Social Scientist

Cultural Transaction and Early India: Tradition and Patronage

Author(s): Romila Thapar
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Feb., 1987), pp. 3-31
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3520436 .
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 ROMILA THAPAR*

CulturalTransaction
and EarlyIndia: Tradition
and
Patronage**

IL Tradition
A VARIETY ofbeliefsabout ourpasthave simmered overthelastcouple
ofhundred years. Someamongthemhavecometo be acceptedas partof
ourcultural traditionand have beenaccordedthestatusoftradition.It
maybe arguedthatthishappenswhensocietiesaresearching foridentity
andthepronouncements of historians,particularly ofcultural historians,
come to be acceptedas axioms. It becomesnecessarytherefore for
historiansto pause from time to time,to take stock as it were,byasking
whetherwhat has come to be acceptedas traditiondeservesto be so
accepted.
The changeof focusbecomesimperative eitherwhenthereis new
information on thepastor whentheprocessofinterpreting thepastunder-
goeschange. It is primarily the latterwhichin thiscasesuggests a re-
assessment.
A consideration of culturalhistorywould have to beginwithan
attemptat defining cultureand this has been the subjectof much
discussion in recentdecades. I can at bestattempt a verybriefsummary.
The termculture itselfhas itsownhistory.The primary meaning of
cultureis thecultivating ofnaturalgrowth andbyextension inrecenttimes
it hascometo meanthecultivating ofthehumanmind. Amonghistorians
oftheeighteenth and nineteenth centuries
culture andcivilisation
became
synonymous. Theassociation ofculturewas however withsuperiorsocial
groups. The inadequacyof this limitation contributed towardsthere-
definitionofthetermin whichit was extended to includeall patterns of
behaviour and waysof life. Culturethereforerefers to behaviour patterns
sociallyacquiredandsociallytransmitted bymeansofsymbols.It includes
language, tradition,customs andinstitutions. It is in thiswidersensethat
I am usingtheterm.
Furthermore, culturein relationto traditionlinksthepastto the
*CentreforHistoricalStudies,Jawaharlal
NehruUniversity,New Delhi.
**Originally
deliveredas QureishiMemorialLectureat New Delhi.

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4 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

present. It has therefore contextwhichis as significant

a hiistorical as the
culturalformitself.
The historicalprocessis decisiveto the definition ofculture, yetthe
understanding ofIndian cultureis poorlyservedin thisrespect, forit is
assumedthat the historicalprocesshas a staticinterpretation and it has
remained broadlvunchanged overthelastcentury, or thatcultureis a one-
time eventwhichhas surviveduntampered withfromthe pastto the
present. Fromnewspaper editorsto primemiinisters, everyonepronounces
on thecivilisationand cultureof theIndianipast unblushingly unconcerned
withtheirhistorical basis. There are now,at leastamonghistorians, new
kindsofanalysesofculturalinstitutions and forms. Culturalhistory and
its analysisjuxtaposesthe formwiththosewho createit and thosewho
orderitscreationand also attempts to see it as a socialsignal.
The continuity of cultureis generally relatedto traditionswhichin
turnaremadeup ofculturalforms. Traditionis definedas thehanding
down of knowledgeor the passing on of a doctrineor a technique.
Culturalhistory implieslookinganalytically both at whatgoesintothe
making of a traditioni as wellas that which is interpretedbyhistorians as
tradition.We oftenassumethata formis handeddownin an unchanging
fashionand thatwhatcomesto us is itspristine form. However, thesheer
act ofhanditng on a traditionintroduces changeand not everytradition
is meticulously bondedbymn,emornic or otherdevicesto preventinter-
polationsor change. A traditiontherefore has to be seenin itsvarious
phases. Eventheconceptoifparamparawlhichat onelevelappearsto be
frozenknowledge,reveals on investigation variations and change.
Traditionswhichwe todaybelievehavelongpedigrees mayon an historical
analysisbe foundto be an inventionof yesterday.In otherwords,what
we regardas tradition maywell turnout to be ourcontemporary require-
mentsfashioned bytheway we wishto interpret thepast. Interpretations
ofthepasthave also come to be treatedas knowledge andare handed
downas tradition.I would liketo considersomeof theseinterpretations
in theirhistoricalcontext forthismayclarify theirvalidityor otherwise
to beingregarded as tradition.

NormativeValues and Social Reality

Let meillustrate theseideaswitha fewexamples
Thedisjuncture betweennormativevalues and social reality is often
so evidentthatit is sometimes surprising to comeacrossnormative values
beingtakenfor description of reality. But it is necessary
to distinguish
betweentheorganisation of externalrealityas a theory and thereality
itself. Thusthedharma-sastras, the normative textsparexcellence, inform
us oftherulesof varna. It is assumedthat at leastthemembers ofthe
highervarnawouldobservetheserules. However,fromthe earliesttimes
therearecertaindiscrepancies.The Vedictextsreferto variousimportant
Vedicrsisas dasiputrali,beingbornofdasis.' Dirghatamas whois described

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 5

as thesonofa dagiin turnmarried a da5iwlhom hefound, it is said,among

strangepeoplein theeastand shewas motlher to hisson,therespected rsi
Kaksivant. Evidentlythese brahmans tooktheruleofexogamy literally
andmarried farout. But equally intriguing is theoriginofthecompiler
oftheMalhabharata, thelearnedVeda Vyasa. Hlisfather, the rviParasara
becameenamoured ofa eirl of thefisherman's community as shierowedhim
acrosstheriver. In spiteofherfishy odour he made his intentions clear.
Sheresisted hirnat first butfinally acceptedh-is advances when he promised
thatshewouldbe rid of theodouroffish.The boat was envelopedin a
curtainofclouds and thesweet-scented
discreet girleventually gavebirth
to VedaVyasa. Theambiguity ofhismother'sorigins arefurther compli-
catedbythestorythatshe had beenan apgara'sdaughter abandonedas a
foundling amongthefisher folk.2 And this becomesa stereotype among
suchoriginmyths raisinga host of questionsregarding thetreatment of
identity.
Whatarewe to makeofthis? Firstof all and certainly thatour
ancestorshad a senseofhiumour and were willingto invent stories about
theselapses fromthe normative perspective of even thosewhomthey
revered-aqualitywhichis difficult to finidin contemporary Indiaforsuch
storieswouldbe unheardoftoday. Butwhatis more imiiportant andonce
wegetpastthesymbolic meaning,is that obviouslyoriginsdo nothave
to conform tonormative rulesan-dwerepossibly notverysignificant.
Thisis evenmoremarkedin the originmyths ofa variety ofroyal
familiesclaiming ksatriya statusin the post-Gupta period.3 Prior to the
Guptadynasty thePuranas refer to such familiesbeing of brahmatn and
evenisudraorigin. Fewin fact wereksatriya in spite of the insistence of
thenormative textson ksatriyaoriginsofrulingfamilies The myths of
manysuclhfamilies ofthelaterperiodas thoseoftheGuhillaandCandella
makeonesuspectthatthefamilies mayhavebeen obscureand theysought
statusthrough fabricated genealogieslinkingthemto theSuryavamsi and
Candravamsi lineages, whichlineagesseemalso to havebeenan invention
ofa particular historical time.
In shying away from comingto termswiththisdivergence weblind
ourselves to thepossibleflexibility of a society which in certain situations
wasprobably as important a characteristic as thetheoretical insistence on
theminutae ofrulesofsocialbehaviour.We thereby providea simplistic
explanationfor a complexarrangement. Theconcession to thebrahman
thathe couldmarry intoanyvarnawas insomewaysparallelto theincor-
porationofbeliefandritualfroma varietyof sourcesin themaking of
religioussects,an incorporation whichdefiesthe forcingofwhatwecall
Hindusectsintoa homogenous, uniform, clearlyidentifiable andeclesiasti-
callyorganised religious entity and this epitomisesa perspective different
from that of the Semitic model.
Butwhatarewe to make of highculture literature whichmocksthe
brahman ? In theplays of Kalidasa the vidusaka-the stereotype ofcom-

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6 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

panionor fool- is a brahmanutnable anidmocking

to speak Sauiskrit the
essenceof brahmranismas containedin thedhlrma-sastras.The normative
textsofcoursedo notcarryeven a hint of thevidusaka as a category
of
brahman. Admittedly in a literatureintendedfortheroyalcourtthefoil
to thekingcouldonlybe a brahman sincea member ofanothercastewould
amountto lesemajestie. Butdidhe have to be sucha non-brahmanical
brahmanthat even the kingmocks thebrahmanin him? Wasthisan
ironiccommentary on thepurohita or on particularcategoriesofbrahmans
elsewheretakenmoreseriously ? So distincta contravention ofthenorm
can onlypointto thenormnotbeingpervasive.

Textsand CreativeLiterature
Normative
TalkingofKalidasawe assumethathisversionofthestoryofSakuntala
was theone familiarto peopleof all agessincethe writing ofthe play.
Yet Kalidasa washimself takingan existingtraditionand transformingit
intosomethingnewand in keepingwith his own timeand place. There
weretwoversions oftheSakuntalastoryin circulation withtwodifferent
audiences.The earlier
version occursin theAlahabharata wheretheorigin
mythofthefounder ofthe Puru lineage Bharata is beingrecited.4The
storybeginswitha massivehunt led bytheRaja Duhsanta wherewe are
toldthatmanyfamilies oftigerswerelaidlow and manyhundreds ofdeer
werekilled. The huntas huntsin epic literatureoftengo is a war against
naturecauisinghavoc and destructionall round. Arrivingat thehermitage
of Kanva, Duhsanta is welcomed in the absenceof the rsi by Sakuntala
who happily converses with him without any reservation.When asked
about her parentage sbe explains that she is the natural child of the
apsara Menaka and the rsi Visvamitra and was left a foundlingat the
hermitageof Kanva. When Duhsanta attractedby her beautyproposesa
Gandharva marriageshe replies in a spirited fashionthatshe willagree
onlyon conidition that her son is declared the yuvaraja whichcondition
Duhsanta accepts. A fewye rs latershe arrivesat his courtwiththeirson
Bharata. Duhsanta, althoughhe recognisesher, pretendsnot to knowher
and even as she arguesher rightshe abuses her parentsreferring
to Menaka
as a slut and to Visvamitra as a lecher and dismisses her as a whore.
Whereupona celestialvoice proclaims thatthe boy is in fact thechild of
Duhsanta, He then acceptsboth mother and son maintainingthat his
earlierpretencewas merelyto ensurethatthelegitimacyof the child would
be declaredbeforehis people. The storymay well have been introducedas
a formof genealogicallatchingon.
Kalidasa introducesthe sub-plotof the signet ringwhich drops off
Sakuntala's fingerand Duhsyantaloses his memory owingto a curseand
does not rememberthe associationwith Sakuntala untilhe sees the signet
ring. In effectthe feel of the play is completelydifferentfromthe epic
versionof the story.
Sakuntala in the epic is a confident,high-spiritedassertiveyoung

