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Party Position Change in American Politics Coalition
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Party Position Change in American Politics
Coalition Management

America’s two-party system is highly stable, but its parties’ issue posi-
tions are not. Democrats and Republicans have changed sides on many
subjects, including trade, civil rights, defense spending, and fiscal policy
and have polarized on newer issues like abortion and gun control. Yet
party position change remains poorly understood. In this book David
Karol views parties as coalitions of groups with intense preferences
on particular issues managed by politicians. He explains important
variations in party position change: the speed of shifts, the stability of
new positions, and the extent to which change occurs via adaptation
by incumbents. Karol shows that the key question is whether parties
are reacting to changed preferences of coalition components, incorpo-
rating new constituencies, or experimenting on “groupless” issues. He
reveals that adaptation by incumbents is a far greater source of change
than was previously recognized. This study enhances our understand-
ing of parties, interest groups, and representation.

David Karol is Assistant Professor of Political Science in the Charles

and Louise Travers Department of Political Science at the University of
California, Berkeley. He was formerly a visiting scholar at the Center
for the Study of Democratic Politics at Princeton University. He is coau-
thor of The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations before and after
Reform and coeditor of Nominating the President: Evolution and
Revolution in 2008 and Beyond. His work has appeared in the Journal
of Politics, Studies in American Political Development, International
Organization, Brookings Review, and The Forum.
Party Position Change in American
Politics
Coalition Management

David Karol
University of California, Berkeley
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore,
São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521517164
© David Karol 2009

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the

provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part
may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2009

ISBN-13 978-0-511-65852-5 eBook (NetLibrary)

ISBN-13 978-0-521-51716-4 Hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521-73819-4 Paperback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy

of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
To my parents, Nathaniel H. and Liliane Karol, the only people
happier than me to see this book in print
Contents

List of Figures page viii

List of Tables xi
Acknowledgments xiii

Introduction 1
1 Explaining Party Position Change: Theory and Method 6
2 Coalition Maintenance: The Politics of Trade Policy 35
3 Coalition Group Incorporation: The Politics of
Abortion and Gun Control 56
4 The Politics of Race: Coalition Maintenance in the
North, Coalition Group Incorporation in the South 102
5 Coalition Expansion: The Politics of National Defense
and Fiscal Policy 134
6 Conclusions 182

Appendix: Data Sources and Procedures 191

Bibliography 287
Index 303

vii
List of Figures

2-1 Interparty Difference in Support for Freer Trade on

Key Votes: House of Representatives (Democratic
Support − Republican Support), 79th through 109th
Congresses (1945–2006) page 44
2-2 Correlation between Representatives’ Positions on Key
Trade Votes and D1 and D2 NOMINATE Scores,
House of Representatives, 79th through 109th
Congresses (1945–2006) 46
2-3 Difference of Means between Republican and
Democratic Support for Trade Liberalization among
Representatives (Republican Mean − Democratic
Mean), 87th through 93rd Congresses
(1961–1974) 51
3-1 Interparty Difference in Support for Abortion Rights
(Democratic Support − Republican Support), General
Social Survey, 1972–2006 62
3-2 Difference of Means between Democratic and
Republican Support for Abortion Rights among
Representatives (Democratic Mean − Republican
Mean), 93rd through 103rd Congresses
(1973–1994) 80
3-3 Effects of Party- and State-Level Public Opinion on
Senators’ Votes on Abortion, 93rd through 106th
Congresses (1973–2000) 82
3-4 Correlation between Senators’ Positions on Abortion
and D1 and D2 NOMINATE Scores, 93rd through
106th Congresses (1973–2000) 83

