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NGO governance and management in China 1. publ
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Author(s): Hasmath, Reza;Hsu, Jennifer Y. J
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NGO Governance and Management
in China

As China becomes increasingly integrated into the global system, the pressure
to acknowledge and engage with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) will
continue to rise. Therefore, without a clear understanding of state authorities’
interaction with NGOs, and vice versa, any analysis of China as a global, social,
political, and economic force is incomplete.
This book provides an urgent insight into how state authorities are currently
interacting with NGOs. It brings together the most recent research covering three
broad themes, namely the conceptualizations and subsequent functions of NGOs;
state-NGO engagement; and NGOs as a mediator between state and society in
contemporary China. This codification and cataloguing of interactions ensures a
measure of predictability in our assessment of China’s state-NGO relations.
Moreover, the book provides a future glimpse into the practices and challenges
of NGO and state interactions in China’s rapidly developing regions. This will aid
NGOs’ strategic planning in both the short and long term and allow better under-
standing of Chinese NGOs’ behaviour when they eventually move their areas of
operation from the domestic sphere to an international one.
Demonstrating that there is substantial room for NGOs to navigate, adapt, and
establish new types of relationships with the state, this book will be of interest to
students and scholars of Chinese and Asian politics.

Reza Hasmath is a Lecturer in Chinese Politics at the University of Oxford,

UK, and an Associate Professor in Political Science at the University of Alberta,
Canada. His research looks at state-society relationships, the labour market expe-
riences of ethnic minorities, and development theories and practices.

Jennifer Y. J. Hsu is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at

the University of Alberta, Canada. Her recent publications include a co-authored
book, HIV/AIDS in China: The Economic and Social Determinants (Routledge,
2011), and a co-edited book, The Chinese Corporatist State: Adaption, Survival
and Resistance (Routledge, 2012).
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NGO Governance and
Management in China

Edited by Reza Hasmath and

­Jennifer Y. J. Hsu
First published 2016
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2016 Reza Hasmath and Jennifer Y. J. Hsu
The rights of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial
material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted
in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
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without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
NGO governance and management in China / edited by Reza Hasmath and
Jennifer Y.J. Hsu.
   pages cm. — (Routledge studies on China in transition ; 48)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Non-governmental organizations—China. I. Hasmath, Reza.
II. Hsu, Jennifer.
HS81.C5N46 2016
361.70951—dc23
2015003895

ISBN: 978-1-138-90997-7 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-69365-1 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Endorsements

Grounded in deep engagement as well as expert knowledge of contemporary Chi-

na, this outstanding collection deftly explains how and why NGOs have multi-
plied and evolved within the space created and mediated by the state. Of particular
value is the book’s success in unpacking the complex political dynamics through
which some organizations thrive and others struggle.
Professor Deborah Davis, Yale University, USA

This book on governing and managing NGOs in China is a useful contribution to

current studies of NGOs in China. Particularly valuable are the diverse empirical
case studies of specific types of state-NGO interaction, which lend texture and
depth to the analysis. This will be an important read for students of China.
Professor Jude Howell, London School of Economics
and Political Science, UK

In spite of hostility on the part of the Chinese government, NGOs, domestic and
international, have become part of the landscape in China, engaging in a wide
range of activities, sometimes supporting and supplementing the state, and other
times challenging it. The well-researched and compelling case studies in this book
help us understand the richness and complexity of life in the associational private
spaces in China that are too often overlooked.
Professor Thomas B. Gold, University of California, Berkeley, USA

This book reveals the diversity and complexity of the relationship between con-
temporary Chinese NGOs and the government, and looks into the future of civil
society in China. For those who want to understand the China’s state-society rela-
tionship, this book is a must read.
Professor Guosheng Deng, Tsinghua University, China

The governance and management of NGOs in China is an important and rapidly

evolving field. In this up-to-date, carefully researched, and theoretically innova-
tive collection, the editors are to be congratulated in bringing together a wide-
ranging set of scholarly contributions that reframe the field. This book will be
indispensable to scholars and practitioners in the years to come.
Professor David Lewis, London School of Economics
and Political Science, UK
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

List of tables and figures xi

List of abbreviations xiii

1 Governing and managing NGOs in China: an introduction 1

JENNIFER Y. J. HSU AND REZA HASMATH

2 The politics of space, state, and NGOs in China 9

JENNIFER Y. J. HSU

3 The emergence of an autonomous social sector in China 29

BINGZHONG GAO AND XUNXIANG XIA

4 Mapping the dynamics of civil society in China: a modal

analysis of trends in the NGO sector 45
SHAWN SHIEH

5 The evolution of a collaborative governance model: social

service outsourcing to civil society organizations in China 69
JESSICA C. TEETS AND MARTA JAGUSZTYN

6 (Dis)trusting NGOs in China 89

CHRISTOPHER HEURLIN

7 What explains a lack of local state-NGO collaboration?

a neo-institutional perspective 107
REZA HASMATH AND JENNIFER Y. J. HSU

8 From NGO to enterprise: the political economy of

activist adaptation in China 121
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT
x Contents
9 Experimenting with Party-led “people’s society”:
four regional models 137
PATRICIA M. THORNTON

10 China Youth Development Foundation: GONGO

(government-organized NGO) or GENGO
(government-exploiting NGO)? 151
CAROLYN L. HSU