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 CULTURAL IRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 7

womanwhoknowswhatsheis about and is not goingto be takenfora

ride. In theplay sheis submissive,
shy, reserved,perhapseven a little
frightenedandcoweddownbyher lovefor theking. Sheis thenewsub-
servientwomanof the upper caste courtlyculturewhois incapableof
arguing indefenceofher rights
or objectingto the treatment
byDuhs-
yanta. Kalidasa has invested Sakuntala withstatus. The king's major
concernis the need foran heirunlikein the epic whereit is Sakuntalawho
is anxiousthather son be declaredthe vuvaraja. We todayhave accepted
Kalidasa's depictionof the submissivewoman and have ignored the far
moreindependentcharacterisationof the epic versionin partat least for
reasonswhichhave to do witlhattemptsto justifythesubservienceof wo-
menwithan appeal to wlhatis regardedas "our traditioni".
Even withinthetraditionthe iniageof Sakuntala was not universally
that of the Kalidasa play. For a larger n-umber of people therewas a
familiaritywiththerecitationof the Mahabharata versionand it was the
epic characterwho was betterknown. Thle heroine of the play would
traditionallyhave had a limitedaudience.
The play focusesonithe contrastbetween two backgrounds,thatof
theforestand the court. TI:hehermnitage
whichin a sensemediatesbetween
the two is set in a naturalenvironmentwhietesocial behaviouris in accor-
dance withthegentlenessof niature.The courtis a structured background
withlittleof natureinterveningand is alien to the forest.This contrastis
a repeatedthemein earlyIndian writing.The dichotomyof thegramaand
theananyarepresent
thetwopolesofthe settlement
andthewilderness,
of
orderand disord-r,of the knownand the unknown.
Normativetextsand creativeliteraturediffer in thehandlingof those
who live in thehermitage. The normativecurriculum refersof courseonly
to males of the uppercaste and requiresa lifecycle whichcovers the well-
known four stages of studentship,householder,renouncerand ascetic.
Writteninto thislife cycleis the oppositionof griha5tha to samnyasa,of
householderto ascetic.5 The brahmanicalsysteminsistson the fulfilment
of social obligations as a householder,that is, a gainful occupation and
theprocreationof a family beforerenunciationcan be thoughtof. In the
Buddhist and Jaina systemrenunciationor the entryto monkhoodwas
open at any pointin life. The brahmanical systemreflectsthe fearthat
renunciation at an earlyage may upset the requirementsof societyand
thatthe truevalue of renunciation comes aftera sociallyfulfilled life. That
the good grihasthaalso had manyobligations towards the welfareof the
brahmansshouldnot be forgotten.
Generallydescriptionsof the asrama fromcreativeliterature do not
depicta place of austerepractices. They tend to be forestretreatsset in
sylvan surroundingswith an emphasis on empathy withnature. That
hermitshad technically brokenawayfromsocial obligationsmeantthatthey
had no moreto do withthegrama and wereat one withthe aranya. But
somehowthisdid not precludethemfromobservingsocial regulationswhen

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8 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

required to do so.
Above all the renouncer through the act of renunciation and the
practiceofyoga,tapasyaand dhyana, wasbelievedto acquiresupernormal
powers.In thenormative traditioin
renunciation wastheprelude toasceticism
and was the means of achieving personalsalvation.The distancefrom
societywas intended to underlinetheneedforisolationand contemplation
in pursuitofthegoalofsalvation.In a senseit was a selfish actinasmuch
as it was a-social. In effecthowever, as is clear fromdescriptive passages
referring to asceticism,the supernormal powersbecamean asseton which
thepowerof theasceticwasbased.It wasthiswhichenablesthersito acqui-
reextra-sensory knowledge,to flythroughthe air,to destroythrough a
curseor to grantboons.In the non-normative textsthe rsi acquiresthe
samepowersas the godsand frequently thegodsfearthe powerofthe rsi
and tryto breakit,as was done successfully in thecase ofVisvamitra by
sendingMenakato seducehim.It wouldseemthatat onelevelrenunciation
and therenouncer becamean alternative avenueofauthority inthepopular
mindwhicheven kingshad to accept.
Thiswasnotthepowerof religionsincethe rsiwasnot a religious
functionary and wasnotconcerned withpriestly activities.At the rootof
thispowerlay theabilityoftherenouncer to breakawayfromsocietyand
to contravenie thenormativerules ofsocial behaviour. The case of the
asceticor samnyasi wasmoreextreme sincehehaldto havehisdeathrituals
performed beforehe couldtakeup samnyasa, signifyinig a completebreak
withhishouse-holding functions.Thismayin partexplainwhytherenoun-
ceroftencan emergeas thesymbolofdissentand protestandcometo be
regarded as an alternativesourceof power,a symbolism whichhas been
respected evenin theIndianpoliticalmovements ofthetwentieth century.
Therenouncer cannotbe explained awayin thesimplistic formula ofbeinga
leadersincehe accumulates
religious in himself a complexinter-relation of
social signals.' As a source of alternativeauthoritythe renouncer is
distinctfrombothpriestlypowerand thecoerciveauthority ofthestate.
The socio-political roleof therenouncer is, it seemsto me,a characteristic
featureof Indian and
civilisation requiresa morethorough analysis.This
would questionthe notion that Indian society has alwaysbeenother-
worldlybecauseof theattraction ofreniunciation. Insteadit requires that
we examinemoreanalytically the many dimensionsto the role of the
renouncerin society.
The institutionalisingof renunciation
developedearly among the
Buddhists, Jainas,and a varietyof non-brahmanicalsects referredto as
Sramanas.Individualsalvationit was arguedwas more easily obtained
through renunciationandjoiningthesanghaor Order-a parallelor alter-
nativesocietydemanding ofsocialobligations
thetermination at a personal
level.Butfewof these renouncers cutthemselves offcompletely.Most
livedin the proximity of thesettlementsforit wasenjoineduponthelay
follower thathe had to supportthemonkwith almsand gifts. Suchacts

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 9

wouldearnmtritforthelayfollower and thisaccumulationofmeritwould

assisthimin hisown salvation.The obligation to supporttherenouncer
notonlystrengthened thesanghaas an institutiton
butalso createda sense
ofcommunity amongthelayfollowers.Thissense ofcommunity wasa
contrastto theidea ofvarnasramadharma.Variiawastheapparatusofsegre-
gationand of cordoningoffgroups. Buddhist social thought was more
inclusivein that it cut across caste segmentsand in worsillipand beliefat
least referredto a moreuniversalethic applicableto alhnostall. It was a
community essentiallyof rnonlksexteidedto layfollowersbut not separated
into castes. This sen.seof communitymayhave had somethingto do with
theaggressive metedouitto Buddhists
hostility and Jainasbyvarioussects
ofwhatwehavecometo call theHindureligion.
Thishostility
mayaccountforthevirtual out ofthealterDa-
weecding
tivetextsand perspectives, thosenot in agreement
niamely witlh
the brahman-
icaltradition
fromwhatwenowregardas ouircultural Soonafter
heritage.
thetimewhenthesecularepictheRan,ayana hadbeenconverted intosacred
Vaisnavaliterature by thne
Bhargavabrahhmans and the hero Ramahad
beenrecorded as an avataraof Visnu,a Jainapoet Vimalasuri
in theearly
centuriesAMD.wrotehis versionof the Ramayana in Prakrit,the Pauma-
caryam.It is thefirst
ofa number
ofJainaversions
ofthe Ramayana
and
thepersistencewithwhichthe th}erc of whattheyreferredto as the true
Ramayana wastakenup,suggeststhatthe Jainaautlhors had something
significantto say. Vimalasuri statesspecificallythathisis the trueversion
as againstthat ofthe brahmans whichis a collectionoffalsehoods.The
broadoutlines ofthe storyaresimilarbut thereis a significantly different
treatment ofRavanaandtheraksasas.It is clearlystatedthattheraksasas
arenotdemonsand that thewordis linkedto theroot rakss, to protect.
Ravanawasneither ten-headed niora meat-eatingfiendandallthathasbeen
saidabouthimbyfoolishpoets-miukhakukavi-is untrue.
Ravanais an ardentJaina anda protector of Jaina shrines.Being
an adeptat asceticpractices, he has theabilitytoflyandis therefore called
akasamargi.His relationship withSitais sensitively
portrayed as thatofa
mangenuinely fondofherandupsetbyherrejection ofhim.Theausterity
ofexile is frequently puncluated by prosperousvillages,beautiful cities
androyal palaces. The themeof exile functions as it does in all
epicliterature. It seeksto legitimisetheassociationofvariousgeographi-
cal placeswiththeheroesoftheepic.Thatthereis a Rama-kund, Sita-kund
andPandava-lenain almosteverypartof theIndiansub-continent is not
becausetheexiledheroesactuallyvisitedtheseareas,but becausein later
timeswhenthe epicwas appropriated as sacredliterature in theseareas
therewasa desireto link localgeographyto theeventsof theepic. The
themeofexileor wandering is a stereotype ofepic literatare
and happily
of
permits thiskindof association.
A striking difference
in the Paumacarivamis theabsenceoftheneed
to upholdthevarnasraniadharma andthestatusofthebrahman.Herethe

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1o SOCIAL SCIENTIST

brahmans are theheretics and thepreachers whoacquired

offalsedoctrines
theirstatusthrough fraud. The most respectedsocial groupotherthan
princesaremerchants, althoughmaximumreverence is naturally
givento
Jainamunis. Finallyboth Dasarathaand Rama renounce theworldand
theJainaethictriumphs overtheksatriya ethic.
In manywaysthe Paumacaryam is the mirrorimageoftheValmiki
Ramayanaand a comparative studyof thetwowouldbe mostilluminating.
Yet thePaumacaryam is dismissedas beinga biasedJainaaccountas ifthe
Valmiki version is unbiased. But thevalueof thePaumacaryam is thatit
doespresent an alternative picturegrowing out of system
an alternative
evenifit is an alternativesystemwhichhas beensuccessfully erodedfrom
whatwecall ourtradition.