viii
List of Figures ix

3-5 Support for Gun Control in the House of

Representatives, 90th (1967–1968) and
103rd Congresses (1993–1994) 85
3-6 Difference of Means between Democratic and
Republican Support for Gun Control among
Representatives (Democratic Mean − Republican
Mean), 90th through 106th Congresses
(1967–2000) 92
3-7 Correlation between Senators’ Positions on Gun Issues
and D1 and D2 NOMINATE Scores, 90th through
106th Congresses (1967–2000) 93
3-8 Effects of Party Affiliation and State Public Opinion
on Senators’ Positions on Gun Control, 90th through
108th Congresses (1967–2004) 94
3-9 Interparty Difference in Support for a Handgun Ban
(Democratic Support − Republican Support), Gallup
Polls, 1975–1999 98
4-1 Interparty Difference of Means (Republican
Mean − Democratic Mean) on Support for Racial
Liberalism, All MCs and Northern MCs Compared,
House of Representatives, 60th through 102nd
Congresses (1906–1992) 107
4-2 Racial Liberalism in the House of Representatives by
Party, 81st (1949–1950), 86th (1959–1960), and 92nd
Congresses (1971–1972) 117
4-3 Interparty Difference between Republican and
Democratic Means on Racial Liberalism (Republican
Mean − Democratic Mean), All Representatives and
Those Serving throughout the Period, House of
Representatives, 85th through 89th Congresses
(1957–1966) 125
4-4 Party and Public Opinion as Predictors of Senators’
Positions on Racial Issues, 90th through 102nd
Congresses (1967–1992) 131
5-1 Interparty Difference of Means on Defense
Spending (Democratic Mean − Republican
Mean), Senate, 86th through 93rd Congresses
(1959–1974) 144
5-2 Correlation between Defense Spending Scores and
D1 and D2 NOMINATE Scores: Senate, 86th through
100th Congresses (1959–1988) 145
x List of Figures

5-3 Interparty Difference on Defense Spending (Net

Democratic Support − Net Republican Support), Gallup
Polls, 1935–2000 161
5-4 Interparty Difference of Mean Support for Income
Tax Cuts among Representatives (Republican
Mean − Democratic Mean), 88th through 96th
Congresses (1963–1980) 173
5-5 Correlation between Support for Income Tax Cuts and
D1 and D2 NOMINATE Scores, House of
Representatives, 88th through 96th Congresses
(1963–1980) 175
List of Tables

1-1 Models of Party Position Change page 19

2-1 Interparty Differences in Support for Freer Trade
among All Senators and among Democrats and
Republicans from the Same States: Key Votes, 79th
through 109th Congresses (1945–2006) 49
2-2 Percentage of Long-Serving Representatives (Stayers)
and the Rest of House Voting for Freer Trade on
Two Trade Policy Votes with Similar Cutpoints: 1962
and 1973 52
3-1 Percentage of Long-Serving Representatives (Stayers)
and the Rest of the House Voting Pro-Choice on Two
Abortion Votes with Similar Cutpoints: 1974 and 1994 80
3-2 OLS Regression Models: Support for Gun Control
among Representatives: All MCs and Those Serving in
Both the 90th and 103rd Congresses (1967–1968 and
1993–1994) 96
3-3 Percentage of Long-Serving Representatives (Stayers)
and the Rest of the House on Supporting Gun Control
on Two Gun Control Votes with Similar Cutpoints:
1968 and 1988 97
4-1 Interparty Difference of Means on Civil Rights
Measures Opposed by Business and on Noneconomic
Civil Rights Issues Compared, House of
Representatives, Selected Congresses, 1965–1992 120
4-2 Comparison of the Positions of Long-Serving
Representatives (Stayers) and the Rest of the House
on Two Civil Rights Votes with Similar Cutpoints:
1964 and 1970 127

xi
xii List of Tables

5-1 Percentage of Long-Serving Senators (Stayers) and the

Rest of the Senate Supporting Defense Spending on
Two Votes with Similar Cutpoints: 1959 and 1968 146
5-2 Party and Local Interests as Predictors of Senators’
Votes on Defense, Selected Congresses, 86th through
101st Congresses (1959–1990), OLS Models 154
5-3 Comparison of Interparty Differences on Mean
Support for Defense Spending, Selected Votes among
All Senators and Democrats and Republicans from the
Same States, 84th through 101st Congresses
(1955–1990) 155
5-4 Share of Campaign Contributions Given to
Republican Congressional Candidates: The Defense
Sector in Comparative Perspective 157
5-5 Percentage of Long-Serving Representatives (Stayers)
and the Rest of the House Supporting Tax Cuts on
Two Votes with Similar Cutpoints: 1963 and 1978  174
Acknowledgments

