Movements of Feminism
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Chapter No. 5
The contemporary world has experienced a focus on development as a core influence on social, economic, and political spheres.
Development and modernization theory with a focus on the first world-third world divide.
Development seeks to achieve progress in local, national, regional, or global, social, cultural, and political spheres.
The contemporary development paradigm entails the view that material advancement is the only acceptable route to the achievement
of the social, cultural, and political progress.
Capital investments constitute the driving force behind industrialization, infrastructural progress, and modernization, interpreted as
economic growth and development.
Such capital-based advancement is associated with factors such as technology, monetary and fiscal policies, population, resources,
industrialization, agricultural development, and commerce.
This material advancement conceptualization of development is evident in the global disposition within the last fifty years, with
countries categorized as industrialized (developed) and developing.
MODERNIZATION THEORY
Modernization theory forms a core framework for the contemporary development, based on the role of that urbanization in progress,
and by heightened industrialization, exposure to the mass media, and literacy.
Modernization theory originated from the ideas of German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920), which provided the basis for
the modernization paradigm developed by Harvard sociologist Talcott Parsons (1902–1979).
Modernization theory views development from a liberal conception in which progress is a linear and cumulative process.
Modernization theory interprets development as expansionist and diffusionist, besides noting the centrality of value differences
between traditional versus modern perspectives.
Modernisation Theory blames internal cultural factors for women’s subordination in the developing world.
It is argued that some traditional cultures, and ideas that underpin the values, norms, institutions and customs of the developing world,
ascribe status on the basis of gender.
In practice, this means that males are accorded patriarchal control and dominance over a range of female activities and, consequently,
women have little status in developing societies.
Modernisation theorists note that gender equality is generally greater in more developed countries and believe that there is
relationship between modernisation, economic growth and greater gender equality.
Trade openness and the spread of information and communication technologies (ICTs) have increased women’s access to economic
opportunities and in some cases increased their wages.
ICT has also increased access to markets among female farmers and entrepreneurs by easing time and mobility constraints.
Women have moved out of agriculture and into manufacturing and particularly services.
These changes have taken place across all countries, but female (and male) employment in the manufacturing and services has grown
faster in developing than developed countries, reflecting broader changes in the global distribution of production and labour.
International peer pressure has also led more countries than ever to ratify treaties against discrimination, while growing media
exposure and consumers’ demands for better treatment of workers has pushed multinationals toward fairer wages and better working
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conditions for women.
Globalisation could also influence existing gender roles and norms, ultimately promoting more egalitarian views: women turned income
earners may be able to leverage their new position to change gender roles in their households by influencing the allocation of time and
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resources among house- hold members, shifting relative power within the households, and more broadly exercising stronger agency.
In fact, women appear to gain more control over their income by working in export-oriented activities, although the impact on well-being and
agency is more positive for women working in manufacturing and away from their male relatives than for those working in agriculture.
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Women in work also marry and have their first baby later than other women of similar socioeconomic status and to have better quality
Assign./Tests housing and access to modern infrastructure.
They also report greater self-esteem and decision-making capacity, with benefits extending to other family members.
Support WORLD SYSTEM THEORY
World systems theory is a response to the criticisms of Modernization Theory and Dependency theory.
World Systems Theory was developed by Immanuel Wallerstein (1979).
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Wallerstein’s theory has four underlying principles:
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1. One must look at the world system as a whole, rather than just at individual countries. Dependency Theory tended to argue that
countries are poor because they used to be exploited by other countries. However focusing on countries (or governments/ nation
states) is the wrong level of analysis – government today has declined in power, whereas Corporations are more powerful than ever.
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2. Wallerstein believes that the World System is characterised by an international division of labour consisting of a structured set of
relations between three types of capitalist zone:
The core, or developed countries control world wages and monopolise the production of manufactured goods.
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The semi-peripheral zone includes countries like South Africa or Brazil which resemble the core in terms of their urban centres but also
have areas of rural poverty which resemble the peripheral countries. The core contracts work out to these countries.
Finally, there are the peripheral countries at the bottom, mainly in Africa, which provide the raw materials such as cash crops to the
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core and semi periphery. These are also the emerging markets in which the core attempts to market their manufactured goods.
3. Countries can be upwardly or downwardly mobile in the world system. This is one of the key differences between World System’s Theory
and Frank’s Dependency Theory. Many countries, such as the BRIC nations have moved up from being peripheral countries to semi-
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peripheral countries.
