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Linguistics an introduction to language and
communication 5th Edition Adrian Akmajian Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): Adrian Akmajian, Richard A. Demers, Ann K. Farmer, Robert M.
Harnish
ISBN(s): 9780262511230, 0262511231
Edition: 5
File Details: PDF, 11.32 MB
Year: 2001
Language: english
Acknowledgments

For this fifth edition we would like to thank the many students whom
we have taught and from whom we have learned. We would also like to
express our special thanks to our colleagues at the University of Arizona
and the State University of New York at Albany. We would especially
like to mention Keith Allan, Andrew Barss, Lee Bickmore, Aaron Broad-
well, Ken Forster, Bruce Fraser, Merrill Garrett, Ken Hale, Scott Jacobs,
Eloise Jelinek, Anita Thurmond, and Frank Vellutino. Finally, thanks to
Meghan O'Donnell for help with the index.
Note to the Teacher

This fifth edition of our text evolved from our continuing collaboration in
teaching introductory linguistics at the University of Arizona. Classroom
experience, as well as valuable feedback from students and colleagues,
revealed ways in which the material from the fourth edition could be
further improved.
Like the fourth edition, this one is divided into two parts. Part I deals
with the structural and interpretive parts of language: morphology, pho-
netics, phonology, syntax, semantics, variation, and change. Part II is
cognitively oriented and includes chapters on pragmatics, psychology of
language, language acquisition, and language and the brain.
In this edition most chapters have been revised and/or updated. Many
of them include sections on special topics of particular interest, which are
set off at the end of the chapter so that the flow of discussion is not
disturbed. The new structure of chapter 2, "Morphology," stresses the
creative aspect of English vocabulary (or the vocabulary of any language,
for that matter). The primary transcription system used in chapter 3,
"Phonetics and Phonemic Transcription" -indeed, throughout the book
-is now the International Phonetic Alphabet. A new section in chapter
4, "Phonology," discusses the interaction of full and reduced vowels and
their relationship to metrical feet. This discussion will permit students to
understand the patterns of full and reduced vowels in English and con-
sequently to write any English word they know how to pronounce.
Chapter 5, "Syntax"; chapter 6, "Semantics"; chapter 9, "Pragmatics";
chapter 11, "Language Acquisition in Children; and chapter 12, "Lan-
guage and the Brain," have been reworked and updated. We have also
added a "Further Reading" section at the end of chapters 2-12 and the
appendix to assist the student in learning more about the topics dis-
cussed in those chapters.
 ..
XII Note to the Teacher

Despite theserevisions, certain aspectsof the text remain unchanged.

First, as in earlier editions,- the chapter on morphology appears before
the chapters on phonetics and phonology. Though this is not the " tradi-
tional" order of presentation, we have found it desirablefor two reasons.
First, it enablesus to introduce studentsto the various fields of linguistics
by virtue of the information encodedin words. And second, words and
their properties are intuitively accessibleto studentsin a way that sounds
and their properties may not be.
Second, we must emphasizeonce again our concern with imparting
basic conceptual foundations of linguistics and the method of argumen-
tation, justification , and hypothesistesting within the field. In no way is
this edition intended to be a complete survey of the facts or putative
results that have occupied linguists in recent years. On the contrary, we
have chosen a small set of linguistic concepts that we understand to be
among the most fundamental within the field at this time; and in pre-
senting theseconcepts, we have attempted to show how to argue for lin-
guistic hypotheses. By dealing with a relatively small number of topics
in detail, students can get a feeling for how work in different areas of
linguistics is done. If an introductory course can impart this feeling for
the field, it will have largely succeeded.
Third , we have drawn the linguistic examples in this edition, as in
earlier ones, almost exclusivelyfrom English. Once again we should note
that we recognize the great importance of studying language universals
and the increasingly significant role that comparative studies play in
linguistic research. However, in presentingconceptual foundations of lin -
guistics to studentswho have never been exposedto the subject before,
we feel it is crucial that they should be able to draw upon their linguistic
intuitions when required to make subtlejudgments about language, both
in following the text and in doing exercises . This is not merely for con-
venience, to set up as few obstaclesas possiblein an introductory course;
rather, we feel that it is essentialthat studentsbe able to evaluate criti -
cally our factual claims at each step, for this encouragesa healthy skep-
ticism and an active approach toward the subject matter. Given that
the majority of our readers are native speakersof English, our focus on
English examplesprovides benefits that we feel far outweigh the lack of
data from other languages. Obviously, the general principles we discuss
must be applicable to all languages, and some teachersmay wish to em-
phasizeuniversalsand crosslinguisticdata in their lectures. Such material
 ...
XIII Note to the Teacher