ReligiousPersecution
I mentioned earlierthat in creating a traditionwesometimes select
fromthepastthose normativevalues whichmay have a contemporary
appealbutwhichmayeven be contrary to historicalactuality.Therehas
beenan insistence ofreligious
on thetradition tolerance andnon-violence as
characteristic ofHinduism whichis builton a selection of normative values
emphasising ahimsa, but whichis notborneoutby thehistorical evidence.
The theory is so deeplyingrainedin us thatwefail to see thereverse ofit
evenwhenit staresus in theface. The extremity ofintolerance implicit
in the notionof untouchability was glossedover by regarding it as a
function ofsocietyand caste. It is now concededto so casuallythatthe
concession is almostbeginningto lose meaning. Apartfromthiswe also
needto lookat themoredirectexamples ofreligious persecution.Curiously
evenwhenhistorians havereferred to suchactivitiesas indicationsofinto-
lerance and persecution7 therehas been a firmrefusalon thepartof
popularopinion to concede that Hindu sects did indulgein religious
persecution.
The persecution of Buddhistsin Kashmiris referred to byHsuan
Tsang but lest it be thought that he being a Chinese Buddhist monk
was prejudiced, the testimony of Kalhana in the Rajatarangini should
be more acceptable. Hsuan Tsang refersto the atrocities of Mihira-
kulaagainstthe Buddhistsbothin Punjab and in Kashmir the sixthin
centuryA.D. Hsuan Tsangmay well have been exaggerating when he
liststhedestruction of one thousandsix hundredBuddhiststupasand
sangharamas anidthekillingof manythousandsof Buddhistmonksand
lay-followers." Kalhana givesan even fulleraccountofthekingkilling
innocent peoplebythehundreds.9 Thisis oftendismissed bysayingthatthe
anti-Buddhist actionsofMihirakula were becausehe wasa Huna. Butit
shouldnotbe forgotten thathe was also an ardentSaiva and gavegrants
oflandin theformof agraharasto the brahmans.In the wordsof
Kalhana: "Brahimans fromGandhara resembling himselfin theirhabits
and verilythemselves thelowestof the twice-borniacceptedagraharas from

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 11
him." It is possiblethat therecentlydiscovered stupaat Sangbolin
Punjabwherethe sculpted railingswerefoundin thevicinity ofthestupa
dismantled and packed away was becauseof this persecution of the
Buddhists.Kalhana writesof an earlierpersecutionof Buddhistsin
Kashmirandthe wilfuldestruction ofa viharaagain bya Saiviteking.
Buton thisoccasionthe king repentedand builta new monastery for
theBuddhist monks.
Courtly literature,particularlyplayswritteni aftertheseventh century
A.D., is repletewithinvectives againstBuddhist andJainamonkswhoare
depicted as morallydepraved,dishonestand altogether whatonemight
call the scum of the earth. Mahendravarman's Mattavilasa,a farce,is
amongtheearlierofsuchplays. In theMudraraksasa ofVisakhadatta, a
constant refrain statesthatit is inauspiciouis to see a Jainamonk. The
Prabodha-candrodaya ofKrsna Misra, a drama ofthe eleventh century,
playson thethemeofa Kapalikaconverting a Jainaanda Buddhist monk
to Saivismbyoffering themnwineanldwomen, bothof whichtheyaresaid
to hankerafter.In theSaivatemples at Khajuraho, Jainamonksespecially
ofthedigambara sectaredepicted in theworst possibleeroticposes.'0Such
references and depictionsdo not amountto persecution but reflecta
contemptuous attitudetowardsJaina and Buddhistmonkswhich the
latterwoulddoubtlesshave foundverygalling, particularlyas theyoccur
in theliterature and art of aristocratic groups. The depiction ofmonks
andasceticsas debauchedmayhave beendue to thecourt'scontempt for
a variety ofascetics,someofwhomwereassociatedwithsociallyunaccept-
ablepractices.Such depictionsin courtly literaturemay also havebeen
an attempt to play down the authority associatedwithrenouncers and
asceticsinthepopularmind. Butthatitis the Buddhists andJainaswho
aremorecommonly madethesubjectofattackis significant.
Evidenceon the persecution ofJainasby Saivasectscomesfroma
variety ofsources. The earliestknowncave templeoriginally dedicated
bytheJainasin Tirunelveli district wassubsequently in theseventh century
converted intoa Saivatemple." Thiswasnota case ofappropriating the
templeand graduallychanging it. Quite clearlythe Jainaimageswere
eitherdestroyedor erased,sometimes only partially,and fresh Saivite
imagescarvedin the sameplace. In the case of the partiallyerased
sculptureit is possibleto recogniise tracesof theoriginal. Wherethe
imageis totallygougedoutthedesecration is visible.
TheSaivitesaint JnanaSainbanderis attributed witlhhavingcon-
vertedthePandyarulerfroml Jainism to Saivism,whereupon itis saidthat
eightthousand Jainaswereimpaledbythe king. Thisepisodeis represe-
ntedin painting and sculpturein medievaltemples and is enactedto this
dayin some Siva templesduringtheirannual festival.In latertimes
attempts weremadeto appeasetheJainasbyroyalpatronsbuilding Jaina,
Saivaand Vaisnava templesin closeproximity.But in theseareasthe
Jainatemples soonfellintodisrepair whilsttheothersflourished,
therefore
mayhavearisenoverthecontrolofproperty.TheJainasin the
peninsula
were,certainly,
a sociallydominantgroupin competition
with

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12 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

Theseactivitieswerenotrestricted to a particulararea. The Jaina

templesof Karnataka went through a traumatic experienceat thehands
oftheLingayatasor Virasaivasin the early second millennium A.D.'2
in
Thiswouldexplain partwhy some Jaina textshave pejorativereferences
to BasavawhofoundedtheVirasaivasect. The Jainatemples at Lakkundi
werelocatedin the proximity of an affluent agraharaand theVaisnava
brahmans acceptedMahaviraas an incarnationof Brahma. Laterhow-
everone ofthe templeswasconvertedintoa Saiva temple. At Huli the
templeofthefiveJinaswasconverted intoa pancalingesvara Saivitetemple,
thefivelingasreplacing thefiveJina imagesin the sancta.'3 Someother
Jainatemplessuffered thesamefate. An inscription at Ablurin Dharwar
eulogisesattackson Jaina temples as retaliationfor Jainaopposition to
Saiviteworship.14 Sculpted panels at this site depict the smashing of
Jainaimages. In thefourteenth century the harassment ofJainaswasso
acutethat theyhad to appeal for protectionto the rulingpowerat
Vijayanagara.
Inscriptionsof the sixteenthcenturyfromthe Srisailamarea of
AndhraPradeshrecordthe pridetakenby Virasaivachiefsin beheading
svetanmbara Jainas.'5 The local recordsofthisarea referto thefrequent
persecution oftheJainas. In Gujerat,Jainismflourished duringthereign
of Kumarapalabuthissuccessorpersecuted theJainasand destroyed their
temples.'6Howeverit was so well-established here that periodical
persecution didnotreallyshakeit.
My purpose in drawing attention to the Saivite persecutionof
Buddhistsand Jainasis not an attemptat beingprovocative.We have here
a majorhistorical problemwhichrequires detailedinvestigation.Thedesire
to portray toleranceand non-violence as theeternalvaluesof theHindu
tradition has led to thepushingasideofsuch evidence. That therewere
mutualintellectual borrowings in certainphilosophical schoolsshouldnot
prevent us from seeing the reality on the ground. If therewerecasesof
diversereligioussectsco-existing there were also situationsofantagonism.
The evidenceofpersecution raisesthequestionof thedegreeto whichsuch
on thepart of variousreligiousgroupswere seenas a wayof
activities
claiming ascendancy and power.
A relatedquestionis whether theHindusas a community wereaware
ofor perpetrated this hostilityor wasit a segmentof theHinducom-
munity, substantially theSaivas. A historicalevaluationofsuchpersecu-
tionswouldbe requiredto ascertainthe sects involvedand theirsocial
affinities.If only certainsegmentsof society,whethercastesor sects
wereinivolved thenthe effectof theseon othersegments wouldbe worth
enquiring intoas also theinfluence of religiousmilitancy on thesegment
itself. Would these actionshavehad an impacton thevaluesassociated
withtheHinducommunity, assumingofcoursethattherewas at thistime
theconsciousuessofa singleHindu community ? Theargument putfor-
wardin recenttimesthat the Buddhists, Jainasand a variety ofHindu

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 13

sectswereall partofthe compendium religionwecall Hinduism has also

contributed to theseanimosities beingdismissed as minorsectarian rivalries,
whereastheevidencepointsto a different assessment.
Whatis historically important whytherewas thispersecution
is of
theBuddhists and Jainasin particularbythe Saivas. I can onlyoffer a
fewcomments. At thereligious levelit mayhavehad to dowithasceticism.
Was Siva seenas theasceticparexcellence and thepatrondeityofascetics
and wereBuddhist and Jainamonksseenas imposters ? Did Buddhist and
Jainamonksfindthe worshipof thelingam offensiveowingto thepurita-
nisminherent in boththesesystems ? Yet the Tantricversionsof these
systems concededto practices and ideaswhichwereopposedto puritanism.
If thehostility relatedonly to religiousdifferences then it shouldhave
surfaced earlierin time. It is interesting thatit beginsaboutthemiddleof
thefirstmillennium A.D. and gains force throughthe centuries until
Buddhism eventually fleesthe country and Jainismis effectivelylimited to
a fewpockets. This persecution predatesthe comingofIslamto these
areasso that the convenientexcuse that Islamicpersecution causedthe
declineofthesereligions is notapplicable.
TheriseofSaiva and Vaisnava sectswasoftentiedto bhakti and,in
thepeninsula, it was some sectionsof these sectswhichwereoftenthe
agenciesofintolerance.Was the relationship betweenthedevoteeand
hisdeityso intensethat it led to an inabilityto tolerateotherforms
of religious expression ? Bhaktiteachers appealed to professional
groupswhichgradually becamesociallysignificant-not necessarilybyrising
inthe social scale but bymobilising themselves as socialentities.
The social
organisation ofthesereligious groupsdiffered.WhereastheBuddhists and
Jainasbuilt upona sense of community incorporating a universalising
ethic,Vaisnavaand Saiva sects tendedto be morenarrowly demarcated.
In a sensesome of the contemporary Saiva and Vaisnava sects which
emerged in thepeninsulawereprotestmovements articulatinga newsocial
identity and thismay haveled to conflict.Butthisargument wouldnot
ofcourseapply to the persecutionof Buddhistsin Kashmir. Here it
appearsto have been a confrontation betweenthe Sramanasand the
brahmans drawingon a longhistoryofearlieranimosities and wherethe
rulinggroups were also involved.The hostility wouldhavehadto do with
competition forroyalpatronageapartfromotherfactors. In the case of
thehostilitybetweenthe Virasaivasand theJainasit wouldseemthatit
was amongotherthingscompetition forcommercialpowerand patronage
and thehostilities were between social groupswithan appeal to thestate
forprotection.By the latefirst milleniumA.D. theBuddhistsin eastern
India,and theJainasin Gujerat and the peninsula,had largemonastic
estatesor elsethe monasteries werefinancedfromtherevenueofa large
numberof villagesassignedto themby royalty. Some ofthehostility
therefore mayhavearisenoverthecontrolofproperty.The Jainasin the
peninsula were,certainly, a sociallydominantgroupin competition with