4. The Modern World System is dynamic – core countries are constantly evolving new ways of extracting profit from poorer countries and
regions.
Dependency theory is the notion that resources flow from a "periphery" of poor and underdeveloped states to a "core" of wealthy
states, enriching the latter at the expense of the former.
First proposed in the late 1950s by the Argentine economist and statesman Raul Prebisch, dependency theory gained prominence in
the 1960s and '70s.
Dependency theory emerged in the 1960s in reaction to modernization theories of development, arguing that
international inequalities were socially structured and that hierarchy is a central feature of the global system of societies.
Dependency theory and Marxist-Feminists would probably point out that many Transnational Corporations are not interested in
helping developing countries. Rather, they simply exploit patriarchal values rather than promoting real equality.
It sought to explicate the institutional structures by which powerful core states continued to exploit and dominate less powerful states
even after decolonization and the establishment of official sovereignty in peripheral nations.
Ignoring the core/periphery hierarchy is a mistake not only for reasons of completeness, but also because the ability of core capitalist
states to exploit noncore resources and labor has been a major factor in deciding the winners of global competition.
A key insight of dependency theory is that capitalist globalization has occurred in waves and that waves of integration are followed by
periods of globalization backlash. Although industrial production has largely moved from the core to the noncore, rather than
flattening the world this trend has been accompanied by the extension and reorganization of modes of control and exploitation based
on financial transactions and foreign investment.
Women put up with worse conditions than men because there is no better alternative other than to return to their roles as mothers
and unpaid domestic labourers.
From a Dependency perspective, increased participation in the work force also implies increased hazards for women.
Women’s jobs outside the home tend to be the lowest earning, least secure, and most dangerous available in the economy, especially
in periods of recession that plague most developing countries.
Unfortunately, even the global nature of business does not confer universal rights for these women.
In Guatemala, women constitute 80 percent of the textile factory sector, and thousands of mostly indigenous women provide services
as domestic servants. In both sectors, women have only a precarious claim on the rights to Guatemala’s legally mandated minimum
wage, work-week length, leave time, health care under the national social security system, and privacy protections. Often, they are
subject to physical and/or sexual abuse, according to Human Rights Watch
Many U.S.-based companies, such as Target, The Limited, Wal-Mart, GEAR for Sports, Liz Claiborne, and Lee Jeans, have contracts with
Guatemalan factories and continue to honor them even if the factories break explicit company policy, such as physically examining
women to determine if they are pregnant and denying health care to employees. According to Human Rights Watch, strengthening
legal protection for women labourers and increasing their access to legal recourse might cement increased participation in the work as
a positive development for women.
STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM
Functionalism, also called structural-functional theory, sees society as a structure with interrelated parts designed to meet the
Home biological and social needs of the individuals in that society.
Functionalism grew out of the writings of English philosopher and biologist, Hebert Spencer (1820–1903), who saw similarities between
society and the human body; he argued that just as the various organs of the body work together to keep the body functioning, the
various parts of society work together to keep society functioning.
Subjects The parts of society that Spencer referred to were the social institutions, or patterns of beliefs and behaviors focused on meeting
social needs, such as government, education, family, healthcare, religion, and the economy.
Structural functionalism suggests that gender inequalities exist as an efficient way to create a division of labor, or a social system in
which a particular segment of the population is clearly responsible for certain acts of labor.
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The feminist movement takes the position that functionalism neglects the suppression of women within the family structure.
A structural functionalist view of gender inequality applies the division of labor to view predefined gender roles as complementary:
women take care of the home while men provide for the family.
Assign./Tests Thus gender, like other social institutions, contributes to the stability of society as a whole.
According to structural functionalists, gender serves to maintain social order by providing and ensuring the stability of such functional
prerequisites.
This view has been criticized for reifying, rather than reflecting, gender roles.
Support While gender roles, according to the functionalist perspective, are beneficial in that they contribute to stable social relations, many
argue that gender roles are discriminatory and should not be upheld.
WID
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The WID (or Women in Development) approach calls for greater attention to women in development policy and practice, and
emphasises the need to integrate them into the development process.
The WID approach was introduced primarily by “American liberal feminists” and focuses on egalitarianism (Equality).
Notes The WID perspective evolved in the early 1970s.
It marked an important corrective, highlighting the fact that women need to be integrated into development processes as active agents
if efficient and effective development is to be achieved.
Women’s significant productive contribution was made visible, although their reproductive role was downplayed.
