JOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES

VOLUME 32, NUMBER 3, 1976

The Motherhood Mandate

Nancy Felipe Russo
American Psychological Association

T h e centrality of motherhood to the definition of the adult female

is characterized in the form of a mandate which requires having at
least two children and raising them well. T h e processes mandating
motherhood are discussed. A direct attack on the motherhood mandate
is seen as basic to eliminating sex-role stereotypes, mythologies, and
sex-typed behavior. Given the social and cultural forces that propel
women into motherhood-either by choice or by chance-a thorough
analysis of the purpose of childbearing and childrearing in a changing
society is basic to understanding persistence and change in sex-typed
behavior.

N o volume devoted to an analysis of persistence and change

in sex-typed behavior would be complete without special consider-
ation of motherhood. As William ONeill has observed, “experience
has demonstrated that the formal barriers to women’s emancipa-
tion-votelessness, educational and occupational discriminations,
and the like-are less serious and more susceptible to change
than the domestic, institutional, and social customs that keep
women in the home” (cited in Blake, 1974, p. 137).
For what purpose are women kept in the home? To bear
and rear children. It is the primacy of this role of mother-along
with the auxiliary role of wife-that must be appreciated if change
and resistance to change in sex-typed behavior are to be under-
stood.

Special thanks go to Garrett Hardin for writing Mandatory Motherhood:

The T m e Meaning of “Right to Life” (1974) and providing the inspiration
for this analysis of the motherhood mandate. T h e author would like also
to thank Yvonne Brackbill, Margo Johnson, Serena Stier, Sandra Tangri,
and Allen Meyer for their contributions to the ideas in this paper, and
Natalya Krawczuk-Ayers, Nancy Caseman, Be1 Liboro, and Leslie Wineland
for their assistance in manuscript preparation.
Correspondence regarding this article may be addressed to N. F. Russo,
Educational Affairs Office, American Psychological Association, 1200 Seven-
teenth Street, N.W., Washington, DC 20036.

143
144 NANCY FELIPE RUSSO

Analysis of sex typing usually involves consideration of both

prescriptions and proscriptions. Motherhood is chief among the
prescriptions of sex typing. Men and women may disagree on
the characteristics of the ideal woman, but there has generally
been consensus that the major goal of a woman’s life is to raise
well-adjusted children (Griffith, 1973; Laws, 1971; Steinmann
& Fox, 1966). A woman can spend time working-perhaps even
at a nontraditional job-as long as she keeps the house clean
and her husband and children well tended (Poloma & Garland,
1971; Russo & Brackbill, 1973; Russo, Note 1).
Characterizing motherhood as prescribed, however, does not
adequately communicate the centrality of this behavior to the
definition of the adult female. “Being pretty” is also prescribed,
but one can compensate for not being pretty (by being a “good
mother,” for example). Motherhood is on a qualitatively different
plane. It is a woman’s raison d’ltre. It is mandatory. T h e mandate
requires that one have at least two children (historically as many
as possible and preferably sons) and that one raise them “well.”
As long as this situation exists for the vast majority of women
in Western society and the world in general, prohibitions may
be eliminated and options widened, but change will occur only
insofar as women are first able to fulfill their mandate of mother-
hood.

H o w IS MOTHERHOOD
MANDATED?
Processes mandating motherhood are varied and complex,
historically based on biology, and enforced by social and cultural
institutions (Bernard, 1974). Advances in the technology of birth
control have theoretically eliminated the biological inevitability
of motherhood. Women can plan both if and when they wish
to have children. Family size can be lowered by elimination of
unwanted births, and women can end their childbearing years
in their twenties, leaving many productive (as opposed to repro-
ductive ) years ahead of them. In the United States, for example,
unwanted conceptions to married couples declined 10.4% from
the 1951-1955 to the 1966-1970 marriage cohorts, with 53%
of the decline attributable to the adoption of the pill alone (Ryder,
1973).
Clearly, removal of the biological underpinning of this man-
date is necessary for motherhood to take its place as one among
many options valued by human society (Muller, 1974; Wilson,
Bolt, & Larsen, 1975). From this perspective, it is clear that the
 THE MOTHERHOOD MANDATE 145