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14 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

othersimilargroups. The recognition and analysisofintolerant behaviour

wouldtellus something about the way inwhich social groups perceived
each other.
I havebeenemphasising Saiva hostilitywhichis not to suggest that
theVaisnavaswere altogether partialto Buddhists andJainas. Butthere
seem to be fewerexamplesofpersecution by the Vaisnavas. Thistoo
wouldrequirean explanation. An obvious one is that the avataratheory
ofVaisnavism madeof it an assimilative religion exceptofcoursethatthe
incorporation ofa cultwas generally afterit hadbeenemasculated.Thus
theBuddha in some late textscameto be treatedas an avataraofVisrnu.
The underlying strength ofthis religiousinduction was that theavatara
was a-historical, in otherwordsthe historicity of theavataraand his
beinglocated in spaceand time was irrelevantto the religious process.
Thiswasofcoursein strikitng contrast to the historicityof thefounders of
various Vaisnava sects. Unlike contemporary Hindumovements today
whichseekto findbirth-places and historicityfortheavatarasofVisnuand
evendragin archaeology in theattempt to provethis,suchsearcheswereof
littleconcernto the majorityof theVaisnavasin thepast. It becomes
pertinenttherefore to enquireinto thequestionofthe periodofhistory
when the need forhistoricityentersbeliefin theavatarasand why.
The persecution of Buddhists and Jainaswasnota principal concern
withall Hindu sects,nevertheless it is socially important enough to be
recorded bysome. If therehad been aE Hindu community with an all-India
identity then it wouldlhave been aware oftheintoleranice ofsomeofits
constituents and pronouncedupon it. That this intoleranceis not
characteristic ofthe entirecommunity does notsuggestthe toleranceof
Hindus but ratherthat theconsciousness ofcomnmunity determined bya
religious identitybasedon certainessentialuniformities andcutting across
segmental maynothavebeenprevalent.
differences
Consciousness
CivilisationalSymbolsand Community
The term'Hindu'is usedforthefirst timein Arabicsourcesreferring
to the inhabitants of the sub-continent across theIndus. For themit
simplymeanttheindigenous.It doesnotappearto havebeenappropriat-
ed bythosewhoconstitute whatwe todaycall theHinducommunity until
verymuchlater. The historical contextsuggeststhat itconnotednot a
specificidentitybut was intendedto includethose who were neither
Muslimnor Christian.It wouldbe worthinvestigating whetherhistori-
cally the label 'Hindu'became a convenient umbrellaunderwhichto
includea largenumber ofsegments whichlayoutsidethemoreidentifiable
followersofIslamand Christianity.In thecase of Islamand Christianity
thereligiousidentitycutacrosscasteand sectarian concerns.Thiswasnot
so with what have been called Hindu castesand sects. Perhapsit would
be moreappropriate to see the as
latter communities. The together
putting
oftheselattergroups was however important to theprocess of nation-

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 15

building in recenttimes.
The religious identity amonggroupswhichhad constituted whathas
cometo be calledthe Hinduswas eariiera seriesof sectarianidentities
ratherthanone ofa universalising kind. Stichan identity wouldrequire
closeandeffective communication ifactionas a community was at stake.
Evenat the levels ofthe politicalelite andgiventheiruse a common
of
languageSanskrit, thereappearsto havebeenlittlecommunication. During
theyearswhenRajendraCola was campaigning in thesouthandtheeast,
MahmudofGhazniwas attacking thetempletownsofnorth-eastern India.
One would expectthat this onslaughton Hinduism,as it is described
today,wouldhavefoundsomereference inthecourtof onewhowasthen
the greatestHinduking. Howeversuchreflections are absent. Whatis
equallycuriousis thatthe Kashmiripoet Bilhana,the biographer of
Vikramaditya VI, theCalukyaking,mentions in theconcluding cantoof
the Vikramanka-deva-carita that he visitedSomanathaand goes on to
makedisparaging remarks aboutthelocalGujaratisbutmakesno mention
oftheattackon thetemplebyMahmud:andthisbiography waswritten
aboutthreegenerations after theattack. Arewe not thenperhaps exag-
gerating or beingimprecisewhenwe talktodayabouttheexistence ofan
all-IndiaHinducommunity duringthesetimes? Thereappearinsteadto
have beena numberof segments largelydetermined by caste,custom,
languageand regionandonly at certainlevels werereligiousidentities
recognisable as beingsimilar. Fortherest,casteidentities probably were
moresignificant and the religious beliefsystems and actionsofparticular
castesmayhavehad somecommonfeatures.Therewascertainly geogra-
phical mobilityamongbrahmansand a certaindegreeof universality
amongthemtoo,butthiswas nota Hinduidentity in thesenseofenvelop-
ingpeopleat all levelsin all sects. Sankaracarya forinstance organised a
Saivitebrahmanidentity butnota Hinduidentity.Eventheobservance
of varna-asrama-dharma remained a normative aspiration.Differences of
language, customary law and worship keptthesegments segregated.
It is importantto differentiate between commoncivilisational
are
symbolswhich recognised over an area and the consciousness ofa
community actingtowardscommonsocialand religiousgoals. Whereas
theformer wasevident thelatterappears notto have beenso. It is also
worthexamining the possiblydifferent role ofthe inter-relation between
religionandsocietyin sucha casteand sect-based system.Historians have
long looked at religionsin India, whether indigenous or imported,from the
perspective the
of teachings ofthetexts. This obviouslyhas to be related
to thepracticeand perceptions ofthe religiousgroupsif religioninthe
pasthasto be properlyunderstood.Toleranceand persecution hasto do
withsuch perceptions. It is worthnoticingforexamplethatin theearly
encounter between religious sectsin IndiaandIslam,Muslimswererarely
referred to as such. The termsused wereeitherethnic-Turuska/Turk or
geographical Yavana/West Asianor themoregeneralised meaning
mleccha,

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16 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

impureand covering a widerangeof non-Muslims as well. Thisis a very

different perception of'theother'fromwhatwehavetriedto makeofit by
postulating a societydividedintoHindusand Muslims.
The Hindu community as an all India phenomenon identifyingitself
as a largecommunity encompassing all aspectsof'Hiindu' beliefand wor-
shipappearsto havebeen a development ofrecentcenturies. The notion
maywellhavebeen encouragednotonlyby theadoptionofthelabelof
'Hindu' but also by the use of this label by Orientalistscholarship,
by the attemptto formatHinduismas a historically evolvedreligion
alongthelinesofChristianity bythe demandsof politicalrepresentation
as theyemerged in thenineteenth century. HerethetermHinduconnotes
the
effectively capturing and claiming of almost all religiousbeliefand
practice other than that associated with Islam and Christianity.It
a
bunchestogetherrange ofreligioussects,some so antithetical toeachother
thatitis difficult to acceptthemunderone label. This perhaps also explains
thecase withwhichthatpre-eminent institution, the Ramakrishna Mission,
can claimto be bothHinduandnon-Hindu.
For sucha diversecommunity to createa uniform cultural tradition
foritselfcan become an exerciseinjuggling withhistory.Traditions are
not self-created: they are consciously chosen and the choice from thepast
is enormous.We tend therefore to choose thatwhichsuitsourpresent
needs.The choice has itsown logicand we are perhapsnotfullyawareof
thedirections whichsuchchoices may take. If we are to understand the
roleofreligion in theIndiansocietyofearliertimes we may have to move
awayfromtheparadigmof Hinduismand theotherreligionsin Indiaas
projected in thecolonialperiod. There has to be an awarenessofsocial
relations actuallyexperienced and therepresentation of thesebyparticular
socialgroups.In oursearchfora culturaltraditionwe turnto normative
textsand thebrahmanicaltraditionas the exemplars fromthepast. This
has theadvantagethatit actsas a kindof all-purpose Sanskritisation. But
it excludesa largerangeofbothvaluableand essential culturalexperience.
Complexsocietieshavecompetingvaluesystemsand attemptsare made
bythemoreestablished to deleteideologies ofprotest or ofdivergent values
as I havetried to show. The awareness of the historical context ofa
culturalformor an ideological supposition may help us understand that
culturalforms do changetheirfunction overtimeboththrough theinternal
development oftheformand through the imprintofexternal factors.In
otherwordsculturalformsare embeddedin social realities and whenwe
consciously of
choosea culturalformwe shouldbe aware thisreality.It is
onlythenthatthechoicebecomesintelligible.
I havehere triedto showthat we havea varietyof beliefsabout
our past whichwe have projectedas part of our culturaltraditions.
We speak of a well-regulated societycharacterised in all cases byan
observance ofcasterulesbutwe paylessattention to instances wherethese
rules were not observed, The latter would go contrary to thetradition

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 17

but would provideinsightsinto nuancesof social dispositionsanidperhaps

fostera variantset of traditionsabout the functioning of society. We see
the traditionof renunciationlargely as a searchfor individualsalvation
withan emphasison the value of other-worldliness missingout the impor-
tance or the seeminglycontradictoryrole of the renounceras a figureof
authorityin society. We insist on the tradition of toleranceand non-
violenceas an essential feature of Hindu practiceand by neglectingthe
evidenceto the contrarydiminish our understandingof the religiousand
of a major part of our cultural past. This aspect
social inter-relations
would be further illuminated if we had a moreprecise historicalviewof at
least the concept of community instead of assuming its existencein a
particularformfrom earliertimes. Communitiesin contemporaryIndia
be theyHindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian or whatever,seek legitimacyby
assertinga long history of their existence. This claim relatescloselyto
our understandingof a secular societyin the present. A more precise
comprehensionof the communityin Indian historywould clarifysome of
the problemsof the present day as well. Our understanding of all these
institutionsfromthe past is closely relatedto our perceptionsof ourselves
in the present. It is imperativethereforethathistoricallegitimacyshould
not be givenarbitrarily withoutfirstascertainingits historicalviability.