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This economic focus led WID activists to address the disparity of employment opportunities between men and women in the majority
world.
The WID model did not question modernization, and placed the onus (responsibility) of development and growth on women’s
economic capacity.
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What is most striking about the WID model is that it does not deal with the disparities and power relations between men and women.
In my opinion, the roots of inequality are the most critical thing to address when discussing women and poverty. However, the WID
model is known as being the “non-confrontational approach” as it does not confront these issues.
Between men and women it emphasizes the need to challenge existing gender roles and relations.
The WID perspective marked an important corrective action highlighting the fact that women need to be actively involved in
development as active agents if effective and efficient development is to be achieved.
WID addressed women’s practical needs by creating income generating opportunities like access to credit facilities from financial
institutions and setting up sound and recognized self-sustaining projects like cross border trading, weaving and crafting to mention a
few.
WAD
The WAD approach is not as frequently discussed; however it was an important bridge between WID and GAD.
When most countries attained their freedom in the 1950s and 1960s, women who took part in the struggle for independence felt that
they should also participate in nation building activities together with men and this saw the birth of women and development (WAD)
The central point of WAD is that women should be empowered economically; they should be emancipated from poverty as this will
allow them to contribute and benefit from developments efforts.
Furthermore it stresses the power of women in society in terms of their knowledge, work, goals and their responsibilities and that the
society should acknowledge the role that has always been played by women in the society.
WAD is a “neo-Marxist feminist approach” and it grew out of the “limitations of modernization theory” that was foundational in the WID
approach.
The WAD approach comes from the perspective that equality will be essential to improving women’s positions, but still frames change
in terms of providing women access to the productive sector.
WAD, while perhaps more critical than WID, also fails to dig deeper into the systemic problems associated with the relationship
between men and women.
WAD approach is centered on women only seeking the need to create projects which are women centric, constructed to protect
women’s interests from patriarchal domination.
The approach states that women’s status will only improve when international structures become more equitable, it fails to see the
existence of a patriarchal society that exist within the international parameters which undermines women as far as development is
concerned. In a nutshell it ignores the question of social relations between men and women and their impact in development.
GAD
The weaknesses of WID and WAD saw the birth of Gender and Development GAD in the 1980s.
In contrast, the GAD (Gender and Development) approach to development policy and practice focuses on the socially constructed basis
of differences between men and women and emphasises the need to challenge existing gender roles and relations.
The GAD approach, which was developed in the 1980s, stepped away from both WID and WAD and was founded in socialist-feminist
ideology.
The GAD approach holds that the oppression of women stems largely from a neoliberal focus on improving women’s reproductive and
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productive capacities.
The focus of GAD has been to examine “why women systematically have been assigned to inferior and/or secondary roles” and also to
confront questions of power and agency.
Subjects GAD emerged from a frustration with the lack of progress of WID policy, in changing women’s lives and in influencing the broader
development agenda.
GAD challenged the WID focus on women in isolation, seeing women’s “real” problem as the imbalance of power between women and
men.
Quizzes There are different interpretations of GAD, some of which focus primarily on the gender division of labour and gender roles focus on
gender as a relation of power embedded in institutions.
GAD approaches generally aim to meet both women’s practical gender needs and more strategic gender needs, by challenging existing
divisions of labour or power relations.
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GAD is concerned with addressing the root, inequalities of both gender and class that create many of the practical problems women
experience in their daily lives as opposed to the WID approach that views the absence of women in development plans and policies as
the problem.
Support Unlike the WID, it addresses strategic interests such that it takes women as agents or enables women to become agents, it can improve
the position of women in society and can empower women and transform gender relations and attitudes.
Strategic interests for women arise from their disadvantaged position in society relative to that of men.
Strategic interests are long-term, related to improving women's position.
Live For example, empowering women to have more opportunities, greater access to resources, and more equal participation with men in
Lectures decision-making would be in the long-term strategic interest of the majority of the world's men and women alike.
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More important, people have been organizing to combat the pillaging of their lands and livelihoods.
This organizing has resulted in mass movements and protests on every continent, but they are not often reported on in the
mainstream press.
Feminism, known as a critical theory, stresses the importance of rendering women visible to the world scene and addresses the needs
Feedback and concerns of those women.
Men control and dominate women through social, economic, and political institutions, because they have more access to resources
and authority.
Men's and women's unequal access to resources and authority is important to understanding the effects of structural adjustment
programs on women.
IMF may say many things regarding helping the developing countries and the poor within those countries, but actions speak louder
than words.