can be found in A Linguistics Workbook (4th ed.), by Ann K . Farmer

and RichardA . Demers, alsopublishedby The MIT Press
.

LESSO
N PLANS

We have organized this edition to give teachersmaximum flexibility in

designing a linguistics course for their own (and their students' own)
special needs. The individual chapters are designedwith numerous sub-
sectionsand in such a way that core material is often presentedfirst, with
additional material following as specialtopics. In this way, teacherswho
can spend only a week on a certain chapter are able to choose various
subsections , so that students are exposedto the material most relevant
for that particular course- in short, the book can be used in a modular
fashion. We will take up some specificexamples.
For teachersworking in the quarter system, this edition can be used
easily for a one-quarter course. For a courseoriented toward more tradi-
tional topics in linguistics, the following is a possibleformat (with varia-
tions dependingon the teacher) :
Chapter 2: Morphology
Chapter 3: Phoneticsand Phonemic Transcription
Chapter 4: Phonology
Chapter 5: Syntax
Chapter 7: LanguageVariation
Chapter 8: Language Change
The chapters cited do not depend crucially on the ones that have been
skipped over; thus, we have ensuredthat a traditional core exists within
this edition.
For a one-quarter coursewith an emphasison psycholinguistics, cogni-
tive science, or human communication, the following is a possibleformat:
Chapter 2: Morphology
Chapter 5: Syntax
Chapter 6: Semantics
Chapter 9: Pragmatics
Chapter 11: Language Acquisition in Children
Chapter 12: Language and the Brain
Teachersworking within the semestersystem(or teaching coursesthat
run two quarters in the quarter system) will find that this edition can be
 .
XIV Note to the Teacher

used quite comfortably within a 14- or I5 -week term . For example , for a
one -semester linguistics course oriented toward more traditional topics ,
the following is a possible format :

Chapter 2 : Morphology
Chapter 3 : Phonetics and Phonemic Transcription
Chapter 4 : Phonology
Chapter 5 : Syntax
Chapter 6 : Semantics
Chapter 7 : Language Variation
Chapter 8: Language Change
Chapter 9 : Pragmatics

Obviously , teachers with other interests will pick different modules .

F or example , for a course with a psycholinguistic , cognitive science , or
human communication orientation , the following choice of topics seems
reasonable :

Chapter 2 : Morphology
Chapter 5: Syntax
Chapter 6 : Semantics
Chapter 9 : Pragmatics
Chapter 10 : Psychology of Language
Chapter 11 : Language Acquisition in Children
Chapter 12: Language and the Brain

In short , by varying the selection of chapters , subsections , and special

topics , teachers from diverse backgrounds and in diverse academic depart -
ments will be able to design an introduction to linguistics that is custom -
made for their purposes .
Part 1. THE STRUCTURE OF HUMAN LANGUAGE
INTR 0 D U CTI0 N

Introduction

In this section we will examine the structure of human language, and in

doing so we will discover a systemthat is highly complex. Beginning stu-
dentsof linguistics are often surprisedto find that linguists spendconsider-
able time formulating theories to representand account for the structure
(as well as the functioning) of human language. What is there, after all, to
explain? Speaking one's native language is a natural and effortless task,
carried out with great speedand ease. Even young children can do it with
little conscious effort. From this, it is commonly concluded that aside
from a few rules of grammar and pronunciation there is nothing else to
explain about human language.
But it turns out that there is a great deal to explain. If we " step out-
side" language and look at it as an object to be studied and described
and not merely used, we discover an exciting sphereof human knowledge
previously hidden from us.
In beginning the study of the structural properties of human language,
it is useful to note a common theme that runs throughout part I : the
structural analysis of human language can be stated in terms of (1) dis-
crete units of various sorts and (2) rules and principles that govern the
way thesediscreteunits can be combined and ordered. In the sectionson
morphology (chapter 2), phonetics (chapter 3), phonology (chapter 4),
and syntax (chapter 5), we will discussthe significant discrete units that
linguists have postulated in the st~dy of these subareasof linguistics. In
addition to isolating discreteunits such as morphemes, phonetic features,
and syntactic phrases, we will be discussingthe rules and principles by
which words are formed, soundsare combined and varied, and syntactic
units are structured and ordered into larger phrases.
In addition to discussingthe core areas of morphology, phonology,
syntax, and semantics(chapter 6), we will discusstwo subfieldsof liriguis-
4 PartI