II. Patronage
I would like to take up a fewJcultural symbols which have conven-
tionallygone into the makingof what we regardas some of our cultural
traditionsand look morecloselyat the levels of meaningwhichinhereto
such symbols. This category of culturalsymbols presupposesthecreator
of theformand the personforwhomit is created: a relationshipwhichis
foundedon the notionof an exchangebetweenthe two. It is not an equal
exchangeforit often involves that whlichis tangible with thatwhichis
intangible. The exchange hinges on the questionof patronage whichis
centralto the continuityof culturalsymbolsin society. It also introduces
the social manifestations of thesymbol.
When we referto our culturalinheritancewe tend to focuson forms
of expressionwhetherit be the crafts,poetry,architecture,values or what-
ever,and frequentlyforgetthe exchangerelationshipswhichwerecrucial
to theseformsand which imbued them with a social functionwithout
whichfunctiontheymay not have survived. Let me hastilyadd tlhatby
social functionI do not mean merely the mundane use of an object or
formbut ratherits multiplerole withinsociety. Its survivalis inllerently
tied to the historical process since the cultural symbolchangesin accor-
dance withlhistorical change and is rarelystaticeitherin formor in social
function. We tend today to treat ctulturalsymbols fromthe past as if
theyexisted in a vacuum unrelated to space and time,and pick out and
isolate them in accordance with our contemporarydefinitionsof past
cultureas well as our presentneeds. But even traditionsare not self-

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18 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

created:theyare sociallycontrolledbothin theirmakingc, as wellas in

the selectingfromthemof whatis requiredforcontemporary purposes.
It seemsto methenthatin orderto understand theculturalsymboland
its role in a traditionwe needto exploremorefullytherelationship of
exchangeofpatronage involvedin thefashioning ofthecultural formand
itssocialreference points. If I am not discussing the act of creativity
hereit is not becauseI finditunimportant butbecausemy emphasisfor
themoment matters.
is on different
The definition of patronageis popularly treatedas a restricted one:
thewealthgivenby a person of status
superior to an artistto enablethe
latterto produce a work of art. But the act of patronage is neitherso
restricted It
norso simple. implies a variety of social categories which
participatein the makingof the culturalobject; implicitalso is the
understanding oftheinstitutionwhichis createdfromtheact ofpatronage
and has social manifestations. It becomesthe legitimiser ofthepatron
and in additionto a possiblerole of authority, maytakeon othersocial
roles. Not leastofall is the consideration of theaudienceto whichthe
act of patronageis directedwhichmay operate as the arbiterofthe
patronage in question.Patronagetherefore can act as a culturalcatalyst.

Prasastior Eulogy
Let meillustratethiswitha fewexamples.
I wouldliketo beginwiththe mostsimpleand mostdirectexample
ofwhatmightbe called man-to-man patronage.I am referring to the
dana-stutihymns oftheRg Veda." A bardcomposeda hymnin praiseof
hispatronwhowas oftenthe chiefofa clan. The occasionforthiswas a
successfulcattle raid againsta neighbouring chiefor tribein whichthe
chiefand hisfollowerscaptureda largenumberof cattle and preferably
a fewherders as well. The occasionwas ofcentralimportance to a society
andeconomywherea cattleraidwas one ofthe two ways of increasinga
herd,theotherbeing breeding.The newlyacquiredherdwas distributed
amongtheclansmen withdoubtlesstheehiefkeepinga majorshare.From
thiswealthhe rewarded thebardwhohadcomposedthestutior theeulogy
on thechief. And as rewardthe bard receivedlavish giftsofheadof
cattleand horse,gold,chariotsand slave-girls.Hence the seemingman-
to manrelationship.
Butthisrelationship had a widerdimension.The bardarguedthat
it washisinvocationto thedeitieswhichresulted in a victorious raidand
thistogether withtheeulogyrequired a rewardfromthe chief. The gift
fromthechiefwas thushis duiereward. In theeyesofsocietythestatus
ofthechiefwas further enhancedby theeulogy. Thestutiwasnotonly
theraja'sclaimto famebutit re-iteratedhisrightto be a raja. In theact
ofgift-givinga transferenceofwealthtookplacebetween thechiefand the
bardwhichin a societybased on reciprocaleconomicrelationswasa
significantact. Not least such bards claimedthatthey hadbestowed

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 19

immortality on the chief,and how righttheywere,forwe now knowof the

existenceof theserajas largelyfrom the dana-stutihymns. Those chiefs
who weremagnanimousin theirgiftswereheldby thebardsas modelsand
it was suggestedthatotherchiefsshouldfollowtheirexample.
This nexusbetween bard and chief receivessocial sanctionand be-
comesrootedin society. It is incarnatedrepeatedlywhen societychanges
and is germane to the multiplicityofprasastisor eulogiesin latertimes
althoughtheformundergoesa mutation. The briefestbut most fulsome
in praiseoccurin the inscriptionsfromthe Gupta period onwardswiththe
most famous of the early ones being that on Samudragupta. More
elaborateformsoccurin the biographiesof kings referred to as thecarita
literature.The biographyof Harsavardhana,theHarsa-caritaof Bana and
thelater Vikramanka-deta-caritaof Bilhana whosepatron was theCalukya
king VikramadityaVI, are the ones that come to mind as thebetter
examplesof thisgenre. The pravastiswere not concernedprimarilywith
recordingfactual evidence but wereinvolvedin thesamematterswhich
have been mentionedearlier. The eulogy legitimisedthe status of the
rulerand thiswas particularlynecessarywhere therule of primogeniture
had been broken;it underlinedthe expectationsfroma just king;it besto-
wed immortality on the ruleras is evidentfromcases wherethepoet was
speciallyinvitedto composetheprasasti; it recognisedtherole of poets as
partof the royal entourage. Such texts were not meant to be taken
literally. In effecttheygive us an elaborated viewof thecourtlyculture
muchprizedat thattime.
Buriedin themhoweverwas also the genealogical elementcentralto
thosemakingclaims to status. In a society where statuswas ostensibly
conditionedby birth it was necessaryto claim the highestlineageconnec-
tions. These were provided to familieswho had risen politically by
genealogistswhose authorityin relation to their patronwas substantial.
The eulogy became the rhetoricof thisrelationship. The bard,sincehe
passed judgementon a man of high status, acquired an independent
authority,was regardedas inviolate,and could ifhe chose become the
articulatorof dissent. His pronouncementson the legitimacyof the king
placed himin a senseoutsidethe hierarchyof caste. Thus in some states
of Rajasthan,the bard ifhe disappr-oved of the action of the kingwould
proclaimthathe wishedto fastunto death,whatwas called a dharna,and
if he died the the guiltforhis death would rest on the king,The king
would in factbe guiltyof the death of his legitimiser.The social reference
of thebard in such situationswas thereforemorethana merepoet com-
posingeulogies. The prasasti was not nmerely a courtlygesture or the
creationof a new literarygenre for it carries manyothermeaningsand
assumptions.The authorwas integralto social and politicalarticulation.

The Stupa
I haveso far referred
to the culturalformas manifest
in primarily

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20 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

non-tangibleways. Stutis and prssastis were largely compositionsto be

recitedand heard even whentheywere recordedin writing. I would like
to turnto anotherkindof culturalidiom, the three dimensionalformof
monumentswhichare visibleon the physicallandscape. Monumentsfrom
thepast are generallyregarded as architectural forms encapsulating
aestheticformulaeand religious statementsand are today evaluatedand
discussedlargelyin tiheseterms. But implicitin monumentsis a gamutof
meaningswhich need to be made moreexplicitif the monumentis to be
fullyunderstood. I would like to take as an example the stupaas a
culturalsymbolbut for reasonswhich I hope will becomeevident,limitit
to the ones at Sanchi, Bharhut and Arnaravati.8 The stupabeginsas a
smallcommemorative tumulus or one enshrining relics. At this pointits
social functionis limited.Howeverthe change of patronagealso changes
the scope not onlyof its aestheticand religioussymbolismbutincorporates
a rangeof social statementswhichgive it an additional meaningto thatof
its originalform.
We ate so used to giving dynasticlabels to everything fromthe past
thatfor a long time such monumetnts have been described as Sunga or
Satavahana art. Yet the dynasties of the Sungas and the Satavahanas
wereonlymarginallyinvolvedif at all withthesemonuments.The patrons
werethe communitiesof traders,artisans,guilds of craftsmen, small-scale
landowners-the seithigahapatifamilies- and monks and nuns. Mention is
made of guildsof ivory-carvers and corn dealers,of weavers, pottersperfu-
mers, bead-makers,garland makers, timber merchants,cloak-makers,
blacksmiths, masons and buLilders.19Only a smatteringof familiesfrom
royaltyor higlhpoliticaland administrativeofficeare listed. Fortunately
thesemonumentsare studdledwith votive insciriptions-thepious records
of thosewho contiribuited towards their construction. Examples of this
categoryof patronage are available fromthe second centuryB.C. to the
fourthcenturyA.D. In some cases thisformof patronagebecomesunique
where the craftsmenwlho actually workon the object of patronageare
themselvesthe patronsas in the case of the ivory-carvers'guild from
Vidisa who sculptedpart of the gatewaysat Sanchi. The themesdepicted
these
at thesesites were commensuratewitlhthe life and aspirationsof
social groups. Not surprisinglystories fromnthe Jataka literatureare
frequ.lentlyillustrated.
The linikwitheairlierformsof patronage is at one level the act of
gift-?ivingor dana atlthough the contextof th; giftis differentin each case.
The gift in the earlier system was given by one person to anothernot
neccssarily in a personal capacity since it was often determined by the
statusand functionof the two persons conicerned. Community patronage,
whichis whatdistinguishes the particuldarstupaarchitecture discussedhere,
was largely ra collection of individual giftsbrought together througha
and a morelooselydefinedsocial
religiousidlenltity identity. The giftwas
madleinitiallyat least forpersonalreasonsand not because of requlirements

