
at Sussex in 2003 after five years at Victoria University of Wellington in New
Zealand. He specializes in comparative politics and political parties. He is the
co-editor of the European Journal of Political Research’s annual Political Data
Yearbook and his latest book is European Politics: a Comparative Introduc-
tion, published by Palgrave.
Nicole Bolleyer has recently completed her PhD thesis at the European Univer-
sity Institute in Florence, Italy. From September 2007 onwards she will work
as a junior lecturer at Exeter University in the UK. Her dissertation accounts
for the organizational patterns of intergovernmental relations in federal sys-
tems. Her research interests also include political parties and party systems
in Western Europe, institutional theory and concept formation in comparative
politics. Recent publications have appeared in Publius: The Journal of Feder-
alism, Regional and Federal Studies, the Swiss Political Science Review and
West European Politics.
Magnus Blomgren is a senior lecturer at the Department of Political Science
at Umeå University, Sweden. He has mainly been interested in the impact of
the European integration on political parties and national parliamentary in-
stitutions. He has published work on political representation in the European
Parliament, national adaptation to the European political arena and post-war
constitutional development in Western Europe.
Jo Buelens is a research assistant at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. His research
topics are new political parties, multilevel government and elections. He was
involved in the development of the Belgian electoral database. His special in-
terest is in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where he was invited as an
expert to assist with the elaboration of the electoral law of DRCongo.
Pascal Delwit is Professor of Political Science at Université libre de Bruxelles
(ULB) – Centre d’étude de la vie politique. He has published numerous con-
tributions on Belgian and European political life and political actors. He is the
author of Social Democracy in Europe (2005) and Extreme Right Parties and
power in Europe (2007) which were published by Editions de l’Université de
Bruxelles.
xvi Contributors
Kris Deschouwer is Professor of Politics at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. He has
published on political parties, elections, comparative regionalism and federal-
ism and consociational democracy. He is the editor of the European Journal of
Political Research.
Christian Pierre Ghillebaert is a PhD student in Political Science at the Centre
d’Etudes Politiques sur l’Europe du Nord (from the Institut d’Etudes Politiques
in Lille). His disseration deals with crossborder Dutch and Flemish national-
isms (Dietse gedachte). He is currently an English teacher and has taught soci-
ology and the history of French institutions in several French universities.
Emilie van Haute is a PhD student in the Department of Political Science at
Université libre de Bruxelles. Her thesis examines party membership at the
Belgian level. Her research interests include political participation, party mem-
bership, intra-party democracy, parties and elections, and Belgian politics. She
has published articles on these topics in national and international journals.
Airo Hino is Associate Professor of Political Science at Tokyo Metropolitan Uni-
versity, Japan. He received his PhD from the Department of Government at
the University of Essex and has worked as Flemish Community Fellow at the
Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research of Katholieke Universiteit
Leuven, and as Post-doctoral Fellow at the Centre of Comparative Politics of
Université Catholique de Louvain in Belgium. His research interests include
political parties and party systems, voting behaviour, electoral systems, party
finance, party manifestos, Green politics, extreme-right parties, new challenger
parties, and comparative research methodology.
Jonathan Hopkin is a senior lecturer in the Department of Government at the
London School of Economics, and an associate fellow of the Johns Hopkins
University Bologna Center. He is the author of Party Formation and Demo-
cratic Transition in Spain (1999 Macmillan) and has published widely on party
politics, decentralization and political corruption, with particular reference to
Southern Europe.
Piero Ignazi is Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Bologna.
He is currently Chairman of the Committee for Political Sociology of the In-
ternational Political Science Association. His research interests focus on party
politics with a theoretical approach, a comparative approach (mainly European-
wide) and a case study approach (on Italy). His most recent publications in-
clude Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe (OUP 2006, second expanded
edition), Political Parties and Political Systems (co-edited with A. Roemmele
and D. Farrell; Praeger 2005), Il Parlamento Europeo (with L. Bardi; il Mulino
2004), and Il Potere dei Partiti: la Politica in Italia Dagli anni Sessanta ad
Oggi (Laterza 2002).
Elisabeth Ivarsflaten is currently a Postdoctoral Prize Research Fellow in Poli-
tics at Nuffield College, University of Oxford. From August 2007 she will be
Associate Professor of comparative politics at the University of Bergen, Nor-
 Contributors xvii
way. She received her PhD from Oxford University in 2006 for a dissertation
entitled ‘Immigration Policy and Party Organization: Explaining the rise of the
populist right in Western Europe’. Her work on European immigration politics
and populist right parties has been published in journals such as Comparative
Political Studies and the European Journal of Political Research.
Paul Lucardie received a PhD in Political Science at Queen’s University (King-
ston, Canada) in 1980. Since 1979 he has been Research Fellow at the Docu-
mentation Centre on Dutch Political Parties (DNPP) at the University of Gron-
ingen; since 1991 he has also been affiliated with the Canadian Studies Centre
at the same university. His research interests focus on political ideologies and
new parties in the Netherlands, Canada and Germany.
Jan Sundberg holds the Swedish Chair in Political Science at the University of
Helsinki. His main research interests cover party organizations, local politics,
and ethnic relations. He has contributed with several books on these topics
written in Swedish and English. In addition, he is the former president of the
Nordic Political Science Association, and the former vice chair and treasurer
of ECPR.
Liam Weeks is a lecturer in the Department of Government, University College
Cork. He has previously held an appointment in the Department of Political
Science, Trinity College, Dublin. His main research interests include politi-
cal parties, voting behaviour and electoral systems. He has published work
in Politics in the Republic of Ireland, How Ireland Voted 2002, Irish Political
Studies, and Representation. He is currently working on a study of Independ-
ent candidates and their voters, the dynamics of the single transferable vote,
and election campaigns in Ireland.
Niklas Wilhelmsson (PhD candidate) works as a researcher at the Centre for
Research on Ethnic Relations and Nationalism (CEREN) at the University of
Helsinki. He has been involved in research projects dealing with the integra-
tion of immigrants, political participation and political parties.
Series editor’s preface

Anybody who has followed the development of Green parties on their way from
protest to governmental power cannot fail to agree with the former Green Foreign
Secretary of Germany, Joschka Fischer, who remarked that the march through
the institutions has tended to change the marchers far more than the institutions.
Entering the game of established politics confronted them with a number of or-
ganizational and political challenges that left significant marks on their policies,
their strategy and the way they organized. Coming from the opposite end of the
political spectrum, right-wing populist parties faced comparable junctures: enter-
ing parliament meant that they also had to choose between continuing irresponsi-
ble, provocative behaviour or subscribing to the rules and norms of parliamentary
work. Still, parliamentary representation allows protest parties to pursue a ‘double
strategy’ in that they may attempt to exploit the parliamentary stage in order to
promote their cause without renouncing their commitment to protest or to the
demand for radical, fundamental change. Arguably, they approach an even more
fundamental juncture when they decide to pursue governmental office. Being in
government (or wanting to get into government) makes it impossible to continue
sitting on the fence between protest and power and this is why this volumes takes
a close look at the effects of entering into government for the first time.
However, this book is not just about parties that originated from new social
movement protest or populist discontent with established politics. The editor has
cast his net much wider and includes all new parties, many of which have not
challenged the party system from ‘outside’ but are simply breakaways of exist-
ing parties. To be sure, they are, in a way, also protest parties because they were
formed in protest against their former party’s alleged failure to represent interests
or constituencies which were considered important by those who decided to break
away. Finally, there are parties which were considered to be unacceptable for gov-
ernment until this ban was finally lifted as a result of either ideological moderation
or changed political circumstances (or both). The Italian Alleanza Nazionale is an
example of this, and the German Left Party may become one in the future.
Whenever a party joins government for the first time it is confronted with a set
of potential gains and losses which are similar irrespective of the party’s origin or
ideological orientation. First and foremost, it loses a set of powerful arguments.
 Preface xix
There is no way back to pure protest or criticism: being part (or having been) of
the executive means that certain arguments can no longer be used because the
party itself has shared responsibility for the circumstances it wishes to criticize.
Famously, when a German Green Minister for the Environment had to organize
nuclear transports, his credibility with the anti-nuclear protest was damaged for
ever. Similarly, when the Austrian Freedom Party joined the national government
the credibility of its anti-establishment posture began to erode quickly. Second,
ideological moderation is often an essential precondition of being admitted to
government which, in turn, carries the risk of giving rise to another new party
which claims to carry the can of ideological continuity. Third, governing requires
organizational efficiency, because the number of required decisions tends to rise
sharply while the permissible response time is likely to drop.
Not all parties rise to these challenges. Some are severely punished at the polls,
some disappear altogether, like the List Pim Fortuyn which came from nowhere
straight into government in the Netherlands in 2002 and officially dissolved itself
five years later. Others bounce back, like the German Green Party, which lost for
four consecutive years at each and every Land election following their admis-
sion to national government in 1998. And there are success stories like the Italian
Forza Italia, which was created by its leader Silvio Berlusconi as a vehicle to
attain prime ministerial office.
This short, and by no means complete, list indicates that newly governing par-
ties have become a more widespread phenomenon in recent years, and while they
differ widely as regards their ideological acceptability, their size, their age and
their organizational power, they share similar problems of adaptation to a new
and very important organizational environment, that is, the realm of executive
power. To be sure, there are good reasons to disagree as regards the degree of
adaptive success one would hope for in different cases but the very fact that coali-
tion formation has become more inclusive is also a sign of the ability of modern
democracy to integrate new (and old) outsiders. However, the price cannot be a
compromise over democratic values, and there are sometimes good reasons for
concerns. On the other hand, the fact that some challengers have also failed as a
result of governmental participation may indicate that moderate forces are capa-
ble of dominating competitive party democracy in the long run.
Thomas Poguntke
Series Editor
Bochum
August 2007
1 Comparing newly governing
parties
Kris Deschouwer

New and newly governing parties

One of the important indicators of party system change during the past few dec-
ades is the increasing promiscuity in national coalition formation (Bartolini 1998).
Coalitions are indeed often formed (or supported) by new combinations of parties,
including parties that are either new or that were before not considered to be gov-
erning parties. One of the explanations for this promiscuity and for these innova-
tive combinations is the sheer presence of a large number of new parties able to
attract a substantial number of voters. In the 1990s the average electoral result for
parties created after 1960 in 15 West-European countries was a quite impressive
23.7 per cent (Mair 2002: 134).
Newly governing parties are the focus of this book, which intends to explore
what happens when parties experience for the first time the pleasures and pres-
sures of being in government. How does being in government affect their internal
organization, their procedures of participation and decision-making, their rela-
tions with their voters and with their members? Does it affect the party ideology,
the programme and the policy preferences?
Some of the parties that joined these innovative coalitions (Mair 1997: 211)
are themselves indeed also new. They have seen the light as a consequence of the
mobilization of new values and interests from the 1960s on. The literature has
paid a great deal of attention to the explanation of their rise and success. Broadly
comparative studies have looked at the interaction between the strategies of par-
ties and the institutional context in which they try to break through (e.g. Harmel
and Robertson 1985; Hug 2001; Tavits 2006). Different types of new parties have
been identified on the basis of the role they want to play in the system, on the way
in which they try to attract voters. Rochon (1985) classifies new parties into ‘chal-
lengers’ of existing parties and ‘mobilizers’ of new issues or cleavages. Lucardie
(2000) labels the latter ‘prophetic’ parties and further divides the challengers into
‘purifiers’ of an old ideology and ‘prolocutors’ trying to revive neglected values
and interests.
Most attention in the study of new parties went to their political sociology, to
the societal changes that explain the realignment of voters and the emergence of
more or less solid new alignments around new values (e.g. Dalton et al. 1984).
2 Deschouwer
Prominently present in this literature are the Greens. The clear and evident link be-
tween their rise and success and the ingredients of the silent revolution (Inglehart
1977), their meaningful presence in a large number of party systems and undoubt-
edly also the mild sympathy they enjoyed from many academics has produced a
stream of literature and insights that is probably only rivalled by the amount of
studies of the social-democratic family. The new and challenging organizational
forms displayed by the Green parties (Poguntke 1987) were another good reason
for taking a closer look at them. More recently the family of right-wing populist
parties has attracted more attention. And again the political sociology has been
very prominent, trying to explain who the voters of these new parties are and why
they vote for them (e.g. Von Beyme 1988; Ignazi 1992; Kitschelt 1996; Betz and
Immerfall 1998; Lubbers et al. 2002). Rather than their special or experimental
party organization their radical ideology and its compatibility with democratic
values has been at the core of the research (Mudde 2000).
The dominance of Greens and right-wing populists in the recent party literature
(on new parties) gives the wrong impression that they do indeed dominate the
scene. Yet half of the electorate of new political parties in the 1990s voted for
parties other than these (Mair 2002). Many new parties are indeed challengers
rather than mobilizers. They are new in the party system but do not necessarily
place themselves outside the existing competition. They are new but mobilize on
old issues. This can be the economic left–right cleavage (with for instance leftist
and anti-tax parties) or the religious cleavage (with for instance new Christian
Democratic parties or radical religious parties).
This actually means that there are three different dimensions of ‘newness’
that can be identified. The first is the age of the party, or its ‘organizational age’
(Chapter 2). If a party is young, it is probably still building and institutionalizing
its organizational structures. These are still a bit fluid. The party might have to go
through its first major leadership change, always a crucial test for the institution-
alization of an organizational structure. The second dimension is ideology. Mobi-
lizing parties build their success on new issues and ideas. They compete on new
conflict dimensions. They can do this in a very radical way, by deeply question-
ing the existing order or by fiercely blaming the existing political establishment.
And a third dimension of newness is the type of party organization. A number
of new parties – the Greens very obviously – are not just further evolutions or
adaptations of the mass party model, but really new and alternative models. The
‘business-firm party’ (Hopkin and Paolucci 1999) is also typically a form for new
and recently created political parties.
These three dimensions are very important for our purpose. One can indeed
assume that each of these aspects of being ‘new’ affects the way in which a party
can move from opposition towards executive power. This is not likely to be a
move that is easy to digest. Yet not all parties that have recently joined a govern-
ment are physically new parties. Some have been around for quite a long time,
but remained outside the circle of governing parties. That is especially true for a
number of (former) communist parties who have recently come ‘in from the cold’
(Bale and Dunphy 2007). The often renamed communist parties have since the
 Comparing newly governing parties 3
end of the Cold War left their pariah status behind and have become part of and –
in Italy for instance – even the leading party of coalition governments. For these
parties the move from opposition to government after such a long time is also
quite a change. Newly governing parties can thus be ‘old’ parties (age, ideology
or organizational form) or ‘new’ parties.

