PERNAMBUCO MODEL UNITED NATIONS

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

STUDY GUIDE

Topic A: Addressing the security of civilians in areas occupied by

paramilitary groups
Topic B: The situation in Afghanistan
 PERNAMBUCO MODEL UNITED NATIONS

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

STUDY GUIDE

WROTE BY Ana Beatriz Ximenes Alves

Maria Clara de Almeida Ferraz
Maria Laura Andrade
Maria Vitória Alves de Sousa
Tássia Maria Rodrigues de Melo

REVISED BY Anna Beatriz Pereira Cezar

Gabriel Félix da Silva Araujo
Isabela Maria Pereira Paes de Barros
Lorena Soares Cavalcante de Miranda

COVER Isabela Inês Bernardino de Souza Silva

LAYOUT Isabela Maria Pereira Paes de Barros

Isabela Inês Bernardino de Souza Silva

RECIFE/PE
2022

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 2

 CARTA DO SECRETARIADO

Em meio a uma realidade tão distinta do que conhecíamos como normal, devido à
pandemia de COVID-19, a PEMUN precisou se reinventar, saindo do modelo presencial para
o virtual, para que continuasse cumprindo com a missão de impactar a vida de milhares de
jovens da sociedade brasileira.
Retornando aos poucos a um modelo presencial, e com o produto de todos os esforços
necessários, apresentamos este Guia de Estudos e esperamos que os conteúdos aqui presentes
possam não apenas te auxiliar no preparo para a Simulação, mas que também seja um
conhecimento adquirido para vida.
Desse modo, acreditamos que, considerando as adversidades impostas, é necessário ter
coragem para renascer e se reinventar, postura que adotamos para tornar a PEMUN cada vez
mais atuante e acolhedora no cenário que estamos inseridos.
Seguimos nessa juntos. Resistindo. Persistindo. Reinventando.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 3

 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The topics discussed in this Study Guide are very important and relevant to today's
history, and we proudly created this document, because we hope to inform the readers about
the reality of these countries and territories by shining a light on disputes that are forgotten or
scarcely reproduced, as well as to develop their critical thinking.
All the construction of this Study Guide was made by committed people, who
abdicated a lot to deliver a great document, with the support of the Secretariat, represented
here by Isabela, Beatriz and Gabriel, who consistently and proactively demonstrate their
commitment to PEMUN.
We hope you enjoy!

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 4

 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

ACCU United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia

AUC Peasant Self-defense of Córdoba and Urabá
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
EU European Union
HRW Human Rights Watch
IACS International Armed Conflicts
ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross
ICJ International Court of Justice
IDP Internally Displaced Persons
IHL International Humanitarian Law
NIACs Non-International Armed Conflicts
PDPA People Democratic Party Of Afghanistan
STC Southern Transitional Council
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund
UNGA United Nations General Assembly
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNODC United Nations Office On Drugs And Crime
UNSC United Nations Security Council
USA United States of America
USARSA US Army School of the Americas
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WHO World Health Organization
WFP World Food Program
WW2 World War Two

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 5

 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Image 1 First Session of the United Nations Security Council

Image 2 The spread of paramilitary groups on global scale and its
dominant form of auxiliary forces by county, 1981 to 2007
Image 3 Colombia’s paramilitary group
Image 4 Symbol of the Army School of the Americas
Image 5 The terrorist attack of 9/11
Image 6 The falling man
Image 7 American soldier in Afghanistan
Image 8 American soldier in Afghanistan
Image 9 Taliban took over as US pulled troops
Image 10 A Taliban man in a poppy field
Image 11 Afghan boys polishing shoes to earn money
Image 12 Afghanistan’s former Women’s Affairs
Image 13 An Afghan child receiving a red band by a nurse, meaning
severe malnourishment

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 6

 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Security Council Members for the 2022 term

Table 2 List of state-manipulated paramilitary groups (by country)
Table 3 List of state-parallel paramilitary groups (by country)

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 7

 SUMMARY

INTRODUCTION 9
1 THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL (UNSC) 10
1.1 Composition 11
1.2 Functions and Powers 11
1.3 Voting and Procedures 13
2 TOPIC A: ADDRESSING THE SECURITY OF CIVILIANS IN AREAS OCCUPIED
BY PARAMILITARY GROUPS 14
2.1 The general history of paramilitary groups 15
2.2 The definition of paramilitary groups 15
2.3 The typology of paramilitary groups 16
2.3.1 State-manipulated groups 17
2.3.2 State-parallel groups 20
3 TOPIC B: THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN 27
3.1 Historical background 27
3.1.1 The Taliban 28
3.1.2 The Taliban government (1996-2001) 30
3.2 The invasion of Afghanistan by the United States 31
3.2.1 The terrorist attack of 9/11 32
3.2.2 The War on Terror 34
3.2.3 The American presence in Afghanistan 36
3.3 The Taliban and the Afghan Government 37
3.4 The humanitarian crisis faced by Afghanistan 42
3.4.1 Economy 42
3.4.2 Health 46
3.4.3 Education 47
3.4.4 Children 50
3.4.5 Refugees and displaced people 53
CONCLUSION 56
REFERENCES 58

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 8

INTRODUCTION

Following the devastation and horrors seen in World War II (WW2), the necessity for
action to maintain peace and security throughout the world, through an international coalition
and cooperation, was embodied by the United Nations (UN). In 1945, the UN was created as
an intergovernmental system, conceived to address, among other issues, global peace and
security, with the UN Security Council (UNSC) at the center of its operation.
In this Study Guide, the analysis of worldly problems will be addressed in light of the
maintenance of peace and security. Divided in two axes, the discussion is directed to shine
light on possible international threats to the citizens of specific territories or affected by the
groups here examined. The assessment of these situations and the understanding of their
underlying causes is conducted seeking discussions that will, as done by the UN through the
UNSC, help to maintain peace and security for the citizens of the world.
In the first topic, this body of work will address the implications and consequences
that the occupation of territories by paramilitary groups have on civilians and their security, as
well as what situations favor these groups' rise to power. The birth of paramilitary occupations
is seen in territories in which the forces that are supposed to maintain societies functioning
struggle to do it. That said, the discussion will not only be fixed on the occupation itself, but
also on the means that allow it to happen.
In the second topic, the situation in Afghanistan will be brought to light, by examining
the presence of the Taliban regime and its historical reverberations on the country’s
population. Years after being taken away from power, the Taliban has retaken control of the
Afghan government, raising questions and concerns regarding the safety of its citizens and
populations.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 9

1 THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL (UNSC)

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) was established by the UN Charter in
1945, and has the purpose of maintaining peace between the nations around the world and
international security. Its first session was held in January 1946, months after the end of the
Second World War. The five victorious nations of the conflict were and still are the only five
permanent members of the Committee: China, France, United Kingdom, United States and
Russia, also known as the Permanent Five (P5) (UNITED NATIONS, 2021).

Image 1 - First Session of the United Nations Security Council

Source: Marcel Bolomey, [2021].

Caption: Norman J.O. Makin (Australia) speaking during the first Session of the Security Council on 17 January
1946. To his left are Gladwyn Jebb, Executive Secretary of the United Nations; Edward Stettinius, Jr. (United
States); and Ernest Bevin (United Kingdom).

There have been aspirants for permanent membership in the UNSC, yet none of them
are major global powers as the P5 were in the post-WW2, then responsible for keeping
international peace (HOSLI, 2020). Even with the changing global order, the permanent
members still have the privileges to control the actions of the UN Security Council.
Therefore, it is important to understand better how the United Nations Security
Council works: its composition, functions, powers, voting and procedure.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 10

1.1 Composition

Fifteen members constitute the United Nations Security Council. Five of them are
permanent members, and the UN General Assembly elects the ten non-permanent members
for a two-year term. In 2022, the UNSC holds the following composition:

Table 1 - Security Council Members for the 2022 term

Members End of Membership Term
Norway 31 December 2022
Russian Federation Permanent Member
United Arab Emirates 31 December 2023
United Kingdom Permanent Member
United States Permanent Member
Albania 31 December 2023
Brazil 31 December 2023
China Permanent Member
France Permanent Member
Gabon 31 December 2023
Ghana 31 December 2023
India 31 December 2022
Source: Designed by the authors.

The election of the members is based on equitable geographical distribution and the
maintenance of international peace (UNITED NATIONS, 1945). Furthermore, each country
has the opportunity to preside over the meetings of the committee, as the presidency of the
Council is alternated every month (UNITED NATIONS, [2021]).
At last, it is relevant to consider that, according to the Article 23 of the UN Charter,
“all the members of the Security Council shall have one representative, and a retiring member
shall not be eligible for immediate re-election” (UNITED NATIONS, 1945).

1.2 Functions and Powers

As specified by the UN Charter, the Security Council should remain primarily

responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. This responsibility is one
of the four objectives of the United Nations, and establishes a binding characteristic to the
Council’s resolutions, as the Member States are obligated to implement those decisions
(UNITED NATIONS, 1945). Apart from that, the UNSC holds other responsibilities, as
stated, in verbis:

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 11

 The Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the
peace or act of aggression. It calls upon the parties to a dispute to settle it by
peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In
some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize
the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security. The Security
Council has a Presidency, which rotates, and changes, every month. (UNITED
NATIONS, [2021])

The maintenance of international peace and security, under the principles and purposes
of the United Nations, is conducted through a case-by-case analysis of various global crises,
determining in which situations, when and where UN peace operations should be deployed
(UNITED NATIONS, [2021]). Under the UN Charter, other functions of the UNSC are
specified, including:

The investigation of any dispute or situation which might lead to international

friction; Recommendation of methods to adjust such disputes or the terms of
settlement; To formulate plans for the establishment of a system that regulates
armaments; Determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression
and to recommend what action should be taken; To call on Members to apply
economic sanctions and other measures, not involving the use of force, to prevent or
stop aggression; To take military action against an aggressor; Recommendation in
the admission of new Members; Exercise the trusteeship functions of the United
Nations in "strategic areas"; Recommend to the General Assembly the appointment
of the Secretary-General and, together with the Assembly, elect the Judges of the
International Court of Justice. (UNITED NATIONS, 1945).

The operation of the Security Council can be done in three ways, in which the
objective is to follow what is established by the UN Charter, its principles and its purposes,
listed in articles 1 and 2 of said Charter. In the first, the decision of the UNSC is done by
resolution, which depends on a specific importance, generally consuming months of prior
negotiations (GARCIA, 2013).
In the second format, the decision comes in the form of a declaration, generally
adopted in informal consultations, by consensus, and is read by the president of the UNSC, in
a public session (GARCIA, 2013). Lastly, in the third format, the decision is communicated
through a press statement, and, similarly to the declaration, is also declared, but instead of a
public statement, it is communicated to the press, by the president, the decision reached by
consensus. In the latter, there are specific internal policies to be respected, as stated below:

In this matter, when the President addresses the press without a text, he or she may
make brief comments on the issues discussed, or be guided by “elements to the
press”, which will have been previously analyzed and accepted by members (there is
little room for improvisation in the Council's daily life). These “elements” are

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 12

 informal in nature and don't circulate in the written form as is the case with the press
statement, which is recorded as an official UN document. (GARCIA, 2013, p. 58)

That said, after the UNSC operates and decides the procedure to be instituted, and its
decisions existing in moments of specific tension and heaviness, the resolutions of the UNSC
are, generally, enforced by the UN Peacekeepers, being a means of peace in situations of last
resort (UNITED NATIONS PEACEKEEPING, 2021). The UN Peacekeepers represent the
most visible face of the UN’s conflict-management work, but only being called on in certain
situations, as said, in verbis:

The Security Council aims to peacefully resolve international disputes under Chapter
VI of the UN Charter, which authorizes the council to call on parties to seek
solutions via negotiation, arbitration, or other peaceful means. Failing that, Chapter
VII empowers the Security Council to take more assertive actions, such as imposing
sanctions or authorizing the use of force “to maintain or restore international peace
and security.” Peacekeeping missions are the most visible face of the United
Nations’ conflict-management work (...). (PINCUS et al., 2021)

The Council also has an important role in the governance of the UN system. It has
responsibility for approving the admission of new member states to the UN, the appointment
of the UN Secretary-General and senior UN officials, and is jointly responsible with the UN
General Assembly (UNGA) for the election of judges to the International Court of Justice
(ICJ) (UNITED NATIONS, [2021]).

1.3 Voting and Procedures

As established in the fifth chapter of the UN Charter, the Security Council has 15
members in its composition, each member detaining the right of one vote. However, it is
necessary to emphasize that, although the members are equal in terms of vote, the permanent
members have the competence to veto any resolution in draft. That said, to approve any
resolution, the draft must be approved and not vetoed by any of the five permanent members,
along with two-thirds (⅔) of the votes of the Member States (UNITED NATIONS, 1945).
It is also determined, in article 28 of the Charter, that each delegation composing the
Council must have a representative present at all times, at UN Headquarters, located in New
York City, in the United States. That determination is based on the necessity of representation
at all times, so that anytime it is needed, the Security Council can meet with the presence of
all its members (UNITED NATIONS, 1945).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 13

 The UN Charter, in its 31st and 32nd article, also states that, apart from the Member
States, any member of the United Nations has the right to participate in the discussions
involving the Security Council, even if it is not one of the delegations composing the Council,
but the participation does not include the power to vote. Lastly, it is phrased, in articles 29 and
30 of the charter, that the United Nations Security Council has the power to adopt its own
rules of procedure and is free to establish branch organs, if needed (UNITED NATIONS,
1945).

2 TOPIC A: ADDRESSING THE SECURITY OF CIVILIANS IN AREAS

OCCUPIED BY PARAMILITARY GROUPS

Although there is no clear understanding regarding the heterogeneous spread of

paramilitary forces – as seen in the image below –, governments and regimes that partake in
power along paramilitaries are commonly part of a weakening state, or going through great
social change. Hence, in addition to the state's contribution in the establishment of a
non-governmental induced power by acting reluctant to take part in belligerent activities,
social-structured cleavages also add further to the engendering of paramilitary groups.
Therefore, it is worth noting that paramilitary activity is inversely related to social and statal
cohesion. To rephrase it: paramilitary groups rise to power when the standard forces
responsible for maintaining society together are struggling (BÖHMELT; CLAYTON, 2018).

Image 2: The spread of paramilitary groups on a global scale and its dominant form of auxiliary forces by
country, 1981 to 2007

Source: Böhmelt & Clayton, 2018.