tics that draw heavily on those core areas, namely, language variation
(chapter 7) and language change (chapter 8). In these chapters we will
consider the ways in which language varies across individual speakers
and dialect groups (regionally, socially, and ethnically) and how lan-
guagesvary and relate to each other historically. Thus, having isolated
important structural units and rules for combination in chapters2- 5, we
will then examine how such units and rules can vary along a number of
dimensions.
The subfields representedin chapters 2- 6 form the core of what has
classicallybeen known as structural linguistics (as practiced in the United
Statesfrom the 1930sto the 1950s), and they continue to form a central
part of transformational/generativelinguistics, the theoretical perspective
we adopt here. The latter datesfrom the publication of Noam Chomsky's
1957work Syntactic Structuresand has been the dominant school of lin-
guistics in the United States since that time. It has also come to be a
dominant school in Western Europe and Japan and has increasinginflu-
encein severalEastern European countries as well.
Assuming that the majority of our readers are native speakers of
English, we have drawn the language data used in this book almost
exclusively from English (seeA Linguistics Workbook, also published by
the MIT Press, for exercisesbasedon over 20 languages). We encourage
you to use your native linguistic judgments in evaluating our arguments
and hypotheses. It is important that you test hypotheses, since this is an
important aspectof doing scientific investigations. We should also stress
that the general aspectsof the linguistic framework we develop here are
proposed to hold for all languages, or at least for a large subsetof lan-
guages, and we encourageyou to think about other languagesyou may
know as you study the English examples.
Chapter 1
-

What Is Linguistics
?

The field of linguistics, the scientific study of human natural language, is

a growing and exciting area of study, with an important impact on fields
as diverseas education, anthropology, sociology, languageteaching, cog-
nitive psychology, philosophy, computer science, neuroscience , and arti-
ficial intelligence, among others. Indeed, the last five fields cited, along
with linguistics, are the key components of the emerging field of cogni-
tive science, the study of the structure and functioning of human cognitive
processes .
In spite of the importance of the field of linguistics, many people, even
highly educatedpeople, will tell you that they have only a vague idea of
what the field is about. Some believe that a linguist is a person who
speaks several languagesfluently. Others believe that linguists are lan-
guageexpertswho can help you decidewhether it is better to say " It is I "
or " It 's me." Yet it is quite possible to be a professional linguist (and
an excellent one at that) without having taught a single language class,
without having interpreted at the UN , and without speaking any more
than one language.
What is linguistics, then? Fundamentally, the field is concerned with
the nature of languageand (linguistic) communication. It is apparent that
people have been fascinated with language and communication for
thousands of years, yet in many ways we are only beginning to under-
stand the complex nature of this aspectof human life. If we ask, What is
the nature of language? or How does communication work? we quickly
realize that these questions have no simple answersand are much too
broad to be answeredin a direct way. Similarly, questionssuch as What
is energy? or What is matter? cannot be answeredin a simple fashion,
and indeed the entire field of physics is an attempt to answer them. Lin -
guisticsis no different: the field as a whole representsan attempt to break
6 Chapter1