emphasis of the women’s movement on the control of one’s body

is not misplaced. Restrictions on a woman’s ability to control her
reproduction can be seen as the single strongest impediment to
change in “the woman’s place,” and access to safe, reliable,
inexpensive, and acceptable means of birth control should receive
primary consideration in any social program to change the status
of women.
Even if the perfect contraceptive were developed and used,
however, social and cultural forces that enforce the motherhood
mandate would continue. Through sex-role socialization, women
as well as men develop expectations about what women can or
cannot do, and expectations get built into the operating principles
of society’s institutions (see Iglitzin, 1974, and Mason, 1973, for
examples).
It is little wonder, then, that for many females (and males)
the idea of a woman being something other than primarily mother
and wife has been literally unthinkable-a “nonconscious ideology”
(Bem 8c Bem, 1970). T h e personality of the young girl has
traditionally been shaped so that she is more likely to tend to
be dependent, passive, and conforming (Maccoby, 1966; Maccoby
& Jacklin, 1974), making it more difficult for her to free herself
from the demands of a pronatalist social context. T h e relationship
among personality characteristics and fertility variables (such as,
the timing of the first birth, the number and spacing of children,
etc.) has yet to be adequately explored. Early studies of social
and psychological factors related to fertility did not find psycho-
logical variables as useful in predicting family size (Westoff, Potter,
8c Sagi, 1963). T h e failure of the early studies to obtain significant
findings resulted in a cynical attitude on the part of the fertility
researchers about the usefulness of psychological research.
However, the crudeness of the methodology and conceptualization
of psychological variables at that time suggests that indeed psycho-
logical variables have not been given a fair chance in fertility
research (Russo, Note 2).For example, although those early studies
found no relationship between a measure of a woman’s need
for achievement and her fertility, more recent work has suggested
that among white women “fear of success” has been found to
be associated with producing larger families, even when religion
and family income are controlled (Moore, Note 3).
Access to role models plays a part in the acquisition of sex-role
stereotypes that are related to fertility (Broverman, Vogel, Brover-
man, Clarkson, 8c Rosenkrantz, 1972). For the preschool child,
access to female role models other than mothers has been limited.
146 NANCY FELIPE RUSSO

Models provided in school, in the media, and in books tend to

reinforce the high visibility of motherhood (Russo, 1974). Because
over 90% of women above age 25 are married and over 90%
of that group have children ( U S Bureau of the Census, 1972),
such visibility is reinforced by actuality. Moreover, exposure to
female career-oriented role models does notnecessarily challenge
the motherhood mandate, because most career women also want
to be wives and mothers (Almquist 8c Angrist, 1970; Poloma &
Garland, 1971; Angrist, Note 4; Poloma, Note 5).
T h e mandate of motherhood is also indirectly well served
by the impact of sex-role socialization on the sexual behavior
of young people. T h e young male is trained not to respect the
female, and the vast majority of young males do not often worry
about whether “they make a girl pregnant” (Sorensen, 1973).
At the same time, the female is trained to serve the male at
her own expense and not respect herself. Under such circum-
stances, exploitative sexual relationships are encouraged, while
the use of effective contraception-which benefits from mutual
understanding and cooperation-is discouraged (Rainwater, 196.5;
Russo & Brackbill, 1973).
T h e psychological constraints that such sex-role socialization
creates are buttressed by a very real limitation of options. In
industrial societies such as the United States, some advanced
education, training, or experience is needed for the type of job
that would be an attractive alternative to motherhood. Yet women
do not acquire such experiences during their youth when it is
considered appropriate to do so. How severely a young woman
limits her options in anticipation of an adult role as mother can
vary from mild (e.g., the teenager who studies sewing instead
of college prerequisites in high school) to extreme (the pregnant
teenager). T h e potentially irrevocable impact of such anticipation
is not appreciated by some teenagers. In a recent survey of a
national sample of teenage women, Kantner and Zelnick (1973)
found that of those who were sexually active, one out of two
had not used contraception during her last sexual intercourse.
Of that group, 1 of 10 said that she had not protected herself
from pregnancy because, in effect, she did not care if she got
pregnant-she had nothing better to do. Presser (1974) reports
a similar phenomenon in her study of first births.
Once a woman fulfills the motherhood mandate, the respon-
sibility of a child further limits her access to options. Unless she
can find someone to care for her child, she will be unable to
pursue educational or job training opportunities. Dixon (1975)
 THE MOTHERHOOD MANDATE 147