Caption: PGMs mean pro government militias (here called ‘state-manipulated paramilitary groups’).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 14

2.1 The general history of paramilitary groups

Each paramilitary group originates under differing circumstances and in different

societies. Their roles, reasoning, and practices demonstrate compelling similarities, as their
organization, but also differences (BEEDE, 2013). In this document, all culturalist
explanations that regard paramilitarism as a phenomenon limited to exotic, violent or
underdeveloped regions, such as the Balkans or Latin America, will be avoided.
Modern paramilitarism history refers to the formation of modern states, in which
“irregular armed forces were necessary to the consolidation of the early modern European
State”, which used irregular forces for military interest (ÜNGÖR, [2021]), such as wars, for
expanding territory, but also to support the local civic authorities. The practice of
subcontracting violence to mercenaries during the Renaissance can be seen as a political and
cultural phenomenon of that age, but also as an ancient form of paramilitarism (ÜNGÖR,
[2021]).
That is why paramilitarism was an aspect of state building in the European continent,
but also in the postwar and postcolonial contexts. Even if it was a step of state formation, it
always will be in a different structure and direction than the regular state. Overall, the
monopoly of violence was beneficial to the state in times of peace, but during conflicts, a
hybrid form of security has replaced the state's apparatus of violence (ÜNGÖR, [2021]).
In Latin America, the emergence of paramilitary groups is intrinsically linked to drug
trafficking and the drug war. However, in Colombia specifically, the growth of guerrillas and
popular movements also led to the rise of paramilitary groups called "death squads", a
right-wing political group tendency, whose objective was to oppose the insurgency and defeat
popular uprisings movements in search of preventive counter-revolution (CLOSS;
LAMMERHIRT; MARQUES, 2014).

2.2 The definition of paramilitary groups

A paramilitary group is defined as an organization formed by civilians, whose function

is similar to those of a professional military but is not formally part of a country's armed
forces. Due to the fact that these groups are not a part of an official army, they are often
considered as illegal. It is also important to emphasize that said groups are commonly related
to a religious, political or economic matter, and tend to act whenever there is a disagreement

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 15

regarding a political or governmental decision.
Currently, there is an uncountable number of active paramilitary groups worldwide,
not only in countries that are facing a humanitarian crisis, but also in those countries known as
the “first world countries”. Until the present moment, each state deals with paramilitary
groups differently, implying that there is no consensus regarding the subject.

Image 3 - Colombian paramilitary group

Source: Borgen Magazine, [2021].

2.3 The typology of paramilitary groups

The 20th century was a period of intricate and eventful armed conflicts. Within this
framework, in the aftermath of World War II, nations on a global scale had to reshape their
employment of violence due to the prominence of international human rights.
Correspondingly, aiming not to destabilize external sovereignty by being exposed to world
reprieve for suppressing unalienable rights, states bisected their monopoly on the use of force.
In light of this, paramilitary groups emerged to occupy the power vacuum via the exercise of
non-statal belligerent activity (BÖHMELT; CLAYTON, 2018).
In this regard, as mentioned before, the government provided the main subsidies to the
existence of paramilitary groups, therefore holding them subject to its control. In this sense,
those paramilitaries were themed “state-manipulated groups”. However, since the Cold War
came to an end, paramilitary groups have commenced tending outward statal control. Named
“state-parallel paramilitary groups”, this paramilitary typology is predicated on being backed
by forces outside the state management (ALIYEV, 2016).
In those circumstances, the purpose in dividing paramilitary bodies into these
categories – state-manipulated paramilitaries and state-parallel paramilitary groups – is to

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 16

enable greater comprehension of paramilitary organizations. It works towards providing
empirical sources to the expression of dynamics in order to better administer their existence
and formulate more effective policies to prevent their insurgence (BÖHMELT; CLAYTON,
2018). The following topics will conduct a more in-depth analysis, evaluating factors and
characteristics related to each paramilitary typology.

2.3.1 State-manipulated groups

Although it is well-known that a strong State limits the rise of internal violence,
sometimes there is a need for auxiliary forces. The strategy that is used to prevent internal
riots is the creation of paramilitary groups to supplement their regular military force, but not
replace them. This means that they are in touch with the government, and have an official
bond with the executive, but they exist beyond the regular force of the country.
State-manipulated groups are not a surrogate to the army, rather the opposite, they fight
alongside them, increasing the chances of success in the battle. They are responsible for the
dirty part of the job, such as kidnappings and torture (ALIYEV, 2016).
These auxiliary groups are only allowed to exist because they are subordinated to the
State, with an important informal status that gives them more autonomy in their actions
compared to the regular force, since they are more flexible. Even though these
pro-government groups are not included in the command chain, they must follow the
executive orders. Otherwise, they would be classified as a militia. With the correct training
and organization, such groups can solve problems with more efficiency than the local police,
once they can mobilize faster and organize specifically according to the threat. Seeing that
they are under the state’s jurisdiction, they can also blame the state for their actions
(BÖHMELT; CLAYTON, 2018).
Consequently, the state relies on these groups due to domestic danger caused by
government instability or civil conflicts, it being the main factor shaping the decision to
subsidize an auxiliary force. As a result, forced to sponsor these groups to prevent any worst
situation, the state must have financial resources and a full bureaucratic apparatus to fulfill the
necessity, and even loyalty, of the paramilitary group. Those institutions cannot interrupt or
change the nation’s policy, preventing them from growing excessively. Finally, each
paramilitary state-manipulated group has its characteristics, with different skills and goals, but
what is important to emphasize is that the main purpose is to protect the civilians and
maintain the authority of the State (BEEDE, 2008).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 17

 For further insight, below is a list of the more highly recognizable state-manipulaed
groups and a study case through AUC and FARC, which explicits well the characteristics of
state-manipulated groups:

Table 2 - List of state-manipulated paramilitary groups (by country)

STATE-MANIPULATED
COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN
PARAMILITARY GROUPS
Kadyrovtsy Russia
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) Iraq (mainly), Syria
Shabiha Syria
Houthis Yemen
Abkhaz Georgia
AUC Colombia
Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) Northern Ireland
Cobras and Ninjas Congo
Source: Aliyev, 2016.

2.3.1.1 Study Case - AUC and FARC

Under the context of the Cold War, the USA was the most responsible for
implementing a culture of fighting insurgencies and riots using paramilitary tactics, such as
torture and disappearances. These ideals were taught through the USA Army through the US
Army School of the Americas (USARSA), in which about 100,000 Latin American soldiers
were trained between 1950-1970. Thus, the doctrine of counterrevolutionary control
influenced the foundations of national security throughout Latin America, based on
paramilitary principles (RIVERA, 2007).

Image 4 - Symbol of the Army School of the Americas

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 18

 Source: Global Security, [2022].

In the 1960s in Colombia, the formation of paramilitary groups to combat guerrillas

was established through Legislative Decree 3,398 of 1965, which three years later was
converted into permanent legislation, the Law 48 (RIVERA, 2007). However, not only this
decree marks paramilitarism as a state policy, but the constant return to this ideology under
different circumstances and historical periods (RIVERA, 2007).
The beginning of what would become the AUC, United Self-Defense Forces of
Colombia, was in the 1970s, when peasant self-defense groups began to be organized against
guerrilla organizations, sponsored by landowners, drug traffickers and illegal emerald mining
(CRUZ, [2022]). The unification of these groups took place under the name of Peasant
Self-defense of Córdoba and Urabá (ACCU), in the 1980s. With the support of the rural elite
and the military sector, they achieved an almost unitary organization, the AUC (CRUZ,
[2022]).
The AUC fit the definition of State-manipulated groups as they were driven by
members of the Army and police, trained in the USA, and supported by traditional political
parties (COSTA, 2021). Its existence was justified as a way to make up for the state's inability
to combat guerrilla organizations (CRUZ, [2022]). Their tactics did not consist of direct
confrontation, but of an attack on support bases and massacres, associated with programs of
people elimination and disappearance, as well as expropriations and forced displacements in
the countryside (CRUZ, [2022]). The result was an increase in land concentration, due to the
seizure of strategic lands for drug trafficking, between the north and center of the country.
This phenomenon became known as the agrarian counter-reform (COSTA, 2021).
The AUC, for supporting the government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, participated in the
negotiation of the Justice and Peace Law, which allowed their demobilization through lenient
sentences and non-extradition for drug trafficking crimes (CRUZ, [2022]).
Thus, the AUC is part of a counterinsurgent strategy with the purpose of maintaining

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 19

the status quo of the conservative and authoritarian elite, as well as propagating US
imperialism, weakening progressive voices (COSTA, 2021). This happened under the pretext
of maintaining an apparent institutional stability, with the status of few coups and popular
uprisings (COSTA, 2021).

2.3.2 State-parallel groups

State-parallel bodies materialize within deficiently structured societies, mainly due to
inefficient institutions. In contrast to state-manipulated paramilitary groups, state-parallel
organizations do not require a functioning state to exist. On the contrary, they do not need a
state whatsoever. As a result, their cardinal condition for existing is being enabled to exercise
belligerent power adjacent to a governing entity, that may not be a State (ALIYEV, 2016).
However, state-parallel groups are parallels to the state in the sense that they occupy
analogous roles in employing the use of violence. In this way, whereas governments grant
state-manipulated bodies the legitimate exercise of belligerent control, state-parallel groups
perform violent acts as a manner of confronting the governing entity. That is, state-parallel
proficiency on engaging in violence is not born out of state, therefore, neither is it legitimized;
it is simply parallel (ALIYEV, 2016).
Since state-parallel organizations share with the State the use of force, the occurrence
of an armed conflict is imperative to the maintenance of their status quo. Ergo, amid such a
context, state-parallel groups endeavor the acquisition of military supplies through unofficial
sponsoring. However, seeing that state-parallel organizations aim to accomplish legitimacy
through social recognition and legal representation, they commonly withdraw from illegal
funding. From this perspective, by securing social cohesion through popular acknowledgment,
parallel groups exert horizontal informal sovereignty alongside the official managing regime
(ALIYEV, 2016).
For further insight, below is a list of the more highly recognizable state-parallel groups
and a study case through Hezbollah, which explicit well the characteristics of state-parallel
groups:

Table 3 - List of state-parallel paramilitary groups (by country)

STATE-PARAMILITARY GROUP COUNTRY

Ansar Allah (Houthis) Yemen (mainly), Saudi Arabia

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 20

 Shia Iraq

Sunni Popular Committees Yemen

Mkhedrioni Georgia

Volunteers Serbia

Cobras and Ninjas Congo

Volontery Ukraine

Janjaweed Sudan

Interahamwe Rwanda

Hezbollah Lebanon

Al Hashd al Sha’bi Iraq

Kamajors Sierra Leone

Source: Aliyev, 2016.

2.3.2.1 Study case - Hezbollah

Hezbollah is an active paramilitary group in the western Asian countries of Lebanon
and Iran. In the course of its inception, in the early eighties, the hegemony of
state-manipulated groups was being superseded due to paramilitary organizations
progressively exercising power alongside the State (ALIYEV, 2018). It was in the role of a
self-proclaimed political movement, though, that Hezbollah emerged in 1982, having,
however, only officially declared its existence with its first manifest dated from 1985
(UNITED AGAINST NUCLEAR IRAN, 2018). On this note, the context in which the group
came forth was one of pronounced instability: Western Asia was suffering the aftermath of the
Iranian Revolution of 1979, and, domestically, the Lebanese State post-Israeli invasion stood
on shaky grounds (ABDUL-HUSSAIN, 2022).
At first, by its primary nature as a revolutionary movement, Hezbollah firmed itself on
the Lebanese political scene in the foundation of a religious-based dispute
(ABDUL-HUSSAIN, 2022). In regard to creed, the Lebanese religious chart consists almost
entirely of monotheistic religions. Only the Muslim community represents 2/3 of Lebanon’s

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 21

6,845 million population, followed by Christianism with 32,4% (U.S. CODE, 2019). On this
sphere, Hezbollah’s ideology is asserted along the lines of Islamic tradition, to be exact, on its
Shia branch and by the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih (ABDUL-HUSSAIN, 2022; UNITED
AGAINST NUCLEAR IRAN, 2018).
In 1982, Hezbollah’s revolution in Lebanon in defense of a Muslim State occurred as a
result of combined forces, which includes Palestine and, chiefly, Shiite Iran. The
revolutionaries aimed to accomplish the union of western and eastern regions of a country
spoiled by civil war in Lebanon under the flag of an Islamic Republic. Such intentions were
easily attained since the deprecatory predicament of Lebanon’s State had not been able to hold
the Iranian Revolution Guard Corps, otherwise named Pasdaran, from assuming control of the
Lebanese State and its armed forces. Hezbollah, an Islamic group founded and sponsored by
Iran, created a State within a State, or rather, a State parallel to the official State
(ABDUL-HUSSAIM, 2022).
In the subsequent decade, however, Hezbollah’s power grew increasingly constrained.
The nineties began with the end of the fifteen years long Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990).
The Taif Agreement, which set a formal conclusion to the war, also offset Hezbollah’s hold in
the country. On this basis, as the legitimate Lebanese State grew, the parallel power withheld
by Hezbollah decreased (KARAM, 2022).
The Taif agreement, otherwise known as the National Document Accord, had a
positive and a negative instance: positively, as it allowed the establishment of a somewhat
stable State, the power vacuum out of which the Hezbollah rose to suffice the debilities of the
State was closed. Consequently, the Lebanese State's internal sovereignty was restored; on a
negative note, the Agreement distributed functions of government between distinct powers,
which, in lieu of creating a democratic balance, made power harder to be exercised, while also
dispersing it further by making it lie in the hands of non-conjoint agents (NILSSON, 2020).
Taking this into account, Hezbollah soon developed another well-marked
‘state-parallel paramilitary’ predicative: the search for political acknowledgement (ALIYEV,
2018; ABDUL-HUSSAIM, 2022). Given that the Taif Agreement had paved the way towards
a parliamentary system in Lebanon, Hezbollah sought to establish a political party in order to
participate in the Lebanese parliamentary election. As a result, The Lebanese Shiite Party,
with Syrian assistance, succeeded in winning 12 parliamentary seats (ABDUL-HASSAIM,
2022; UNITED AGAINST NUCLEAR IRAN, 2018).
To this day, Hezbollah plays an important role in Lebanese politics, both in the

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 22

parliamentary and ministerial order, forming factions and coalitions powerful enough to
support the group's activities in the country (ABDUL-HASSAIM, 2022; UNITED AGAINST
NUCLEAR IRAN, 2018). Within this framework, Hezbollah’s purposes were no longer only
military-based but also started to focus on long-term political prospects (NILSSON, 2020).
In this setting, Hezbollah expanded its operations in areas bereft of statal presence. In
zones aligned with its religious ideology, Hezbollah provided basic structural needs, including
institutional education, public health, and all varieties of social services needed to guarantee
the well-being of the community. On the other hand, whereas the Hezbollah acts as a Welfare
State to the Shiite Community, the remaining 65% of the population is stricken with the other
face of a state parallel paramilitary, the use of force and the label of terrorism (UNITED
AGAINST NUCLEAR IRAN, 2018).
In conclusion, the Hezbollah matches Aliyev dual paramilitary classification as
follows:
Hezbollah emerged in the country of Lebanon, during the late Cold War period in a
context of frail political institutions and a fragmented society. From the beginning, Hezbollah
defies the Lebanese State. Positioning itself in the State's role both in the social and military
sphere, Hezbollah plays respectively the part of the Welfare State and the hands which enact
the use of force. Through sponsorship, mainly Syrian, the group also intertwined itself in the
political frame in search of political recognition. All things considered, Hezbollah is the two
faces of the same coin, both fitting Alyiev’s state-parallel paramilitary groups.