down the broad questions about the nature of language and communi-
cation into smaller, more manageable questions that we can hope to
answer, and in so doing establishreasonableresults that we can build on
in moving closer to answersto the larger
. questions. Unless we limit our
sights in this way and restrict ourselves to particular frameworks for
examining different aspectsof language and communication, we cannot
hope to make progressin answering the broad questionsthat have fasci-
nated people for so long. As we will see, the field covers a surprisingly
broad range of topics related to languageand communication.
Part I of the text contains chapters dealing primarily with the struc-
tural components of language. Chapter 2, " Morphology ," is concerned
with the properties of words and word-building rules. Chapter 3, " Pho-
netics and Phonemic Transcription," introduces the physiology involved
in the production of speechsounds as well as phonemic and phonetic
transcription systemsthat are used to represent the sounds of English.
Chapter 4, " Phonology," surveysthe organizational principles that deter-
mine the patterns the speechsoundsare subject to. Chapter 5, " Syntax,"
presents a study of the structure of sentencesand phrases. Chapter 6,
" Semantics," surveys the properties of linguistic meaning. Chapter 7,
" Language Variation ," deals with the ways speakers and groups of
speakerscan differ from each other in terms of the various forms of
language that they use. Chapter 8, " Language Change," examines
how languageschange over time and how languagescan be historically
related.
Having examined certain structural properties of human language in
part I , we turn to functional properties in part II . Chapter 9, " Prag-
matics," explores some of the issuesinvolved in describing human com-
munication and proposes certain communication strategiesthat people
use when they talk to each other. Chapter 10, " Psychology of Lan-
guage," examines how language is produced and understood. Chapter
11, " Language Ac,quisition in Children," studies the stagesinvolved in
languageacquisition by humans with normal brain function and reviews
the evidencefor positing a genetically endowed " Language Acquisition
Device." Finally , chapter 12, " Language and the Brain," dealswith how
languageis stored and processedin the brain.
To turn now from the particular to the general, what are some of the
background assumptionsthat linguists make when they study language?
Perhapsthe most important fundamental assumption is that human lan-
guageat all levelsis rule- (or principle-) governed. Every known language
7 WhatIs Linguistics
?

has systematicrules governing pronunciation, word formation , and gram-

matical construction. Further, the way in which meaningsare associated
with phrasesof a languageis characterizedby regular rules. Finally , the
use of languageto communicateis governedby important generalizations
that can be expressedin rules. The ultimate aim in each chapter, there-
fore, is to formulate rules to describe and account for the phenomena
under consideration. Indeed, chapter 7, " Language Variation ," shows
that even so-called casual speechis governed by systematic regularities
expressiblein rules.
At this point we must add an important qualification to what we have
just said. That is, we are using the terms rule and louie -governedin the
special way that linguists use them. This usageis very different from the
layperson's understandingof the terms. In school most of us were taught
so-called rules of grammar, which we were told to follow in order to
speak and write " correctly" - rules such as " Do not end a sentencewith
a preposition," or " Don't say ain't," or " Never split an infinitive ." Rules
of this sort are called prescriptive rules; that is to say, they prescribe, or
dictate to the speaker, the way the languagesupposedlyshould be written
or spoken in order for the speaker to appear correct or educated. Pre-
scriptive rules are really rules of style rather than rules of grammar.
In sharp contrast, when linguists speak of rules, they are not referring
to prescriptive rules from grammar books. Rather, linguists try to for-
mulate descriptiverules when they analyze language, rules that describe
the actual languageof somegroup of speakersand not somehypothetical
language that speakers" should" use. Descriptive rules expressgeneral-
izations and regularities about various aspectsof language. Thus, when
we say that languageis rule-governed, we are really saying that the study
of human language has revealed numerous generalizations about and
regularities in the structure and function of language. Even though lan-
guage is governed by strict principles, speakersnonethelesscontrol a
systemthat is unboundedin scope, which is to say that there is no limit to
the kinds of things that can be talked about. How languageachievesthis
property of effability (unboundednessin scope) is addressedin chapters2
and 5, " Morphology " and " Syntax."
Another important background assumption that linguists make is
that various human languagesconstitute a unified phenomenon : linguists
assumethat it is possible to study human language in general and that
the study of particular languageswill reveal featuresof languagethat are
universal. What do we mean by universal features of language?
8 Chapter1