This book began as a dissertation at UCLA supervised by Karen Orren

and John Zaller. These two scholars differ in many respects, but they
share a fierce and uncompromising integrity. Beyond my intellectual debt
to both of them, which will be evident to readers, I have benefited enor-
mously over the years from their friendship and wise counsel.
I thank my other friends and teachers from my UCLA days who
took the time to read early versions of this project; these include Ben
Bishin, Jorge Bravo, Scott Desposato, Joy Farmer, Paul Frymer, Scott
James, Mark Kayser, Danise Kimball, Brian Lawson, John Londregan,
Tom Schwartz, Barbara Sinclair, and the members of the Political
Parties Reading Group, a group that sociologists or intellectual histo-
rians might one day note overlaps to a great extent with the Klugies. I
also benefited from suggestions offered by readers beyond Westwood,
including Larry Bartels, Fred Greenstein, Nathaniel H. Karol, and Eric
Plutzer. Tim Nokken was a discussant for a conference paper that was
much too long – and that he presciently said was the basis of a book.
More recently, this book has been enormously improved by the
insightful suggestions offered by several Berkeley colleagues, including
Jack Citrin, Jacob Hacker, Paul Pierson, Eric Schickler, Laura Stoker,
Rob Van Houweling, and Ray Wolfinger. I owe special thanks to Eric for
organizing a book conference and bringing John Aldrich, Ben Highton,
and Byron Shafer to IGS to give me the benefit of their wisdom along
with that of other Berkeley colleagues who attended, including Henry
Brady, Bob Kagan, Taeku Lee, and David Vogel. This conference was
also greatly enlivened and enriched by the participation of Jane Green
and Rob Mickey, who were visiting Berkeley at the time.

xiii
xiv Acknowledgments

The enthusiasm of Nelson Polsby for this project was a tremendous

source of encouragement to me, and I very much regret that he is not
here to see it in print. It was an honor to have been his colleague all too
briefly.
I also want to acknowledge Bob Grey of Grinnell College, who is more
responsible than any other teacher for my becoming a political scientist.
Finally, thanks to Lew Bateman are in order for believing in this project
and finding thoughtful, if demanding, reviewers who made this a better
book.
Introduction

When Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia reached the U.S. Senate in 1959,
Democrats supported high levels of defense spending and favored tax
cuts to stimulate the economy, even at the risk of deficits. Byrd’s party
was deeply divided over matters of race and on balance less supportive of
civil rights than the Republicans. Democrats also retained an inclination
toward freer trade that dated back to the antebellum period. Although
party positions were evident on these and other topics, issues that now
polarize the parties like abortion and gun control were not on the polit-
ical agenda.
Five decades later Byrd remains in the Senate and very much a
Democrat. Yet in many other respects the identities of the two parties
have changed radically. By the latter part of Byrd’s tenure, his party was
associated with opposition to high levels of defense spending, willingness
to raise taxes to balance the budget, and support for civil rights. Support
for freer trade had become a Republican cause. Meanwhile, new issues,
including abortion and gun control, had arisen and become increasingly
partisan.
These shifts occurred over decades during which many politicians
came and went. None of the senators with whom Byrd served in 1959
remain in office. Thus many reasonably assume that elite replacement
must underlie the changes in party policies that have occurred. Yet this
view is largely mistaken. To a great extent, adaptation at the microlevel
of individuals has driven change at the macrolevel of parties. Senator
Byrd himself has not survived without adapting. Although often seen as
an independent-minded relic of a bygone age, close study reveals that on