There are many detrimental effects on the poor, particularly on women, due to structural adjustment programs.
With the patriarchal society that exists in the world, cultural constructs ensure that women have less access to resources and power
than men do.
The structural adjustment programs aggravate women's already unequal access, which further harms women.
Basically, there are two main problems regarding the effects of SAPs on women.
First, the effects are largely ignored or unseen by the international community, and second, those effects are empirically supported to
be detrimental to women and society.
In order to truly grasp the way that structural adjustment programs affect women, it is necessary to evaluate the way that women's
labor is viewed and evaluated by IMF developers.
By viewing the economy, women's labor is "invisible" and therefore, "obscures the economic and social costs of structural adjustment
on women's work and lives.
Women do 70 percent of the world's work but receive only 10 percent of the revenues, and own only 1 percent of the wealth.
Women's work, although extremely important, often goes ignored and unpaid. For example, women in Africa produce 78 percent of
the food-both meat and agriculture. "Eight out of ten working farmers in Africa are women. In Asia, the ratio is six out of ten"
(McGovern 2001).
However, the majority of these women do not gain cash directly for their work, and their labor is discounted in censuses and statistics.
Daily work for women in subsistence economies includes everything from household work such as child care, cooking, cleaning,
gathering water, and fueling the home to working in the bam and field labor. Women have primary responsibility over the care of all
the animals including feeding, tending, gathering eggs and milk, and gathering fodder. Women also have primary responsibility over
post-harvest work, as well as helping during pre-harvest and harvesting.
Women comprise a greater portion than men of those living below the poverty line and those living without the basic essentials.
Theories get to the root of the problems of SAPs by looking at how patriarchal societies enact the policies. Although it is the
government that ultimately decides how to carry out the conditionality requirements, the requirements themselves are what cause
governments to make the choices that they do.
The economic choices made, as shown above, often have detrimental effects on women. I have also shown how the ramifications of
SAPs are largely unseen and un-researched by IMF due to a lack of senior women in the program and little desire to research the
impacts on women.
In conclusion, IMF's structural adjustment programs indirectly cause a severe impact on women due to patriarchy of society and the
invisibility of women at IMF.
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Although IMF does not specify how their conditions should be carried out, governments have little choice.
They must cut funding to important programs such as health care and education; they must increase cash crops; they must draw in
foreign companies and investors.
Subjects IMF does not force these specific actions, but it does require improvements in fiscal austerity and increases in exports and investment
opportunities for different countries.
The issue is that the government does not have a lot of choice in what they can do to enact these conditions. Therefore, the
ramifications of decreased public funding, cash crops, and foreign exploitation can be linked to SAPs.
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GLOBALIZATION AND GENDER
A process of interaction and integration among the people, companies, and governments of different nations, a process driven by
Assign./Tests international trade and investment and aided by information technology. This process has effects on the environment, on culture, on
political systems, on economic development and prosperity, and on human physical well-being in societies around the world.
In general, globalization tends to open up employment opportunities for women in developing nations; however, many of these
opportunities tend to be exploitative with poor pay, extreme conditions, and long work hours. Many women have culturally-imposed
Support domestic responsibilities, which cut into their time away from work. In fact, globalized corporations have even begun to exploit
"female" domestic skills for their own advantage.
The power structures of the nation State have been organized around patriarchical assumptions that have accorded to men monopoly
over power, authority and wealth. A number of structures have been erected to achieve this imbalance that have disguised its inequity
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by making it appear as natural and universal, for example, constructions of citizenship that concentrated upon civic duty (payment of
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taxes, military service, public office) from which women were excluded through the public/private dichotomy and the subordination of
women within the family.
At the same time, the role of men in the public sphere has been supported by divisions between productive and un(re)productive work,
Stats presenting women's work as lacking economic value.
Emphasis upon the normative impact of the public/private divide has been legitimately criticized for universalizing a western model of
social ordering. While recognizing the fluidity of any demarcation between public and private spheres, the undervaluing of women's
contributions and the primary responsibilities of women within the family impeded their advancement across many, if not all, societies.
Leaderboard The State is no longer the sole institution that can define identity and belonging within it has denied women the space to assert their
own claims to gendered self-determination.
Corporate enterprises, markets and movements of capital have weakened the effective decision- and policy-making power of the
nation-State, notably in economic and labour policies.
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Women are seen, and hence favoured, as a passive, compliant workforce that will accept low wages without demanding labour and
human rights.