So far we have used the terms languageand human languagewithout

referring to any specific language, such as English or Chinese. Students
are sometimespuzzled by this general use of the term language; it would
seem that this use is rarely found outside of linguistics-related courses.
Foreign language courses, after all, deal with specific languagessuch as
French or Russian. Further, specifichuman languagesappear on the sur-
face to be so different from each other that it is often difficult to under-
stand how linguists can speak of language as though it were a single
thing.
Although it is obvious that specificlanguagesdiffer from each other on
the surface, if we look closer we find that human languagesare surpris-
ingly similar. F or instance, all known languagesare at a similar level of
complexity and detail- there is no such thing as a primitive human lan-
guage. All languages provide a means for asking questions, making
requests, making assertions, and so on. And there is nothing that can be
expressedin one language that cannot be expressedin any other. Obvi-
ously, one languagemay have terms not found in another language, but
it is always possible to invent new terms to expresswhat we mean: any-
thing we can imagine or think , we can expressin any human language.
Turning to more abstract properties, even the foffi1al structures of
language are similar: all languageshave sentencesmade up of smaller
phrasal units, theseunits in turn being made up of words, which are them-
selvesmade up of sequencesof sounds. All of these features of human
languageare so obvious to us that we may fail to seehow surprising it is
that languagessharethem. When linguists use the teffi1 language, or nat-
ural human language, they are revealing their belief that at the abstract
level, beneath the surfacevariation, languagesare remarkably similar in
form and function and conform to certain universal principles.
In relation to what we have just said about universal principles, we
should observeonce again that most of the illustrative examplesin this
book are drawn from the English language. This should not mislead you
into supposingthat what we say is relevant only to English. We will be
introducing fundamental conceptsof linguistics, and we believethat these
have to be applicable to all languages. We have chosenEnglish examples
so that you can continually check our factual claims and decide whether
they are empirically well founded. Linguistics, perhaps more than any
other science, provides an opportunity for the student to participate in
the researchprocess. Especially in chapter 5, " Syntax," you will be able
to assessthe accuracyof the evidencethat bearson hypothesisformation,
9 What Is Linguistics?

and after having followed the argumentation in the chapter , you will be
in a position to carry out similar reasoning processes in the exercises at
the end .

Finally , we offer a brief observation about the general nature of lin -

guistics . To many linguists the ultimate aim of linguistics is not simply
to understand how language itself is structured and how it functions .
We hope that as we come to understand more about human language , we
will correspondingly understand more about the processes of human
thought . In this view the study of language is ultimately the study of the
human mind . This goal is perhaps best expressed by N oam Chomsky in
his book Reflections on Language ( 1975, 3- 4) :

Why study language ? There are many possible answers, and by focusing on some
I do not , of course, mean to disparage others or question their legitimacy . One
may , for example , simply be fascinated by the elements of language in themselves
and want to discover their order and arrangement , their origin in history or in the
individual , or the ways in which they are used in thought , in science or in art , or
in normal social interchange . One reason for studying language - and for me
personally the most compelling reason- is that it is tempting to regard language ,
in the traditional phrase, as " a mirror of mind ." I do not mean by this simply that
the concepts expressed and distinctions developed in normal language use give us
insight into the patterns of thought and the world of " common sense" constructed
by the human mind . More intriguing , to me at least, is the possibility that by
studying language we may discover abstract principles that govern its structure
and use, principles that are universal by biological necessity and not mere histor -
ical accident , that derive from mental characteristics of the species. A human
language is a system of remarkable complexity . To come to know a human lan -
guage would be an extraordinary intellectual achievement for a creature not spe-
cifically designed to accomplish this task . A normal child acquires this knowledge
on relatively slight exposure and without specific training . He can then quite
effortlessly make use of an intricate structure of specific rules and guiding princi -
ples to convey his thoughts and feelings to others, arousing in them novel ideas
and subtle perceptions and judgments . For the conscious mind , not specifically
designed for the purpose , it remains a distant goal to reconstruct and comprehend
what the child has done intuitively and with minimal effort . Thus language is a
mirror of mind in a deep and significant sense. It is a product of human intelli -
gence, created anew in each individual by operations that lie far beyond the reach
of will or consciousness .

Bibliography

Chomsky , N . 1975. Reflections on language. New York : Pantheon Books .