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 21

ofstatusor function.Thispossibly changedovertime.Donationinvolved

an exchange formerit,
ofa gift,dana, in return punya.Thegiftwasa gift
of a collectivity butat thesame timeits recordwaspersonalised.The
giftwent towardsthe buildingof a religiousinstitution, the Buddhist
sangha. In theearliersystem thepatronand therecipienthad a reciprocal
dependence and the objectsexchangedtendedto be inalienable.In the
case ofa giftto theBuddhistsanghait tooktheformofwealthor labour,
bothofwhichwerealienableand therelationbetween thedonorand the
differencehere was thecreationof
was voluntary. The significant
sang/ha
a moretangible cultural formwhichbecamethenucleusofa morecomplex
social institution.Artisansas patronsreflectsocial mobilisation in a
periodofsocialchanige witbpossibilitiesofupwardmobility.Suchpatro-
nage pointstherefore to therespectgivento artisansat leastbyurban
society.In contrast to thisthedharmasastras rateartisansas low. Artisan
guildsand evenfinanciers' guilds becamea feature of theurbanlandscape
duringthistime. The hereditary recruitment guildand endogamous
to the
marriage encouraged theconversion ofa guildintoa jail. Guilddonations
weretherefore potentially caste donationsbut obviously extendingover
morethanonecaste. Someof theseartisansand guildswere doubtless
also seekingbothstatusand publicity by recordingtheirdonationsquite
apartfrommerit. The ivory-carvers' guild whichsculpted thegatewayat
Sanchimaywellhaveachievedrenown, and mayhavebeenthesamewhich
carvedsomeoftheexquisiteivoly panels so reminiscent of the Sanchi
gateway, whichfoundtheirwayto the cityof Begramin Afghanistan, a
royalcentreoftheKusanas.
Donationswere both specificto a monastery as in the case of
Kanheri,Karle,Bedsaand the other numerous rock cut monasteriesofthe
Deccan,as wellas more generalisedforthe benefitof the community at the
stupasat Sanchi,Bharhutand Amaravati. In the former thespectacular
caityahalls areoftensurroundedby contrastingly bare monasticcells.
Bothstulpaand monastery encapsulatedthe powerof the sanghaas an
institutionand thestupabecameitsrecognised symbol. Thesacredstruc-
ture withits casketof relicswas demarcatedfromprofanespacebya
railingwith elaboratelysculptedgateways. Contributions towardsthe
construction oftherailingsand theadorning ofthegatewaywasan act of
pietyinvolving the entirecommunity of believers.The sanghaconsisting
ofa bodyofrenouncers wasregardedas an alternative sourceofauthority
whichgovernedboth social and religiouslife. Whenthosein political
authoritywerethe patronsof thebuilding ofthestupatheywereseeking
legitimation fromthe sanghaapartfromtheirpersonalpiety. Whenthe
community as suchhelped buildthestupait was seekingtheprotection of
this alternative authority as well as invoking it. Monuments therefore
werenevermerelyreligious or artisticedificeswithfunctions limitedto
the performance of ritual. Inevitablythere were also levels of authority
written intothesymbolic understanding of themonument. Such authority

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22 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

wasalmosttangible wherethemonument supporteda religious institution.

Possiblythismayin part account for theirvulnerability to attacks from
competing religioussects.
The votiveinscriptions provideevidenceof the widenetworksof
geographical contacts,indicating yetanother dimensioni to theconceptofa
Buddhist community.Donorsbelongedto variousparts ofthe Deccan
althoughlocal donationswere of coursehighin number. The location
ofthe monuments alongtraderouteswould pointto urbanconnections
or withmarket centres. Somedonationsat KarlenearPoona came from
BuddhistYavana traders fromAfghanistan, and possiblyeven Egyptas
partoftheRomantradewiththewestcoastof India. The extensive geo-
graphicalnetwas drawntogetherbythe appealto a community ofcom-
monbelief, ritualand religious identity.
Otherkindsoflinks were also known. Members of a royalfamily
invested moneyin a guild, the interest of which went towards financing
some aspect of the Buddhistsangha. Here a different kind of nexusis
establishedwhichstill drawson patronagebut of a less obvious kind
and brings togetherroyalty,coinmercialinterestsand the sangha.
In this case the giftplays a dual role-as donationas well as invest-
ment.
One ofthemorestriking aspectsof thesedonationsis thenumberof
womendonors. Donationsfromqueensand womenoftheroyalfamily
are ofcourseknownfromtheearlyphases of manyBuddhist sites.Royal
patronage, sinceit had to include more than a single religious sect,beingin
theoryabovethe competition forpatronage, seems in the early period to
havehandledthedivisionalonggenderlines. Where kings presided over
brahmanyajnas theirwives and sistersmade donationsto Buddhist
monuments.
Whatarehowever far morenotable arethe donationsofordinary
womento thebuilding and adornmentofstupasandcaityas. Thesecome
in largernumbers fromthefamiliesofsmall-scale landowners, traders and
artisans. In thecase of donationsof landthe names of the womenare
listedas partofa family. Butmoregenerally contributions arelinkedto
individual names. Sometimes the donations are made by husband and
wife. On other occasions by a mother and son or by sistersbut many are
justthesingle names of women. What is even more interesting is that
almosthalfthe womenwho haverecorded theirdonationsindividually
werenuns,as indeedevenamongmaledonorslargenumbers ofmonksare
listed. Thisraisesa hostof questions. Did these women share in rights
to thefamily property ? In thecase of a siingle woman making a dona-
tionwasthispartofherstri-dhana, thewealthgiven to her by her mother
and overwhichshein tlheory had completecontrol? It doesseem curious
thatsuch recordsare morefrequent in Buddhist and Jainacontexts than
in thoseof otherreligioussects. The over-ruling of the Buddha'sobjec-
tionsto an orderof nunswas apparentlyan act of greatforesight.It

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 CULTURAL IRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 23

wouldseemthatwomenhad a distinctly betterstatusin whathavebecn

calledtheheterodoxsectsthaan in brahmanism.Suchwomenclearlydid
notregardSitaas theirrule modelnordo theyappearto havepaidmuch
attentionto theinjunctions oftheManuDharmasastra requiringwomenin
everystageoflifeto be subserviaent to men. Ofcoursetheassociation of
womeniwiththis kindof donation,suggestive of a particularstatus,
is prevalentduringa specific timeand in relationto a specific objective.
Community patroniage of tthiskind began to declinefromthemid-
firstmillennium A.D. I haveusedthe termcommunity in thecontextof
theBuddhiststupaand thismay requiresome explanation.Thosethat
donateto thestupabelongbyand largeto castesspreadacrossthesocial
spectrum although themajoritywould belongto themiddlelevels. The
donations collectedforthe creation andembellishment ofthestuparepre-
senta religiouscommunity and thereare a large number of smalldona-
tions. There were also otherBuddhistmonuments builtsubstantially
fromroyaldonations andthesewould notbe included in thecategory of
community patronagesalthoughtheyweresimilarin architectural form.
The senseof community amongtheBuddhistssawthemas participating
in an identitywhichdrewon a uniformly recognised religiouspracticeand
evolvedand cutting
beliefhistorically acrosssegmental differences. Thisis
notto suggest that therewere no sectariandifferences withinBuddhism.
Butthesectswithin Buddhism relatedthemselves to a common historically
evolvedreligion,to differences of intcrpretationof theoriginal teaching
andto thepreceding formsofreligious practice.Suchsectsare dissimilar
to thesectswithinHlinduism, manyofwhichhavediverseorigins, do not
necessarily relateto the sameset ofhistoricaleventsandsomeofwhich
repudiated the verytextsregarded by othersas the foundationof their
religion.Evenin thiscase however thequestionwhichneedsto be investi-
gated is whetherthe Buddhistcommunity as evidentfromthevotive
inscriptionsdiscussed, continued to have thesameidentity inlaterperiods
and in relationto otherparts of thecountry.Possiblythis senseof
community wastied to particularhistoricalcircumstances and,as was
oftenthecase withsuchself-perceptions, may wellitself haveunidergone a
change.
The Temple
In contrast
to this Buddhistsense of community a guild of silk
weaversbuiilt
a templeto Surya also in centralIndia butcontributions
werecollectedfrom onlythe on-ie
guildeven thoughits memberswereno
longerprofessionallyconfinedto silkweaving.20In thiscasethenotionof
community is morelimited.It neitherincludes otherguildsnor other
worshippers ofSurya. Royaland aristocratic patronagegradually came
to peedomintate and supercedeconmmunity patronage.Thisis noticeable
in thewestern)eccan at ElloraatndAjanta. Theimportance
eveni ofthe
StVpaas a symbol seemsto givewayslowlyto caityahallsand viharas.The