1
2 Party Position Change in American Politics

issue after issue, as his party changed, Byrd did as well. In this respect he
was typical of leading politicians in both parties.
In this book I seek to explain why and how such changes occur. The
dynamics of party position change are well worth exploring. Some may
simply be interested in why it is that Democrats and Republicans shifted
positions on a particular issue. Many readers may be surprised to learn
how recent parties’ associations with issue positions that now seem cen-
tral to their identity really are. More broadly, students of politics may
seek to understand what logic underlies the ever-changing combinations
of policies the parties offer voters.
Beyond its intrinsic interest, even gaining a better understanding of
party position change is important for those chiefly concerned with other
aspects of politics. Parties’ relative positions on issues as well as their
absolute ones influence voter choice. This is even true to an extent when
candidates break from their party; voters use parties’ issue reputations
to infer individual candidates’ stands. For students of public opinion,
party positioning on issues also matters a great deal. Given the well-
documented tendency of voters to adopt stands espoused by their party’s
leaders, shifts in parties’ positioning also affect public opinion.
The chapters that follow include much historical detail, many sim-
ple quantitative analyses, and extensive engagement both with previous
scholarship on the phenomenon of party position change generally and
with prior studies of the development of particular issues. Yet amid all
this complexity, four simple claims, each of which contrasts in important
ways with prevailing theories, emerge in this book.
First, the best way to understand the dynamics of party position
change is to model parties as coalitions of groups with intense prefer-
ences on particular issues managed by politicians. This understanding is
not the only possible view of parties; they have also been seen as group-
ings of individuals united by shared values, or, rather more plausibly, as
entities designed to serve candidates and officeholders. The coalitional
view I develop inclines us to expect different dynamics of party position
change in issue areas in which groups are prominent compared to those
in which they are weak or absent. Similarly, this view implies that devel-
opment of parties’ positioning will differ notably, depending on whether
groups are focused on an issue.
Second, I show that parties’ repositioning on policies, be it a polar-
ization on a previously cross-cutting issue or a reversal of the parties’
previous relative positions, occurs chiefly via adaptation on the part
of incumbents. Conversion or “flip-flopping” is pervasive both among
Introduction 3

politicians who seek positions of national leadership and among more

obscure members of Congress as well. It drives party position change.
This means that even in an era of incumbency advantage and low turn-
over in Congress parties can realign on issues rapidly.
Third, since parties’ positions on issues change over time while very
few politicians change parties, a reinterpretation of the stability in the
“spatial” positions of members of Congress revealed by various roll-call
scaling or “ideal point” estimation techniques is in order. This stability
in the spatial positioning of legislators has often been attributed to their
reputational concerns; fear of being branded an unreliable flip-flopper is
said to inhibit position changing.
Yet, as I show, the only way a politician can maintain a reputation as
a loyal Democrat or Republican over time is by adopting the new party
line when it changes. I demonstrate that the most successful politicians
in both parties have repeatedly demonstrated this sort of flexibility. Seen
this way, flip-flopping is the key to ideological consistency and party loy-
alty; the stability in politicians’ spatial positions is a result of perpetual
adaptation on particular issues. This understanding casts a new light on
studies focused on “polarization,” emphasizing that the ideological poles
themselves have changed greatly over time. What it meant to be a liberal
in 1963 was different in several ways from what it implied in 1983, and
such changes cannot be usefully understood by viewing politics in a uni-
dimensional way. In some cases parties took up entirely new issues. In
other cases they traded places, with each party taking up the side of the
argument they had previously opposed. These changes occurred while
the relative positions of two major parties remained stable in many other
issue areas.
Finally, building on my coalitional view of parties, I develop models
that explain variation in the process of party position change along sev-
eral dimensions. There is much variation to explain. Some party position
changes are rapid while others are gradual. Some party positions are durable
while others are reversed repeatedly. Although conversion or “flip-flopping”
by leading politicians is always a key mechanism producing party position
change, its importance varies across issues as well. In some cases the role of
adaptation by existing elites is overwhelming, yet in other instances conver-
sion combines with elite turnover to reposition parties on issues.
Although this process may appear messy, an understanding of par-
ties as coalitions of groups with intense preferences managed by office-
seeking politicians reveals an underlying logic. Identifying the impetus
for a party position change enables us to predict its speed, its durability,
4 Party Position Change in American Politics