Chapter 2
Morphology: The Study of the Structure of Words

2.1 WORDS: SOME BACKGROUND CONCEPTS

We begin our study of human language by examining one of the most

fundamental units of linguistic structure: the word. Words play an inte-
gral role in the human ability to use language creatively. Far from being
a static repository of memorized information, a human vocabulary is a
dynamic system. We can add words at will. We can even expand their
meanings into new domains.
How many words do we know? As it turns out, this is not an easy
question to answer. We all have the intuition that our vocabulary cannot
be too enormous since we don't remember having to learn a lot of words.
Yet when we think about it, we realize that the world around us appears
to be infinite in scope. How do we use a finite vocabulary to deal with the
potentially infinite number of situations we encounter in the world? We
will learn that the number of sentences at our disposal is infinite (chapter
5). Our vocabulary also has an open-endedness that contributes to our
creative use of language.
So again, how many words do we know? According to Pinker (1999,3),
children just entering school "command 13,000 words .... A typical high-
school graduate knows about 60,000 words; a literate adult, perhaps
twice that number." This number (120,000) may appear to be large, but
think, for example, of all the people and all the places (streets, cities,
countries, etc.) you can name. These names are all words you know. In
sum, anyone who has mastered a language has mastered an astonishingly
long list of facts encoded in the form of words. The list of words for any
language (though not a complete list, as we will see) is referred to as its
lexicon.
12 Chapter 2

When we think about our native language, the existence of words

seems obvious. After all, when we hear others speaking our native lan-
guage, we hear them uttering words. In reading a printed passage, we see
words on the page, neatly separated by spaces. But now imagine yourself
in a situation where everyone around you is speaking a foreign language
that you have just started to study. Suddenly the existence of words no
longer seems obvious. While listening to a native speaker of French, or
Navajo, or Japanese, all you hear is a blur of sound, as you strain to
recognize words you have learned. If only the native speaker would slow
down a little (the eternal complaint of the foreigner!), you would be able
to divide that blur of sound into individual words. The physical reality of
speech is that for the most part the signal is continuous, with no breaks
at all between the words. Pinker (1995, 159-160) notes, "We [native
speakers] simply hallucinate word boundaries when we reach the edge of
a stretch of sound that matches some entry in our mental dictionary."
The ability to analyze a continuous stream of sound (spoken language)
into discrete units (e.g., individual words) is far from trivial, and it con-
stitutes a central part oflanguage comprehension (see chapter 10). When
you have "mastered" a language, you are able to recognize individual
words without effort. This ability would not be possible if you did not
know and understand many properties associated with words.
What do we know when we know a word? To put it another way, what
kinds of information have we learned when we learn a word? It turns out
that the information encoded in a word is fairly complex, and we will see
that a word is associated with different kinds of information. In dis-
cussing these types of information, we will in fact be referring to each of
the subfields of linguistics that will be dealt with in this book:
1. Phonetic/Phonological information. For every word we know, we
have learned a pronunciation. Part of knowing the word tree is knowing
certain sounds-more precisely, a certain sequence of sounds. Phonetics
and phonology are the subfields of linguistics that study the structure and
systematic patterning of sounds in human language (see chapters 3 and 4).
2. Lexical structure information. For every word we have learned, we
intuitively know something about its internal structure. For example, our
intuitions tell us that the word tree cannot be broken down into any
meaningful parts. In contrast, the word trees seems to be made up of two
parts: the word tree plus an additional element, -s (known as the "plural"
ending). Morphology is the subfield of linguistics that studies the internal
structure of words and the relationships among words.
13 Morphology