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24 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

new patronage being very substantialenabled the maintenanceof large

monasteries. It was thisagain whichbecame the patternin easternIndia
withNalanda financedby the endowmentof a hundredif not two hundred
villagesand othermonastic centres such as Vikramasila and Paharpura
equally well off. The smaller collections made by traders and artisans
weregivingway to the lavish endowmentsof royalty. The focusshifted
to strengthening the monastic establishment. The sang/ha thereforehad
now to functionto a greater extenitthanbeforeas a land owner anld a
propertiedinstitution. As such it camreinto comipetitionwith.otherreli-
gious institutionswhiclhalsol were receivinigendowmientsfromroyalty,
namelythe templesof the various Htindusects.
The genesisof the temple appears to have been a small slhrine-room
housingan image as the nucleus of a cult. This is suggestedby one of the
earliestexamplesof the Gupta period located in the shadow of the Sanchi
stuipa. The singleroom acquired adjoining structures. Withthe conver-
sion of a cult into a sect with a followinig ancd the patronage of local
political authorityalso th-ownin, the small shrineevolved into thecom-
plex structureassociated with Hinidu temples. The temple comes to
dominiatethe landscape when it takes the formn of a structureas deternmin-
ed by architects,buildlersand craftsmen-thbc stitradlzara,siliapatiand si/pin.
As withthestupa it is initiallyan architecturaul form built to ideiitifya
place of worship. But from the moment of it<sexpansionit takes on the
qualities of a social symbol and in many cases a very complicated
one.
The Simhachalamtemplein the Vishakhapatanamdistrictof Andhra
Pradesh is one such example.21 Its historyand functionis by no means
unique nor is it the largest of temples. It is merelyone among many
othersin the countryand its evoluitionfollowsa patternwhichin its broad
outlineis repeated elsewhere in the late firstand earlysecond millennium
A.D. It arose in the proximity of Buddhiststructures and is said to be
located at the site of one. A number of Hinidu templeshave Buddhist
sites lurkingin theirfoundations. The earliest votive inscriptionof the
eleventhcenturyis that of a merchant.But in the subsequentfivecenturies
merchantdonations are few and the fivehundredand odd inscriptionson
its walls recordingdonationsare largely of the members of the royal
families of the various dynastieswhichruledin the area, their ministers
and commanders-the,mahapatras and senapalis-their officers and their
feudatories,a differentclientelefromthoseof the Buddhiststupasof the
Deccan. The eleventh centurytemple was destroyedin the thirteenth
centuryand even its inscribedstoneswere used as buildingmaterialfor the
new templeat the site. Thus some of the earlierrecordswerebuiltcasually
inltothe walls of the new temple and are lost to us. The districtsaw a
fastturnover of politicalauthorities,the Calukya Colas, EasternGangas,
Kakatiyas,Gajapatis, Vijayanagaraand eventuallythe Sultansof Golconda
century. Dynasticchangesare evident not only from
itnthe late sixteenith

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 25

thevotiveinscriptions butalsofrom themixture ofarchitecturalstylesfrom

Orissa,TelenganaandSouthIndiaandfromtheiconographical features of
thewideranging imageswithmutationstiedbothto sculptural injunction
and localbeliefs.
A complaintwas takento the stltan of Golconda that Muslim
soldiershad vandalised thetemple. The sultansentan officer to sortout
thematter and make endowments for thebrahmans attached to thetemple
and reactivate it, In thelate eighteenth ceinturytherewere a seriesof
Maratharaidsin theareaandit is notclearfromtherecords whether the
templewas safe fromthem. There is a conspicuousabsenceof any
Marathadonations.
In thenineteenth centuryparts oftheearlierthirteenth century soft-
stonestructures beganto decayand damagedthetemple, requiring exten-
siverepairs. Local opinionnow insiststhatthese repairswererequired
becausethetemplewasdamagedby'theMuslims'.
Thecentralshrineroomhousesa curiousimageofVaraha-Narasimha
Visnu. The imagewasoriginally a Siva-lingam.Butthetempleafteran
extended visitfromRamanu;ja wasconverted to Vaisnavism.The sthala-
puranaofthetemplerelatesthestorythathe orderedtheexisting lingam
to be cutand sculpted to theformof VisnuNarasimha.Halfwaythrough
thisprocesstheiconbeganto bleedandin greatfearthesculptors appeal-
ed to Ramanujawho thenorderedthemto stoptheirwork. Henceit
remains an incomplete imageand whenit is coveredwithsandal-paste, as it
is mostofthetime,it continues to looklikea lingam.
Thethirteenth ceniturytempleboastedofa vestibule, a porch,an
assembly-hall, a natyamandapam and a varietyofhallsforspecialfestivals,
notto mention a surround ofshrinesto subsidiary deities. The treasury
wherethesubstantial jewels of thedeitieswerekept adjoinedthetemple
and beyondtheoutercourtyard werethetempletanks,thegardens andthe
structures whichhousedthevehicles ofthedeity.
Donationsto thetempleendowedit withextensive assets. Thelarge
acreagesof arable land were leasedoutto tenants. Revenuehad to be
collectedfromtheseas also fromthe villageswhichthetemplereceived as
endowments.In someinstances thisrevenuepermitted thetempleto act
as a banknotonlyforruralcreditbutalso to financetrading guilds.The
dailyofferings ofcash andjewels had to be registered. All this required
a largenumber of functionaries. The head of thetemplewasgiventhe
appropriate titleofbhogapariksa and hiewas boththe religious headas
wellas thesuperintendent or adhikari oftheadministration of thetemple.
Theritualswere performed bya body ofpriests and mention is madeof
thirty brahmans in this category.The assistants who helpedthemwith
theritualwere distinctfromthepanditsand theadhyapakas whorecited
thepuranicand epic texts. The number of thesehad reachedfifty-two
in thenineteenth centurh.Lowerdownthesocialscalewerethemusicians,
torchbearersand thedevadasis,and ofthe lattermentionis madeofone

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26 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

hundred inthethirteenth century.The administration ofthetemplehad

a separatehierarchy of office-bearers including the treasurer/bhandari,
accountants/srikarnams, goldsmiths, stone masons,carpenters and iron-
smiths,as also those employedas attendantsand palanquinbearers,
sweepers andcleaners,elephantkeepers, sudraswhocultivated theflower
gardens, as wellas herdsmen from the tribeof the Boyas to tend to the
manythousandheadof cattleand sheepowned bythetemple.Religious
and administrative officeswerehereditary and incumbents werepaidwith
endowments oflandor a shareoftheofferings.
The templewas in facta largeestate employing hundreds ofpeople
in variouscapacities.Not surprisingly theritualtreatedthechiefdeityas a
dominant landownerin a ajjmanisystem. The economicassetswereheld
in thename ofthedeityand theemployees perfomed servicesforthedeity.
The social hierarchy was perhaps more easily maintained in a system of
servicerelationships. Power was enhanced where the temple authorities
not only collectedtaxes but also exercisedjudicialrights. Additional
incomecamein at the time offairsand festivals and frompilgrims. The
templewasoftenthemajoragricultural entrepreneur of theregionbringing
newlandundercultivation. Commercewas also encouragednotonlyby
the markets cateringto pilgrims fromvariousplaces butalso bytraders
bringing in exoticitems,such as perfumes, musk,rosewaterand camphor
usedin theritual.
The templetherefore represented a continuumof functionaland
symbolic meanings.For someit wasthe cosmic bodyofthe deityor the
cosmicformofthe universe.Its architecture and sculpturewere the
articulation of theorieson aestheticsand iconography.The musicand
danceofthedevadaSis wereintegrated intomusicology and at anotherlevel
thedevadasis wereregarded as sacred concubines. The mnathas attachedto
thetemplefor trainingthe priestsdeveloped into centres of sectarian
activity as
as well centres forformal education and debate. The recitation
oftheepics,purana,kathaand kavyato audiencesofpilgrims and devotees
assistedtheprocessof interaction and theassimilation ofthe 'high'culture
withthelocal culture. For the devoteethetemplewas a sanctified place
ofworship. For thekingit wasboth a place of worshipand a sourceof
legitimation.Thisled to everysuccessive rulerfroma variety ofdynasties
recording a donationon thetemplewalls. It became a nucleusof loyalty
to thekingand thiswas particularly necessarywheretheretherewas a
fastchangeof fortuneamong royal families. As a nucleusofloyaltyit
would draw not only on the institution but also on the networks of
devoteesand pilgrims.And who withanypoliticalsensedoesnot know
thattheloyaltyof localfactionis oftheutmostimoortance in building a
politicalbase. So greatwastheneedforthispoliticalbase that a military
outpostwasestablished at thetempleas earlyas theeleventh century.
The state saw thetempleas a revenuecollecting institution as well
and eveniftherevenuedidnotcome to thestate,nevertheless theamount

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTION AND EARLY INDIA 27

wasso largeand the management of cashand endowments so complex

that it requiredsome state supervision.The Gangadynasty therefore
establisheda high-ranking
officer-thekalingapariksa--tosupervisethe
workofthetemplefinctionaries
fiscalandadministrative andactas liaison
between thetempleand its royal patrons.It has been arguedtherefore
thatthetemplebecamea politicaloutpostof theGangas.
on a templewall are legal documents
Inscriptions recording the
propertyrights and administrative functionhi;gof the temple. The
recording ofdonationsfromroyaltyandfromofficers oftheupperlevels
ofadministrationwasas mnchsymbolicoftheirpoliticalsupremacy as of
theirreligiousidentity.The templeas an institution
wasa recipientofa
of wealthand this exchanpe in the formof patronageestablished
transfer
a reciprocalrelationship
betweenthosewlhoruledandrequiredlegitimation
to rule and those who providedthe legitimationand were supported
financiallyby theirpatrons. This wasin a sensea morecomplicated
projection whichI referred
oftherathersimplerelationship to at thestart,
namely, thatbetweenthe bard and the chief via thedanastuti. Whether
the formwas thatof the eulogyor thestupaor the temple, in each case it
wastheact ofpatronage whichwasgerminal to thecreation ofa formand
a setofrelationships.
A templewasmore thana place of worship. It wasan institution
and as suchparalleledthe sanghaand acquireda statussimilarto thatof
thedominant propertyownersofthetime. It could house a deitywho
on occasioncouildbe regardedas the suzerainoverlordbytheteigning
kingandthusacted as a further sourceof legitimation.TheGangasare
knownto refer to themselves as the feudatories--rauta-of Jagannath at
Puri. Templeritualimitated thedailyroutine ofthe royalhousehold and
thedeitywas treatedat leastas a feudalchiefifnottheoverlord.As an
institution andthroughthe servicesit required,itintegrated a hierarchy
ofcastesfrombrahmans to sudraswitlh eachoneassigned itsdutiesrelated
as closelyas possibleto the normativerules ofthe dharma-sastra texts.
Possibly it wasonlyin the institution of the templethatthe normative
textsweresoughtto be literallyapplied. It also re-iterated stronglythe
segregation advisedbythenormative textsandprohibitedtheunitouchables,
entry to itssacredprecincts.
Thetemplewasa recognised socialinstitution
whichsoughthowever
a specialsanctionfor protection as a sacredcentre. Sucha sanction was
generally conceded.Buton occasionit wasnot.Whena kingwasina politi-
cal or financialcrisishe mightloot thetemples, a casein pointbeingthe
kingofKashmir Harsadevawhoin theeleventh centuryfacedan economic
crisisand decidedto despoilthetemples inhiskingdom in orderto obtain
theirabundantwealth. He appointeda specialofficer, thedevotapatana-
nayaka,to do So.22 Alternatively the richertemplesbecamethetarget for
greedyTurksand Afghanswho seized theirwealth. In otherinstances
wheretheacquisition ofwealthhadless priority theattackon thetemple