and the extent to which it occurs via adaptation by existing elites or their
replacement by new ones. Politicians’ electoral concerns underlie their
actions in all cases, but the development of parties’ positions on issues
will vary systematically depending on the impetus for change.
In some cases elected officials react to new preferences expressed by
long-standing party coalition components. If keeping old friends requires
new policies, most politicians are happy to oblige. When a party elite is
responding to new demands by an existing coalition, component change
is rapid and occurs primarily through adaptation or position switching
by incumbents. The new position should be stable since the party coali-
tion component will compel party leaders to maintain it.
Yet politicians are also proactive, recruiting new components to their
coalitions and experimenting with policies that are not important for
narrow groups but may attract broad-based support for their party and
themselves. Change stemming from politicians’ incorporation of a new
group in their coalition will be more gradual. Some elected officials will
adapt in order to stay in the good graces of the new entrant into their
party’s coalition.
However, elite replacement also plays an important role in such cases
because entrenched incumbents can often win reelection without courting
new groups. By contrast, the next generation of aspirants to office within
a party will have a strong incentive to adopt stances popular with party-
linked groups. So there is more inertia in parties’ stands in these cases.
Such inertia also exists at the mass level. Voters’ party identification
and the initial deference of many incumbents to local opinion mean that
new groups’ entry into party coalitions and the related reorientation of
parties’ issue positions is a gradual process. Yet once a group is ensconced
in a party the new position should be stable.
Finally, in some cases party politicians experiment with new positions
that they hope will prove broadly popular, but that are not of special con-
cern to a particular group of voters and activists. Since such changes are
not dependent on the movement of voters into party coalitions they can be
rapid and will occur chiefly via adaptation among incumbents rather than
elite replacement. Yet because these positions are not anchored by compo-
nents of parties’ coalitions, they are apt to prove unstable over time.

Plan of the Book

The book proceeds as follows. In Chapter 1, after examining existing work
on party position change, which is mostly found in the “realignment” and
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Itt látható Babuska, aki eszik, iszik, mozog és harcol, Babuska, orosz
katonai egyenruhában, vállán fegyverrel, derekán szíjjal, fején csákóval.
Vajjon élő ember-e, vagy csak tökéletes mechanizmus?
Erre fog válaszolni Babuska, ha a nagyérdemű közönség nem resteli a
csekély beléptidíjat és végignézi előadásunkat.
Babuska nyolcszáz éves mindössze és elég jó színben van. Tessék
megnézni, bárki meggyőződést nyerhet róla, miszerint ez nem csalás, nem
ámítás, hanem tény és való.
Ha itt a hátán megnyomok egy gombot, amint látni méltóztatik, felemeli
kezét és szalutál. Ha a mellét megnyomom, pukkedlit csinál és keresztet
vet.
Másik nyomásra lekapja válláról a puskát és hasrafekszik.
Ismét másik nyomásra Babuska felugrik és előreszalad. De vigyázni kell,
hogy út legyen előtte, mert beleugorna a Dunába is, ha a gombot
megnyomjuk.
Vajjon élő, eleven ember-e, vagy csodálatos gépezet?
Tessék megnézni, meggyujtom ezt az „Emberi jog“ feliratú gyufát és a
szeme elé tartom.
Babuska szeme meg se rebben, bárki meggyőződést szerezhet róla, ez
nem csalás, nem ámítás, tessék meggyőződést szerezni róla.
Most megint egyhelyben áll Babuska, mint a cövek és nem mozdul.
Nagyérdemű közönség, tessék besétálni, az előadás azonnal
megkezdődik.
Nagyérdemű közönség, itt látható tehát Babuska, az orosz katona, a
huszadik század rejtélye, – vajjon ember-e, vagy élő mechanizmus?
Tessék idefigyelni: megnyomok egy gombot és Babuska engedelmesen
felemeli egyik kezét.
Most tessék figyelni: most megnyomok egy gombot és Babuska felemeli
fegyverét és megindul.
(Babuska megindul a sugólyuk felé.)
 Jól van, Babuska. Hogy hínak engem, Babuska?
(Babuska merev fa-hangon: Bru-szi-lov.)
Jól van, Babuska. Menj tovább, Babuska.
(Babuska a sugólyuknál megáll.)
Na mi az, Babuska, nem mész tovább?
(Babuska: Me-gyek. – Egészen halkan, a foga közt: Hallod, Samu, ne
marháskodj, hiszen beleesem az orkeszterbe.)
Ugy látszik, valami elromlott a gépezetben, majd mindjárt megigazítjuk.
Úgy, most megcsavarom ezt a csavart és minden rendben lesz.
Most tessék idefigyelni, elsütök egy pisztolyt Babuska füle mellett és
Babuska arca meg se rándul. Puff.
(Babuska idegesen összerázkódik. Fogai közt: Samu, ne marháskodj, mi
bajod velem? Hiszen ez nem volt a programmba!)
Amint látni tetszik, Babuska meg se rebbent. Most hátul beleszúrok
Babuskába és észre se veszi. Így ni!
(Babuska nagyot ugrik kínjában. Félhangosan: Megőrültél, Samu? Hát ez
mi? Ez nem tartozik a mutatványhoz, én mindjárt abbahagyom.)
Amint látni tetszik, teljesen érzéketlen. Most meglököm Babuskát és orra
vágódik, mint egy darab fa. Vajjon élő ember-e, vagy a technika csodája?
Tessék nézni, belerugok a hátába.
(Babuska földhözvágja a sapkát, nagyot kiabál és pofonvágja a kikiáltót.
Bömbölve: Hát, te disznó, csuffá akarsz tenni a közönség előtt? Kirohan a
szinpadról.)
Amint látni tetszik, Babuska minden intésemre engedelmesen reagálva,
mint tökéletes gépezet, rendben és zavartalanul kivonult a szinpadról.
Legközelebbi előadásunk egy óra mulva. Köszönöm hölgyeim és uraim, éljen
a haza!