A new phase in life

For both types of newly governing parties, the new parties and the older ones,
the entering of a coalition marks a crucial new phase in their lifespan. Pedersen
(1982) suggests the use of this metaphor to conceptualize the evolution of politi-
cal parties. The basic idea is that a party goes through a number of stages, start-
ing with being born and possibly ending with the death of the party. Parties can
however remain in one of these stages for a very long time. Other authors have
already used this model to look explicitly at new parties, and more in particular
at new parties moving towards government (Buelens and Lucardie 1998; Rihoux
2001; Müller-Rommel 2002). Pedersen distinguishes between four stages, also
assuming that a party can go back and possibly disappear again. The four stages
are declaration (announcing the will to become a party), authorization (passing
the necessary requirements to be recognized as a party), representation (winning
seats) and relevance.
This lifespan model is a very useful heuristic tool. It allows us to identify
crucial stages and crucial changes in the evolution of political parties. In order to
assess the meaning and importance of participating in government, we add a new
phase in the life of parties: being in government. That phase follows the phase of
relevance. Relevance is indeed not the same as governing. According to Sartori
(1976) there are two sources of relevance for a party: blackmail potential and
governing potential. The latter means that a party has already been in government
or that it is seen – both by itself and by the other parties – as a possible governing
party. A party with blackmail potential is one that is not prepared to enter govern-
ment or that is, for the others, not acceptable as a governing party.
The phase of relevance can therefore be broken down into these two different
statuses. And by breaking up the phase of relevance and especially by adding the
phase of governing (Figure 1.1) we claim that something important happens when
a party moves from opposition to government. Governing is a new phase in life.
It is a transition, the crossing of a new threshold. Still following Pedersen, we
do not need to assume that a party will stay forever in that position. It can (and
indeed most will) go back, just as it can lose its representation or simply die and

Blackmail potential

Declaration Authorization Representation Governing

Governing potential

Figure 1.1 An amended model of the life span of political parties.

4 Deschouwer
disappear. The move from opposition to government can also be for some parties
a two-step process. Some parties start their life as political outsiders, as challeng-
ers not only of the other parties but also of crucial aspects of the political system
itself. These parties can reach the status of relevance because of their blackmail
potential. For these parties to become a potential or an actual governing party,
they need to leave behind their outsider status in the first place. Both steps – from
blackmail to governing potential and then to government – can be taken simulta-
neously or can involve a longer transition process.
Deciding to cross the threshold of government is a ‘hard decision’ (Müller and
Strøm 1999). It means that a party has added the seeking of office to its mix of
strategic goals (Harmel and Janda 1994). It is taking the risk of being blamed at
the polls for what goes wrong, but hopes to take advantage of the visibility that
comes with being in power. It is taking the risk of being challenged by its militants
for having accepted compromises, but hopes that being in power is a more effec-
tive way to influence policy. It goes without saying that moving from opposition
to government is not a minor event in the life of a party. That is the simple starting
point of our analysis. A governing party is confronted with a different role to play.
It has to select office-holders. It has to attract the necessary expertise to follow
up not only its own portfolio’s or its own chosen themes but the full action of the
government. It is faced with new organizational challenges, like giving a place to
the members of the cabinet in the decision-making procedures. Its internal life is
likely to be affected much more by the agenda of the cabinet than by issues of its
own choice. The party will be more visible in the media and will have to explain
its positions and decisions more often than when it was in opposition.
There is another important element that makes the transition to power a major
step in a large and still growing number of European countries. When a party joins
the government at a lower tier of the system – like the substate in a federal country
– that does not necessarily involve the entering of the central government. A party
can decide to limit its governmental ambition to this lower tier only, as for in-
stance some of the regional parties in the Spanish Autonomous Communities do.
But entering the government at the level of the national state does automatically
involve the entering of the higher-level European ‘government’. Of course, the
European Union is not a state with a normal (coalition) government, but exactly
this peculiar nature of the EU means that whoever is in power at the national level
becomes deeply involved in decision-making at the European level. The Euro-
pean decision-making processes entail a high degree of intergovernmentalism, of
negotiations between national executives. It involves meetings of the Council of
Ministers and possibly even the chairing of these meetings. In other words, the
move from opposition to government at the national level means that it is impos-
sible – or at least fairly difficult – to be in opposition to the European Union. En-
tering the national government means a twofold accession to the ‘system’, to the
‘establishment’. It is one more element that makes the transition from opposition
to government quite a difficult one. Especially for Eurosceptic parties, the switch
from being against Europe to being active in Europe is not easy to manage.
Being in government is a new step in the life of parties, but some parties can
 Comparing newly governing parties 5
of course get used to it. Once they have been in power and have experienced the
consequences of it, they can decide to keep the office-seeking as one of their
major goals. The second or the third time in government will not be the same as
the very first time. Being in government will always be different from being in
opposition – for the reasons given above – but the first time is special. And that
is the second starting point of our analysis: being new in government is more dif-
ficult. There is only one first time.
There are indeed a number of good reasons to assume that crossing the thresh-
old of power is more difficult when it happens for the first time. The first reason
has already been spelled out above: it is the sheer newness of the role, the lack of
experience, the absence of a storybook, the need to invent solutions for brand new
problems. The lack of routine can be a problem for the internal organization of
a newly governing party, but also for the way in which it organizes the relations
with the other party or parties in the coalition. A newly governing party is likely to
govern with more experienced partners, maybe even partners that have a history
of being in government together. In that case the external relations, the relations
between the party and the government also need to be invented and organized.
Although there are notable exceptions, like Forza Italia, a newly governing
party will most often be a smaller partner in a coalition. Newly governing parties
will not immediately receive extremely weighty or visible portfolios. Although
their voting power or ‘walk-away power’ might be substantial – especially if the
coalition is a minimal one – the use of that power supposes some experience about
when and how and how often to use it. Being a smaller partner in a coalition can
be quite a burden for a new party in government. This weaker position and possi-
bly lower visibility can also affect the electoral results at the end of the governing
period. Governing means that the chances to lose at the polls increase (Rose and
Mackie 1983). The electoral risk that is being taken when joining a coalition can
be higher for newly governing parties, especially if they are smaller. Not only are
they then a less visible partner in the coalition, but the loss of votes can be much
more painful. A larger party can more easily take the risk of losing some votes.
A smaller party losing votes comes immediately close to the risk zone. It might
simply end below the electoral threshold and lose all its MPs.
Newer parties – especially when the newness refers to the post-dealignment
period – have yet another reason to fear the loss of votes. Parties that mobilize
new values and interests are less likely to have an electorate that is deeply rooted
in a clear societal subgroup whose relation to the party is obvious. They lack the
‘diffuse support’ (Easton 1965) by which they can get off the hook when or if the
government policies are not fully and exactly those that had been promised.
Moving from opposition to government also involves an identity change. That
is especially the case when a party moved towards government by a transition
through the blackmail potential phase. If a party has built its place in the party
system as a protest party, an anti-establishment party, a principled opposition
party, then its joining the government is nothing less than a deep transformation.
If a party has first been excluded by the others and then finally accepted as a
governing or supporting partner, it becomes almost a new and different party.
6 Deschouwer
Even if a party gradually moves away from an extreme position in the system by
slowly being accepted or slowly making itself available for the game of coalition
formation and compromising – for instance by playing the game at a lower tier of
government – the final step will remain one that marks the end of the old status
and identity. And once more this makes the first entry in government an important,
visible, new and possibly painful step.

Exploring diversity
Being in government is a clearly different position and phase in a party’s life, and
entering that position is likely to have a clear impact on a party when it happens
for the very first time. That is the working hypothesis of this book. So far the
comparative analysis of newly governing parties has (again) focused very much
on the Greens (Müller-Rommel 2002; Rihoux and Rüdig 2006). This is indeed a
very peculiar and in this respect very interesting party family because its members
did not only enter the party systems with a clearly new and radical ideology, but
also with a party organization that was meant in the first place to offer generous
possibilities for participation by the grass-roots (Poguntke 1987). These are char-
acteristics that are at first sight not very compatible with being in government.
Organizational adaptations before and after being in government, ideological ad-
aptations, and electoral consequences of being in power have thus been among the
topics covered by the research. As explained above, these dimensions are not only
interesting for Green parties only. They are relevant for all parties in power for the
first time (on right-wing populist parties in office, see Heinisch 2003; Minkenberg
2001; Luther 2003; De Lange 2007).
In this volume we describe and discuss a variety of parties in a variety of coun-
tries. Most chapters describe and compare a limited number of parties. Rather
than aiming at sweeping generalizations, we try to take a look inside the parties to
tell the story of the route towards power and the manner in which being in power
was dealt with. We look at what happened afterwards. Was the party able to stay
in government or to come back to government at a later stage? Did it win or lose
votes after being in power?
The explored variety is, however, limited to parties in government in western
European countries (and New Zealand). Many more newly governing parties
could be analysed in East Central Europe, where most of the parties are new
and where coalitions are likely to involve many parties governing for the first
time. The context of newly governing parties in East Central Europe is, however,
quite different. What is absent is the very specific contrast between traditionally
governing parties and newly governing parties. It is exactly that contrast and the
dynamics that it produces when a party enters government for the first time that
justifies the limited scope of this book.
Three major topics are dealt with. The first is the party organization. How did
the party cope with the new demands, with new tasks and new groups to integrate
in the party structures? The second is the party ideology and identity. Did the
newly governing party change its ideological profile? Did it soften its discourse?
 Comparing newly governing parties 7
Was it able to accept compromises? And the third topic is the party’s relation with
society. Was it able to keep its voters after governing? Did it attract more or differ-
ent members? Did it keep or change its relations with civil society?
In Chapter 2, Nicole Bolleyer further develops the idea that for new parties the
cost of public office is likely to be higher than for older parties. She conceptual-
izes new parties as being ‘organizationally young’ and discusses how moving
from principled opposition to coalition potential, and then from coalition potential
to being in power, creates a number of pressures. These are related to the need to
co-ordinate between the central party organization and the party in public office,
the need to select candidates for the executive functions and the need to acquire
broader expertise outside the core themes of the party.
In Chapter 3, Jonathan Hopkin and Piero Ignazi deal with Italy, which is a
very special and even extreme and exceptional case of new parties in govern-
ment. After the collapse of the old party system in the early 1990s, coalitions
were formed with unseen combinations of parties. One of the reasons for this was
the creation and quite spectacular breakthrough of Forza Italia, a new party that
would immediately obtain access to the highest office of prime minister. Hopkin
and Ignazi look at three newly governing parties: Forza Italia, Lega Nord and DS.
The last of these – the reformed PCI – is not a new party. Its organization can also
not be labelled young or new. To the contrary: here is a party with a very old and
solid organization. Entering and also leading the coalition made it fully feel the
necessity to adapt, and so it did. The Lega Nord started as a typical principled
opposition party, and brought down the first Berlusconi government in which it
participated. It was invited to govern again, and quite surprisingly it was able to
keep its old and very populist discourse. It managed to play a double role. Hopkin
and Ignazi show that, actually, Forza Italia has been able to stick quite closely to
its original populist discourse.
Chapter 4 also looks at several parties in the same country. Paul Lucardie and
Christian Pierre Ghillebaert explain and show how, in the Netherlands, the very
low electoral threshold allows new parties to gain representation fairly easily. A
number of these new parties then move quite swiftly towards power. The chapter
discusses D66, DS70, PPR and the List Pim Fortuyn. The fragmentation of the
Dutch party system seems to facilitate the access to power for smaller partners.
Being asked by the major parties is however the key that opens the door. Lucardie
and Ghillebaert make very clear that entering a coalition is not an easy task. There
is quite some evidence of strong pressures on the new parties to adapt and to
change. Yet there is less evidence of real and substantial change. Newly govern-
ing parties are able to resist. The exception to this is the LPF, basically a political
entrepreneur party with a barely existing party structure. Its immediate accession
to the coalition in the absence of the then murdered party leader meant the begin-
ning of the end.
In Chapter 5, Tim Bale and Magnus Blomgren look at two countries – New
Zealand and Sweden – where minority governments are quite common. In such
a context the very meaning of ‘being in government’ needs to be broadened.
New parties supporting a government without actually holding office occupy a
8 Deschouwer
‘half-way house’ (Bale and Bergman 2006), possibly combining the advantages
and disadvantages of being in power and of being in opposition. Newly governing
parties can thus also be nearly governing parties. The chapter looks at the fate
of four New Zealand parties (United, New Zealand First, the Alliance and the
Greens) and of four Swedish parties (New Democracy, the Christian Democrats,
the Greens and the Left Party). Bale and Blomgren conclude that joining or sup-
porting a government has not led to fundamental changes in the party organiza-
tion, partly because some change and adaptation had preceded the move towards
power. Major ideological changes are also absent, but the electoral losses suffered
by newly or nearly governing parties are quite substantial.
Chapters 6 and 7 both tell the story of a Green Party moving into government
and having to leave it again. Pascal Delwit and Emilie van Haute look at the
Belgian Francophone Green party Ecolo. It joined a six-party coalition in 1999,
but was never able to get fully used to being in power. Leadership teams were
frequently replaced, and Ecolo kept on hesitating between a governing and an
opposition role. Its ministers left the government two weeks before the next elec-
tions, at which they lost heavily. They did not return to government.
The story of the Finnish Greens is quite different. Jan Sundberg and Niklas
Wilhelmsson describe the long process of party formation, related to the high
thresholds of ‘declaration’ and ‘authorization’ in Finland. In 1995 the Finnish
Greens join a multiparty ‘rainbow coalition’ and are well rewarded at the polls
in 1999. And they join the next coalition, only to leave it in 2002 because they
disagree with the policy on nuclear plants. Again, at the next elections in 2003 the
party improved its score, without however returning to power immediately. Sund-
berg and Wilhelmsson show how the relative electoral stability of the Greens could
be based on the existence of a well-defined social base in the Finnish electorate.
Delwit and Van Haute focus more specifically on the evolution of the membership
of Ecolo. Distinguishing between the pre- and post-1999 members, they are able
to show that the members who joined the party after it entered the coalition do
differ – but not dramatically – from those who had joined earlier.
The contrast between these two Green parties is quite striking. While the Bel-
gian Greens found governing really hard and paid the price for it at the polls,
the Finnish Greens were able to keep the tensions much lower. The consensual
tradition of Finland possibly reduces the line between government and opposition
and therefore softens the crossing of the border. Although Belgium is a typical
consensus democracy, the coalition in which the Greens entered government was
one that wanted to exclude the Christian Democrats and thus to mark the end of
an era. It meant that the expectations were extremely high, and that the governing
parties all had to prove that they were able to succeed. That has put much more
pressure on the Belgian than on the Finnish Greens.
In Chapter 8, Liam Weeks looks at the role of independents or non-party can-
didates and MPs in the Irish system. He asserts that these independents are very
similar to small parties, among others because many of them are actually not
simply individuals but have been nominated by organizations. Independents have
played a significant role in coalition formation, since they have often supported a
 Comparing newly governing parties 9
government. Participation in government has generally had a positive effect – at
the polls – in the cases where independents were able to bring home some tangible
advantages for their constituencies. By looking at the way in which these inde-
pendents play a role in government formation, Liam Weeks is able to illustrate
how important it is for a new or minor player in that process to be asked by the
larger parties. This was also very evident in the Dutch case.
Jo Buelens and Airo Hino explore in Chapter 9 a very important question: do
newly governing parties lose at the polls? In the previous chapters we have seen
that the evidence seems to be quite mixed. Some parties do lose, while others are
able to survive or even to improve their score. Using a large comparative database
Buelens and Hino do find some interesting patterns. Although generally all parties
risk losing after having governed, the newly governing parties do lose a bit more
often. The chances of losing are also higher for parties of the extreme left and of
the extreme right (see also Heinisch 2003), while Greens show very mixed results.
Winning or losing is also very much a matter of what happens to the coalition
partners. Partners of an outgoing coalition seldom win together. If one party wins,
one of the others is likely to pay the price. For newly governing parties this is not
different. If they lose, their partners win. And when they are able to win, at least
one of the partners loses.
In the final chapter Elisabeth Ivarsflaten takes us to a much wider effect of
newly governing parties. One very special case was the inclusion of the Aus-
trian populist right party FPÖ in the national coalition in 2000. This was widely
contested with – among others – the argument that allowing such a party in the
coalition would increase anti-immigrant sentiments among the population. Com-
paring Austria with Denmark (a right-wing populist party as support party) and
Flanders (a right-wing populist party fully excluded from power) she shows how
the impact of the new party in government has been limited. The very fact of be-
ing in government has limited the degree in which the FPÖ could further focus on
anti-immigrant views. Especially the role of the major party in government – the
ÖVP – that clearly communicated that this was not a coalition with a normal but
with a potentially problematic party, has rather led to a decrease in anti-immigrant
sentiments in public opinion. And indeed, the fate of the FPÖ in the Austrian
government cannot be seen as a success story (see also Luther 2003).