2.3.2.2 The history of Colombia's Paramilitaries groups

First, the current Colombian scene of paramilitary groups is full of actors over the
years, because the conflicts that originated from it endow a large part of Colombian recent
history (VIANA; VILLA, 2012). Thus, to better understand the functioning of groups today, it
is essential to broach the historical context of their formation.
A standpoint in Ancient Colombia’s history is the struggle against Spanish
colonization and its derived violence. However, it is only in post-independent Colombia that
conflicts arise within the country and amongst its people, namely disputes between the elite,
such as the polarization between Federalists and Centralists, which resulted in several civil
wars (VIANA; VILLA, 2012).
Ancient Colombian history is marked by the fight against Spanish dominance and
violence. However, it was after its independence that disputes arose between two parts of the

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 23

elite, the Federalists and Centralists, which resulted in civil war (VIANA; VILLA, 2012).
This polarization was a repeated occurrence throughout Colombian history: the Thousand
Days War (1899-1902), and La Violencia period, a plain example of the contentious relations
between the Conservative and the Liberal party (VIANA; VILLA, 2012).
Therefore, these episodes of recent Colombian history have fostered the sociopolitical
framework for the emergence of the country's main insurgent movements, as well as for the
inability of the Colombian State to present public policies aiming for inclusion and integration
of historically marginalized regions and communities, which is one of the main grievances of
revolutionaries (VIANA; VILLA, 2012).
Despite the internal origins for the emergence of these groups, such as the political
dispute between two parties, it is essential to highlight the economic, political and social
context derived from the Cold War as fertile ground for the emergence of the first guerrillas.
(VIANA; VILLA, 2012). However, from the 1990s onwards, the scenario became even more
complex due to the expansion of the armed conflict beyond the Colombian borders, along
with its subsequent effects (VIANA; VILLA, 2012).
Despite the internal causes for the emergence of paramilitary groups, including the
bilateral disputes between parties, it is essential to highlight that the economical, political and
social context derived from the Cold War was a fertile ground for the inception of the first
guerrillas in the country.

2.4 Social impacts caused by paramilitary groups

The consequences of the occupation of territories situated in places outside the State’s
sphere of protection is a multifaceted occurrence, varying from group to group, territory to
territory, continent to continent. Whilst the groups that are state parallel share similarities,
groups that are state manipulated also share between each other points of convergence and,
between both, common themes are shared (DAY, 2020).

While each country is unique — in both the nature of its conflict and the ways in
which PGMs have been brought into play — they share common themes. A
comparison across the three case studies reveals a number of important
considerations for policymakers and practitioners in nine cross-cutting ways:
A. Increasing fragmentation, and lack of control;
B. Blurred lines of State and non-State;
C. The competition to govern;
D. Economic incentives;
E. Diversity and division in PGMs;
F. Human rights abuses and accountability;

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 24

 G. Foreign support;
H. International recognition and funding cul-de-sacs;
I. Few good options for DDR. (DAY, 2020).

Being a territory considered occupied while the authority of a certain group is

established and enforced, when these non-State or quasi-State paramilitary forces have such
substantial control and influence, it underlines the weakness of State institutions and, at times,
reinforces that weakness, as stated, in verbis:

The range of activities and functions these groups take on further chips away at State
authority and legitimacy and also may pose barriers to future efforts to transition or
demobilize these groups (DAY, 2020).

Albeit, sometimes, these groups provide much-needed public services, making it

even harder to disband their sphere of influence, both because such services may earn them
public support and because dismantling them may require substitutes for those critical
services (DAY, 2020). That said, the analysis of the concrete effects of an occupation has to
take into consideration the faulty and biased State that creates a void of law enforcement and
human rights protection, leaving the citizens in a tense and vulnerable situation
(INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS, 2002).
As often seen, most paramilitary groups, be they state aligned or parallel, take
advantage of weakened State to build a large criminal enterprise, illicit networks and
trafficking, contributing to the emergence of a war economy, a central part of their military
based organization. Dismantling this network can be difficult for the weakened or inefficient
government installed in occupied territories, even provoking new hostilities, a situation that
only reinforces the socioeconomic state of crises in which they originate (DAY, 2020).

PGMs’ economic aggrandizement and illicit activities are important because they
can reinforce perceptions of impunity, drive exclusionary political and economic
processes and, thus, create new grievances and marginalization. This, in turn, can
undercut efforts to reform these groups through pay conditionality and can affect the
degree to which they might be willing to disband or to cooperate with peace
processes. (DAY, 2020)

In short, paramilitary groups that profit from continued conflict are more likely to
become spoilers to peace, lengthening the duration or levels of violence within occupied
territories, and complicate peace negotiations (DAY, 2020).
Apart from feeding the vicious cycle of conflict, a persistent challenge encountered
whilst analyzing the activities of these groups around the globe and their effect on society is

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 25

the way that paramilitary groups actively participate in larger sectarian, ethnic, tribal or other
intercommunal tensions (DAY, 2020).
Most groups recruit members from particular ethnicities, sects, political or other
constituent groups, as a form of recognition and consistency within the participants, a
configuration that sparks mistrust and contributes to inequalities across divided societies,
especially in situations where the paramilitary group uses their influence and military power
to enact against rival groups, increasing the prevalence of violence and adding local feuds to
larger conflict grievances (DAY, 2020).

Where PGMs are mobilized from one group in divided communities, it can increase
the risk that they will engage in abuses, retaliation or trigger local conflict in other
ways. Their involvement in intercommunal dynamics can also create issues of
democratic legitimacy and a perception of bias. Ethnic, political or sectarian
identities within these groups may also complicate efforts to either regularize or
disband these forces as part of security sector reform or a peace process. Any
attempt to disband or rationalize these forces may trigger objections on the basis of
solidarity lines and increase resistance. (DAY, 2020)

That said, predatory and violent behavior fuels not only intensification of inner
conflicts and violence within the territory of the state occupied by these forces, it also sparks
anti-government sentiment and can drive the formation of self-defense groups. When the State
fails to address the human rights violations and hold responsibility of these actions to the
group, be it state aligned or parallel, it works directly against the goal of stabilization, fueling
rather than containing the risks posed by violent extremist groups occupying its territory
(DAY, 2020).

Accountability is not always the government’s top priority when facing security
threats, but such abuses and the failure to address them can also affect security and
stabilization horizons. First, such abuses are illegal acts, harming populations and
the overall rule of law environment. Allowing predatory PGMs to operate with
impunity also undermines government legitimacy and dramatically heightens
underlying grievances, tending to drive greater recruitment into antigovernment
groups. (DAY, 2020)

When widely analyzed, the presence of a paramilitary group tends to intensify

conflict, violence and tension within the occupied territory, apart from making the
post-conflict period more volatile and uncertain, corroding the pillars of an already weakened
State, the security of its citizens, the hope for peace and the respect of human rights (DAY,
2020).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 26

3 TOPIC B: THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN

Twenty years after being removed from power by the U.S.-led coalition, the Taliban is
back in control of Afghanistan, but, even before the American troop withdrawal, the country
had been facing political, economical and cultural issues. Before discussing the implications
of this change of power and the current situation in the country, it is essential to understand
how the Taliban came to be, the context of its creation and how those details reverberate
nowadays.

3.1 Historical background

The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan was a strategic location by the Silk Road, which
connected Asian culture to Europe since the early history of civilization (ALEXANDRE,
2022). Moreover, Afghanistan was officially recognized as a sovereign state for the
international community after signing the Treaty of Rawalpindi in 1919, following the Third
Anglo-Afghan War (KHAN; DIN, 2019).
At the time, Afghanistan became a monarchy ruled by Amanullah Khan, who
performed several reforms intended to modernize the country, such as abolishing the
traditional Muslim veil for women, and supporting women's education (KOHI; RUHANI,
2021). As a result of his policies, many tribal and religious leaders quickly withdrew their
support. Consequently, Amanullah was forced to renounce in January 1929, as a result of the
takeover of the country's capital, Kabul, by Habidullah Kalakani (ZEKROLLAH, 2017) .
Amanullah's cousin, Mohammed Nadir Khan, fought and defeated Kalakani in
November 1929. During his reign, he undid many of his cousin's reforms, while also taking a
more moderate and gradual approach to modernization. Mohammed Nadir was murdered in
1933, and succeeded by his son, Mohammad Zahir Shah, who reigned until 1973.
During Mohammed Zahir’s rule, existing ties with the Soviet Union (USSR) were
strengthened, and extremist parties had a rapid inception. After numerous corruption
accusations against the royal family, the former prime minister, Mohammad Sardar Daoud
Khan, cousin of the previous King, seized power in a coup d'état (AL-BAHITH, 2019). Sardar
tried to carry out economical and social reforms, but with little success, and even with the
promulgation of a new Constitution in 1977, he was unable to put an end to the political

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 27

instability in Afghanistan. Along his rule, Sadar drew closer to the Muslim countries, which
the Soviet Union did not take kindly, contributing thus to the end of his reign.
In 1978, after Akbar Khyber’s murder, members of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan (PDPA) accused the government of being responsible for the crime, and seized
power on April 27, 1978, through a military coup, which was named as the Saur Revolution.
In light of this, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan was founded with a liberal and
Marxist-Leninist agenda: they replaced religious laws for secular laws, women were included
in public life, an agrarian reform was promoted, and a secular State was foisted.
During the Cold War, Afghanistan had its biggest economic partner in the Soviet
Union, which helped with infrastructure reforms in the country. However, atheistic policies
led to the government's unpopularity, especially in rural areas, where revolts against the
government began to emerge. Thus, these groups suffered strong government reprisals.

3.1.1 The Taliban

As said, occupying a strategic place in Central Asia, the territories of Afghanistan
have been disputed for centuries because of factors such as its geolocation (strategic for
global geopolitics), important natural resources and for its deeply turbulent internal politics
(DE CASTRO; COOK; HERALD, 2021). However, the birth of the Taliban occurs in a much
more recent part of history.
It all starts in the context of the Cold War, in which Americans and Soviets were
fighting over who had more influence in the global geopolitical setting. Originally, the
Kingdom of Afghanistan was closer to the US and Western Europe, but in 1976 an internal
coup turned the country into a Republic that was more aligned with the Soviet Union.
However, little by little, this government would move away from the Soviet influence, until,
ultimately, being overthrown by the USSR, in 1978, in a coup, who invaded Afghanistan,
through the Communist Party, to take back control of the country (DE CASTRO; COOK;
HERALD, 2021). Thus, in the 70s, Afghanistan experienced enormous political instability:

Since 1973, the country has changed regimes, political systems, and outside
interveners with the frequency that most countries hold national elections. This
turmoil has led to decimated institutions, widespread fear and trauma, rampant
short-termism, and deep distrust within and between all major factions (THIER;
WORDEN, 2017, p.2).

In June 1978, a guerilla called Mujahideens was created in a scenario of rivalry

between the British and the Russians: to avoid an alliance between the Russian Czar and

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 28

Afghan tribes, the United Kingdom interfered in the succession of the Afghan government,
creating discontent among the population. The result was the development of the group
Mujahideens, which was formed by more than fifty factions (DE CASTRO; COOK;
HERALD, 2021).
That said, the scenario that paved the way for this fundamentalist Islamic group is one
of a country immersed in armed conflict. For ten years, from 1979 to 1989, Afghanistan was
ruled by the Soviets and lived in a state of war. Radical Islamic rebel guerilla groups, the
so-called Mujahideens, supported by countries like Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Iran and China, as
well as financed and trained by the United States, tried to overthrow the Soviet government
throughout this period, in a dispute that killed at least one million people (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
During the Cold War, the Mujahideens were in the center of attention once again,
fighting against the progressive Soviet-backed government ruled by Mohammed Taraki due to
a communist coup. The United States, Great Britain, and China sent weapons via Pakistan to
stop Soviet expansionism, and distributed them between the most fundamentalist Islamic
factions. The guerilla was getting stronger and even occupying significant areas of
Afghanistan, mainly rural areas, while the Soviet-backed army controlled the urban areas.
(DE CASTRO; COOK; HERALD, 2021).
The world sees the end of the Soviet Union in 1989, but it is only in 1992 that the last
Afghan communist government falls, and with the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from the
country, Afghanistan was plunged into civil war, with various groups fighting for power and
influence throughout the territory:

1989: The U.S., Pakistan, Afghanistan, and the Soviet Union sign peace accords in
Geneva guaranteeing Afghan independence and the withdrawal of 100,000 Soviet
troops. Following Soviet withdrawal, the Mujahideen continue their resistance
against the Soviet-backed regime of communist president Dr. Mohammad
Najibullah, who had been elected president of the puppet Soviet state in 1986.
Afghan guerrillas name Sibhatullah Mojadidi as head of their exiled government.
1992: The Mujahideen and other rebel groups, with the aid of turncoat government
troops, storm the capital, Kabul, and oust Najibullah from power. Ahmad Shah
Masood, legendary guerrilla leader, leads the troops into the capital. The United
Nations offers protection to Najibullah. The Mujahadeen, a group already beginning
to fracture as warlords fight over the future of Afghanistan, form a largely Islamic
state with professor Burhannudin Rabbani as president (DE CASTRO; COOK;
HERALD, 2021).