3. Syntactic information. For every word we learn, we learn how it

fits into the overall structure of sentences in which it can be used. For
example, we know that the word reads can be used in a sentence like
Mark reads the book, and the word readable (related to the word read)
can be used in a sentence like The book is readable. We may not know
that read is called a verb or that readable is called an adjective; but we
intuitively know, as native speakers, how to use those words in different
kinds of sentences. Syntax is the subfield of linguistics that studies the
internal structure of sentences and the relationships among the internal
parts (see chapter 5).
4. Semantic information. For virtually every word we know, we have
learned a meaning or several meanings. For example, to know the word
brother is to know that it has a certain meaning (the equivalent of "male
sibling"). In addition, we mayor may not know certain extended mean-
ings of the word, as in John is so friendly and helpful, he's a regular
brother to me. Semantics is the subfield of linguistics that studies the
nature of the meaning of individual words, and the meaning of words
grouped into phrases and sentences (see chapter 6).
5. Pragmatic information. For every word we learn, we know not only
its meaning or meanings but also how to use it in the context of discourse
or conversation. For instance, the word brother can be used not only to
refer to a male sibling but also as a conversational exclamation, as in
"Oh brother! What a mess!" In some cases, words seem to have a use but
no meaning as such. For example, the word hello is used to greet, but it
seems to have no meaning beyond that particular use. Pragmatics is the
subfield of linguistics that studies the use of words (and phrases and sen-
tences) in the actual context of discourse (see chapter 9).
In addition to being concerned with what we know when we know a
word, linguists are interested in developing hypotheses that constitute
plausible representations of this knowledge. As a starting point, one
could ask if Webster's lL' New Riverside Dictionary is a good representa-
tion of a speaker's knowledge of words. Do the dictionary entries repre-
sent what we know about words? For example, is the entry for the word
baker a good representation of what we know about that word? Consider
the following dictionary entry for bake:
bake (bak) v. baked, bak·ing. 1. to cook, esp. in an oven, with dry heat.
2. to harden and dry in or as if in an oven (bake pottery) -no A social
gathering at which baked food is served. -bak'er n.
14 Chapter 2

At least three issues arise. First, the only information given for baker is
that it is a noun; the entry provides neither a definition for baker nor a
means for deducing its meaning from that of bake. (There is no other
entry for baker where this information is given.) The meaning of the noun
is somehow related to the meaning of the verb, but what exactly is the
nature of this relationship? The dictionary does not specify. Intuitively we
know that a baker is someone who bakes and not, for example, the thing
that gets baked; yet again, the dictionary does not represent how or why
we pick one option rather than the other.
Second, representing our knowledge of words as simply consisting of
entries of the type offered above fails to capture the relatedness of words
that have the same form-say, [verb] + er. Thus, weave, v./weaver, n.,
pout, v./pouter, n., and bake, v./baker, n. are independent, apparently
unrelated entries. This is counterintuitive, however. In all cases the mean-
ing of the verb is predictably related to the meaning of the noun: a
[verb] + er is "one who [verb]s." The separate-entry approach fails to
capture what all these words have in common.
Third, the dictionary is a finite list and the information it contains is
finite as well. How novel words behave cannot be accounted for. For
example, gork does not appear in Webster's II. Neither does gorker-
and yet a native speaker of English, upon encountering this previously
unheard and unseen pair, can tell you that a gorker is "one who gorks."
Webster's II, then, cannot account for the scope of what humans are able
to do in creating new words or analyzing existing ones.
Besides the types of information outlined here-information that we
assume any native speaker must have learned about a word in order to
know it-there are other aspects of words that linguists study, which may
or may not be known to native speakers. For example, words and their
uses are subject to variation across groups of speakers. In American
English the word bonnet can be used to refer to a type of hat; in British
English it can be used to refer, as well, to the hood of a car. Words
and their uses are also subject to variation over time. For example, the
English word deer was once the general word meaning "animal," but
now it is used to refer only to a particular species of animal. These facts
about word variation and historical change may not be known to most
native speakers-even for highly educated speakers, the history and dia-
lectal variation of most words remain obscure-but such facts form the
subject matter of other important subfields of linguistics, namely, lan-
15 Morphology

guage variation and language change, which we will explore in chapters 7

and 8.
We have seen that words are associated with a wide range of informa-
tion and that each type of information forms an important area of study
for a subfield of linguistics. In this chapter we will be concerned with the
subfield known as morphology. First we will introduce certain basic con-
cepts of morphology. Then we will discuss how new words are created,
and finally we will motivate the postulation of rules and principles of word
formation that will address the problems discussed above with respect
to the inadequacies of the dictionary as a representation of a speaker's
knowledge of words.