Common patterns?
We have gathered a variety of stories and insights about parties entering or sup-
porting government for the first time. These do not add up to one simple and
straightforward pattern that would allow us to make strong and reliable predic-
tions about what is likely to happen when a party joins a coalition. Yet there are
some conclusions that can be taken on board for further research into the topic
of newly governing parties but also of government and coalition formation in
general.
In the first place, it goes without saying that the difference between being in-
side and outside government is crucial. We have slightly amended and expanded
10 Deschouwer
Pedersen’s lifespan model of parties to mark the presence in government as a very
specific position. It involves the crossing of a threshold; it involves making a hard
choice. We have been able to describe to what extent this status change affects a
party crossing the line for the first time. In all cases the pressures to adapt to new
demands and requirements have been quite visible. There is only one story of a
fairly smooth move towards government, but that is a very special and peculiar
one: Forza Italia. Its very special genesis and its creation as a party specifically
intended to take over the governing power in Italy as soon as possible means
that it was a party built to govern. Most parties start their life as challengers or
mobilizers and concentrate on some electoral success in the first place. And from
there they can start moving towards government.
For the parties that have entered government for the first time, we have been
able to see that crossing that threshold does not pass unnoticed. That is actually
no surprise. As we already said above, being in government is a different role
and position than being in opposition. A governing party needs to defend policies
rather than criticize them. A governing party needs to defend compromises rather
than criticizing the concessions that were made to strike the agreement. Being in
government creates a new relationship with the voters, with the different party
organs and with the other parties.
The first and most obvious pressure to change is seen in the party organization.
This is indeed a pressure that is almost impossible to avoid. Membership of a
government introduces new roles in the party organization and these new roles
are taken up by important people in the party. The dominance of the governmental
agenda on the party life and the increased speed with which intra-party decisions
have to be reached give quite some power to these new roles. That does not mean
however that those newly governing parties suddenly change their organizational
structure or organizational identity. The evidence shows rather that parties are
trying to avoid changes, trying to find a way in between the necessities of gov-
ernment and the willingness to keep their organizational identity alive. That is
especially the case for Green and radical parties for which avoiding oligarchic
tendencies is a very central issue. The Belgian Green party Ecolo invented a word
for this double and ambiguous position: ‘participposition’. During most of its
time in the federal government (1999–2003) it was lead by a leadership trio op-
posed to government participation. The same ambiguous attitude and strategy is
found in the Dutch D66. This party has been in and out of government several
times, but remains – as Lucardie and Ghillbebaert conclude in Chapter 4 – a party
led by amateurs.
For these new-politics parties, one can easily understand why shifting straight
from a grass-roots-led party to an elite-driven party is quite difficult. But parties
less concerned with internal democracy do feel the same pressure. The decision
of the FPÖ leader Jörg Haider not to become a member of the Austrian govern-
ment himself but to stay outside and thus to keep the real leadership of the party
away from the members of government illustrates the same attempt to keep the
old party organization – its power relations in particular – out of the hands of new
party actors. In general the empirical evidence gathered by the contributions in
 Comparing newly governing parties 11
this book shows very clearly that newly governing parties feel a strong pressure
to change and to adapt to their new situation, but also reveal a strong resistance
to change and creative attempts not to be too deeply transformed by the needs of
being in government.
There is an interesting example, though, of a party that did consciously change
its internal organization: the Italian (P)DS. Ignazi and Hopkin describe in detail
how the former communist party that acceded to power in 1996 did reform its
decision-making structures to make the transition from an opposition party to
a (leading) governing party. With its old party organization, the DS does differ
from most of the other newly governing parties. It is not a young and still fluid
organization, but one that has a long history and that has institutionalized as an
opposition party. In that sense the DS lacks the flexibility of newer and generally
also much smaller new parties to cope with new challenges and tasks. Young age
can be a problem for an organization (Chapter 2), but while old age might offer
more chances for survival it also reduces the flexibility of an organization.
What Ecolo, D66 and DS have in common, though, is the fact that they paid a
hefty electoral price for their participation in government. Looking at the electoral
results of newly governing parties we do also find mixed results, but with some
patterns emerging. Like traditionally governing parties, newly governing parties
tend to lose after governing, but not all of them and not always. The more radical
parties are more vulnerable, and of the radical parties the extreme right-wing par-
ties are the most vulnerable. They are indeed the most recent example of parties
that have put themselves and that are seen by the others as parties that are quite far
away from the mainstream. They are (and for some of them have been) considered
as pariah parties, as parties that might acquire blackmail potential but that can not
be seen as potentially governing parties. The entry of the Austrian FPÖ into the
federal government in 2000 has shown that most clearly. The fierce reaction of
the then 14 other EU member states was meant to say that a line had been crossed.
The rituals accompanying the installation of the ÖVP–FPÖ coalition, with special
declarations about the protection of democratic values and with the president of
the country only reluctantly accepting the new government did also make clear
that this newly governing party was not just a new partner in government but a
partner that did not fully belong there. Although other parties of the right-wing
extremist family did enter or support national governments after 2000 (De Lange
2007), they are not yet all seen as governing parties. In France and in Belgium
they remain pariah parties.
What makes the accession to power even more difficult for these parties is their
clear and unambiguous Euroscepticism (Taggart 1998). Entering government is
for these radical parties a very marked shift in identity, and the obligation to ‘en-
ter’ the EU when in government makes it even stronger. These are certainly ele-
ments that explain why the more radical parties, and the right-wing radical parties
in particular, are seldom able to win at the polls after having been in government.
Italy is again offering the exception with the Alleanza Nazionale. But then the AN
had clearly made its move towards a more mainstream and therefore potentially
governing party before entering the governing coalition.
12 Deschouwer
In general governing is thus a risky business. Opting for office does indeed
mean that a number of voters are likely to punish the party at the next election.
In a volatile environment, voters are more available, and they move more easily
from one party to another. Even if these moves can be considered as intra-bloc
moves (Bartolini and Mair 1990), they have important consequences for the par-
ties who lose their voters. For newly governing parties that are also new parties,
the danger of paying the price for governing is high. We distinguished above
between three dimensions along which a party can be new: young age, new ideas
and new type of organization. All three dimensions of newness can be a source of
electoral instability. If a party has only a short history, if it was created recently, it
will not have had the time to build a stable and loyal electorate. Only after a few
elections – if the party can keep some kind of representation – can a loyal elector-
ate possibly develop. Moving swiftly through the phases of the lifespan from
declaration to government is almost asking for trouble. The many new (and small)
Dutch parties entering coalitions are very good examples of this. Parties that have
been able to build some history – as it is the case now for the Green parties – have
more chances to keep (enough of) their voters after having governed.
The second dimension of newness – ideology – also adds to the electoral risks.
Parties defending new ideas, especially if they are ‘mobilizers’ on new issues,
have almost by definition an electorate that has been dealigned from old conflict
lines and that still needs to develop – if they ever do – a habit of voting (almost)
every time for the same new party. Again, the Greens seem to have secured a
(small) niche in the party systems, allowing them to cope with electoral fluctua-
tions. Sundberg and Wilhelmson claim that the presence of a well-defined Green
electorate helps to explain why the Finnish Greens have been able to keep their
voters, both when in opposition and when in government. The evidence is, how-
ever, still mixed in this respect. In the Italian DS we have a party that is not young
at all and that does not mobilize on new values or issues. One could therefore
expect that it has a stable and loyal electorate. Yet its participation in govern-
ment caused the defection of one quarter of its voters. No party is shielded from
electoral defeat.
Liam Weeks in his analysis of independents in Irish politics does find some
recipe for success. To survive after supporting a government, it is important for
them to be able to get some tangible rewards home to their constituency. But this
is then a story that has no relation with party age or party ideology. Absence of
ideology seems to be the key to success here. But it is a special and quite excep-
tional one. The Irish independents are indeed not fully fledged parties. Political
parties normally come with some ideological identity, with policy proposals that
go beyond pork barrel logic.
Ideology is – after organization and electoral fate – a third element for which
we assumed that changes would occur in newly governing parties. We expect
that governing parties adopt a different language, a different way to refer to their
ideological identity. We expect a certain softening of the ideological profile. Yet
like for organizational change, the evidence that we found does not point in the
direction of strong or radical change. Again, resistance to change seems to be the
rule.
 Comparing newly governing parties 13
There are two major reasons why there is so little change. The first is the very
meaning of the ideological profile for a political party. It is not a peripheral at-
tribute. It is an important reference point for party militants, members, voters
and party elites. A sudden change of this core element of the party identity is not
likely to happen overnight. But it does make life in government quite hard. Newer
parties or parties coming from the opposition benches have been used to focusing
much more prominently on their ideological profile. It cannot be easy to first
defend in principle the independence of northern Italy and then enter a coalition
that is – possibly – only prepared to start thinking about some further devolution.
This is the point where the ‘halfway house’ between government and opposition
can be a quite attractive solution. Staying outside, and supporting the government
only on those items for which the party ideology and the policy proposals do not
need to be stretched too far, allows a party to keep its ideological identity much
‘cleaner’ than when it has to share responsibility for all government decisions. But
the conclusion is and remains that parties like the Lega Nord and actually many of
the other newly governing parties have not been very eager to become a different
party after having accepted to be in power.
The very nature of party ideology also explains why it will probably not change
rapidly. Ideologies are broad and general views that do change over time, but at a
rather slow pace. Entering government for the first time is certainly an event that
contributes to the evolution of the way in which a party refers to its core ideas. But
we should keep in mind that when a party crosses the threshold of power, this is
not a sudden and surprising affair. Some parties do indeed jump the phases of the
lifespan model and move almost directly from declaration into representation and
government (see the List Pim Fortuyn or Forza Italia). But for most parties there
is a – sometimes even very long – growing process. That can involve awareness
that staying in the opposition and focusing on vote-seeking and policy-seeking
without access to power might in the long run be a dead end (Dumont and Bäck
2006). The idea that entering or supporting a government is another possible way
to position itself in the party system makes the party move and adapt in anticipa-
tion (Poguntke 2002). It has already changed when it crosses the threshold to
power.
Coalition theory tells us that parties are more likely to form coalitions with
partners that are not too far away in terms of ideology and policy proposals (e.g.
De Swaan 1973). Parties at the margin of the party system are not potentially gov-
erning parties. But parties that have moved closer to at least one of the major and
normally governing parties have more chance to be asked to join a government.
Research on right-wing populist parties shows that proximity to the formateur
party is an important predictor of the presence of these parties in a coalition (De
Lange 2007). Moving first towards the core of the party system is not a guarantee
but at least a major facilitator for getting in power.
Entering governing is not something that happens to a party. Although a newly
governing party will need to be asked by others before it can enter government,
it knows that in order to be asked it needs to have – in the eyes of the tradition-
ally governing parties – enough coalition potential. Being in government is not
14 Deschouwer
a default position. It is the result of a deliberate choice. It is a choice that – with
some exceptions – is made over a period of time. It is a learning process during
which some adaptation and change occurs in anticipation.
While crossing the threshold of power does mark a new phase in the life of
parties, it is not necessarily a step that leads to important subsequent changes in
the party. The changes might and often have occurred earlier. And like all changes
in and from political parties, this is a gradual process. Party change is hardly ever
radical and total. Change is a piecemeal process. There might be a large amount
of little alterations of rules and procedures and ways of communicating that lead
only in the long run to a party that has been really transformed. In this long chain
of little moves, the first time in government is an important event. Even if changes
are adaptations in anticipation, and even if parties seem to resist to subsequent
changes in the first place, the cases analysed in this book have shown that moving
towards and entering government for the first time is a crucial phase in the life of
a party.