It was in this light that some Mujahideen guerrillas, particularly those in the regions
close to the Pakistani border, formed a militia, denominating the group as the Taliban. In the

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 29

main language spoken in Afghanistan, Pashtu, the word taliban translates to “students”. As
the name suggests, formed in 1994 by students from religious seminaries in northern Pakistan,
in schools financed by Saudi Arabia, the Taliban was built on a very conservative version of
Sunni Islam, prohibiting activities such as listening to music, and limiting human rights in the
name of religion, such as the prohibition of education for women (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
In little time, the Taliban expanded their sphere of influence beyond the Afghan border
into Pakistan. They entered the Afghan political scene as insurgents, with the promise of
restoring order, peace and security to the country, amid the chaos caused by the civil war.
Apart from that, they also promised to put in place, under the Taliban reign, their own version
of the Shari'a1 (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
In 1995, the Taliban managed to overthrow the regime of President Burhaniddin
Rabbani, one of the founders of the Mujahideens. After more than two years of confrontation,
in 1996, the Taliban took control of the capital Kabul and effectively began to govern the
country, even though the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the name of the Taliban regime, was
only recognized by three countries, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates, and not
by the rest of the world (DE CASTRO; COOK; HERALD, 2021).

3.1.2 The Taliban government (1996-2001)

As stated above, after the Soviet withdrawal and the American detachment from the
region after the end of the Cold War, a void of power was created, and as the Mujahideens
were already fractured because of the discontent among the warlords, the Taliban was
founded and a largely Islamic state was created, ruled by Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani (DE
CASTRO; COOK; HERALD, 2021).
By 1998, the Taliban controlled nearly 90% of the Afghan territory. Initially, they were
well received by the population, tired of decades of conflict and instability. The group’s main
appeal was an anti-communist narrative and the defense of the rigor of the law:

Afghans, weary of the mujahideen's excesses and infighting after the Soviets were
driven out, generally welcomed the Taliban when they first appeared on the scene.
Their early popularity was largely due to their success in stamping out corruption,
curbing lawlessness and making the roads and the areas under their control safe for
1
“Sharia is Islam's legal system. It is derived from the Quran, Islam's holy book, as well as the Sunnah and
Hadith - the deeds and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad. In Arabic, Sharia literally means "the clear,
well-trodden path to water". Sharia acts as a code for living that all Muslims should adhere to, including prayers,
fasting and donations to the poor. It aims to help Muslims understand how they should lead every aspect of their
lives according to God's wishes” (BRITISH BROADCAST CORPORATION, 2021, online).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 30

 commerce to flourish (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).

With a promise of peace and received by a population that has been facing poverty,
famine, and terrible living conditions, the Taliban settled a government of hope, promising
security, the end of the civil war, and inner discontents between the group. But the means in
which the Taliban acted were revealed, being done with violent methods, such as public
executions of people accused of murder and adultery, and the amputation of the hand of
someone who stole or robbed. They soon also showed themselves against the influence of the
United States in the region (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
Under the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, a government based on an extremely
conservative and oppressive interpretation of the Shari'a, even the appearance of men and
women was dictated by the Taliban. The men had to wear a beard and the women, the burqa2,
covering the whole body and face. They also banned television, music, cinema and prohibited
girls over ten years of age from attending school (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021).
The Taliban ruled over five years with a strict interpretation of Islam, which means
that music and television were prohibited, women could only go out with a male person, only
wear a full burka, and could not educate themselves. Violence was ordinary with public
punishments, rape, assaults, murders, and kidnappings being very common. This situation
created a wave of refugees trying to flee the country. However, everything changed on
September 11, 2001 (RUBIN, 2002).

3.2 The invasion of Afghanistan by the United States

But the scenario seen today, of Afghan domination by the Taliban, only began to
change after the biggest terrorist attack on American soil, the attack on the Twin Towers, in
New York, in September 2001, led by Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. The leaders of the
terrorist group, alongside Bin Laden himself, sought refuge within territories held by the
Taliban, an allied group of Al-Qaeda. At the time, the Taliban refused to hand over Osama,
and the United States responded by bombing Afghanistan and expelling the Taliban from
Kabul, starting a war that would last 20 years and claim over 240 thousand lives (BRITISH

2
It is important to state that the burqa and the hijab are different garments, both worn by women in
observance of Islamic modesty codes. While the hijab is a sort of headscarf worn by Muslim women when in the
presence of any male outside of their immediate family, the burqa, also know as chadaree, provides full body
coverage, being the covering of a woman’s face and eyes an important distinction between them.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 31

BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).

3.2.1 The terrorist attack of 9/11

On 11 September 2001, a series of events that permanently changed the world took
place in the United States of America (USA). The terrorist attacks that destroyed the World
Trade Center - one of the tallest structures in the world - and part of the Pentagon were
planned by the terrorist organization Al-Qaida. The group was founded and, at the time,
headed by Osama bin Laden, known worldwide as an Islamic extremist that saw Western
culture as his number one enemy (NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC, 2021).
Described by North American authorities as a new type of war, the attacks on 9/11
were articulated by nineteen jihadists3 who got on board of four American airplanes at the
airports of Boston, Washington and Newark. As detailed below, the aircraft were:

1. The American Airlines Flight 11 - The airplane had 81 passengers and 11 crew
members on board. It was hijacked by Mohamed Atta, who is indicated as the leader
of the attack, and 4 more terrorists. This aircraft crashed into the North Tower of the
World Trade Center, in New York City, and immediately caused a fireball to engulf
the floors 93 to 99 of the building, and later that morning, the North Tower
completely collapsed.
2. The United Airlines Flight 175 - The airplane had 56 passengers and 9 crew
members on board. It was hijacked by 5 terrorists and crashed into the South Tower
of the World Trade Center after the North Tower crashed.
3. The American Airlines Flight 77 - The airplane had 58 passengers and 6 crew
members on board and was hijacked by 5 terrorists. This aircraft crashed into the
west side of the Pentagon, which is the headquarters of the United States Department
of Defense.
4. The United Airlines Flight 93 - The airplane had 37 passengers and 7 crew
members on board and was crashed in a field in Pennsylvania after the passengers
overpowered the terrorists. (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
NEWS, 2018, online)

The attack led to the automatic mobilization of firefighters, police officers, first
responders, air traffic controllers, dispatch personnel, airline employees, pilots and citizens.
Shortly after an airplane crew member contacted a responder, the Federal Aviation Authority
grounded all flights across the USA in order to stop the attacks, and later that morning, the
mayor of New York City ordered the evacuation of South Manhattan (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION NEWS, 2018).

Image 5 - The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center

3
Jihad is a term generally translated as “Holy War”, which, in this case, targets all those who do not agree with
the radical and fundamentalist understanding of Islam, be they Christians, Jews, Buddhists or even Muslim
compatriots from other religious backgrounds (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 32

 Source: Isto é, [2021].

After the first airplane crashed, survivors could be seen hanging and jumping out of
the building. It is said by rescuers that they could hear the crashing sounds of the victims
falling out of the building before they entered the place. Later that morning, after burning for
56 minutes, the South Tower of the World Trade Center collapsed in 10 seconds, killing 800
people (FOX NEWS, 2008).

Image 6 - The Falling Man

Source: Richard Drew, [2021].

The events of 9/11 shaped the actual foundation of the United States of America and
the memory of that date still remains in the daily life of multiple civilians. As mentioned

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 33

during a speech by George W. Bush, who was then the President of the United States:

Time is passing. Yet, for the United States of America, there will be no forgetting
September the 11th. We will remember every rescuer who died in honor. We will
remember every family that lives in grief. We will remember the fire and ash, the last
phone calls, the funerals of the children. (BUSH, 2001)

The series of terrorist attacks known as 9/11, resulted in nearly 3,000 people killed,
thousands more injured, families destroyed and rescued workers still suffer from physical and
psychological health problems. (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).

3.2.2 The War on Terror

The events of the 9/11 terrorist attacks triggered major U.S. initiatives to combat
terrorism, and defined the presidency of George W. Bush, who declared a global “War on
Terror” military campaign, and called upon leaders of all the countries of the world after
declaring that “every nation is either with the US or with the terrorists”. The War on Terror is
an international, American-led military campaign that started a month after the 9/11 tragedy
and is still happening until the present day, but under different monikers. (CHOICES
PROGRAM, 2021).

The attack took place on American soil, but it was an attack on the heart and soul of
the civilized world. And the world has come together to fight a new and different war,
the first, and we hope the only one, of the 21st century. A war against all those who
seek to export terror, and a war against those governments that support or shelter them
(BUSH, 2001).

The war’s main target was the extremist group who claimed the authorship of the
terrorist attack, Al-Qaeda. Its creator, Osama bin Laden, was an extremist from the Sunni
branch of Islamism who sought to overpower the Shiites, the Jews and the Western countries,
the latter which he considered as the number one enemy to the expansion of Islam. Since
Al-Qaeda was working on dominating Afghanistan, the War on Terror began there, as
American troops invaded the nation in order to end Al-Qaeda and restore North American
supremacy (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
But, although being of significance to the US Government, the “War on Terror”, as
denominated by the American president George W. Bush, did not have as its sole objective to
kill Osama bin Laden, but to end, once and for all, the terrorism of the most radical groups
against the United States (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
In October 2001, the United States' and Great Britain’s airstrikes were launched in

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 34

Afghanistan, and more specifically, against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda training camps and
installations. As a consequence, the ground war began, with special forces sent by multiple
countries allied to the USA who deployed troops and also provided humanitarian aid to the
citizens of Afghanistan (HISTORY, 2020).

Image 7 - American soldiers in Afghanistan

Source: USA Today, [2021].

After nearly a decade of conflict, in 2011, Osama bin Laden, was found and
assassinated by US forces in Abbottabad, Pakistan. But, although being of significance to the
US Government, the “War on Terror”, as denominated by the American president George W.
Bush, did not have as its sole objective to kill Osama bin Laden, but to end, once and for all,
the terrorism of the most radical groups against the United States (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).

Image 8 - American soldier in Afghanistan

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 35

 Source: The Economist, [2021].

3.2.3 The American presence in Afghanistan

The reconstruction of Afghanistan supervised by North American authorities
eventually led to the creation of an Afghan Constitution in 2004. The Constitution established
a presidential system intended to unite the country’s various ethnic groups, instead of the
separatism nourished by the terrorist groups that worked on exterminating the civilians who
did not belong to the Sunni branch of Islam. It was after the creation of the Constitution that
Afghans were able to have their first democratically elected president (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
The paramilitary operations in Afghanistan are surrounded by controversies due to the
fact that they were enforced by both parties, American and the newly instated Afghan
governments. There is evidence that confirms the existence of paramilitary operations by the
American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), such operation had as its number one goal the
capture of Osama bin Laden and the monitoring of the pathway of terrorist groups around the
country (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
The American paramilitary operations were also responsible for saving American
soldiers and authorities, thanks to its capacity to go completely undercovered and get
infiltrated amongst the civilians. Those types of paramilitary operations were responsible for
interrupting multiple terrorist attacks, not only in Afghanistan, but also in another nations.
The War on Terror demanded the creation of new strategies by both parties, which contributed
to the development of more sophisticated operations in order to reestablish Afghanistan as a
country free of terrorist groups (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
After the election of Donald Trump, the new president went against the former

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 36

president’s plan and stood in favor of prolonging the war, while disconsidering a political
settlement with the Taliban. In light of this, the Trump Administration caused a new upsurge
of violence by the Taliban against the new plan. Within this framework, in February 2020, a
peace agreement was signed by the U.S. and the Taliban in which the latter affirmed that
Afghanistan was not going to harbor terrorist activities, but the agreement was unsuccessful
since it did not call for an immediate cease-fire (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021).
Under Joe Biden’s presidency, a plan was released to fully withdraw all the American
troops from Afghanistan. The end of the occupation of the country by the American soldiers
also marked the end of the United States of America’s longest war. Until the time of creation
of this Study Guide, even after the withdrawal of the American troops, there are still ongoing
paramilitary operations in Afghan territory.

3.3 The Taliban and the Afghan Government

With the expulsion of the Taliban and the disassociation of the Islamic Emirate of
Afghanistan, which lasted from 1996 to 2001, the country had democratic elections, saw
schools open for girls, but also witnessed the reorganization of the Taliban. But, that said, the
American offensive in Afghanistan never succeeded in extinguishing the Taliban’s influence,
as the group continued to control some southern rural areas and mountainous regions
(BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
One year after bin Laden’s death, a Taliban attack on Pakistani territory shocked the
world. Student Malala Yousafzai, who advocated girls’ right to education, was shot in the
head on her way home, in October 2012. At the time, the Taliban declared that she had been
targeted for advocating for a secular education, and not a religious one (NEW YORK TIMES,
2021). In other words, the Taliban remained active, ruled in some provinces and carried out
bloody attacks in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, even after being expelled from Kabul by
American troops in 2001 (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021). That
affirmation becomes clear in the words of Malala, in verbis:

I cannot help but think of my own childhood. When the Taliban took over my
hometown in Pakistan’s Swat Valley in 2007 and shortly thereafter barred girls from
getting an education, I hid my books under my long, hefty shawl and walked to
school in fear. Five years later, when I was 15, the Taliban tried to kill me for
speaking out about my right to go to school (NEW YORK TIMES, 2021, online).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 37

 As seen, the Taliban, despite having been removed from power, continued to act
against the American presence in Afghan territory, manifesting itself through terrorist attacks
and conflicts with foreign troops (DE CASTRO; COOK; HERALD, 2021). As an example,
there is the attack against an American helicopter, in August 2011, in which the soldiers who
murdered Osama bin Laden were assailed, resulting in thirty deaths. This attack demonstrates
that, even after ten years of conflict, the United States had not achieved anything concrete
regarding its objective, postulated by the War on Terror (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021).
On the contrary, the US presence in Afghanistan resulted in the emergence of new
terrorist groups, such as Islamic State K, and the strengthening of the previously existing
groups (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021). In that light, the War on
Terror would profoundly affect the dynamics in the Middle East, generating chaos and havoc
over the course of the next 20 years:

September 11, 2001 brought the United States to its knees with the worst terrorist
attack in the country's history. Soon afterward, part of the world saw a sharp
contrast: there were the good guys and the bad guys. "Every nation, every region,"
then President George W. Bush declared, nine days after the attacks, "now has a
decision to make. You're either with us or you're with the terrorists." The so-called
"war on terror" was declared. It has since led to the invasion of Afghanistan, then
Iraq, the rise of the Islamic State and the proliferation of Iranian-backed militias
across the Middle East, and the deaths of thousands of soldiers and civilians
(BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION BRASIL, 2021, translated by the
authors4).