The traditional sexual division of labour (the location of women in employment to which they are regarded as inherently suited, for
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example, the caring professions or textiles industries) has been furthered through the addition of new locations and forms of work
(services industry, tourism, and work in free trade and export process zones).
What remains constant is the low economic value accorded to work performed primarily by women in conditions of exploitation, no job
security and violations of human rights. The last occur both directly through prohibitions on labour organization and indirectly through
Feedback further abuses where women have claimed rights such as to organize or to be free from sexual harassment.
In some situations, global pursuit of profit has enhanced employment opportunities for women, where previously they had not existed.
While these may have been exploitative, they have nevertheless facilitated some degree of economic independence for many women.
This, in turn, has provided the space for them to assert their own agency and has generated the self-esteem that comes from such
independence. In other situations, the consequences have led to powerlessness and sexual exploitation.
Economic liberalization has encouraged organized transnational enterprises, including those for sex and pornography. One of the most
adverse consequences has been the construction of ideas about the market and free movement of capital as natural and inevitable,
making challenge difficult. This was seen in Beijing, where there was no alternative voice offered in opposition to the benefits of market
policies: the goal was to ensure women's participation in and access to the dominant structures of the market, not to question their
underlying assumptions or even to consider alternative models. It has distorted priorities, for example, pursuit of global profits rather
than gender equality.
However, the global social movement of human rights has acquired an irresistible force, bringing the language and beliefs of human
rights to all parts of the globe into all aspects of social, political and economic life, and exposing the falseness of the public/private
divide. Affirmation of the universality of legal norms prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of sex and affirming women's equality
have provided them with international standards to raise against adverse national or local codes.
The technological and communications revolutions have added new dimensions to women's long-standing organizational methods. In
one manifestation of "globalization from below", groups working for the recognition of women's human rights have furthered their
skills and strengths in campaigning and communicating globally. Instantaneous communications have facilitated the formation of
alliances and coalitions, lessened isolation for women in remote or secluded areas, allowed for rapid mobilization over issues and
provided support on a global basis.
Another area where revolutionary technologies have had particular consequences for gender relations is that of reproductive
technology. Again the picture is mixed. On the one hand, this has allowed women, especially those economically affluent, greater
freedom and choice with respect to reproduction. On the other, it has created innumerable health problems for those who are not
given adequate attention by State agencies or the medical establishment. Women's health conditions, especially gynecological ones,
that could be relieved with little expenditure are frequently overlooked or remain untreated through cultural taboos.
Other problems arise when technologies are used alongside State policies with respect to women's fertility, for example, reproductive
technology that allows predetermination and selection of the sex of a child alongside a national "one child" policy, or a policy
demanding sons for the continuation of a national struggle. "Modem technology has been the means of liberation and choice for many
women, but for others it has resulted in death and exploitation," says the Preliminary Report by the Special Rapporteur. Indeed, the
twentieth century has repeatedly demonstrated the fragility of gains in women's advancement that appear to be threatened by change.
Gender relations are fluid and subject to constant negotiation within the family, the workforce and the community. On many occasions,
women have participated in national self-determination movements, but the social reconstruction that has followed upon national
liberation has not included guarantees of their rights.
Transition to democracy and market economies in Eastern Europe resulted in lowered public office participation for women and loss of
a range of economic rights. More generally, economic downturn within a State has a particularly harsh impact upon women through
high unemployment or the introduction of austerity measures and structural adjustment programmes. Continued stereotypes of men
as the primary breadwinners with family responsibilities lessen women's employment security, even in the face of statistical evidence
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of women-headed households. Reconstruction after conflict often focuses on the need to find employment for men who were formerly
in military or paramilitary units rather than on the continuation of female employment. Armed conflicts, whether internal or
international, have caused women to be targeted for forms of attack by opposing forces and be subjected to policies within their own
Subjects community that place the interests of the collectivity above those of women for example, the importance that is attached to
reproduction to ensure the continuation of the group; the promotion of the "family" as a sub-unit of the State that is to be protected as
such, and the presentation of women's role as restricted to within that family. Control of government by religious or other extremists
that introduce a form of sexual terrorism also lead to substantial reversals of women's advancement.
Quizzes What has become apparent is that forms of inequality exist regardless of a State's prevailing political ideology. Their manifestations
may differ, but the reality of women's subordination remains constant. Advancement in women's interests is susceptible to being lost
through political, economic and societal changes, both those that are deemed generally progressive and those that are destructive.
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