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2 The organizational costs of
public office1
Nicole Bolleyer

New parties and the challenge of public office

In the course of declining party identification and growing electoral volatility,
newly founded parties face increased opportunities to attract electoral support in
a range of established Western democracies (Harmel and Robertson 1985; Hug
2001; Keman and Krouwel 2006; Mair 1999, 2002). This is reflected by the grow-
ing number of party foundations in the last decades and, even more importantly,
by the frequent success of these new parties in gaining parliamentary representa-
tion on the regional and the national level. Such an empirical development has
quite naturally motivated scholars to examine the reasons for the success or fail-
ure of new parties. Three questions are relevant here. They are logically con-
nected but point to only partially overlapping if not different sets of explanatory
factors (Hug 2000): first, under which circumstances are new parties founded?
Second, when do they overcome electoral thresholds and, as a consequence, gain
representation? And third, a question which, so far, has attracted lesser attention:
under which conditions are new parties able to enter government and what are the
consequences of doing so?
This chapter is devoted to the last question. Interestingly, if asked, the question
of new parties’ long-term success is often linked to assessing the nature of change
new parties introduce in Western European party systems: do they represent
genuinely new cleavages, or simply address neglected issues usually covered by
traditional lines of conflict and survive only temporarily (Mair 1983: 411)? To ask
for the organizational challenges following from the take-over of public office is
much less prominent. As done with regard to party families in general, new parties
tend to be analysed with an eye to their societal origin and their ideological profile
(Mair and Mudde 1998) shaping the lens through which new parties are usually
perceived.
This is surprising in face of the considerable theoretical and empirical work
on party organization and its obvious relevance when approaching not only
ideologically but also organizationally new political actors. As Kitschelt convinc-
ingly points out with regard to the group of left–libertarian parties, to understand
the future, and thus the long-term impact of new parties on established Western
18 Bolleyer
party systems, one needs to assess their strategic capabilities to ‘become effec-
tive political players both in terms of electoral appeal and of impact on public
policy’ (Kitschelt 1988: 233–4). Yet due to the dominant focus on new parties as
vehicles to fill ‘representational niches’ (Lucardie 2000; Rohrschneider 1993) or,
alternatively, as channels of protest reacting to traditional parties’ ‘representation
failure’ (Katz and Mair 1995; Mair 1997, 2005) the organizational costs of public
office are rarely systematically specified. To become politically effective in public
office in general and in government in particular creates functional2 and intra-
organizational pressures which parties need to respond to and which are often not
made sufficiently explicit.
This chapter tries to make some first steps towards assessing these organiza-
tional challenges, looking at new parties as young organizations, and hence as
organizations which have had only a limited time span to mature. Often start-
ing out as principled opposition parties, later on new parties often try to access
government institutions they have been shut out from so far (Heinisch 2003:102).
This is when new parties try to develop coalition potential (Sartori 1976: 122–3;
300–1); when they try to become acceptable as potential coalition partners and are
equally eager to exploit and willing to carry the costs of government participa-
tion. Although the challenges resulting from the coordination of votes, office and
policy primarily concerns established parties, recent developments have shown
that a considerable group of new parties is now ready to face or are currently
facing this challenge.
This development has started to motivate scholars to study the organizational
implications of incumbency (Burchell 2001a,b; Heinisch 2003; Minkenberg 2001;
Müller-Rommel 2002; Poguntke 2002) which this chapter builds upon. However,
instead of starting with a focus on an ideologically defined subgroup of new par-
ties or following a case study approach, as is predominant in the literature, this
chapter takes a broader focus and concentrates on new parties as such. It discusses
the costs of taking over public office in the legislature and in government from the
following viewpoint: due to new parties’ often fluid, open organizational charac-
ter, the costs of public office tend to be higher for them than for older and, hence,
organizationally mature parties.
The chapter proceeds as follows: The first section identifies the analytical lens
through which new parties have been analysed. It points at those caveats which
tend to generate a neglect of the organizational pressures new parties face when
entering parliament and, later onwards, participating in government. To address
this gap, in a second step, ‘new’ parties are conceptualized as a particular type
of actor distinct from ‘established’ or ‘traditional’ parties. It is hypothesized that
the two core consequences resulting from new parties’ youth are a pronounced
electoral and organizational vulnerability. A third part discusses the gains of of-
fice which provide the motivation for new parties to aspire government entry in
the first place. In the fourth and major part, the consequences of moving into
public office will be discussed. This is done in three steps. First, the move from
principled opposition status to the development of ‘government potential’ will
be specified as a precondition for government entry. Second, the challenges of
 The organizational costs of public office 19
acquiring ‘governmental relevance’ will be analysed from an actor-centred per-
spective. Third, I will theoretically assess the intra-organizational and functional
pressures that parties are confronted with when taking over legislative and execu-
tive office. The conclusion elaborates on the implications of the issues discussed
for the debate on party change in Western democracies.