But, that said, the question of why some Afghan civilians still stand by the Taliban
arises, even after years of war and terror brought by the conflict with the Americans. The
various reasons why some Afghan citizens support the Taliban, despite the complicated
history and the violent characteristics, are different, branching out in, basically, religious and
political ideologies (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
While some agree with the extremely conservative interpretation of Islam, others share
a patriotic and anti-colonial political placement, as a result of the decades of occupation by
foreign countries. Apart from the idealistic associations, some people have more day-to-day

4
In the original: “O 11 de setembro de 2001 deixou os Estados Unidos de joelhos com o pior ataque terrorista na
história do país. Logo depois, parte do mundo via um nítido contraste: havia os mocinhos e os vilões. "Cada
nação, cada região", declarou o então presidente George W. Bush, nove dias após os ataques, "agora tem uma
decisão a tomar. Ou você está conosco ou está com os terroristas.". A chamada "guerra ao terror" foi declarada.
Desde então, ela levou à invasão do Afeganistão, depois do Iraque, à ascensão do Estado Islâmico e à
proliferação de milícias apoiadas pelo Irã em todo o Oriente Médio, e à morte de milhares de soldados e civis.”
(BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION BRASIL, 2021).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 38

reasons for their support. To some, even in the 1990s, when in power, the Taliban are seen as
a group who can guarantee internal security, liberating the people from exploitation by the
corrupt politicians, militias and government officials, as well as foreigners trying to control
the territory:

"Many of us suffered when they were here. They killed our husbands, brothers,
children," he said. "I like the Taliban because they respect Islam. Women like me are
not like women in Kabul." She said that before the Taliban won, everyone was afraid
of the group. Now they are relieved that the war is over, he says (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION BRASIL, 2021, translated by the authors5).

With such combat and energy put into the war in Afghanistan by the United States
(US), the question that arises is that of how did the Taliban survive so many years against the
US, and where does the funding used to arm combatants come from?
In a 2018 BBC poll, it was shown that the Taliban’s budget reached nearly 1.5 billion
USD (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021). According to the American
government, 60% comes from drug production (UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 2016).
Afghanistan is the world’s largest producer of opium, the raw material for heroin, and most
farms and laboratories were in areas controlled by the Taliban (UNITED NATIONS OFFICE
ON DRUGS AND CRIME, 2021; BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021), as
stated, in verbis, “[...] since the 2001 U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan, the poppy trade has
played a critical destabilizing role, both in corrupting the Afghan government and police and
in bankrolling the resurgence of the Taliban” (PETERS, 2009, p. 1).
In addition to the drug trade, the Taliban also made money from tolls and taxes on
electricity and everything that was produced in occupied areas. Residents were charged a fee
in exchange for the supposed “security” that was offered (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021).
With money from drugs and tolls, the Taliban, although initially weakened by the US
offensive, continued attacks on civilians, military and foreign forces throughout the 20-year
war, waiting for an opportunity to return to power (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021).
Finally, in 2020, after twenty years of war, that chance became clearer when the
then-U.S. President Donald Trump signed an agreement with the Taliban, which called for the

5
In the original: ‘"Muitos de nós sofremos quando eles estavam aqui. Eles mataram nossos maridos, irmãos,
filhos", disse. "Eu gosto do Talebã porque eles respeitam o Islã. Mulheres como eu não são como as mulheres em
Cabul." Ela afirmou que antes de o Talebã vencer todos tinham medo do grupo. Agora, estão aliviados com o fim
da guerra, diz.’ (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION BRASIL, 2021).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 39

withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan and, in return, the militants would not
attack foreign forces and would commit to fighting extremist groups such as Al-Qaeda and
the Islamic State (UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 2020).
With the signing of the agreement, American soldiers were spared, but the Taliban
continued to attack Afghan civilians and soldiers (BRITISH BROADCASTING
CORPORATION, 2021). During an exclusive interview, reporter Secunder Kermani asked
senior Taliban Haji Hekmat the reason behind the attacks:

KERMANI: In the past year, you haven’t been fighting the Americans, you’ve been
fighting against other Afghans, other Muslims. HEKMAT: Our problem with the
government is that we want an Islamic system. We will continue with our jihad until
our terms are accepted (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021,
online).

As stated earlier, the Taliban defend a hyper-conservative reading of the Quran and
base its attacks on the idea of jihad (BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
Current U.S. President Joe Biden resolved to honor the agreement and withdrew US
troops in August 2021. A few weeks after most foreign personnel left the country, the
Taliban’s swift offensive reassured control of Afghanistan, taking the capital Kabul on August
15, 2021, contrary to the US Government’s prediction of takeover in more than a month’s
time (BRITISH BROADCAST CORPORATION, 2021).

Image 9 - Taliban took over as US pulled troops

Source: Council on Foreign Relations, 2021 apud Long War Journal, [2021].

Without the support of the US military, Afghan soldiers surrendered the cities to the
Taliban without offering resistance. The Afghan president at the time, Ashraf Gani, fled the

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 40

country on the grounds of wanting to “prevent flood of bloodshed” (ANADOLU AGENCY,
2021).
The question now is if the Taliban will operate a regime as conservative and violent as
the past, when it was in power in between 1996 and 2001, and if women will lose all their
rights. In an interview with presenter Yalda Hakim, a Taliban spokesperson, Suhail Shaheen,
said that women will be able to study and work, as long as they agree to the terms determined
by the regime, as summarized, in verbis, “[...] the policy is that women can have access to
education and to work and, of course, they will observe the hijab, and that’s it” (BRITISH
BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
At the first press conference since taking power, the Taliban said it will not take
revenge on people who worked for foreign forces and that women will be able to work and
study within the structures of the new regime, although not detailing what that means
(BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION, 2021).
With the withdrawal of the United States and other foreign countries, the question that
remains is whether the 20 years of conflict, trillions of dollars spent and the countless lives
claimed by such an extensive, political and violent conflict was “worth it”. According to the
Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs (2021), in “Cost of War'', about 241,000
people have been killed in the Afghanistan and Pakistan war zone since 2001, and more than
71,000 of those killed have been civilians (BROWN UNIVERSITY, 2021). In that same
dossier, they conclude their key findings, in verbis:

- As of April 2021, more than 71,000 Afghan and Pakistani civilians are estimated to
have died as a direct result of the war.
- The United States military in 2017 relaxed its rules of engagement for airstrikes in
Afghanistan, which resulted in a massive increase in civilian casualties.
- The CIA has armed and funded Afghan militia groups who have been implicated in
grave human rights abuses and killings of civilians.
- Afghan land is contaminated with unexploded ordnance, which kills and injures
tens of thousands of Afghans, especially children, as they travel and go about their
daily chores.
- The war has exacerbated the effects of poverty, malnutrition, poor sanitation, lack
of access to health care, and environmental degradation on Afghans’ health
(BROWN UNIVERSITY, 2021).

What can effectively be known about the new Taliban regime and administration of
the Afghan government is the result of analysis of its historical roots, its previously instated
regime and the aspects of its ascension, but other factors should also be taken into
consideration, being it essential to look at the country’s situation from a humanitarian
perspective, therefore understanding the conjecture of implications that the Talibans’ regime

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 41

will have on Afghanistan.

3.4 The humanitarian crisis faced by Afghanistan

According to the head of UN Food Program, David Beasley, the ongoing chapter of
Afghanistan’s history positions the country as “the worst humanitarian crisis on Earth”
(BRITISH BROADCASTING COMPANY, 2021). Abdallah Al Dardari, resident
representative for the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Afghanistan outlines
the catastrophic numbers: over 60% of Afghanistan's 38.93 million people call for immediate
humanitarian aid (SAVE THE CHILDREN, 2021). This section is directed to explore some
fractions of the crisis, namely: economy, health, education, women, children and refugees.

3.4.1 Economy
As of now, Afghanistan is the poorest country in Asia and the second in the world. In
eight years (2012-2020), the country’s income per capita has declined over 23% and, since the
reestablishment of Taliban rule in August 2021, specialists expect a further 30% decline,
making the income of a ‘medium Afghan’ 46% lower to what it was in the previous decade
(VON HEIN, 2021).
In the current context, most of the decreasing is represented by the frozen foreign
resources: following the takeover, most of the global powers – with the striking exceptions of
China, which declared the continuation of relations between the countries one day after the
takeover, and Russia – put an end to donations and distribution of resources in the country as
a mean to oppose the Taliban government. Seeing that even in the previous democratic
government 70% of Afghan income is estimated to have originated from international support
and foreign aid, the international reaction to the Taliban takeover has thus greatly contributed
to the lessening of the Afghan economy (VON HEIN, 2021).
Adding to a more dire situation in Afghanistan, the banking system was disabled.
However, in hope of halting Afghanistan’s currency - Afghani - and people from fleeing out
of the country, the Taliban government reopened the banking system with the limitation to
allow withdrawals only up to 20 thousand Afghanis per week, an amount corresponding to a
monthly 8000 Euro (VON HEIN, 2021).
This sum may seem agreeable or even outstanding when compared to the average
monthly income of 4000 Euro in Germany, for example. However, it is worth noting that the
withdrawal amount Afghans are restricted to cannot be justly compared with the German

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 42

wage. Even if 2 times higher, the money found in the Afghan bank accounts is constituted
mostly by life savings. Meanwhile, the Afghan medium income is 450 Euros, more than 8
times lower than the German average (TRADING ECONOMICS, 2021).
On another note, because of its continuing depreciation in exchange rates, the Afghani,
Afghanistan’s currency, lost its value in commerce and its relevance in international trading.
Traders from Pakistan, a neighboring country and Afghanistan’s second-best trading partner,
are restricting their dealings to be paid in foreign currency due to the decreasing market value
of the Afghani (TRADING ECONOMICS, 2021; BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK,
2021).
On this basis, since the normal currency has ceased, Afghan exports face grave danger.
Even more worrisome is the import scenario: being mostly unable to deal with foreign
countries, Afghanistan faces de-escalation of production and industry and concerningly heavy
shortages of goods (BRITISH BROADCASTING COMPANY, 2021).
Set aside from the crumbling economic scene stands the drug-related businesses. In
consonance with a report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC),
Afghanistan is accountable for more than four-fifths of world production and supply of
opium. The opium produced in Afghanistan is extracted from poppies, that is, the plant
Papaver somniferum, a natural postcard of the nation and commonly associated with it. After
extraction, the opium can be sold and consumed ‘in natura’ or be processed into heroin (VON
HEIN, 2021).
As soon as it occupied political control over the country, the Taliban assumed the
compromise to stop opium production and to regulate its market. That is far from reality.
Opium is openly cultivated and freely traded in markets, even under the knowing eye of the
Taliban. Concerning this, Taliban’s spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid stated that "They [the
Taliban] cannot take it away from the people [drug production and selling] without giving
something else.” (VON HEIN 2021, online).

Image 10 - A Taliban man in a poppy field

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 43

 Source: Deutsche Welle, 2021.

The range of cultivation for Afghans in the agro-industry is usually ample. Four of the
top five Afghan exports are in this category: grapes, insect resins, nuts, and tropical fruits,
responsible respectively for $214M, $129M, $113M, $97,4M of the trading balance
(TRADING ECONOMICS, 2021). Yet, nowadays, the costs of production for commodities
usually supersede the asking price paid by customers. The case is not so for opium also
because of the Taliban. When the Taliban announced the ban on production and trading of the
Papaver somniferum, the prices skyrocketed, going as far as a 100% rise when compared to
prices before August 2021. As the cultivation of poppies to the production of opium on the
only profitable culture remaining, many Afghan farmers and cultivators have yielded to its
farming (VON HEIN, 2021).
Besides economical, catalysts for the low agricultural production in Afghanistan also
include matters of a natural order. Afghanistan is living through a water shortage: 25 out of 34
provinces in the country have been hit by the worst drought in decades (THE DIPLOMAT,
2021). Therefore, opium, a commodity whose production requires a low hydric level and is
well-placed in the market, is a way-out option for a worn economy and for desperate farmers.
In view of this, should the Taliban go through with their pledge to bring opium production to
an end, it would force the farming community into producing wheat. Previously the main
protagonist of Afghanistan’s import trade, wheat is currently an unprofitable commodity,
besides being highly water-dependent (VON HEIN, 2021).
The disheveling trade balance and the boom of drugs production has taken a toll on the
market. Within the first month of Taliban rule the Afghan economy is estimated to be weighed
down by a rise of 50% in prices (VON HEIN, 2021). Petroleum, a commodity which holds

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 44

place as the main Afghan import, has felt a rise in prices from the order of 75%. Similarly, the
prices for food items, a category that moves 14% of the import trade balance, were drastically
affected. On this basis, while prices go upwards, Afghan’s purchasing power goes downwards
(TRADING ECONOMICS, 2021; REUTERS, 2021).
And the situation does not differ for income. The Taliban seizure of the country was
followed by a contraction of corporate and enterprise activity which left many destitute of a
job. Afghanistan, a country that reached an unemployment rate of 11.73% in 2020, is
expected to have a 10% rise in unemployment, achieving by the end of 2021 a mark of 5
million people out of work (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
As for the Afghans that remain employed, salaries often go unpaid for weeks, and
when the wages are paid, there is a 24-hour-long queue to withdraw the money (VON HEIN,
2021). Notably, professionals from the medical field and public employees are not exempted
from this. Whereas the aforedescribed state of affairs is worrisome, the strain on the Afghans'
social conditions goes deeper. As of now, one-third of Afghanistan's demographics live with
under 2 USD a day, a number alarmingly close to the 1,90 USD stipulated by the World Bank
as a poverty threshold (REUTERS, 2021).
Hunger and starvation are looming all over Afghanistan. According to the United
Nations Food Programme, 98% of the Afghan population are left without enough food on
their plates (SAVE THE CHILDREN, 2021). Unable to sustain their day-to-day necessities,
many Afghans turn to alternative ways to earn money. During the first weeks after the
reestablishment of Taliban rule, beds, furniture, cutlery, plates, and jars were commonly
displayed in the streets as an informal market for household items (VON HEIN, 2021).
However, the simple selling of home furnishings did not manage to close the gap in
the Afghan’s pockets. In that sense, Afghans have resorted to human trade. According to
Mohammad Naiem Nazem, human rights activist in the Afghan city of Banghis, the selling of
children by their families in Afghanistan has increased since the take-over. Selling children, in
particular girls, is not an uncommon practice in Afghanistan. On the contrary, scaffolding a
marriage market, it is usual for Afghan families to have their girls sold into matrimony (THE
GUARDIAN, 2021).
The present distinction lies in the age youngsters are marketed. Previously, the engines
of demand and supply targeted children in their late childhood years (CABLE NEWS
NETWORK, 2021). In the marriage-market, for instance, young girls were sold in their
pre-teens, though the buyers could only expect to have them ‘delivered’ as they reached

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 45

puberty, as until then, the girls ought to stay with their families (THE GUARDIAN, 2021).
This is so in order to follow Afghanistan’s ‘legal age’ for marrying off, which is 15 years of
age. Now, by comparison, families are parting with their children at a much younger age.
(CABLE NEWS NETWORK, 2021).