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28 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

maywellhavebeenfor religiousreasonsor elsearisingoutofsocialor

as possibly
politicalhostility, in thecaseoftheVirasaivas or ofAurangzeb.
In suchcases religionis used to a
validate of
variety causes. Inevitably
forthe historianthe templeis mote thanjust a place with a religious
identityand whentempletare attackedthe reasonscan be manifold. The
transformation ofthe originalsimpledeva-griha housingthedeitywhich
was thegenesisof the temple, intowhat wasoftencalledtheprasadaor
palacetouchedmanylevels of social, politicaland economicexistence
otherthanthe obviouslyreligious. What may be functionally religious
can haveotherfunctions as wellwhichsupercede the sectand speakto the
society.
I havespoken of threedistinctculturalcategories, theprasastior
eulogy,thestupaand thetemple. These are frequentlyreferred to when
we speaktodayofour culturalheritagefromthepast. I have triedto
suggestthatcommiion between
to themall is the interaction thecreatorof
the culturalidiom and the patron, thatthe idiom itselfis not independent
is bornwhichhas
butthatin thisprocessan institution
ofthisrelationship
I do not mean only a public
a wide social relevance. By institutioni
organisation butan integrated organisedbehaviour patternthrough which
socialcontrolis exercised.Thiscomes to includethe recognition ofa
socialreference point whichevolvesoutofthe existence of theformbut
maynotoriginallyhave beenenvisaged as partoftheform. The bardor
thepoetis seemingly only concerned withtheraja but hiscomposition as
a prasastibecomesa culturalform. Thisin turnreflects on theroleof the
bardinrelationto theraja and also fixescertainfunctions ofthebardin
societywherethebardbecomesthelegitimiser of the kingbut can also for
this reason articulatea protestagainstthe king. The traderand the
artisanareconicerned withthe sangha butboththestupaand thenatureof
donationsto it impingeon a large range ofsocial concernsinvolving the
statusof thedonor as wellas thefunction ofthe sanghain societywhich
functionchangeswhen the donorschange. I havetriedto showthatit
givesexpression to a rangeof actual articulation whichgoes beyondjust
theaesthetic or religiousappeal ofthe stupaor caitya. A kingdonates
wealthfora templebuiltby an architect.From this is borna parallel
institutionto exisiting
oneswitha multiplicity of socialroles. The temple
has a horizontalnexuswithitspatronswhichis basedon a relatively equal
exchange of wealth for legitimation and the socialrecognition of piety.
Butit also has a verticalnexus with those whokeep itgoingwhich
endorses and legitimisesa hierarchy ofunequal statusand dependence as
wellas an inequalityof social access to the goods and servicesof the
temple. Thetempletherefore has also to be seenas an institution as was
thesanghaearlierand has to be assessed as a socialand statement
political
apartfromitsreligious function.In each case a new culturalidiom is
created,a new cultural signal. But our recognition,comprehensionand
acceptanceofthissignalshouldgo beyondthe creatorand thepatronand

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 CULTURAL TRANSACTIONAND EARLY INDIA 29

shouldincludea recognitioni of itssocialreferencepoint. In ourpresent-

dayrecognition oftheidiomwe frequently neglecttheitnstitutionwhichit
givesriseto andinterpret the signalin too narrowa way. An understan-
dingofthesignalinvolves more thanjustan appreciation ofitsreligious
or aestheticform.
In thethreeexamples whichI have discussed patronage in eachcase
picksup a seminalformand developsit almostto the pointoflosingthe
original. It encapsulateswithinita relationship ofexchange whichnot
onlyrelatesthepatronto theobjectofpatronagebutintroduces a further
relationshipbetween the objectandsociety. This relationship hasmany
manifestationsand oftengoes beyonld whatmay originally havebeenthe
purposeoftheobject.
Eachof thesethreeexamplesalso support threedistinct notionsof
authoritywhichwere prevalentin the Indianpast:and whichit hasbeen
arguedareamongitscivilisational symbols.The eulogyfocuseson political
authority.Thestvpadrawson the institution of bhikkhus or renouncers
whoon joiningthe orderdiscontinued theirnormalsocial obligations
butcreatedan alternative society. The templesymbolises theauthority of
thepriestlyfunction.These notionsof authority weredistinctbutthere
wassomeoverlapin thepractice ofthisauthority: the bardhadin parta
statussimilarto thatofthe renouncer inasmuchas he was oftenseenas
outsidethenormalhierarchy of caste and at the same timeevolveda
ritualwhichgave him a special sanction: the alternative societyofthe
renouncer gaveriseto a kind ofmoralautlhority whichcouldimpinge on
social behaviourand politicalaction: the priestdrewstrength from
investingpoliticalauthoritywithi elementsofdivinity and usedthesanction
ofritualand worshipto controlsocialaction. These werecivilisational
symbols whoseouter formsvariedsomewhat whendynasties changedor
newreligions wereintrodluced or wbennewkindsofpoliticalactionwere
required. But the messageof the symbolratherthan itsliteralform
constituteda continuity in Indian history.Such symbolsreachoutto
many manifestations of social and individuallife. To confine themto
merely the aestheticor the religiousor the purelyformalis to failto
comprehend themin theirtotality.
I have triedto show that a cultural formhasitsownhistory and
thatitsmutationis relatedto changinghistorical contexts.To seeit as
partofa historical continuum providesnuanceswhichintroduce a variety
ofinsightsintotheform.I havegivenonlya partialviewofsuchinsights.
Addedto this,the redefinition of the conceptofcultureencourages an
emphasis on thesocial context in whicha culturalformis placed. This
povidesfreshperspectives and reinforces thesignificrance
ofthehistorical
processto theunderstanding of cultural and
traditions symbols.
The keepersand recordersofthe pastarein greater demandwhen
groups,communities and societiesaresearchingforidentities.For each
of thesetherearecriticalpointsin timewhenforvariousreasonsidentities

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30 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

sharpenied
haveto be clarified, and givena direction.Culturalidentities
mayseeminnocuous butmoreoftenthannotareequallystrongly motivat-
since in effect
ed as otheridentities theyincorporate socialbehaviourand
actions. Groupsin societyselect and propagate thoseculturalsymbols
whichtheycan conitrol.
Ourselectionofculturalformstodayhasbeeninevitably conditioned
bythehistoricalexperienceofthelasttwo centuries.The projection was
based on an image of an ideal society closely obsPervingnormativetexts.
Theculturaltraditions so selectedemphasisedupper-castevalues,other-
worldliness, religioustoleranceand a rathersimplistic notionofa com-
munity, all of whichwere takenbackto an earlypast. The current re-
assertion ofculturalidentitiesdirectedtowardstheneedsofnation-building
requires ofus a deeperanalysisof culturaltraditions and symbols. It is
notsufficientthatwe echoand re-echowhat has beensaidin thepastfew
decades. Thisbecomesparticularly relevantwhencultureas defined in a
is
narrowsense sought to be made thebasisof a nationalidentity.
Let methenrepeatthatwe shouldbe awareoftheculturaltraditions
whichwe arecreatingand what goes into the makingof a tradition:
thatnormative valueshaveto be juxtaposedwithsocialreality ifwe areto
understand thecontribution ofeach;thatthestudyofalternative traditions
willprovideus witha clearerimageevenofthatwe regardas established
traditions and themannerin whichtheyrelateto other;thatthe selection
ofsymbols whichare constituted intoa tradionare seldom randomand
generallyhave a purposewhichshould not go uinnoticed; that such
culturalsymbols arenot solelyaestheticforms or forms
religiouis buthave
a socialreference point.
The continiuityofculturetherefore cannotbe viewedmerelyas some
kindofmystic communication fromone generation to anotherwherethe
people involvedare muterecipients. Whenculturaltraditions seeklegiti-
macyfromhistory and thereby imprintthemselveson theperception ofthe
present and are usedas buildingblocks in the construction of contem-
poraryidentities, thenthevoiceofthehistorian has perforceto be heard.

1. Pancavimsa Brahmana14.6.6; Brhad-devata4.11.15: 21.25 ; Rg Veda7.33.

2. Mahabharata,Adi parvan,63.
3. RomilaThapar, 'Geneologyas a Source ofSocial History',in Ancient Indian
New Delhi, 1978,pp. 326-360.
Social History:SomeInterpretatiozs,
4. Mahabharata, Adi parvan,71.
5. Romila Thapar, 'Householders and Renouncersin the Brahmanicalanld
BuddhistTradition',in T.N. Madan (ed.), Way ofLife, New Delhi, 1982,
pp. 273-298.
6. Romila Thapar, 'Renunciation: The Making of a Counter-Culture ?' in
AISH: SI, pp. 63-104.
7. E.g. K.A. NilakanthaSastri,TheCholas,Madras,1955,pp. 636-645.
8. Si-yu-ki-I,xcix.

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 AND EARLYINDIA
CULTURALTRANSACTION 31

9. Rajatatanglni, I. 307.
10. D. Desai, 'Placementand Significance ofErotic Sculpturesat Khajuraho'in
MichaelMeister(ed.), DiscourcesonSiva,Bombay,1984,pp. 143-155.
11. K. Vellaivaranan,The First Seven Tirumunis, Annamalai,1972, pp. 143-4;
K.R. Srinivasani, 'SouthIndia',in A. Ghosh(ed.),Jaina ArtandArchitecture,
Vol. II, New Delhi,1975; R. Champakalakshmi, 'ReligiousConflictin the
TamilCountry', JournaloftheFpigraphical SocietyofIndia,Vol. IV, 1978.
12. P.B. Desai, JainisnminSouthIndia,pp. 82-83,401-2,24,
13. M.A. Dhaky,personalcommunication.
14. Epigraphia Indica,V. p. 237; XXVIII, 1.
15. P.B Desai, op. cit.
16. S.13.Deo, 'Expansionof Jainism', in A. Ghosh,op. cit.
17. As forexample,Rg Veda,8.5; 6.27 ; 8.46; 10.93; 8.1 ; 1.126; 10.107.
18. J. Marshall and A. Foucher,Monuments of Sanchi,Vols. 1111,Calcutta,
1940.
19. EpigraphiaIndica, V. Luders List of Inscriptions.See inscriptions from
Bharhutand Amaravati.
20. MandasorInscription. J.F. Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,Vol. III,
p.79 ff.
21. K. Sundaram,T'heSimhachalam Temple,Waltair,1969.
22. Rajatarangini,VII. 10811095.

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