New parties as representatives and organizations: analytical

lenses and conceptual caveats
It is already a commonplace in the party literature that the reorientation towards
the balanced co-ordination of votes, policy and office – in contrast to a clear pri-
oritization of one goal only – creates strategic dilemmas. Strategies to maximize
votes can reduce the chances to enter government and vice versa. Yet while ap-
proaches are well-established that compare the context-specific payoffs of gov-
ernment participation (Strøm 1990; Strøm and Müller 1999), it has been widely
ignored that costs and benefits also vary with the type of actor. When estimating a
party’s capacity of goal co-ordination, scholars need to consider a party’s proper-
ties, since these directly affect its strategic choices. Evidently, properties such as
‘newness’ or ‘smallness’ directly affect an actor’s cost–benefit calculations (Bol-
leyer 2007). For this reason, the next section will take an actor-centred perspec-
tive on new parties.
Further, when using the triad of votes, office and policy to study new parties,
one needs to be aware of two problematic caveats, one related to the conceptuali-
zation of new parties, the other related to the conceptualization of public office.
First its implications for the conceptualization of new parties: Since Rose’s and
Mackie’s widely cited article on government as a liability, the ‘currency’ through
which the costs of governing have been measured are votes (Rose and Mackie
1983; for more recent analyses, see Mattila and Raunio 2004; Narud and Valen
2005). Albeit electoral costs are crucial when analysing parties’ strategic choices,
the corresponding focus on the trade-offs between votes, office and policy sys-
tematically blinds out those intra-organizational and functional costs generated
by entering public office unrelated to supporters’ policy goals or to vote-losses.
For instance, the organizational costs resulting from the recruitment of competent
aspirants to office, or the need to co-ordinate the ‘party in public office’ internally,
receive too little attention.
In general, the literature on new parties has strongly concentrated on new par-
ties’ electoral fates, which is doubtless legitimate: the proliferation of new par-
ties was considered striking since it questioned the heavily influential ‘freezing
hypothesis’ put forward by Lipset and Rokkan. This hypothesis asserted the long-
term stability of Western European party systems from the 1920s onwards (Lipset
and Rokkan 1967; for a discussion, see Mair 2001). Since new parties proved
to be more than a short-term phenomenon in a wide range of Western European
party systems, the interest shifted to the parties’ success, understood as repeated
parliamentary entry. Yet, despite the move from accounts of the emergence of
new parties to accounts of their success, the perspective on new parties remained
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Jerusalem, p. 119. 2t. Elevated; high; lofty. To a room they came.
Steep and of state. Chapman. (Im/p. DM.) 3. Excessive; difficult;
forbidding: as, a steep undertaking; a steep price. [CoUoq.] Perhaps
if we should meet Shakspeare we should not be conscious of any
eteep inferiority. Mm&rgon, Essays, 1st ser., p. 302. Neither priest
nor squire was able to establish any steep difference in outward
advantages between himself and the commons among whom he
lived. Frovde, Sketches, p. 164. 4t. Bright; glittering; fiery. His eyen
steepe and rollynge in his heede. Chaucer, Gen. Prol. to C. T., 1. 201.
His Ene [eyes] leuenaund with light as a low fyn. With stremys
[gleams] full stithe in his ^pe loke. Dettruolian of Troy (E. E. T. S. ),
I. IITA. II, n, A steep or precipitous place; an abrupt ascent or
descent; a precipice. Suddenly a splendor like the morn Pervaded all
the beetling gloomy steeps. Keats, Hyperion, ii. Yet up the radiant
steeps that I survey Death never climbed, Bryant, To the Apennines.
Steep^ (step), v. [< ME. stepen, < Icel. steypa, cast down,
overturn, pour out, cast (metals), refl. tumble down, = 8w. stopa =
Dan. stobe, cast (metals), steep (corn) ; causal of Icel. stupa = Sw.
stmoi, fall, stoop: see stoop\ and of. steepi-.J It trans. 1. To tilt (a
barrel). Salliwell. [Prov. Bug.] — 2. To soak in a. liquid; macerate :
as, to steep barley ; to steep herbs. A day afore her [almonds']
setting, hem to stepe In meeth is goode. PaUadms, Husbondrie (E.
E. T. S.), p. 64. The Gordons good, in English blood They stsep'd
their hose and shoon. BatUe of Otterboume (Child's Ballads, VII.
24). The prudent Sibyl had before prepared A sop in honey steeped
to charm the guard. Dryden, ^neid, vi. 567. 3. To bathe vrith a
liquid; wet; moisten. Then she with liquors strong his eies did
steepe. That nothing should him hastily awake. Spenser, F. Q., II. vi.
18. His coursers, steep'd in sweat and stain'd with gore. The Greeks'
preserver, great Machaon, bore. Pope, lUad, xi. 728. 4. To imbue or
impregnate as with a specified influence ; cause to become
permeated or pervaded (with) : followed by in. 5925 Is this a time to
steep Thy brains in wasteful slumbers? Ovaries, Emblems, i. 7. Thou
art so steep'd in misery. Sorely 'twere better not to be. Tennysm,
The Two Voices. The habitual criminal, steeped in vice and used to
ignominy, cares very little for disgrace, and accepts punishment as
an incident in his career. BibUotheea Sacra, XLVH. 694. II. intrans.
To be bathed in a liquid; soak. And now the midnight draught of
sleep, Where wine and spices richly steep, In massive bowl of silver
deep, The page presents on knee. Scott, Marmion, i. 30. Steep2
(step), re. [<.steep the="" process="" of="" steeping="" state=""
being="" steeped="" soaked="" or="" permeated:="" used=""
chiefly="" in="" phrase="" im="" steep.="" strait="" to="" each=""
house="" she="" hasted="" and="" sweet="" sleepe="" pour=""
on="" eacti="" wooer="" which="" so="" laid="" steepe="" their=""
drowsie="" temples="" that="" brow="" did="" nod.=""
chapman="" odyssey="" ii.="" whilst="" barley="" is="" steep=""
it="" gauged="" by="" excise="" officers="" prevent="" fraud.=""
mncyc.="" brit.="" iv.="" anything="" specifically="" a=""
fertilizing="" liquid="" seeds="" are="" quicken="" germination.=""
when="" taken="" from="" white="" bath="" skins="" after=""
washing="" water="" allowed="" ferment="" bran="" for=""
some="" time="" order="" extract="" considerable="" portion=""
alum="" salt.="" c.="" t.="" davis="" leather="" p.="" rennet:=""
called="" before="" used.="" eng.="" bleaching="" cotton=""
goods="" thoroughly="" saturating="" cloth.="" name="" due=""
former="" practice="" allowing="" flour="" size="" with="" were=""
impregnated="" putrefy.="" also="" wetiinff.out="" steep-down=""
a.="" having="" sheer="" descent="" precipitous.="" wash=""
me="" gulfs="" shak.="" othello="" v.="" you="" see="" him=""
till="" into="" steep-d="" west="" he="" throws="" his=""
course.="" j.="" beaumont="" psyche="" iii.="" steepen="" i.=""
become="" as="" way="" steepened="" ...="" i="" could=""
detect="" hollow="" hill="" traces="" old="" path.="" hugh=""
muler.="" diet.="" steeper="" n.="" vessel="" vat="" cistern=""
things="" indigo-plant="" macerate="" beating-vat.="" steepfult=""
anon="" stalks="" about="" steepf="" bock="" where="" som=""
shun="" death="" shunned="" stroak="" had="" clambred=""
vp.="" sylvester="" tr.="" du="" bartas="" weeks="" vocation.=""
steep-grass="" butterwort="" pinguicula="" vulgaris="" because=""
like="" rennet.="" steepweed="" steepwort.="" britten=""
holland="" plant="" names.="" steepiness="" quality="" steepy=""
steepness.="" cragginess="" steepin="" places="" up="" down=""
.="" makes="" them="" inaccessible.="" howell="" f="" orreine=""
travell="" steeple="" me.="" steple="" stepel="" stepylle=""
stepul="" as.="" stypel="" stedp="" high:="" steepi.="" typically=""
lofty="" structure="" attached="" church="" town-house=""
other="" public="" edifice="" generally="" intended="" contain=""
bells="" such="" general="" term="" applied="" every=""
secondary="" this="" description="" whether="" form="" simple=""
tower="" usual="" surmounted="" spire="" ydeleblisse="" grete=""
wynd="" thrauth="" doun="" greate="" tours="" heje="" steples=""
beches="" ine="" wodes="" grounde.="" ayermte="" inwyt="" e.=""
s.="" lod.="" what="" does="" ith="" middle="" looke="" aoo.=""
troth="" country="" village="" ouerpeering="" many="" thatcht=""
houses.="" dekker="" middleton="" honest="" whore="" at=""
paris="" all="" steeples="" clangouring="" not="" sermon.=""
carlyle="" french="" kev.="" head-dress="" worn="" women=""
fourteenth="" century.="" hennin.="" more="" popular="" these=""
strange="" varieties="" head-gear="" have="" been=""
distinguished="" ivance="" known="" butterfly.="" eneyc.="" vi.=""
pyramidal="" pile="" stack="" fish="" set="" dry.="" pack.=""
quotation="" under="" pacu="" steeplebush="" hardhaok=""
spirsea="" salicifolia.="" spirsea.="" steeplechase="" horse-race=""
across="" tract="" ditches="" steeply="" hedges="" obstacles=""
must="" be="" jumped="" they="" come="" way.="" supposed=""
originally="" any="" conspicuous="" object="" church-steeple=""
chosen="" goal="" toward="" those="" taking="" pi="" race=""
take="" course="" chose.="" limits="" steeplechasecourse=""
now="" marked="" out="" flags.="" steeplechaser="" one=""
who="" rides="" steeplechases.="" horse="" running="" trained=""
run="" steeplechase.="" do="" hunting="" aifect="" says=""
mamma.="" listen="" captain="" breakneck="" stories="" dinner=""
laugh="" right="" ask="" intelligent="" questions=""
steeplechasers.="" mneteenth="" century="" xxvi.=""
steeplechasing="" m.="" act="" sport="" riding="" m="" steeple-
crownt="" steeplecrowned="" hat.="" heads="" steeple-erowns.=""
hudibras="" bedimvus="" steeple-crowned="" high="" peaked=""
crown="" resembling="" :="" noting="" various="" articles="" head-
gear.="" womeil="" wearing="" steeple-craumed="" hat=""
simply="" made="" gowns.="" ashton="" social="" life="" beign=""
queen="" anne="" steepled="" steele="" furnished="" adorned=""
steeples.="" we="" neared="" provincial="" city="" saw="" mass=""
cathedral="" long="" rise="" far="" thecloud-freckled="" blue.=""
h.="" james="" jr.="" pass.="" pilgrim="" tow-ering.="" hattes.=""
itrt="" passions="" mind="" turbant="" her="" head="" wore.=""
fairfax.="" steeple-engine="" l.="" marine="" steam-engine="" side-
wheel="" boats="" working-beam="" highest="" part=""
connecting-rod="" above="" crank-shaft="" direct-acting=""
engine="" located="" between="" cylinder="" sliding-block=""
cross-head="" piston-rod="" connected="" latter="" two=""
branches="" limbs="" straddle="" crank="" connectingrod=""
pitman="" plays="" piston-rod.="" steam-pumps="" donkey-
engines="" very="" compact="compact" form.="" steeple-fairt=""
corruption="" simulating="" if="" church-fair="" staple=""
market="" common="" fair="" mart.="" youths="" art="" purse=""
attire="" most="" bare="" give="" attendance="" aire="" once=""
hir="" displease="" lord.="" taylor="" works="" steeple-hat=""
an="" doublet="" browning="" strafford.="" steeple-hoiiset=""
edifice:="" early="" members="" society="" friends=""
maintained="" word="" chwrch="" applies="" properly="" only=""
body="" believers.="" reason="" why="" would="" go="" steeple-
hmtse="" was="" bear="" my="" testimony="" against="" bring=""
off="" spirit="" god="" might="" know="" bodies="" holy=""
ghost.="" qeorge="" fox="" journal="" there="" steeple-hovees=""
hand="" pulpits="" bless="" ban="" lord="" will="" grudge=""
single="" apart="" man.="" whotier="" south.="" steeple-
hunting="" same="" steeplechasing.="" carlyle.="" sterling="" v=""
steeple-jack="" man="" climbs="" tall="" chimneys="" make=""
repairs="" erect="" scaffolding.="" sheffield="" met="" shocking=""
accident.="" st.="" gazette="" may="" steepletop="" bowhead=""
great="" polar="" whale="" mysucetus="" spout-holes=""
terminating="" sort="" cone="" whalers="" name.="" scammon.=""
steeplewise="" adv.="" manner="" steeple.="" thin="" haire.=""
besides="" disordered="" vnkembd="" crowne="" picked=""
bald="" beside.="" heywood="" dialogues="" ed.="" pearson=""
steepness="" precipitous="" declivity:="" height="" rising=""
steeply.="" point="" highway="" overtops="" fields="" side.=""
howeus="" indian="" summer="" xz.=""/>
 steepness steepness (step'nes), n. The state of being
steep, in any sense ; precipitousness : as, the steepness of a hill or a
roof. steep-to (step'to), a. Abruptly steep: noting a bold shore having
navigable water close in to land. [CoUoq.] The pans [pan-ice] rise
over all the low lying parts of the Islands, grinding and polishing
exposed shores, and rasping those that are stecp-to. Amer. Nat.,
XXII. 230. steep-tub (step'tub), n. A tub in which salt beef and salt
pork are soaked before cooking. steep-up (step'up), a. Ascending
steeply. Her stand she takes upon a steep-up hilL Shale., Passionate
Pilgrim, 1. 121. steep-water (step'wfi."ter), n. Water used as a steep,
or suitable for steeping; specifically, a steep for flax. The most
celebrated steep-water in the world is the river Lys, which rises in
the north ol France, and Sows through the west of Belgium. Ure,
Diet., II. 409. steepweed, steepwort (step 'wed, -w6rt), n. Same as
steep-grass. steepy (ste'pi), a. [< sfeepi + -yi.] Steep; precipitous.
Ever to rear his tumbling stone upright Upon the steepy mountain's
lofty height. Marstan, Satires, T. 78. Steerl (ster), v. [< ME. steeren,
steren, stvren, sturen, steoren, < AS. stedran, stUran, styran =
OFries. stiura, sUora = MD. stuyren, stueren, stieren, D. sturen,
sUeren = ML&. sturen, LG-. sUeren = OHCr. sUuran, stiurran, MHG.
stiuren, stiuwern, direct, control, support, G. steuern, control, steer,
pilot, = Icel. styra = Dan. styre = Sw. styra, steer; cf. Goth, stiuryan,
establish, confirm ; partly from the noun, AS. stedr, etc., a rudder
(see st^i, n.), but in part, as more particularly appears in the Goth.,