3.4.2 Health
Perhaps in greater straps than the economic situation, the health care system in
Afghanistan is collapsing. The health services in the country relied heavily upon international
support and, since 600 million dollars of foreign resources have been frozen, the health care
system in Afghanistan is on the verge of collapse, with over 90% of Afghan provinces liable
to completely lose health care services (PUBLIC BROADCASTING SERVICE, 2021).
This plight of health affairs is distressing, particularly due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Having only 10% of its population vaccinated and only 7.7% of 39 hospitals engaged in the
coronavirus response in a functional state, experts fear that by the beginning of 2022
Afghanistan may be headed to a fourth covid wave (United Nations, 2021). Dr. Wahid
Majrooh, acting Minister of Health, surmises the condition of the Afghanistan health system
as it follows:

Approximately 150 mothers will be deprived of Cesarean sections every day. Patients
that are admitted to the hospitals, unfortunately, are not provided with food at least, or
with oxygen. If health service delivery in contribution to the sector is politicized, we
will witness a human price. We will witness a collapse (PUBLIC BROADCASTING
SERVICE, 2021).

Furthermore, Afghanistan is going under severe disease outbreaks. According to

UNICEF, cholera, polio, malaria, measles, acute malnutrition, watery diarrhea, dengue, and
COVID-19 are some of Afghanistan's pathology arsenal (UNICEF, 2021; UNITED
NATIONS, 2021). On this note, malnutrition is the most worrisome subject, bringing hunger
as a matter of decisive priority. Before the Taliban retook control of Afghanistan, the
malnutrition numbers varied seasonably, increasing during summer months and decreasing in
the autumn and winter period. Now, however, instead of declining, the number of people,
especially children, suffering from malnutrition amounts to an even higher number in the
colder months (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
Intensifying the health crisis is the months-old unpaid wages of medical and
healthcare-related personnel. Given this, most Afghan healthcare workers cannot afford their
daily food, nor their transportation to the workplace (BRITISH BROADCASTING

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 46

NETWORK, 2021). Nonetheless, the Taliban is not taking measures to attain control over the
state’s health condition. Similar to the healthcare state of affairs in the former government,
which was for the most part subsidized by foreign organizations and entities, the Taliban is
not holding itself accountable for the ongoing healthcare affairs and the foreseeable
consequences of a failing health apparatus; neither is the government trying to prevent further
waves of disease, or providing the lacking medical supplies and the payment of the healthcare
staff salaries (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
Instead, in response to the aforedescribed situation and Afghanistan's humanitarian
crisis, Taliban’s spokesperson Suhail Shaheen claimed the following:

The international community has a hand in that because they have imposed sanctions
and other measures which led to the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. I think that
the international community and other countries are speaking of human rights, they
should consider not to take steps which may lead to a humanitarian crisis in
Afghanistan (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).

3.4.3 Education
It is worth noting that present-day education in Afghanistan only pertains to the
individuals of the male gender. Since August, all the female-gendered population has been
banned from education, while the Taliban claim that they will be able to resume their studies
“as soon as possible” (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021). More than a
hundred days past the take-over, however, Afghan girls are still deterred from partaking in
education. On another note, the towering state of hunger gripping the country propelled a
mass school dropout of Afghanistan’s boyhood. Amidst an economic crisis, rising
unemployment rates and women still being unable to join the workforce, 20% of Afghan
children must retire from education to help supplement the family’s deficient income
(HUMANIUM, 2021).

Image 11 - Afghan boys polishing shoes to earn money

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 47

 Source: BBC News, 2021.

3.4.3 Women
Throughout the Taliban's previous five-year rule, women were deprived of individual
rights. Banned from work and education, women were restricted to domestic work and
maternal duties. Taking this into account, non-governmental organizations, activists and
women in all spheres of society concerned themselves with the harrowing prospects for
women should a second Taliban rule arise, following the U.S. military evacuation from
Afghan soil (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
In contrast to the planned departure, the U.S. troops and delegations exited
Afghanistan in a state of mayhem by virtue of the reestablishment of Taliban rule over the
country. The chaos that followed saw a notable change in women’s status throughout the
nation. Given that in the previous Taliban rule women were prohibited from having their faces
shown, in and outside the Afghan capital images and murals depicting women were defaced
and painted over, as means to cover their identities and prevent them from being targets of
persecution (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
The Taliban reacted to this wave of fear by sharing the intent of pursuing a more
moderate standpoint towards women’s affairs. As a result of the attempt to be recognized by
the international community, the Taliban government would defer to a more ‘diplomatic’
reasoning towards their view of women (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
In a conference following the acquisition of control over Kabul, Taliban spokesperson
Zabiullah Mujahid claimed that Afghan women and men are entitled to the same rights. On
the same note, a decree released by the Taliban government on December 3rd stating that
“[b]oth [women and men] should be equal” reassured the group’s official position on the

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 48

matter. On this note, Taliban chief Hibatullah Akhundzada announced in the same month a
different take on the Taliban's supported practices, and possibly, beliefs surrounding marriage:
women would no longer be forced to contract marriage against their will (THE
WASHINGTON POST, 2021).
However, even though Taliban's spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid affirmed that the
consent of an adult woman is a requirement for contracting matrimony, a legal age for
marriage was not reset, therefore remaining the previously adopted legal age of sixteen.
Zabiullah Mujahid also designated the implementation of the aforementioned measures as a
responsibility of Afghanistan's “relevant institutions” (TOLONEWS, 2021).

Image 12 - Afghanistan’s former Ministry of Women’s Affairs replaced by the Ministry of Vice and Virtue – the
‘relevant institution’ aforementioned

Source: Hindu Stan Times, 2021.

Besides suppressing the Afghan democratic system due to it being unfounded in the
country, Taliban’s senior commander Wahidullah Hashimi declares that the political system,
and by extension, belief system, should be based on the Shari'a: In this regard, the Taliban has
since asserted women's rights not as inalienable, but held to the limits of the Shari'a. Yet, there
are no texts within the Muslim code, written or consuetudinary, that denote the treatment of
women and the imposed gender disparity in which the Taliban engage into. It is the Taliban's
understanding of the Islamic texts that presupposes the lessening of women and the
restrictions foisted on them (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
Within this framework, when asked whether women could operate into high work
positions, precipitously within the Afghan government office, a Taliban military commander
professed that it was at present an unlikely resolution. According to him, women might be

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 49

able to hold a place in high office positions in the future, as long as the current government
regains Afghanistan's 'virtue' lost in two decades of non-Taliban dominion. A similar
approach is presented by the mayor of Afghanistan's capital: Kabul's female municipal
employees were dismissed from their functions and directed to stay at home unless their
positions could not be superseded by a man (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK,
2021).
However, Taliban's restrictions on women are not limited to their professional lives.
Akin to their female counterparts in the workspace, women are 'postponed' from entering
schools and undergoing classes until educational institutions are 'secure' for them. In light of
this, present-day Afghanistan is the only country on a global sphere to halt about half of its
demographic (48.3%) from employment and from accessing institutional education (BRITISH
BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
Furthermore, approximately three months in power, the Taliban went back on its
aforementioned discourse of not repeating the prohibitions on women’s rights, especially in
regard to their public standing. The Taliban restrains women from displaying themselves in
public without wearing a headscarf and also restricted women's media representation.
Although the majority of Afghan entertainment has females as leading figures, women are
currently hindered from taking lead roles in ongoing and future productions (BRITISH
BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
Consequently, women are disappearing from functions in government, from the
workplace, from schools, from the broadcast and print media, that is, from features and
aspects of public life altogether (UNITED NATIONS OFFICE OF THE HIGH
COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, 2022). Nevertheless, in this contentious
scenario, women are not resting idle. After the onset of the Taliban rule in August, there have
been nationwide protests against the Taliban proceedings on women’s affairs (GANDHARA,
2021).

3.4.4 Children
Presently, the UNDP stipulates that almost 13 million Afghan children are under the
necessity of imperative help (SAVE THE CHILDREN, 2021). Although a striking amount in
itself, the aforementioned quantity takes a darker turn when compared to the total children
demographics in the country. 16.28 million people - 41.83% of Afghanistan's population - are
composed of individuals up to 14 years of age. In light of this, 80% of the Afghan children are
in the famine spectrum, facing malnourishment, disease, and ultimately death (STATISTA,

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 50

2022).
The framework of the humanitarian situation regarding children can be further detailed
by comparing the reality of Afghan children and the United Nations Convention on the Rights
of the Child, an international human rights treaty on childhood and children, which states:

Article 7 1. The child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the
right to a name, the right to acquire a nationality and, as far as possible, the right to
know and be cared by his or her parents. 2. States Parties shall ensure the
implementation of these rights in accordance with their national law and their
obligations under the relevant international instruments in this field, in particular
where the child would be otherwise stateless.
Article 24 1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to the enjoyment of the
highest attainable standard of health and to facilities for the treatment of illness and
rehabilitation of health. States Parties shall strive to ensure that no child is deprived of
his or her right of access to such health care services. 2. States Parties shall pursue full
implementation of this right and, in particular, shall take appropriate measures: (a) To
diminish infant and child mortality; (b) To ensure the provision of necessary medical
assistance and health care to all children with emphasis on the development of
primary health care. (c) To combat disease and malnutrition, including within the
framework of primary health care, though, inter alia, the application of readily
available technology and through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean
drinking water, taking into consideration the dangers and risks of environmental
pollution; (d) To ensure appropriate pre-natal and post-natal health care for mothers.
(CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD, 1989)

The situation in Afghanistan is in contradiction with Article 7 paragraphs 1 and 2. An

added group of reasons, consisting mostly of geographically sparse medical facilities, lack of
health supplies, and a deeply rooted patriarchal system contribute significantly for the
majority of children in Afghanistan to be born out of reach of law and bureaucratic structures
(HUMANIUM, 2021).
On this basis, the Taliban is a ruling entity based on military and belligerent power,
whose current regime, as the previous, severely lacks bureaucratic administration, including
the overseeing of birth certifications. Consequently, 94% of Afghan children are not
registered, and do not own a birth certificate inscribed with birthdate, name, filiation, and
nationality (HUMANIUM, 2021).
In those circumstances, the absence of a legal jurisprudence over birth registration
makes 94% of Afghan children deficient in legal existence. In that way, they are undetectable
to their country’s government and foreign entities as well. In cases such as this, the lack of an
official identity makes for an almost complete upending of civilian rights. If there is a need to
flee the country, children are not able to apply for asylum or enter another nation by attaining
legal refugee status. Hence, to escape their country, they must opt for illegal or, at the very
least, alternative byways. An example of this is the families of some Afghan children handing

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 51

them to American soldiers during the first days of the takeover (HUMANIUM, 2021).
There are also violations of Article 24, paragraph 2, incise (a) of the Convention. With
a fertility rate of 4,1 children born to a woman, Afghanistan has one of the highest birth rates
internationally. The country grows at about a pace of 2.34% a year: two children are born
every minute; 2880 are born during the expanse of a day (SAVE THE CHILDREN, 2021).
Alongside its high birth rate, Afghanistan also holds a high place in the regard of death
rates, especially in the age groups that include children: 212 Afghan children die every day;
40% do not reach one year of age, and 5.5% do not surpass the mark of 5 years (UNICEF,
2021; THE WASHINGTON POST, 2016). According to an annual population survey by the
United Nations, the infant mortality rate in Afghanistan, the highest in the world, lies at
25.7%. That is five times higher than the global rate of 51 deaths per 1,000 births, or a
mortality rate of 5.1% (REUTERS, 2021).
Article 24, paragraphs 1 and 2, and incises (b) and (c) are likewise not implemented.
Healthcare in Afghanistan is geographically sparse and a challenge. The pillar of the nation’s
healthcare system, the Sehatmandi Project, is responsible for over 76% of the health units
throughout the country, although only 17% of its numbers are able to provide health services
functionally. Before the Taliban seized the country, Afghanistan had 3,000 healthcare facilities
sponsored by international funding. Since foreign resources have been cut, more than 90% of
these facilities risk closing. This prospect is perilous, in particular when it comes to children's
specialized health units (WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION, 2021).
The Indira Gandhi Child Hospital, full of acute malnutrition cases, is one of many
whose resources do not suffice for the payment of its employees or the buying of depleted
medical supplies (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021). In light of this, children
are not only just liable to not be able to reach a medical unit, but also risk non-admittance due
to low medical supplies, unpaid staff, and overcrowding of Afghanistan health wards. Hence,
3.2 million Afghan children under 5 years old are sickened with acute malnutrition and on the
brink of death (UNITED NATIONS, 2021).

Image 13 - An Afghan child receiving a red band by a nurse, meaning severe malnourishment

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 52

 Source: British Broadcasting Network, 2021.

Lastly, 87% of the children born in Afghanistan do so from their homes (HUMANIUM,
2021). Hospitals are scarcely found throughout the country and, since the Taliban came into
power, the healthcare system of only 3 out of 34 provinces in Afghanistan remain functional.
That leaves a number of less than 400 facilities operating across the country (SAVE THE
CHILDREN, 2021; HUMANIUM, 2021).
Within this framework, pregnant women rarely count on healthcare and medical
assistance both during the pregnancy and after the birth, in contradiction with Article 24,
paragraph 2, incise (d) of the Convention. In reality, medically assisted births account for less
than 60% of the child deliveries in the country. Many do not even have access to a midwife,
delivering the child with the help of their family members. As a consequence, 12.5% of the
mothers are lost to child delivery, and 35% of the newborns come to this world underweight
(HUMANIUM, 2021).
The information presented above corroborates the statement of Daniel Toole, South
Asia regional director for UNICEF, claiming that “Afghanistan today is without a doubt the
most dangerous place to be born.” (REUTERS, 2021).