reported the findings of a survey of high school seniors in 1965

who were reinterviewed in 1971. Of those who had started college,
75% of the married women with children had dropped out of
school at the time of the interview, compared with 52%of married
men with children, 22% of single women, and 27% of single
men. In addition to effects on education, early motherhood is
associated with subsequent divorce and poverty (Bacon, 1974).
Transition to parenthood may be seen as a crisis to women at
all ages (Rossi, 1968), but it is particularly disruptive to the
development of younger women (Bacon, 1974; Presser, 1974).
Given those data, it is alarming to find that during 1973 the
birth rate for women under 15 years of age increased by 8%.
In that same year, the number of illegitimate births for women
under 15 years of age increased 1096, this increase due largely
to the 19% increase for white women in this age group (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 1973).
Another way in which the motherhood mandate provides
resistance to change is by justifying discrimination, both blatant
and subtle, that maintains the status quo (Poloma 8c Garland,
197 1). Consider the woman obtaining credit in our society. Despite
statistics indicating that women are at least equal if not better
credit risks than men (Chapman 8c Gates, Note 6; Durand, Note
7; Kendall, Note 8), the belief persists that women will become
pregnant, quit their jobs, and default on loans. This belief has
been a major factor in loan officers’ maintaining discriminatory
practices, even when they are counter to recommended banking
practice (Russo, Note 9).
Because motherhood has traditionally mandated that women
stay at home with their children in order to be good mothers,
women have experienced role conflict as they attempt to balance
the relative rewards and costs of children and work (Beckman,
Note 10; Darley, 1976). Taking into account the need for compro-
mise between such elements helps us to understand better the
resistance to change that has been observed in many areas. For
example, one of the most difficult barriers to job equality for
women has been the sex segregation of occupations (Bergmann,
1973). Over 70% of American working women can be found
in four fields-teaching, nursing, secretarial work, and social work
(Tangri, 1972). That the majority of women in society pursue
these traditional occupations is not difficult to understand if such
jobs are viewed as being least in conflict with a primary commitment
to home and family. Women who d o not make sex-typical occupa-
tional choices have been found to be more autonomous, individu-
148 NANCY FELIPE RUSSO

alistic, and motivated by internally imposed demands to perform

to capacity (Tangri, 1972). Such women may be better able to
cope with the conflicts engendered by nontraditional occupational
role choice. They may also be more able to ignore society’s
definition of the good mother as one who has at least two children
and stays at home to raise them.
At minimum, two strategies are needed for change to occur
in the sex segregation of occupations: a direct attack on the
motherhood mandate, and the provision of support services such
as day-care centers so that perceived occupational / family conflicts
will not be a factor in career choice. In addition, a change must
take place in the male concept of career as requiring single-minded
devotion, to the detriment of personal and family needs. As Lott
(1973)-and see Pleck (1976)-has pointed out, males can also
be “good mothers.”
A direct attack on the motherhood mandate is also needed
to eliminate sex-role stereotypes, mythologies, and sex-typed
behaviors. T h e educational approach, including statistics debunk-
ing myths about women, has not been totally effective in producing
behavior change because the woman-as-mother assumption is so
closely connected to basic values and beliefs about the “proper
and normal” way of life. An example of the result is found in
the words of a Veterans Administration loan official to a woman
lawyer: “It is un-American to count a woman’s income (towards
a loan) . . . the only way a woman’s income could be counted
would be if she were to have a hysterectomy” (Women and Credit
Study Group, 1973).
A direct attack on the motherhood mandate does not imply
a direct attack on motherhood itself. In fact, devaluation of
motherhood could have potentially disastrous effects on the status
of women in a society where their position is tied to their
childbearing function. However, the elements of the motherhood
mandate-that all women should be mothers and that the “good
mother” is measured by the number of her children and the
quantity of time she spends with them-must be examined and
placed in a larger perspective.