prob. an orig. verb, ' establish ' (hence ' direct,' ' steer'), connected
with OHG. stiuri, strong, large ; cf . Goth, usstmriha, unbridled, Skt.
stimvara, fixed, stable, etc. The ME. forms are partly confused with
the ME. forms of sijr.] I. trans. 1. To guide by the movements of a
rudder or helm; direct and govern, as a ship on her course. The two
brether were abidyng bothe in a shippe That was stird with the
storme streght out of warde ; itut on a Kocke, rof all to peces.
Destruction of Troy (E. E. T. S.X 1. 3709. You yourself shall steer the
happy helm. Shak., 2 Hen. VI., i. 3. 103. Ko merchant wittingly Has
steered his keel unto this luckless sea. William Morris, Earthly
Paradise, L 399. 2. To pursue in a specified direction; direct: as, to
steer one's way or course. Then with expanded wings he steers his
flight Aloft^ incumbent on the dus^ air. JUaton, P. L., L 225. 3. To
guide; manage; control; govern. Fyr so wood, it mighte nat be
stered. In al the noble tour of Ilioun, Chaucer, Good Women, L 935,
I have a soul Is full of grateful duty, nor will suffer me Further
dispute your precept ; you have power To steer me as you please.
Shirley, Bird in a Cage, 1. 1. 4t. To plan; contrive. Trewely, myn
owene lady deere, Tho sleighte, yit that I have herd yow steere, Fol
shapely ben to faylen alle yfeere. Chaucer, Troilus, iiL 1451. 6. To
lead; conduct; draw: as, a bunko-man steers his victim to a bunko-
joint. See bunkosteerer.— steering balloon. See iaUooni. — Steering
committee, a small body of men, generally members of a legislative
body, engaged in directing the course of legislation. [Slang, U. S.]—
To Steer a. trick at the wheel, to take one's turn in steering a vessel.
H. intrans. 1. To direct and govern a vessel in its course. Jason . . .
the bote tok, Stird ouer the streame streght to the loud. Destruction
of Troy (E. E. T. 8.), 1. 967. Some of their men were starued, the
rest all so weake that onely one could lie along vpon the Helm and
sterre. Purchas, Pilgrimage, p. 745. 2. To direct one's course at sea;
sail in a specified direction: as, the ship steers southward; he
steered for Liverpool. The Ottomites, . . . Steering . . . towards the
isle of Bhodes, Have there injointed them with an after fleet. Shak.,
Othello, i. 3. 34. 3. To answer the helm : as, the vessel steers vidth
ease. — 4. Figuratively, to take or pursue a course or way; hence, to
direct one's conduct ; conduct one's self. Well-bom, and wealthy,
wanting no support, Yon steer betwixt the country and the court
Dryden, To his kinsman, John Dryden, L 128. 5926 He relieved her
of her burden, and steered along the street by her side, carrying her
baked mutton and potatoes safely home. Mrs. Oaskell, Cranford, iL
To Steer clear of, to keep away from ; avoid. It requires great skill,
and a particular felicity, to steer clear It. Sp. toro = Pg. tou/ro = F.
dim. taureau), < Gr. ravpoQ = OBulg. turu = Bohem. Pol. tur =
Kuss. turu = W. tarw = Ir. Gael, tarbh, a bull, steer; prob. akin to
OHG. stUri, stiuri, strong, Skt. stimrin, a pack-horse, sthula, great,
large, powerful, sthura, a man, sthdvara, fixed, stable, Gr. aravpOQ,
a pole, stake, etc. (see staitrus). Cf . steers ult. from the same root;
cf. also stirJc, and Tavms.'] A young male of the ox kind; a bullock,
especially one which has been castrated and is raised for beef. In the
United States the term is extended to male beef -cattle of any age.
Juvencus is a yonge oxe whan he is no lenger a calf, and he is then
callyd a steere whan he begynneth to be helpfull unto the profit of
man in cringe the erth. Dialogues of Creatures Moralysed, p. 228.
(SaUiweU.) Laoco5n . . . With solemn pomp then sacrificed a steer.
Dryden, .^neid, it 268. Steer^ (ster), v. t. [< steer^, ».] To make a
steer of; castrate (a young bull or buU-calf). [Bare.] The male calves
are steered and converted to beef. Daily Telegraph, Oct. 1^ 1886.
(Eneyc. Did.) steer* (ster), v. and n. An obsolete or dialectal variant
of sUr^. What 's a' the steer, kimmer? What 's a' the steer! Oiarlie he
is landed, An, haith, he'll soon be here. JacoKte song. Steerable
(ster'a-W), a. [< steer^ + -able.J Capable of being steered : as, a
steerable balloon. steerage (ster'aj), n. [Early mod. E. also steeridge,
sUrrage; < steer^ + -^ige.^ 1. The act, practice, or method of
steering; guidance; direction; control; specifically, the direction or
control of a ship in her course. By reason of the euil stirrage of the
other ship, we had almost boorded each other. HaMuyt's Voyages, II.
110. But He that hath the steerage of my course Direct my sail !
STiffl*., E. and J., i. 4. 112. 2. That by which a course is steered or
directed. [Bare.] Inscribed to Phoebus, here he hung on high The
steerage [remigium] of his wings. Dryden, MaeM, vi. 24. 3. Naut.,
the effect of the helm on a ship; the manner in which the ship is
affected by the helm: as, she was going nine knots, with easy
steerage. — 4. A course steered ; a path or way; a course of
conduct, or a way of life. steersman He bore his steerage true in
every part, Led by the compass of a noble heart. Webster and
Bowley, Cure for a Cuckold, Iv. 2. Let our Governors beware in time,
lest . . . they shipwrack themselves, as others have don before
them, in the oours wherin God was dirrecting the Steerage to a Free
Commonwealth. Milton, Free Commonwealth. 5. A rudder; a helm;
apparatus for steering ; hence, a place of government or control.
This day the William was bald a ground, because she was somewhat
leake, and to mend her steerage. Eakluyt's Voyages, I. 446. While
they who at the steerage stood And reap'd the profit sought his
blood. Sw^, Death of Dr. Swift. 6+. The part of a ship where the
tiUer traverses ; the stem. I was much surprized, and ran into the
steeridge to look on the compass. Dampier, Voyages, an. 1688. 7. In
passenger-ships, the part of the ship allotted to the passengers who
travel at the cheapest rate, hence called steerage passengers :
generally, except in the newest type of passenger-steamers, not in
the stem, as might be supposed, but in the bow ; in a man-of-war,
the part of the berth-deck just forward of the wardroom: it is
generally divided into two apartments, one on each side, called the
starboard and port steerages, which are assigned to midshipmen,
clerks, and others. It being necessary for me to observe strict
economy, I ' took my passage in the steerage. Dickens, Martin
Chuzzlewit, xvii Steerage country (naut.). See country. steerageway
(ster'aj-wa), n. Naut., that degree of forward movement or headway
of a ship which renders her subject to the helm. Steerer (ster'fer),
m. [
 steersman (6t) A governor ; a ruler. Ilo of the .V. 8tere8-
men Vnder liem welden in stere tgen [ten]. OenesU and Exodus (E.
B. T. S.), 1. 3417. steersmanship (sterz'man-ship), ». [< steersman
+ -ship.] The office or art of a steersman; skill in steering. They
praised my steermianeMp. J. Burrmcghs, Pepacton, p. 19.
steersmate (sterz'mat), n. [< steer's, poss. of steer''-, + matei.] A
mate or assistant in steering. [Rare. ] What pilot so expert but needs
must wreck, Imbark'd with such a steers-mate at the helm? Milton,
S. A., 1. 104B. ■steer-stafft, n. [MB. steerstaf; < steer^ + staff.']
Same as steer-tree. Wyclif, Prov. xxiii. 34. ;Steer-treet (ster'tre), n.
[Early mod. E. also steretre, stertree, stertre; < ME. steretre; <
steer^ + tree.] 1. A rudder. Wife, tent the stere-tre, and I shalle
asay The depues of the see that we here, if I may. Toirnieley
Mysteries, p. 31. (Halliwell.) 2. The handle of a plow. Cath. Aug., p.
361, note. ■.flteery (ster'i), n. [< steerS -f- -yS.] A stir; a bustle ; a
tumult. [Scotch.] " Where 's the younger womankind ?" said the
Antiquary. " Indeed, brother, amang a' the steery, Maria wa£ia be
guided by me— she set away to the Halket-craig-head." Scott,
Antiquary, Ix. iSteeve^ (stev), a. [So., also stieve, stive, a var. ol
stiff, prob. due to Dan. sUv, stiff: see stiff.] Stiff; firm; unbending or
unyielding. A filly buirdly, steeve, an' swank, An' set weel down a
shapely shank As e'er tread yird. Bums, Auld Farmer's Salutation to
his Auld Mare. steevei (stev), v. t.-, pret. and pp. steeved, ppr.
steeving. [Also stieve; a var. of stime^, v. Of. steeve'^, a.] To stiffen
: as, to be steeved with cold. Chrose. [Prov. Eng.] iSteeve^ (stev),
v.; pret. and pp. steeved, ppr. steeving. [Ajjpar. orig. 'be stiff' (a
steeving bowsprit "being fixed stiff or firmly and immovably in the
vessel, a horizontal one being movable"): see steeve^. Of. Dan. «
 stele SteleS (ste'le, sometimes stel), n. ; pi. stelee or stelai.
[= F. stile, < L. stela, < Gr. (Tr;^;i;?, an upright slab or pillar, <
lardvat, stand, set: see stand and stool.'] In archaeol. : (o) An
upright slab or pillar, often crowned with a rich anthemion, and
sometimes bearing more or less 5928 England and about 20 in
I^orth America, of wliicli 7 are natives ol the northeastern United
States. They are com•■lit; :; l.,,.,iiiiu 'fcl j^ "'^*-|li|| ;J*|P. ■ '^'
''''■:/ ■, :'i4ij Sculptured Stele.— Monument of the Knight Dexileos
(who fell before Corinth 394 B. C), on the Sacred Way, Athens.
elaborate sculpture or a painted scene, commonly used among the
ancient Greeks as a gravestone. (6) A similar slab or pillar serving as
a milestone, to bear an inscription in some public place, or for a like
purpose. stelecnite (stel'e-kit), n. [= F. sMSchite, < Gr. arkfisxoQt
t^e crown of the root of a tree, stump, block, log, the trunk, + -
jie2.] a fine kind of storax, in larger pieces than the oalamite. .^Iso,
erroneously, steloeMte. Stelgidqpteryx (stel-ji-dop'te-riks), n. [NL. (S.
F. Baird, 1858), < Gr. aTE?i.yie (aTs?.ycS-), a scraper, + Trripv^, a
wing.] A genus of Hirwndinidse, having the outer web of the first
prim ary serrate by conversion of the barbs into a series of recurved
hooks ; the rough-winged swallows. S. serripennis is the common
rough- winged swallow of the United States, of plain brownish
coloration, greatlyresembling the bank-swallow. Several others
inhabit Central and South America. See cut under nmgTt-vnnged.
stell (stel), V. t. [< ME. stellen, < AS. stellan (= MD. D. MLG. LG.
OHG. MHG. G. stelUn), set up, place, fix, < steall (= MD. D. stal =
MLG. stal, LG. stall = OHG. MHG. stal, G. stall), a place, stall: see
stall^.] To set; place; nx. [Obsolete or dialectal.] JUine eye hath
play'd the painter, and hath etell'd Thy beauty's form in table of my
heart. Shak., Sonnets, xxiv. stell (stel), n. [A var. of stalO-, after stell,
».] If. A place; a station. The said atdl of Flessis. Vanel's Comines,
sig. T 6. (Na/res.) 2. A stall; a fold for cattle. SalJmvell; Jamieson.
[Prov. Eng. and Scotch.] Stella (stel'a), n. ; pi. stellse (-e). [NL., < L.
Stella, a star: see stori.] A stellate spongespioule; an aster; a
stellate. stellar (stel'ar), a. [= F. stellaire = Sp. estrellar = It. stellare,
< LL. stellaris, pertaining to a star, starry, < L. stella, a star: see
stella^ Of or pertaining to stars; astral: as, steZJcw worlds; stellar
space ; stellar regions. These soft fires Not only enlighten, but . . .
shed down Their stella/r virtue on all kinds that grow. Milton, P. L.,
iv. 671. Stellaria (ste-la'ri-a), n. [NL. (Linneeus, 1753), name
transferred, on account of the star-like blossoms, from a
Corispermum so named by Dillenius (1719); < L. stella, a star.] A
genus of polypetalous plants, of the order Caryophyllacese and tribe
Alsinese. it is characterized by the absence of stipules, by flowers
usually with five deeply two-cleft petals and three styles, and by a
one-celled globose or oblong capsule which commonly splits into
three two-cleft or completely parted valves. There are about 85
species, scattered throughout the world; in the tropics they occur
only on mountains. Seven species occur in Great Chickweed
{.Slellaria pubtra). monly diffuse herbs, with weak, smooth, or hairy
stems, loosely ascending or growing in matted tufte. Their flowers
are usually white, and form terminal panided cymes, sometimes
mixed with leaves. Several species are known as chiclcweed, and
several others as gtarwort or stitchwort, especially 5. Holostea (see
stitchwort), a common English species, bearing such local names as
aUboTie, breakbones, sMrt-buUons, sna/p-jack. S. langiifdUa, the
long-leafed stitchwort, frequent in the Northern Atlantic States,
forms delicate tangled masses of light green overtopped by
numerous small white flowers. S. pubera, the great chickweed or
starwort, the most showy Atlantic species, forms conspicuous dark-
green tufts along shaded banks in earliest spring, from Pennsylvania
southward. See also cut under ooary. stellary (stel'a-ri), a. Same as
stellar. stellate (stel'at), a. and n. [< L. stellatus, pp. of stellare, set
or cover with stars, < stella, star: see«feMa.] I. a. Star-like in form;
star-shaped; arranged in the form of a conventional star; radiating
from a common center like the rays or points of a star : as, steMate
leaves; the stellate groups of natrolite crystals Stellate bristle or hair,
a bristle or hair which branches at the end in a starshaped manner.
See cut under Mir, 4.— Stellate firacture, a fracture, occurring usually
in a flat bone, in which several flssures radiate from the central point
of injmy. — Stellate leaves, leaves, more than two in number,
surrounding the stem in a whorl, or radiating like the spokes of a
wheel or the points of a star. Also called vertiiUlate lemes. See cut
nniei ptpsissewa.— Stelia.te ligament, a costovertebral ligament ; the
anterior costocentnil ligament uniting the head of a rib with the body
of a vertebra : so called from the radiated flgure in man. — Stellate
spicule, an aster ; a stellate. — Stellate veins, very minute venous
radicles situated just under the capsule of the kidney, arranged in a
radiating or stellate manner. II. n. A stellate microsolere, or flesh-
spicule in the form of a star. Eneye. Brit., XXII. 417. stellated (stel'a-
ted), a. [< stellate + -ed^.] Same as stellate — stellated polygon,