Some Basic Questions of Morphology

Within the field of morphology, it is possible to pose many questions
about the nature of words, but among the more persistent questions have
been the following:
What are words?
What are the basic building blocks in the formation of complex words?
How are more complex words built up from simpler parts?
How is the meaning of a complex word related to the meaning of its
parts?
How are individual words of a language related to other words of the
language?
These are all difficult questions, and linguists studying morphology
have not yet arrived at completely satisfactory answers to any of them.
Once we begin to construct plausible answers, we quickly discover that
interesting and subtle new problems arise, which lead us to revise those
answers.
We can see this process of constructing and refining answers by look-
ing at our first question, What are words? To begin to answer this ques-
tion, we note that the word brother is a complex pattern of sounds
associated with a certain meaning ("male sibling"). There is no necessary
reason why the particular combination of sounds represented by the
word brother should mean what it does. In French, Tohono O'odham
(a Native American language of southern Arizona and northern Mexico),
and Japanese, the sounds represented by the words frere, we:nag, and
010010, respectively, share the meaning "male sibling." Clearly, it is not
16 Chapter 2

the nature of the sound that dictates what the meaning ought to be:
hence, the pairing of sound and meaning is said to be arbitrary. It is true
that every language contains onomatopoeic words (i.e., words whose
sounds imitate or mimic sounds in the world about us: meow, bow-wow,
splash, bang, hoot, crash, etc.). But such words form a very limited subset
of the words of any given language; for the vast majority of words the
sound-meaning pairing is arbitrary. Thus, as a first definition, we might
say that a word is an arbitrary pairing of sound and meaning.
However, there are at least two reasons why this definition is inade-
quate. First, it does not distinguish between words and phrases or sen-
tences, which are also (derivatively) arbitrary pairings of sound and
meaning. Second, a word such as it in a sentence such as It is snowing has
no meaning. The word is simply a placeholder for the subject position
of the sentence. Therefore, not all sound sequences are words, and not
all sound sequences that native speakers would identify as words have
a meaning. We have intuitions about what is and is not a word in our
native language, but as yet we do not have an adequate definition for the
term word.
In the next section we will consider initial answers to the second ques-
tion on the list, What are the basic building blocks in the formation of
complex words?

2.2 COMPLEX WORDS AND MORPHEMES

It has long been recognized that words must be classed into at least two
categories: simple and complex. A simple word such as tree seems to be a
minimal unit; there seems to be no way to analyze it, or break it down
further, into meaningful parts. On the other hand, the word trees is made
up of two parts: the noun tree and the plural ending, spelled -s in this
case. The following lists of English words reveal that the plural -s (or -es)
can be attached to nouns quite generally:
(1)
Noun Plural Form (+s)
boy boys
rake rakes
lip lips
dog dogs
bush bushes
brother brothers
Other documents randomly have
different content
 We passed many villages, shaded with noble trees, which had
more appearance of comfort than any we had seen, and which were
enviable for the pleasantness of their situation; their spacious street
generally opening to the grandeur of the mountain vista, that
extended to the south. In these landscapes the peasant girl, in the
simple dress of the country, and balancing on her large straw hat an
harvest keg, was a very picturesque figure.

It was evening when we came within view of Friburg, the last city
of Germany on the borders of Switzerland, and found ourselves
among mountains, which partook of the immensity and sublimity of
those of that enchanting country. But what was our emotion, when,
from an eminence, we discovered the pointed summits of what we
believed to be the Swiss mountains themselves, a multitudinous
assemblage rolled in the far-distant prospect! This glimpse of a
country of all others in Europe the most astonishing and grand,
awakened a thousand interesting recollections and delightful
expectations; while we watched with regret even this partial vision
vanishing from our eyes as we descended towards Friburg. The
mountains, that encompass this city, have so much the character of
the great, that we immediately recollect the line of separation
between Germany and Switzerland to be merely artificial, not
marked even by a river. Yet while we yield to the awful pleasure
which this eternal vastness inspires, we feel the insignificance of our
temporary nature, and, seeming more than ever conscious by what
a slender system our existence is upheld, somewhat of dejection and
anxiety mingle with our admiration.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Transcriber's note:
The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is
placed in the public domain.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A JOURNEY MADE
IN THE SUMMER OF 1794, THROUGH HOLLAND AND THE WESTERN
FRONTIER OF GERMANY, WITH A RETURN DOWN THE RHINE, VOL.
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