3.4.5 Refugees and displaced people

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) defines ‘refugee’ as
“someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a
well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of
a particular social group, or political opinion”. In short, the UNHCR considers a refugee a
person fleeing their country for reasons of either conflict, persecution, or natural disaster, as
per the Refugee Convention of 1951. In accordance with the UNHCR, a total of 2.6 million

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 53

Afghans sought refuge in another country. Within this framework, Afghanistan has the
world’s third-largest refugee population (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR
REFUGEES, 2021).
In addition to this, 3.5 million are internally displaced within Afghanistan’s borders,
676 thousand only in 2021. Out of Afghanistan’s displaced people, 80% belong to the female
gender, and 400 thousand are under 18 (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR
REFUGEES, 2021). Border areas and central highlands concentrate the largest inflow of
internally displaced persons (IDPs), especially near Tajikistan (BRITISH BROADCASTING
COMPANY).
IDPs are set apart from ‘refugees’ by reason of geographical order. Refugees seek
refuge outside the borders of their native country, while IDPs relocate themselves within their
homeland (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES, 2021).
Therefore, in consonance with the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, UNHCR
delineates as ‘internally displaced’:

Persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or leave their
homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid
the effects of armed conflict situations of generalized violence, violations of human
rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an
internationally recognized border (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER
FOR REFUGEES, 2021).

As the democratic government fell in the first weeks of August, many opted to flee
Afghanistan. At the time, the Head of the Afghanistan Human Rights Organization, Lal Gul
Lal, asserted the right of Afghan citizens in the possession of legal documents to leave the
country. This was the compromise made by the Taliban’s Political Office through the Deputy
Head Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanekzai. The Taliban avowed the safe departure of Afghans
from the country as long as they had possession of legal travel documents (MUSAVI, 2021).
Notwithstanding, in a statement given on August 24, the Taliban’s spokesperson,
Zabiullah Mujahid, pronounced the group’s position as follows: “We (the Taliban) want all
foreigners gone by August 31st , and we are not in favor of any Afghans leaving.”
(EURONEWS, 2021, online). The Taliban showed their displeasure through reprisals and
death threats. Hoping to exit Afghanistan, two thousand people camped for weeks in
Ishkashim near the border with Tajikistan, but were forced to decamp, as the Taliban
threatened their lives (GANDHARA, 2021). Along the same line, in order to avoid mass
fleeing, the Afghan people are no longer allowed to enter airport facilities (VON HEIN,

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 54

2021).
Prohibited from leaving the Taliban Emirate, many Afghans must resort to illegal
approaches to depart from Afghanistan, making the country a hotspot in the
migrant-smuggling network (THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, 2021). Smuggling hubs are
operating openly in Afghanistan’s borders. Previously, human traffickers bribe corrupt
officials to smuggle people out of the country. Now, under the Taliban regime, they need not
recur to illegal procedures for the sake of human trafficking. Instead, they only have to pay a
small fee per trunk that crosses the border. Each trunk crowded with eighteen to twenty
people is worth around ten or eleven dollars, an amount equivalent to more than a thousand
Afghani (BRITISH BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021).
The most sought destinations are Iran and Pakistan. According to the UN, both
countries are already responsible for over 80% of Afghan registered refugees. Regarding its
1.4 million Afghan refugees, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs pronounced: “We are the
country that has the greatest number of Afghan refugees right now. It is very clear that we
would not like to have more.” Notwithstanding, Afghanistan’s land borders with both
Pakistan and Iran are open, albeit roughly only for legal migrants. In light of this, official
borders remain shut for most of Afghanistan’s population as both neighboring countries are
only admitting the entrance of Afghan refugees with the necessary travel permissions and
documents, such as passports and visas (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR
REFUGEES, 2021).
On the other side of the spectrum, countries such as Tajikistan and Uzbekistan have
their land borders with Afghanistan completely closed (THE DIPLOMAT, 2021). Their stand
is criticized by The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, who
declares: “When the airlift and the media frenzy are over, the overwhelming majority of
Afghans, some 39 million, will remain inside Afghanistan. (…). They must be able to
exercise their rights to seek international protection, and borders must be kept open for them
for this purpose” (UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES, 2021).

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 55

CONCLUSION

The first topic depicts ‘Addressing of civilians in areas occupied by paramilitary

groups’, whereas Topic B delves into ‘The situation in Afghanistan’. Although both topics are
somewhat distinguished in terms of subject, there is an underlying connection lining them
together: the source of their predicaments. Their conjoint aspects do not, however, suffice to
affirm interchangeable similarities which would result in the Topics being redundant. Instead,
there is a cause and consequence relation that makes one topic reference the other. On this
basis, while Topic A argues for a broad theory, Topic B is a narrow example.
As mentioned in Topic A, the insurgence of paramilitary groups is heavily related to
the State’s cohesiveness and well-functioning. Just as well, though not explicitly implied, the
‘Situation in Afghanistan’ is tied to a paramilitary group, one that emerged from
Afghanistan’s incohesive and nonfunctional State: the Taliban. In this regard, Afghanistan’s
State frailty relies mostly on the workings of sovereignty. One of the main bases of a State,
‘sovereignty’ is defined, according to Jellinek, as “the denial of all subordination or limitation
of the State by any other power”. Correspondingly, Afghanistan has been hindering its state
sovereignty for decades, whereas the exercise of absolute power by a non-statal agency has
only expanded.
Afghanistan firstly exposed its absence of external sovereignty by being occupied by
foreign powers, such as the United States and Russia. Moreover, it was during the Cold War
between those global powers that the world saw the birth of the Taliban. Contingent upon that,
it also acknowledged its lack of internal sovereignty when the statal power was subdued and
then expunged by the exercise of absolute power of the Taliban. The Taliban fits into the
paramilitary category by reason of its conjoining the State on the use of force and is
historically aligned with the emergence of state-parallel paramilitary groups. A clear
understanding of its belonging into Aliyev’s duo classification is, however, not achievable due
to the changes and somewhat volatility that the Taliban experiences since its engenderment.
From August 15th forward, the Taliban occupies a blurred line in the Aliyev’s
paramilitary group’s classification. Aliyev distinguishes state-parallel and manipulated
paramilitary groups regarding their willingness to partake in illegal sponsorship. Previously,
not even the Taliban's seek of legitimacy and official standing before society put an end to the
group’s subsiding by drugs. It was only after months into power (in 2021) that the halting of

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 56

drug production and distribution was an objective supported by the Taliban. Despite the
design not following through, the group’s change in perception from being unabashedly
sponsored by the drug market to make claims of prohibiting drug trade allowed the Taliban, in
this prerogative, to draw a line with state-parallel paramilitary groups.
Contrarily, the Taliban goes against the state-parallel approach concerning its official
acknowledgement by a legal and recognised governing entity. Within this framework, Hamid
Karzai, President of Afghanistan from 22 December 2001 to 29 September 2014, declared the
following: “This is country. This country belongs to us. During my time in office, I would call
the Taliban our brothers. It was exactly with the same purpose in mind that I called them
brothers. This is your country (to the Taliban). Let’s build it together. Let’s unite.”. (BRITISH
BROADCASTING NETWORK, 2021, online). Hence, the Taliban is left with no apparent
paramilitary classification by virtue of the democratic government's insufficient influence
over the group and its disinclination in taking part in the Taliban’s political outcast.
In those circumstances, one of the most worrisome prospects when a paramilitary
group assumes charge of a country is the civil affairs. Paramilitary groups build their
organization towards the act of belligerent power. They are not versed neither in
administration, neither in statal superintendence, nor in the structural needs a country is
endorsed. In light of this, the UNSC is of crucial importance to the upholding of human rights
and the continued survival of the State and, more importantly, the population of the countries
afflicted with paramilitary groups.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 57

REFERENCES

ALIYEV, H. Strong Militias, Weak States and Armed Violence: Towards a Theory of
‘State-Parallel’ Paramilitaries. Security Dialogue, vol. 47, n. 6, Sage Publications, Ltd.,
2016, pp. 498–516. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010616669900. Access on: 10
nov. 2021.

AMERICAN COALITION AGAINST NUCLEAR IRAN. Hezbollah: An Introduction.

United Against Nuclear Iran, jun. 2018. Available at:
https://hezbollah.org/sites/default/files/2018-11/About%20Hezbollah%20Profile_110218.pdf.
Access on: 27 feb. 2022.

ANADOLU AGENCY. Afghanistan's president says he left country to 'prevent flood of

bloodshed', 15 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/afghanistans-president-says-he-left-country-to-prevent-f
lood-of-bloodshed-/2336160. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

AZAMI, D. Afghanistan: How do the Taliban make money?. 27 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-46554097. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

BAHOUT, J. The Unravelling of Lebanon’s Taif Agreement: Limits of Sect-Based Power

Sharing. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 16 may 2016.
Available at:
https://carnegieendowment.org/2016/05/16/unraveling-of-lebanon-s-taif-agreement-limits-of-
sect-based-power-sharing-pub-63571. Access on: 19 feb. 2022.

BARR, H. List of Taliban Policies Violating Women’s Rights in Afghanistan. Human Rights
Watch, [2021]. Available at:
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/09/29/list-taliban-policies-violating-womens-rights-afghanist
an. Access on: 19 nov. 2021.

BEEDE, B. Semi-military and Paramilitary Organizations. London: Oxford University

Press, 2013.

______. The Roles Of Paramilitary And Militarized Police. Journal of Political & Military
Sociology, vol. 36, no. 1, pp. 53–63. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008.

BÖHMELT, T.; CLAYTON, G. Auxiliary Force Structure: Paramilitary Forces and Pro
Government Militias. Comparative Political Studies, vol. 51(2), Sage Publications, Ltd.,
2018, pp. 197–237. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414017699204. Access on: 21
nov. 2021.

BRITISH BROADCAST CORPORATION BRASIL. Afeganistão: o que é e o que desejam o

Talebã. Youtube. 1 vídeo (10 min). BBC News Brasil, 2021. Available at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l6WFaKIgJf0&list=WL&index=2. Access on: 4 dec.
2021.

______. Família afegã explica por que prefere o Talebã no poder. [2021]. Available at:
https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/internacional-58707539. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 58

______. 5 lições aprendidas com a 'guerra ao terror' desde o 11 de Setembro. 11 sept.
2021. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/internacional-58523374. Access on: 4
dec. 2021.

BRITISH BROADCAST CORPORATION. Afghanistan: How much opium is produced and

what's the Taliban's record?. 25 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-58308494. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. Afghanistan: Taliban unveil new rules banning women in TV dramas. 21 nov. 2021.
Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-59368488. Access on: 23 nov. 2021.

______. What is Sharia Law? What does it mean for women in Afghanistan?. 19 aug.
2021. Available at:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-27307249#:~:text=In%20Arabic%2C%20Sharia%20literall
y%20means,lives%20according%20to%20God's%20wishes. Access on: 27 feb. 2022.

______. Who are the Taliban?. 18 aug. 2021. Available at:

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-11451718. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

BROWN UNIVERSITY. Afghan Civilians: Costs of War. The Watson Institute for
International and Public Affairs, Apr. 2021. Available at:
https://watson.brown.edu/costsofwar/costs/human/civilians/afghan. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

CHOUDHURY, S. Afghanistan is facing the ‘worst humanitarian disaster we’ve ever

seen’, the UN says. CNBC, 12 nov. 2021. Available at:
https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.cnbc.com/amp/2021/11/12/afghanistan-is-facing-a-hum
anitarian-disaster-un-says.html. Access on: 25 nov. 2021.

CLOSS, M.; LAMMERHIRT, L.; MARQUES, P. Segurança e narcotráfico na américa

latina: implicações nas realidades colombiana e brasileira. Porto Alegre: RIPE, v. 1, p.
109-133, 2014.

CONSTABLE, P. Afghan babies have been dying in huge numbers for decades. Now,
something is changing. The Washington Post, 24 jun. 2016. Available at:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/06/24/afghan-babies-have-been-
dying-in-huge-numbers-for-decades-now-something-is-changing/. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

COREN, A.; YEUNG, J.; BINA, A. She was sold to a stranger so her family could eat as
Afghanistan crumbles. CNN, 1 nov. 2021. Available at:
https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2021/11/01/asia/afghanistan-child-marriage-crisis-taliban-intl-hnk-d
st/index.html. Access on: 3 nov. 2021.

COSTA, F. The united self-defenses of colombia (auc) and their paramilitary strategy at the
end of the 20th century: origin, organization and ideology. Revista NEIBA: Cadernos
Argentina-Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, v. 10, p. 01-20. 2021.

CRUZ, V. Colombia's paramilitary organization. [2022]. Available at:

http://latinoamericana.wiki.br/verbetes/c/colombia-organizacoes-paramilitares-da. Access on:
26 feb. 2022.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 59

DASGUPTA, S. Paramilitary Groups: Local Alliances in Counterinsurgency Operations.
Brookings: Quality, Independence, Impact, v. 6, dez. 2005, [2021]. Available at:
https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/06_counterinsurgency_dasgupta.pdf.
Access on: 17 nov. 2021.

DE CASTRO, E.; COOK, L.; HERALD, S. A Historical Timeline of Afghanistan. Public

Broadcasting System, 30 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/asia-jan-june11-timeline-afghanistan. Access on: 4
dec. 2021.

DICK, C. Mujahideen Tactic in the Soviet-Afghan War. Conflict Studies Research Center,
jan. 2002. Available at: http://edocs.nps.edu/AR/org/CSRC/csrc_jan_02.pdf. Access on: 16
nov. 2021.

DAY, A. Hybrid Conflict, Hybrid Peace: How militias and paramilitary groups shape
post-conflict transitions. United Nations University: Centre for Policy Research, 2020.
Available at:
https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/HybridConflictFullReportWeb.pdf.
Access on: 21 feb. 2022.

FAIRFIELD, C. Number of Afghan children without enough to eat up 3.3 million in just
four months. Save the children, 15 dec. 2021. Available at:
https://www.savethechildren.org/us/about-us/media-and-news/2021-press-releases/number-of-
afghan-children-without-enough-to-eat. Access on: 5 nov. 2021.

FOLHA DE SÃO PAULO. Paramilitares e a defesa do Estado. 21 apr. 2014. Available at:
http://direito.folha.uol.com.br/blog/paramilitares-e-a-defesa-do-estado. Access on: 17 nov.
2021.