polyhedron, etc. See the nouns. stellately (stel'at-li), adv. Badiately;
like a star ; in a stellate manner. stellate-pilose (stel'at-pi''''los), a. In
hot. , pilose with stellate hairs. Stellationt (ste-la'shon), n. [< ML.
steUatioin-) (?), < L. Stella, a star: see stellate.'] 1. The act or
process of becoming a star or a constellation. The skaly Scorpion 's
flzt amongst the rest, . . . The cause of it's sIxUaUon to enquire. And
why so beautify'd with heauenly Are, Comes next in course,
Heywood, Hierarchy of Angels, p. 138. 2. Same as constellation.
Stars, and steUations of the heavens. Bev. T. Adams, Works, II. 4.
stellature (stel'a-tur), n. [< ML. *stellatwa, irreg. taken as equiv. to
steMonatus: see stellionate.] Same as stellionate. Extortion and
cozenage is proverbially called crimen stellionatus, the sin of
Hdlature. Bee. T. Adams, Works, I. 79. stelledt (steld), J), a. [Pp. of
stell : see stell, and cf. stalled, pp. of stall.] Fixed. The sea, with such
a storm aa his hare head In hell-black night endured, would have
buoy'd up. And guench'd the stelled fires. Shak., Lear, iii. 7. 61.
[Some commentators define the word as 'stellated,' 'starry.']
stelleert, stelleeret.w- [See steely ard!^.] Same as steeh/ardK
Cotgrame. Stelleria (ste-le'ri-a), n. [NL., named after G. W. Steller:
see siellerine.] In oruith., a genus of sea-ducks, the type of which is
Steller's eider, S. dispar, usually aaXVeAPoTystActa stelleri.
Bonaparte, 1838. Stellerida (ste-ler'i-da), n.pl. [NL.,prop. Stellarida,
< stellaris, starry, + -ida.] A class or other, large group of
eehinoderms of obviously radiate figure; the starfishes and brittle-
stars: synonymous with Asteroidea, 2. Stelmatopoda Stelleridan (ste-
ler'i-dan), a. and n. [.< Stellerida + -an.] I, a. Of or pertaining to the
Stellerida. , II. n. A member of the Stellenda, as a starfish or brittle-
star. stelleridean (stel-e-rid'f-an), n. Same as sUlleridan. ■, -. /-, ttt
Stellerine (stel'e-rin), n. [Named after G. W. Steller, the traveler
(1709-45).] The arctic or Steller's sea-cow, Bhytina stelUri. See sea
cow, 2, and cut under Bhytina. Steller's eider. See PoVystieta, 1, and
Stelleria. Steller's jay. A jay of northwestern North America,
Cyanocitta stelleri, crested like the common blue jay, but chiefly of a
blackish color, shading into dull blue on some parts. Steller's sea-
cow. See sea-cow, 2, and cut under Bhytina. Steller S sea-lion. The
northern sea-lion. See Eumetopias (with cut). Stellett, «• -Aji
obsolete form of stylet, 1. Bah/ell, Frag, of Scottish History.
stelliferous (ste-lif'e-ms), a. [< L. stellifer. . starry, < stella, a star, +
ferre = E. hear^.J Having or abounding with stars. stelliform (stel'i-
f6rm), a. [< L. stella, a star, + forma, form.] Star-like in shape ;
stellate inform; asteroid; radiated. stellifyt (stel'i-fl), v. t. [< ME.
stelUfyen, < OF. stellifler, < ML. stelUficare, place among the stars,
convert into a constellation, < L. steUa, a star, + facere, make, do
(see -Jy).] To turn into or cause to resemble a star ; convert into a
constellation; make glorious ; glorify. No wonder is thogh Jove her
stellifye. Cha/ucer, Glood Women, 1. 525. Some thinke this floud to
be Nilus, which is also Oyon ; and therefore stellified, because it
directeth his course from the Meridian. It consisteth of many stars,
and lieth iust beneath the star called Canopus, or Ftolomaea.
Heywood, Hierarchy of Angels, p. 176. Stellio (stel'i-6), n. [NL., < L.
stellio{n-), a lizard: see stelUon.] 1. A genus of agamoid lizards,
giving name to the Stellionidse. They have acrodont dentition, naked
tympanum, no pores, and Common Stellion {Stellio vulgaris). the
scales of the tail disposed in whorls or verticils. There, are several
species, ranging from countries bordering the Mediterranean to
India. The common stellion or starlizard, the hardim of the Arabs, 5.
vulgaris, is abundant in ruins. 5. tuberculatus is an Indian species. 2.
\l. c] A lizard of this genus. stellion (stel'yon), n. [< L. stellio, a newt,
a lizard marked with star-like spots, also a crafty, knavish person (cf
. stellionate), < stella, a star: see Stella.] An agamoid lizard of the
genus StelUo or family Stellionidee; a star-lizard. When the stellion
hath cast his skin, he greedily devours it again. Bev. T. Adams,
Works, I. 79. stellionate (stel'yon-at), n. [< LL. stellionatuSf
cozenage, trickery, < L. stellio{n-), a crafty, knavish person, lit. a
newt, lizard: see stellion.'] In Scots and eimil law, a word used to
denote all such crimes in which fraud is an ingredient as have no
special names to distinguish them, and are not defined by any
written law. Stellionidse (stel-i-on'^i-de), ». pi. [NL., < Stellio{n-) + -
idse.] A family of Old World acrodont agamoid lizards, named from
the genu* Stellio, properly merged in Agamidse; the stellions or star-
lizards. See cut under Stellio. stellular (stel'u-iar), a. [< L. stellula, a
little star, dim. of steUa, a star: see stella.] Finelyor numerously
stellated, as if spangled with little stars; stelliferous, as the surface
of a. coral; shaped like a little star; resembling little stars ; small and
stelliform in figure or appearance. JEncyc. Brit., XVI. 370. Stell'Ulate
(stel'u-lat), a. [< L. stellula, a littlestar (see stellular), + -ate^.]
Eesembling little stars or a little star; stellular. Stellwag's symptom.
See symptom. Stelmatopoda (stel-ma-top'o-da), n. pi. A division of
Polyzoa or ^ryozod, corresponding to the Gymnolsemata :
contrasted with iqpftc^pocto.
 stelochite stelochite (stel'o-Mt), n. See stelecMte.
Stelography (ste-log'ra-fi), ». [< LGr. dTrj^oypa E. dial, stovin),
stem, trunk (of a tree), = D. stam, stem, trunk, stock (of atree or
family), =MLG.s*am,sto»iJBe,stem, stock, = OHGr. MHGr. stam
(stamm-), G. stamm, stem (of atree), trunk, tree, stock, race, = Icel.
stofn, stomn, stem, trunk of a tree, = Sw. stam = Dan. stamme (in
oomp. stam-), stem, trunk, stock (of a tree), stock, race, family (also
with some variation of form in a particular sense, ' the prow ofa
vessel ':see stenfl) ; = Olr. tamon. It. tamhan (for *stamon), stem,.
trunk; cf. Gr. BT&jivoq, an earthen jar; with formative -mn-, < V «to,
stand : see stand. Not related to staff, except remotely.] 1. The bo&y
of a tree, shrub, or plant; the firm part which supports the branches
; the stock; the stalk ; technically, the ascending axis, which
ordinarily grows in an opposite direction to the root or descending
axis. The stem is composed of fibrous, spiral, and cellular tissues,
arranged in various ways; it typically assumes a cylindrical form and
a perpendicular position, and bears upon it the remaining aerial
parts of the plant. Its form and direction, however, are subject to
much variation in particular cases. In regard to internal structure,
there are three principal modifications of stems characteristic of
three of the great natural classes into which the vegetable kingdom
is divided — namely, exogens, endogens, and acrogens. Stems are
herbaceous or woody, solid or hollow, jointed or unjointed, branched
or simple. Sometimes they are so weak as to be procumbent,
although more generally firm and erect ; sometimes weak stems are
upheld by twining or by other methods of climbing. In some plants
the stem is so short as to seem to be wanting, the leaves and
flower-stalks appearing to spring from the top of the root. There are
also stems, such as the rhizome and tuber, which, being
subterranean, have been mistaken for roots. See cuts under iaiibai,
esparto, intemode, pipsisiewa,makeroot, rhizome, and tiiber. 2. The
stalk which supports the flower or the fruit of a plant; the peduncle
of the fructification, or the pedicel of a flower ; the petiole or leaf-
stem. See cuts under pedicel, peduncle, audi petiole. Two lovely
berries moulded on one stem, Shak., M. N. D., iii. 2. 211. For 1 maun
crush amang the stoure Thy slender stem. Bums, To a Mountain
Daisy. 3/ The stock of a family ; a race ; ancestry. Ye may all, that
are of noble stem. Approach, and kiss her sacred vesture's hem.
MUton, Arcades, 1. 82. 4. A branch of a family ; an offshoot. Richard
Hantagenet, . . . Sweet stem from York's great stock. Shdk., 1 Hen.
VI., ii. 5. 41. 5. Anything resembling the stem of a plant. Specifically
— (a) The handle of a tool. Halliwell. [Prov. Eng.] (b) That part of a
vase, cup, or goblet which unites the body to the foot or base, in
examples where the body is not immediately set upon the latter.
Wine-glasses or goblets are classified by the nature of their stemx,
or by the nature of their feet. H. J. Powell, Glass-Making, p. 61. (c)
In type-founding, the thick stroke or body-mark of a roman or italic
letter. See cut under type, (d) In a vehicle, a bar to which the bow of
a falling hood is hinged, (e) The projecting rod of a reciprocating
valve, serving to guide it in its action. See cut under slide-valve. {J)
In zoiii. and anat., any slender, especially axial, part like the stem of
a plant ; a stalk, stipe, rachis, footstalk, etc. (,g) In ormUh., the
whole shaft of a feather. (Ji) In eidom., the base of a clavate
antenna, including all the joints except the enlarged outer ones :
used especially in descriptions ol the Lepidi^tera. 6. In musical
notation, a vertical line added to the head of certain kinds of notes.
Of the kinds of note now in use, all but two, the breve and the
semibreve, have stems. It may be directed either upward or
downward, thus, J | . When two voice-parts are written on the same
staff, the stems of the notes belonging to the upper part are often
directed upward, and those of the lower part downward, particularly
when the parts cross, or both use the same note (see figure). The
latter note Is said to have a double stem. See note^, 13. Also called
taU. 7. Inphilol., a derivative from a root, having itself inflected
forms, whether of declension or of conjugation, m-ade from it ; the
unchanged part ina series of inflectional forms, from which the forms
are viewed as made by additions; base; crude form — Aerial stem,
the above-ground axis of a plant, as opposed to the rootstock or
other subterranean form of the stem.— Ancipital, compound, erect,
herbaceous, pituitary, secondary, etc., stem. See the adjectives.
stem and allied parts. 5. stem; K. keel; A, apron ; D. deadwood ; SS,
stemson; DH, deckhooks; BH, breast-hooks; SH, stem-piece, or
independent piece ; MP. main piece, or lacepiece; BP.boDstay-piece;
BWS, bowsprit; G, gripe ; F, false keeL (The dotted lines show bolts.)
5929 stem! (stem), v. t; pret. and pp. stemmed, ppr. stemming. [<
sterri^, ».] To remove the stem of ; separate from the stem : as, to
stem tobacco. Stem^ (stem), n. [< ME. '*stem, stam, < AS. *stemn,
stefn, *stiefn, also stefna, stsefna, the prow of a ship (stedrstefn,
the poop, lit. 'steer-stem'), = OS. stamn = D. Steven = MLG. LG.
Steven, prow of a ship (> G. Steven, stem (vorder-steven, 'fore
stem,' prow, hintersteven, 'hind stem,' stempost)), = Icel. stafn,
stamn, also stefni, stemni, stem of a ship (prow or stern), = Dan.
stevn, stavn = Sw. stdf, prow (fram-stam, 'fore stem,' prow,
hahstam, 'back stem,' stem); a particular use, with variations of
form, of AS. stemn, stefn, E. stern^, etc., stem, trunk, post:
seestewi. The naut. use in E. is prob. in part of Scand. origin.] 1 . A
curved piece of timber or metal to which the two sides of a ship are
united at the foremost end. The lower end of it is scarfed or riveted
to the keel, and the bowsprit, when present, rests on its upper end.
In wooden ships it is frequently called the main stem, to distinguish
it from the false stem, or cutwater. The outside of the stem is usually
marked with a scale showing the perpendicular height from the keel,
for indicating the draft of water forward. See also cut under
foremstie. Pretious Jewells fecht from far By Italian marchants that
with Russian stemes Pious up huge f orrowes in the Terren Maine.
The Taming ctf the Shrew, p. 22. (HalliweU.) Z. The forward part of
a vessel ; the bow. Tumynge therfore the stemmts of his shyppes
towards the JBaste, he affyrmed that he bad founde the Ilande of
Ophir. Peter Martyr (tr. in Eden's First Books on [America, ed. Arber,
p. 66). False Stem, a stem fitted closely to the forward side of the
main stem, generally sharp, and introduced for the purpose of
decreasing a vessel's resistance and increasing her speed ; a
cutwater.— From Stem to stem, from one end of the ship to the
other, or through the whole length. They skip Frorei stem to stem;
the boatswain whistles. Shak., Pericles, iv. 1. 64. stem^ (stem), V. ;
pret. and pp. stemmed, ppr. stemming. [< stem^, ».] I. trans. 1. To
dash against with the stem (of a vessel). They stood off again, and,
returning with a good gale, they steTnmed her upon the quarter, and
almost overset her. Winthrop, Hist. Sew England, I. 226. 2t. To keep
(a vessel) on its course ; steer. He is the master of true courage that
all the time sedately 8(em8 the ship. Cornelius Nepos in English
(1723), Ded. {Encye. Vict.) 3. To make headway against by sailing or
swimming, as a tide or current; hence, in general, to make headway
against (opposition of any kind). The breathless Muse awhile her
wearied wings shall ease. To get her strength to stem the rough
Sabrinian seas. Draytim, Polyolbion, iii. 434. II, intrans. 1 . To make
headway (as a ship) ; especially, to make progress in opposition to
some obstruction, as a current of water or the wind. They on the
trading fiood, Through the wide .Ethiopian to the Cape, Ply,
stemming nightly toward the pole. Mmon, P. L., ii. 642. 2. To head ;
advance head on. At first we could scarce lie S. W., but, being got a
degree to the Southward of the Line, the Wind veer'd most Easterly,
and then we stemmed S. W. by S. Dampier, Voyages, I. 79. stemS
(stem), v. t. ; pret. and pp. stemmed, ppr. [< ME. stemmen; < Icel.
stemma = stamma = Dan. stemme, stem, = OHG. MHG. stemmen,
stemen, G. stemmen, stammen, stop, stem, dam; < V stam in
stam^, stammer, etc. : see stammer. Not connected with stem^or
stem^.'] 1. To stop; check; dam up, as a stream. And loke je