CSEKÉLYSÉGEM TIZENNÉGY PONTJA.

 Van szerencsém a következőkben közzétenni azt a tizennégy pontot,
melyeknek teljesítése esetén hajlandó vagyok valamennyi ellenségemmel,
úgymint a kiadókkal és azok szövetségeseivel, valamint a Telefon-központ
és kapcsolt Részeivel, nemkülönben azokkal a kollégáimmal, akik, mikor
találkozom velük, mézédes mosollyal azt mondják: te, milyen jó volt ez a
legutóbbi cikked izé, mi is volt a címe; – végre Theisz tanár úrral, aki a
harmadikban megbuktatott franciából, kibékülni – illetve, amelyeknek
előzetes biztosítása mellett hajlandó vagyok Európa békés és boldog
fejlődése érdekében tárgyalni azokról a lehetőségekről, amiknek alapján
békejobbot nyujthatunk egymásnak.
1. Ne legyen többé titkos diplomácia. Ha valakinek valami kifogása van,
tessék a szemembe mondani, ne olyankor jusson az eszébe, mikor éppen
egy harmadik segíteni akar rajtam.
2. A tengeri hajózás legyen egészen szabad. Ha szólok a konflisnak,
hogy álljon meg és véletlenül nem állhat meg, mert valahol dolga van, vagy
mert nincs kedve engem vinni, vagy mert nem tetszem neki, annyit mégis
megtehet, hogy szóljon valamit legalább, hogy így-úgy, ne haragudjak, most
nem ér rá, majd legközelebb!
3. Szünjenek meg a gazdasági korlátozások. Ha kalapot veszek valahol,
ne forgassa meg a boltos gúnyos mosollyal a fejemen lévő kalapot, hogy hol
tetszett ezt venni? ja, a Blaunál, akkor nem csodálom.
4. Csökkenteni kell a fegyveres felkészültséget. Ha én X-ről viccből
mondok valamit, egészen jóindulatúan, hogy nem tudom, mi az vele, az
utóbbi időben úgy viselkedik, mint egy paralitikus és ez neki a fülébe jut –
azért nem muszáj, hogy legközelebb azt terjessze rólam, hogy kabátot
loptam.
5. A gyarmatok ügye rendezendő. Mikor én a cselédemmel találkozom a
kapu alatt és éppen beszélgetek vele, ne szakítson félbe minket a
házmester, hogy aszongya, a cselédek csak a hátsó lépcsőn mehetnek fel.
6. A megszállott területeket ki kell üríteni. Az az úr, aki már egy félórája
áll a lábamon, szálljon le róla vagy legalább is jelentse ki nyíltan és
határozottan, hogy mikor óhajt leszállani.
7. A kiürített területeket helyre kell állítani. Ha engem valaki pofonüt,
aztán jobban megnézve, azt mondja, pardon, tévedtem, összetévesztettem
a Kovács úrral, akkor legalább tekintse a dolgot elintézettnek és ne keresse
tovább a Kovács urat, hogy még azt is pofonüsse, szegényt.
8. A megszállt részeket fel kell szabadítani. Akinek sietős útja van, ne
lökjön engem gyomorba, akinek nincs sürgős dolgom.
9. Jóvá kell tenni az igazságtalanságot, amit annak idején szüleink
elkövettek azzal, hogy ilyen időkben világra hoztak bennünket. Elzász-
Lotharingiáról mondjon le Németország is és Franciaország is, a többit
bizzák rájuk.
10. Jelentsék ki általában a németek is, meg a franciák is, meg az
angolok is, hogy aszongya, egy kicsit mérgesek voltak persze, de most már
semmi baj, szervusz, Nichts für Ungut.
11. És különben is ne vitatkozzanak sokat azon, hogy ezzel mi lesz, meg
azzal mi lesz, hanem az egész kérdést intézzék el úgy, ahogy a két zsidó,
akik osztoztak a libamájon és egyik se merte a nagyobbik darabot kivenni,
hanem kinálták egymást, hogy tessék-tessék – mire aztán az egyik mégis
kivette a nagyobbikat. Na hallod, aszongya a másik, mondhatom, egy
udvarias ember vagy, kiveszed a nagyobbat. Hát te melyiket vetted volna ki,
kérdi a másik, hiszen ott hagytam a kisebbiket! Hát parancsolj kérlek, hiszen
ott hagytam a kisebbiket.
12. És általában ne beszéljenek az emberek rosszat egymásról és főként
ne használjanak képletes kifejezéseket, hogy aszongya, mindnyájunk
lelkében ég a vágy, meg hogy sasok gyanánt.
13. És általában senki ne szóljon egy szót se, ne magyarázzon, ne
mentegetőzzék, ne hozzon fel érveket és enyhítő körülményeket és ne
bizonyitson be semmit és ne figyelmeztessen semmire, hanem mindenki
vonjon vállat és nyujtsa a kezét.
14. És azután sürgősen beszéljünk másról.
Ezen feltételek alapján hajlandó vagyok mindenkivel kibékülni.
 TARTALOM