MOTHERHOOD
AND THE MODERN
WORLD
Comprehensive analyses of the future of the motherhood
mandate in the modern world can be found in Bernard (1974),
Blake (1974), and Keller (1973). Two considerations deserve
special note here: overpopulation and industrialization. As health
 THE MOTHERHOOD MANDATE 149

care improves, death rates drop, and population pressures mount,

traditional rates of birth become a threat to the very existence
of society (Dixon, 1975). T h e value of children is affected accord-
ingly. Demographers have described what is called the demo-
graphic transition-the drop in Europe’s fertility rate with the
spread of industrialization and economic development. One way
to explain this phenomenon is that industrialization and urbaniza-
tion increase the perceived costs of children-psychological, social,
and economic-for both men and women (Rich, Note 1 1 ) .
When the cost of children is weighed against their value,
the importance of motherhood becomes questioned, and for the
first time the motherhood mandate comes under direct attack
(Greene, 1963; Peck, 1971; Radl, 1972; Rollin, 1970). Research
on the causes and effects of the changing value of children is
therefore crucial to understanding change in sex-typed behavior
(Bernard, 1974; Hoffman 8c Hoffman, 1972; Veevers, 1973).
T h e weakening of the motherhood mandate is most clearly
seen in the reduction of the ideal, desired, and actual family
sizes in the Western world. Having as many children as one can
afford is no longer the message of the motherhood mandate.
In the United States, having two to four children is the prescribed
norm (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1973). Sons, though still
preferred, are not so much in demand as previously (Pohlman,
1969); the approach is now “a boy for you and a girl for me.”
Unfortunately, the goal is for the boy to come first, thus to obtain
all the benefitsof the first born. Keith-Spiegel, Fidell, and Hoffman
(Note 12) have provided a provocative analysis of the implications
of this preference for women’s status as the technology for choosing
the sex of one’s offspring develops.
Although women may “stop at two,” the requirement to have
children and to be a “good mother” remains in effect (Griffith,
1973). Having no children is still viewed as a deficient condition.
Persons who disregard the motherhood mandate and expect to
live a child-free lifestyle are relatively rare-approximately 4%
of wives in 1972 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1973). Inclusion
of unmarried women would increase the percentage only slightly
because over 90% of women in our society marry.
T h e expectation that one be a “good mother” has traditionally
meant avoiding having only one child (Griffith, 1973). The myth
that the “only child” is likely to be spoiled, maladjusted, or
otherwise disadvantaged persists despite evidence that such chil-
dren are more likely to possess many valued qualities, including
independence, high self-esteem, social acceptance, and sociability
150 NANCY FELIPE RUSSO

(Clausen 8c Clausen, 1973; Terhune, Note 13). T h e persistence

of the myth is shown in the results of a 1970 survey of a national
sample of white Americans: Of 1334 respondents, only 7 preferred
a one-child family (Blake, 1971). In 1972, 8% of wives expected
to have a one-child family (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1973).
Note that preferring to have a one-child family is not the same
thing as expecting to have a one-child family; a person may prefer
a two-child family as ideal, but may expect actually to have but
one child because of physical or economic reasons.
Being a “good mother” no longer means that the woman
must stay in the home (unless the children are of preschool age).
However, if she does work, she frequently must deal with guilt
engendered by the motherhood m a n d a t e 4 e s p i t e the lack of
evidence that working mothers have detrimental effects on chil-
dren. Etaugh (1974) and Hoffman and Nye (1974) discuss the
effects of female employment on children, including some of
the advantages associated with having a working mother and the
methodological issues involved in analyzing such effects.

CONCLUSION
Given the social and cultural forces that propel women into
motherhood-either by choice or by chance-it is apparent that
a thorough analysis of the purpose of childbearing and childrear-
ing in a changing society is basic to understanding persistence
and change in sex-typed behavior. Although the focus in this
essay has been on resistance to change, that should not be
interpreted as a lack of recognition of the very real and rapid
changes that are taking place in our society and around the world.
Indeed, change has been so rapid in some areas that it is surprising
when hard-core resistance is suddenly encountered. It is here
suggested that understanding of such resistance will be achieved
only as we recognize the rootedness of the motherhood mandate.

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 THE MOTHERHOOD MANDATE 151

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