stemme no stepe [step], hot strechez on faste. Til ge reche to areset
fstopping-place], rest je neuer. Alliterative Poems (ed. Morris), ii.
906. The best way is, ever, not to attempt to stem a torrent, but to
divert it. , A. Hamilton, To Washington (Works, I. 345). He who
stems a stream with sand. Scott, L. of the L., iii. 28. Stemodia He sat
down to his milk-porridge, which it was his old frugal habit to stem
his morning hunger with. Oeorge Eliot, Mill on the Floss, i. 12. 2. To
tamp ; make tight, as a joint, with a lute or cement. stem*t, n. and
v. An old spelling of steam. Stemapod (stem'a-pod), n. [< Gr. ormia,
filament (see stamen^), + Troif (Trod-) = B. foof] One of the caudal
filaments of the caterpillars of certain moths, as Cerura and
Meterocampa, whose last pair of legs are thus modified into
deterrent or repugnatorial organs. A. S. Packard. stem-character
(stem'kar"ak-t6r), n. In gram., same as characteristic letter (which
see, under characterisUc). stem-clasping (stem'kl&s"ping), a.
Embracing the stem with its base ; amplexicaul, as a leaf or petiole.
stem-climber (stem'kli"m6r), n. In hot., see climber'^, 2. stemet, v.
t. A Middle English form of steam. stem-eelworm (stem'el'"'w6rm),
n. A minute nematoid, Tylenchvs devastatrix, which causes stem-
sickness in certain plants. See Tylenchtis. stem-end (stem' end), n.
That part or point in a fruit which is attached to the stem: opposed
to the blossom-end, which frequently bears the remains of the calyx,
as in a pear or an apple. The stem-end is usually inferior to the
blossomend in sweetness and flavor. stem-head (stem'hed), n. In
ship-building, the top of the stem, or continuation of the forward
extreme of the keel. stem-knee (stem'ne), ». In sMp-building, a
knee uniting the stem with the keel. stem-leaf (stem'lef), n. A leaf
growing from the stem; a cauline leaf. stemless (stem'les), a. [<
steml -t- -less.'] Having no stem ; having the stem so little
developed as to appear to be wanting; aeaulescent. — Stemless
lady's-sllpper, thistle, violet. See the nouns. Stemlet (stem'let), n. [<
stem^- + -let] A little stem or stalk ; a young stem. Gives insertion
to two multiarticulate stemlets. English Cyc, Nat. Hist. Division
(1865), III. 87. stemma (stem's,), n.', pi. stemmata (-a-ta). [< L.
stemma, < (5r. ariniia, a wreath, garland, < areijieiv, put around,
encircle, wreathe, crown.] 1. Afamily tree, or pedigree; specifically,
such a pedigree made more or less decorative with heraldic or other
ornaments ; also, pedigree in general; order of descent; family: as, a
man of the stemma of the Cecils. — 2. The simple as distinguished
from the compound eye of an invertebrate; an ocellus: always
sessile and immovable. — 3. One of the facets or corneules of a
compound eye. — 4. In eMtom., the tubercle from which an antenna
arises Spurious stemma, a small flat space, covered with semi-
transparent membrane, above the bases of the antennse of certain
Orthoptera: it has been supposed to represent a stemma, or simple
eye, in a rudimentary form. Stemmatopteris (stem-a-top'te-ris), n.
[NL., < Gr. aTi/i/xair-), a wreath, +\TeplQ, a fern.] A genus of fossil
plants, established by Corda, under which various stems or trunks of
treeferns have been grouped, but little being known in regard to
them, except the form of the scars or impressions marking the
points of attachment of the petioles. Lesquerenx describes remains
of this kind under the names of Stem/matopteris, Caulopteris,
Megaphyton, and Psaronius; but, as he remarks, they could all have
been described without inconvenience under the name of
Caul(yoteris. These fossil remains are common in the coal-measures.
See Cavlopteris. stemmatous (stem'a-tus), a. [< stemma{t-) -i-ous.]
Pertaining to a stemma, or having its character; ooellar. stemmed
(stemd), a. [< s/emi -I- -ed^.] Purnished with or bearing a stem :
used chiefly in composition : as, a BtT&ight-stemmed plant.
stemmer (stem'er), n. [< stemS + -eri.] 1. Same as blasting-needle.
[Eng.] — 2. An implement used in making joints tight by means of
cement. Stemmery (stem'6r-i), n.; pi. stemmeries (-iz). [< stem^ -I-
-ery.] A factory where tobacco is stripped from the stem. New York
Herald, July 17, 1884. [Local, U. S.] stemming (stem'ing), n. [Verbal
n. of stem^, v.] 1. The operation of tamping. — 2. The material used
in tamping. [Eng. in both uses.] Stemodia (ste-mo'di-a), n. [NL.
(Linnssus, 1763), shortened troxa'Stemodiacra (P. Browne, 1756), so
called from the two-forked stamens j
 Stemodia -I- dtf, Si-, two-, + d/tpov, a point, tip.] A genus -
of gamopetalous plants, of the order Scrophulariueee. and tribe
Gmtiolex, type of a subtribe Stemodiese. it is characterized by
flowers with five nearly equal calyx-lobes, and four perfect
didynamous stamens included within the corolla-tube, and by a
capsule splitting partly or completely into lour valves, the two
placentiB sepaiating or remaining united in a column. There are
about 30 species, mostly tropical, occurring in all continents except
Europe. They are glandular-hairy or downy herbs, sometimes
shrubby and often aromatic. They bear opposite or whorled leaves
and solitary or spiked and crowded, usually bluish flowers,
sometimes with bracted pedicels. S. mariUma is known in Jamaica as
bastard or seaside germmideT, and S. dwantifolia as goatweed; the
latter, a low clammy plant with purplish spiked flowers, extends also
from southern Arizona to Brazil. iStemona (ste'mo-na), n. [NL.
(Loureiro, 1790), so called from'tbe peculiar stamens; < Gr.
BTTiiitM), taken for ' stamen.'] A genus of monocotyledouous plants,
type of the order Stemonacese. it is distinguished by erect ovules
and seeds, and stamens with very short filaments more or less
united into a ring, having linear erect anthers with a thickened
connective, continued above into an erect appendage. There are 4
or 5 species, natives of India, Ma^ laysia, and tropical Australia.
They are smooth, loftyclimbing twiners, growing from a luBiform
tuberous root, and bearing shining alternate leaves which are
cordate, ovate, or narrower, with three or more nerves and
numerous crosB-veinlets. The flowers form racemes, or are few or
solitary in the axils ; the perianth-segments are rather large, distinct,
and erect, marked by many nerves. Formerly called Roxbnrglaa.
Stemonaceae (ste-mo-na'se-e), n. pi. [NL. (Durand, 1888), <
Stemona + -acese.'] A small order of monoootyledonous plants, of
the series CoronariesB, by many formerly called Boxhurglliacese. it is
characterized by regular bisexual flowers with a four-parted perianth
of two rows, with four stamens and a one-celled ovary which
contains two or more ovules and ripens into a two-valved capsule. It
includes 8 species, belonging to 3 genera, of which Stichoneuron
and Stenuina (the type) are largely Indian ; the other genus,
Croomiat includes one species in Japan, and another, C. paudflora, in
Florida and adjacent States. Stemonitacese (8te"m6-ni-ta'se-e), n.pl.
[NL., < Stemonitis + -accee.'] A family of myxomycetous fungi,
belonging, according to the classification of Eostannski, to the order
Amavrrochsetese, which has a single sporangium or SBthalium,
without the peculiar deposits of lime carbonate that characterize the
fructification of other orders, and the spores, capiUitium, and
columella usually uniformly black, or rarely brownish-violet.
Stemonitis (ste-mo-ni'tis), n. [NL. (Gleditseh), < Gr. ar^/iav, taken
for 'stamen.'] A genus of myxomycetous fungi, giving name to the
family Stemonitaceee. stem-pessary (stem'pes'a-ri), n. A pessary
with a rod or stem which is passed into the cervix uteri. stem-piece
(stem'pes), n. In sMp-building, a piece between the stem and the
chocks, also called independent piece. . See cut under stem^.
Stemple (stem'pl), n. [Cf. D. stempel = MHG. stempfel, G. stempel
(< D.), a mark, stamp: see stamp.'] In mining, a, small timber used
to support the ground by being laid across the stiills, or in other
ways : in some mining districts of England nearly the same as lacing
or lagging. stem-sickness (stem'sik'nes), n. A disease of clover in
England, it is caused by a nematoid worm, Tylenchus deoastatriis,
known as the stem-eelwffrmf and brings about first a stunted
condition and finally the death of the plant. stemson (stem'son), n.
[Perhaps a var. of stanchion, confused with stem^. Cf. keelson,
stemson.'] In ship-building, a piece of curved timber fixed on the
after part of the apron inside. The lower end is scarfed into the
keelson, and receives the scarf of the stem, through which it is
bolted. stem-stitch (stem'stich), n. Inpillow-lace making, a stitch by
which a thick braid-like stripe is produced: used for the stems of
flowers and sprigs, tendrils, etc. stem-winder (stem'win''''d6r), n. A
watch which is wound up or regulated by means of a contrivance
connected with the stem, and not by a key. sten, V. and n. See
stend. stench^ (stench), ». [< ME. stench, stunch,< AS. stenc (=
OHG. stanc, stanch, MHG. stanc, stenke, 6. stank = Sw. Dan. stank),
a smell, odor (pleasant or unpleasant), < stincan, smell : see stink,
■v., and cf. siink, n. Cf. Icel. stxk^a, a stench.] An ill smell ; an
offensive odor. In our w^ to Tivoli I saw the rivulet of Salforata,
formerly called Albula, and smelt the stench that arises from Its
waters some time before I saw them. Addison, Kemarks on Italy
(Bobn), I. 482. =Syil. Stxnk, etc. See gmell. 5930 Stench^t (stench),
t). *. [< stench^, n.] To cause to emit a stench ; cause to stink.
Dead bards stench every coast. Youn^, Resignation, i. 24. Stench^t
(stench), v. t. An obsolete variant of stanch^. Harvey. stenchfult
(steneh'ful), a. [< stench^ + -ful.] Full of bad odors. Beo. T. Adams,
Works, II. 56. stenchil (sten'chil), n. A Scotch form of stancliel^ for
stanchion, stench-pipe (stench'pip), «. In plumbing, an extension of
a soil-pipe through and above the roof of a house, to allow foul
gases to escape. stench-trap (stench'trap), n. In a drain, a
depression or hollow in which water lies, introduced to prevent the
reflex passage of foul air or gas. Stenchy (sten'chi), a. [< stench^ +
-y''-.] Having a stench or offensive smell. Dyer, The Fleece, i. stenciU
(sten'sil), V. t. ; pret. and pp. stenciled, stencilled, ppr. stenciling,
stencilling. [Origin uncertain: («) According to Skeat, prob. < OF.
estinceller (for *escinteller), cover with stars, powder (used in
heraldry), lit. 'sparkle,' F. iUnceler, sparkle, < L. seintillare, sparkle:
see scintillate. Cf. tinsel, (b) In another view, orig. as a noun,
identical with stencil^, a dial. var. of stancheV-, var. of stanchion, ult.
< OF. estance, a support: see stance and stanchion.] To mark out or
paint by means of a stencil. Stencil^^ (sten'sil), n. [See stenciP-, v.]
1. A thin plate or sheet of any substance in which a figure, letter, or
pattern is formed by cutting thro\igh the plate, if the plate thus cut
is placed upon a surface and rubbed with color or Ink, the pattern or
figure will be marked on the underlying substance. For many
purposes, the letters, etc., are cut through completely ; for
transferring a pattern, as in embroidery, the lines of the pattern are
often indicated by small holes. In wall-decoration, etc., both these
plans areemployed. Different stencils are often used in the same
design, each for a different color. 2. The coloring matter used in
marking with a stencil-plate. C. T. -Davis, Bricks and Tiles, p. 90. —
3. In ceram., a preparation laid upon the biscuit to keep the oil used
in transfer-printing or enameling from adhering to the surface;
hence, the pattern traced by this preparation, reserving a panel or
medallion of the unaltered color of the biscuit. stencil^ (sten'sil), n.
[A var. of stancheU.] A door-post; a stanchion. Hallimell. [Prov. Eng.]
Stenciler, Stenciller (sten'sil-6r), n. [< stencifl + -erl.] One who
works with a stencil, especially a decorative painter who applies
patterns with a stencil. stencil-pen (sten'sil-pen), n. A pricking-
machine for perforating paper to form a stencil. It consists of a
hoUow stylus carrying a needle having a reciprocating motion. See
electric pen, under jje»2. stencil-plate (sten'sil-plat), n. A stencil.
stend (stend), v.i. [< OF. estendre, F. 4tendre = It. stendere, < L.
extendere, stretch forth, extend : see extend.] 1. To extend. [Prov.
Eng.] — 2. To walk with long steps. — 3. To leap; bound; rear;
spring. AlBosten. [Sootchaud prov. Eng.] stend (stend), ». {<.stend
a="" leap="" spring="" long="" step="" or="" stride.="" also=""
sten.="" burns="" tarn="" glen.="" and="" prov.="" eng.=""
stenelytra="" n.="" pi.="" neut.="" of="" see="" sienelytrous.=""
in="" entom.="" latreille="" system="" the="" third="" fainily=""
heteromerous="" coteqptera="" divided="" into="" tribes=""
corresponding="" to="" old="" genera="" selops="" cistela=""
dirceea="" mycterus.="" stenelytrous="" a.="" nl.="" gr.=""
orevdc="" narrow="" strait="" ixvrpov="" cover:="" seeelytrmn.=""
having="" elytra="" pertaining="" stenelytra.="" stenodothrus=""
orevde="" strait.="" c="" stenobotkrus="" macutipennis.=""
mature="" insect="" b="" pupa="" r="" larva.="" natural=""
size.="" close="" pdbpoc="" hole.="" notable="" genus=""
grasshoppers="" family="" acridmdx="" containstenographical=""
ing="" such="" species="" as="" s.="" maculipennis.="" this=""
is="" common="" grasshopper="" most="" parts="" united=""
states="" resembles="" hateful="" rocky="" mountain="" locust=""
spretus="" so="" closely="" that="" it="" has="" often="" been=""
mistaken="" for="" latter.="" stenocardia="" arevdg="" icapsla=""
tlie="" heart.="" angina="" pectoris.="" stenocarpus="" brown=""
called="" from="" usually="" fruit="" atev6="" kaptrsc="" fruit.=""
apetalous="" trees="" order="" proteacess="" tribe=""
embothriex.="" characterized="" by="" umbellate="" flowers=""
numerous="" ovules="" downwardly="" imbricated="" ripening=""
seeds="" which="" are="" winged="" below.="" there="" natives=""
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