ELSŐ RÉSZ.
Képes beszéd

Könnyek 7
Fürdő-monológok 11
Ultima ráció 15
Irigység 19
Példázat 22
A majom és a hangya 25
Történelmi materializmus 29

MÁSODIK RÉSZ.
Beszédes kép

Szemléltető statisztika 35
Tegezés 40
Ábránd és valóság 44
Ugyanez férfiben 48
Vizsgálat 52
Regék boldog világa 56
A dráma 60
Filmgyártás 65
Tehetség 69
Influenza 72
Órák 75
Idegkórtan 79
A lebeszélőben 82
Barátom, a vállalkozó 86
Tudomány 90
Tüzrendészet 94
Pályázom a Nobel-dijra 98
Vitatkozás 101
Gyermekfoglalkoztatás 104
Minden másképp van 108

HARMADIK RÉSZ.
Politika

Mese a hároméves kisfiúknak 115

A vízcsepp és a gyufaszál 119
Ötórai záróra 123
Oktatom a kisfiamat 126
Színházi Times 129
Kivégzésem 132
Az ideális pokol 136
Barátom a német 140
Időgép 144
Papirhiány 148
Casus beli 154
Dalcroze 158
Régi húsvéti szokások 161
Bibliai történetek háborús alkalmazásban 164
Egyszerűsíteni a forgalmat 167
Eszemadta menyecske 171
Plakát 175
Clemenceau 179
Rágalom 183
Nyomozom a detektivet 187
Igazgató úr 192
„Szubjektiv lelet“ 197
A burdonbenghi bumerang 201
A hajóhinta 209
Babuska, a városligetben 209
Csekélységem tizenegy pontja 212
 Javítások.

Az eredeti szöveg helyesírásán nem változtattunk.

A nyomdai hibákat javítottuk. Ezek listája:

16 lovag páncélban.) lovag páncélban.

30 erősebbek, addig erősebbek, addig
36 fiatalemberek volak fiatalemberek voltak
55 karokkal bőlogat karokkal bólogat
58 legaláb tanulságos legalább tanulságos
65 filmdarab szerzője.) filmdarab szerzője.
66 Oparatőr: De Operatőr: De
73 mitha egy kéz mintha egy kéz
92 tehát nincsen rögesznéje tehát nincsen rögeszméje
104 gyermekkori élmenyeikről gyermekkori élményeikről
125 Ugyenez áll Ugyanez áll
131 oyan keveset olyan keveset
144 kitünő találmanya kitünő találmánya
150 lette az érettségit letette az érettségit
192 Igzgató (felkapja Igazgató (felkapja
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NE BÁNTSUK
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