FRANCE24. Four women slain in Afghanistan after phone call ‘to join evacuation
flight’. 6 nov. 2021. Available at:
https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20211106-four-women-slain-in-afghanistan-after-p
hone-call-to-join-evacuation-flight. Access on: 6 nov. 2021.

GANDHARA. Afghan women protest in Kabul demanding right to work, education. 26

oct. 2021. Available at:
https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/afghan-women-protest-in-kabul-demanding-right-to-work-educati
on/31530728.html. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

______. Taliban uses force and fear to push hundreds of Afghans from Tajik border. 8
oct. 2021. Available at:
https://gandhara.rferl.org/a/taliban-uses-force-and-fear-to-push-hundreds-of-afghans-from-taji
k-border/31499877.html. Access on: 28 nov. 2021.

GANGULY, S. Afghan girls are ‘left in darkness’ by the Taliban. 1 video (5 min). BBC
News, 18 oct. 2021. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-58950282. Access on
16 oct. 2021.

GARCIA, E. V. Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Fundação Alexandre de

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 60

Gusmão, 2013. Available at:
http://funag.gov.br/loja/download/1075-conselho%20-seguranca-das-nacoes-unidas.pdf.
Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

HALIK, S. Afghanistan: two babies born every minute as health system nears collapse in
first 100 days of Taliban rule. Save the children, 23 nov. 2021. Available at:
https://www.savethechildren.net/news/afghanistan-two-babies-born-every-minute-health-syste
m-nears-collapse-first-100-days-taliban. Access on: 23 nov. 2021.

HOJE NO MUNDO MILITAR. Mujahideen x Talibã – Uma GRANDE diferença!

Youtube. 1 video (8 min). 24 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dfn8qntDb8g. Access on: 16 nov. 2021.

HOSLI, M. O.; SELLESLAGHS, J. The Changing Global Order: Challenges and

Prospects. United Nations University Series on Regionalism, vol. 17. Belgium: Springer,
2020.

HUMANIUM. Children of Afghanistan. [2021]. Available at:

https://www.humanium.org/en/afghanistan/. Access on: 20 nov. 2021.

INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS. The Law of Armed Conflict:

Belligerent occupation. Unit for Relations with Armed and Security Forces, jun. 2002.
Available at: https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/assets/files/other/law9_final.pdf. Access on: 27 feb.
2022.

KERMANI, S. On the front line as Afghan children battle malnutrition and measles.
BBC News, 15 dec. 2021. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-59637586.
Access on: 5 jan. 2022.

MACKENZIE, J. New era for Afghanistan starts with long queues, rising prices. Reuters,
1 sept. 2021. Available at:
https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/new-era-afghanistan-starts-with-long-queues-risin
g-prices-2021-09-01/. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

MAIZLAND, L.; CHATTERJEE, M.; MANNO, M. The Taliban in Afghanistan. Council on

Foreign Relations, 15 sept. 2021. Available at:
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan. Access on: 4 de. 2021.

MCCONNELL, A.; NORTH, A. Famine: the new battleground for displaced Afghans – a
photo essay. The Guardian, 15 jan. 2021. Available at:
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jan/15/famine-new-battleground-for-displaced-afgh
ans-a-photo-essay. Access on: 17 jan. 2022.

MURSAL, M.; ZAHRA, N. ‘I’ve already sold my daughters; now, my kidney’: winter in
Afghanistan’s slums. The Guardian, 23 jan. 2022. Available at:
https://amp.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jan/23/ive-already-sold-my-daughters-
now-my-kidney-winter-in-afghanistans-slums. Access on: 22 jan. 2022.

NADER, Z.; FERRIS-ROTMAN, A. Women’s rights activist shot dead in northern

Afghanistan. The Guardian, 5 nov. 2021. Available at:

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 61

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/nov/05/womens-rights-activist-shot-dead-in-norther
n-afghanistan. Access on: 6 nov. 2021.

NEBENHAY, S. Afghanistan is world’s worst place to be born: UN. Reuters, [2021].

Available at: at:
https://www.google.com/amp/s/mobile.reuters.com/article/amp/idUSTRE5AI4QC20091119.
Access on: 5 nov. 2021.

NEWSWEEK. Who are the Taliban and What is their Goal? Available at:
https://www.newsweek.com/afghanistan-taliban-history-regime-restrictions-women-human-ri
ghts-1620587. Access on: 16 nov. 2021.

NILSSON, M. Hezbollah and the framing of resistance. Third World Quarterly, vol. 41, no.
9, 30 Jun. 2020, pp. 1595-1614. Available at:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436597.2020.1779587?src=recsys. Access
on: 19 feb. 2022.

O'NEILL, A. Afghanistan: Age structure from 2021 to 2020. Statista, [2021]. Available at:
https://www.statista.com/statistics/262042/age-structure-in-afghanistan/. Access on: 5 nov.
2021.

PETERS, G. How Opium Profits the Taliban. United States Institute of Peace, aug. 2009.
Available at: https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/taliban_opium_1.pdf. Access
on: 4 dec. 2021.

PINCUS, W. H.; HAASS, R.; MANNO, M. The UN Security Council. Council on Foreign
Relations, 12 aug. 2021. Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/un-security-council.
Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

PUTZ, C. Uzbekistan and Tajikistan Hedge on Afghan Refugees. The Diplomat, 31 aug.
2021. Available at:
https://thediplomat.com/2021/08/uzbekistan-and-tajikistan-hedge-on-afghan-refugees/.
Access on: 16 oct. 2021.

RATWATTE, I. News Comment: UNHCR: Afghans struggle to seek safety as borders remain
shut to most. UNHCR, 01 dec. 2021. Available at:
https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2021/12/61a72ed34/news-comment-unhcr-afghans-struggle
-seek-safety-borders-remain-shut.html. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

REITER, D.; KOGA, J. State Power, Paramilitary Forces, and Internal Violence.
Research Gate, feb. 2011. Available at:
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Dan-Reiter/publication/228768610_State_ Power_
Paramilitary_Forces_and_Internal_Violence/links/54f9ad440cf25371374feb5c/State-Power-P
aramilitary-Forces-and-Internal-Violence.pdf. Access on: 17 nov. 2021.

RIVERA, E. The history of the paramilitarismo in colombia. Available at:

https://www.scielo.br/j/his/a/tg74msZHyzjy6BMnmVCfjhn/?lang=es. Access on: 26 feb.
2022.

ROBINSON, K. What is Hezbollah?. Council on Foreign Relations, 2021. Available at:

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 62

https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/what-hezbollah. Access on: 19 feb. 2022.

RUBIN, M. Who is Responsible for the Taliban?. The Washington Institute for Near East
for Policy, 1 mar. 2002. Available at:
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/who-responsible-taliban. Access on:16
nov. 2021.

SAEED, S. Tens of thousands in Afghanistan are trapped as neighbors close borders. The
Wall Street Journal, 2 sept. 2021. Available at:
https://www.wsj.com/amp/articles/tens-of-thousands-trapped-as-afghanistans-neighbors-close
-borders-11630588397. Access on: 21 oct. 2021.

THE WASHINGTON POST. Taliban chief bans forced marriage of women in

Afghanistan. 3 dec. 2021. Available at:
https://www.washingtonpost.com/?reload=true&_=1643579535983. Access on: 28 dec. 2021

THIER, A.; WORDEN, S. Political Stability in Afghanistan. United States Institute of

Peace, Jul. 2017. Available at:
https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/2017-07/sr408-political-stability-in-afghanistan-a-202
0-vision-and-roadmap.pdf. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

TOLONEWS. Taliban’s Supreme Leader issues decree on women’s rights. 3 dec. 2021.
Available at: https://tolonews.com/afghanistan-175725. Access on: 16 dec. 2021.

TRADING ECONOMICS. Germany average gross monthly earnings. [2021]. Available at:
https://tradingeconomics.com/germany/wages. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

______. Imports in Afghanistan decreased to 6537.64 USD Million in 2020 from 6776.78
USD Million in 2019. [2021]. Available at:
https://tradingeconomics.com/afghanistan/imports#:~:text=Afghanistan%20main%20imports
%20are%3A%20petroleum,related%20articles%20(9%20percent). Access on: 25 nov. 2021.

ÜNGÖR, Ü. Paramilitarim’s Long Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press, Aug.

2020. Available at:
https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com//mobile/view/10.1093/oso/9780198825241.001
.0001/oso-9780198825241-chapter-2. Access on: 12 dec. 2021.

UNICEF. Health: Ending preventable maternal, newborn and child deaths. [2021]. Available
at: https://www.unicef.org/afghanistan/health. Access on: 5 nov. 2021.

UNITED NATIONS. Afghanistan. UNHCR, [2021]. Available at:

https://www.unhcr.org/afghanistan.html#:~:text=Afghans%20make%20up%20one%20of%20
the%20largest%20refugee%20populations%20worldwide.&text=Another%203.5%20million
%20people%20are,will%20likely%20continue%20to%20rise. Access on: 17 oct. 2021.

______. Afghanistan Refugee crisis explained. UNHCR, 16 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.unrefugees.org/news/afghanistan-refugee-crisis-explained/. Access on: 17 oct.
2021.

______. Afghanistan’s healthcare system on brink of collapse, as hunger hits 95 percent

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 63

of families. United Nations News, 22 sept. 2021. Available at:
https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1100652. Access on: 5 nov. 2021.

______. Chapter V: The Security Council. United Nations Charter, [2021]. Available at:
https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/chapter-5#:~:text=The%20Security%20Council%2
0shall,to%20equitable%20geographical%20distribution. Access on: 29 jan. 2022.

______. Children in Afghanistan: The Situation of Children and Women in Afghanistan.

UNICEF, [2021]. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/afghanistan/children-afghanistan.
Access on: 22 nov. 2021.

______. Conflito no Afeganistão é o que mais afeta crianças e mulheres deslocadas.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 13 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.acnur.org/portugues/2021/08/13/conflito-do-afeganistao-e-o-que-mais-afeta-mulh
eres-e-criancas-deslocadas/. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

______. Convention on the Rights of the Child. 20 nov. 1989. Available at:
https://www.unicef.org/child-rights-convention/convention-text#. Access on: 5 nov. 2021.

______. Drug Market Trends: Cannabis Opioids. United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime, jun. 2021. Available at:
https://www.unodc.org/res/wdr2021/field/WDR21_Booklet_3.pdf. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. Half of Afghanistan’s children under- 5s are expected to suffer acute

malnutrition. United Nations News, 5 oct. 2021. Available at:
https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1102192. Access on: 17 oct. 2021.

______. Principles of peacekeeping. United Nations Peacekeeping, [2021]. Available at:

https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/principles-of-peacekeeping. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. Refugee data finder. UNHCR, [2021]. Available at:

https://www.unhcr.org/refugee-statistics/. Access on: 15 oct. 2021.

______. The United Nations Charter. 24 oct. 1945. Available at:

https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. United Nations Security Council Presidency. [2021]. Available at:

https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/presidency. Access on: 29 jan. 2022.

______. United Nations Security Council. The United Nations, [2021]. Available at:
https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. UNHCR warns Afghanistan’s conflict taking the heaviest toll on displaced
women and children. UNHCR, 23 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.unrefugees.org/news/unhcr-warns-afghanistan-s-conflict-taking-the-heaviest-toll-
on-displaced-women-and-children/. Access on: 17 oct. 2021.

______. What is a refugee. UNHRC, [2021]. Available at:

https://www.unhcr.org/what-is-a-refugee.html#:~:text=The%201951%20Refugee%20Convent
ion%20is,group%2C%20or%20political%20opinion.%E2%80%9D. Access on: 15 oct. 2021.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 64

UNITED NATIONS OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS.
About internally displaced persons. [2021]. Available at:
https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/idpersons/pages/issues.aspx#:~:text=According%20to%20the
%20Guiding%20Principles,avoid%20the%20effects%20of%20armed. Access on: 26 nov;
2021.

______. Taliban attempting to steadily erase women and girls from public life. 17 jan.
2022. Available at:
https://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=28029&LangID=E
. Access on: 20 jan. 2022.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between

the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan which is not recognized by the United States. 29 feb.
2020. Available at:
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agreement-For-Bringing-Peace-to-Afgha
nistan-02.29.20.pdf. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. Department of Defense Press Briefing by General Nicholson in the Pentagon

Briefing Room. United States Department of Defense, 2 dec. 2016. Available at:
https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/1019029/department-of-defense
-press-briefing-by-general-nicholson-in-the-pentagon-brief/. Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

______. Hizbollah. The National Counterterrorism Center, [2022]. Available at:

https://www.dni.gov/nctc/groups/hizballah.html. Access on: 21 feb. 2022.

______. Report on International Religious Freedom: Lebanon. Office of International

Religious Freedom, 2019. Available at:
https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-report-on-international-religious-freedom/lebanon/#:~:text
=Statistics%20Lebanon%2C%20an%20independent%20firm,of%20the%20population%20is
%20Christian. Access on: 21 feb. 2022.

VIANA, M.; VILLA, R. Internationalization through the involvement of external actors in the
Colombian conflict: OAS action in the demobilization of paramilitary groups in Colombia.
Revista de Ciências Sociais, Rio de Janeiro, v. 55, n. 2, p. 403-445. 2012.

VON HEIN, S. Afghanistan opium trade blooms since Taliban takeover. Deutsche Welle,
10 dec. 2021. Available at: https://p.dw.com/p/44605. Access on: 21 Oct. 2021.

WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION. Funding pause results in shut down of more than
2000 health facilities in Afghanistan. 6 sept. 2021. Available at:
https://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/funding-pause-results-shut-down-more-2000-health-fa
cilities-afghanistan. Access on: 3 nov. 2021.

YOUSAFZAI, M. The Taliban Have Taken Over: I Fear for Afghanistan's Women. The
New York Times, 17 aug. 2021. Available at:
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/17/opinion/malala-afghanistan-taliban-women.html.
Access on: 4 dec. 2021.

ZANLORENSSI, G.; GOMES, L.; PRETTO, N. Afeganistão é um dos 15 países mais

pobres do mundo. Nexo Jornal, 18 ago. 2021. Available at:

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 65

https://www.nexojornal.com.br/grafico/2021/08/17/Afeganist%C3%A3o-%C3%A9-um-dos-1
5-pa%C3%ADses-mais-pobres-do-mundo. Access on: 12 nov. 2021.

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL | 66