Bibliography 168
Contributors 189
Index193
Tables and Figures

Tables
2.1 NGO engagements with different layers of the state 15
3.1 Development of Chinese social organizations between
1988 and 1999 34
3.2 Development of Chinese Legally Registered Social
Organizations, 2000–2012 36
6.1 Trust in NGOs in China 93
6.2 Trust in NGOs before and after the Sichuan earthquake 93
6.3 Trust in institutions in China 93
6.4 Trust in NGOs in East Asia 95
6.5 Determinants of trust in NGOs in 2002 103
6.6 Determinants of trust in NGOs in 2008 104

Figures
3.1 Development of Chinese legally registered social organizations,
1988–201236
4.1 NGOs in China and their relationship to the state 47
This page intentionally left blank
Abbreviations

AB Asian Barometer Survey

ACWF All China Women’s Federation
ACYF All China Lawyer’s Federation
ADSI Allocentric definition of self-interest
ART Antiretroviral treatment
CANGO Chinese Association of Non-governmental O ­ rganizations
CASPAC Chinese Association of STI and AIDS Prevention and Control
CBO Community-based organization
CCIA Corporate Citizenship in Action
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CCYL/CYL Chinese Communist Youth League
CDB China Development Brief
CHAIN China AIDS Information Network
CIFTIS China International Fair for Trade in Services
CNEU Civil non-enterprise unit
CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference
CPRI China Philanthropy Research Initiative
CSO Civil society organization
CSR Corporate Social Responsibility
CSW Commercial sex worker
CYDF China Youth Development Foundation
CYL Chinese Youth League
DSI Definition of self-interest
FON Friends of Nature
FYP Five-Year Plan
GCA Green Choice Alliance
GENGO Government-exploiting non-governmental o­ rganization
GFATM Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria
GONGO Government-organized non-governmental o­ rganization
GSEAN Green Society Environmental Action Network
GVs Groups of volunteers
HOTA Hierarchical orientation towards authority
HYDF Heilongjiang Youth Development Foundation
xiv Abbreviations
IDSI Idiocentric definition of self-interest
INGO International non-government organization
JUCCE Joint US-China Collaboration on Clean Energy
MARPS Most-at-risk populations
MoCA Ministry of Civil Affairs
MoJ Ministry of Justice
MSM Men who have sex with men
NPC National People’s Congress
NPI Non-Profit Incubator
NPO Non-profit organization
OTA Orientation towards authority
PLHIV People living with HIV
PNO Public-non-profit partnerships
PONGO Party-organized non-governmental organization
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal Network
PRC People’s Republic of China
PWID People who inject drugs
QUANGO Quasi-autonomous non-governmental organization
ROTA Reciprocal orientation towards authority
SARA State Administration of Religious Affairs
SARS Severe acute respiratory syndrome
SNC Street neighbourhood committee
SO Social organization
SSO Social services outsourcing
WVS World Values Survey
YNSAA Yunnan Association of STI and AIDS Prevention and Control
YYDF Yunnan Youth Development Foundation
1 Governing and managing
NGOs in China
An introduction
Jennifer Y. J. Hsu and Reza Hasmath

The number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in China has dramati-

cally increased in the past two decades. The approximately 440,000 officially
registered NGOs – alongside a greater number of unregistered ones – operate in
a spectrum of activities, such as education, poverty alleviation, community devel-
opment, the environment, and health, and offer a variety of services and support
for, often, marginalized groups in Chinese society. In effect, the relatively recent
proliferation of NGOs in China suggests the potential dawn of a turning point in
China’s state-–society relations.
There are two major reasons explaining the contemporary rise of NGOs in
China: socio-economic and political. For the former, NGOs in China have a grow-
ing ability to: (1) satisfy the need for public goods, (2) pursue collective interests,
and (3) enhance positive externalities while lowering negative externalities (see
Xu 2008). At a more basic level, the numerical increase of NGOs mirrors the
rising social challenges caused, in part, by economic liberalization – with prob-
lems ranging from environmental damages to unsafe foods becoming an every-
day reality that NGOs have sought to address. For the latter explanation, NGOs
have proliferated due to the wider political ‘space’ afforded them by the state (see
Liu 2008; Yu and Zhou 2012). J. Hsu and Hasmath (2014) reinforce this idea by
arguing that the Chinese state has moved away from a strategy of overt coercion
(termed overt sanctioning) to manage social organizations, to one of tacit sanc-
tioning, whereby the state creates and mediates the ‘space’ for NGOs to operate.
The consequences of the growing numerical presence of NGOs in China, cou-
pled with an evolving political, economic, and social institutional environment in
the nation, is acutely interesting. Scholarly attention in Chinese NGOs has moved
from macro investigations into state–society engagement (see Pei 1998; Ma 2006;
Hasmath and J. Hsu 2009; Lu 2009) into detailed ethnographic accounts of how
NGOs operate, and their day-to-day functions. We are now witnessing substantial
changes in the way a range of social issues are addressed and discussed in China,
in part thanks to the tireless efforts of NGOs.

China’s civil society

Foremost, the growth of Chinese NGOs has facilitated analytical enquiries into
the nature of China’s civil society and what this growth means for the Chinese
state (see J. Hsu, 2014). At the crudest level, these enquiries, in sum, ponder
2 Jennifer Y. J. Hsu and Reza Hasmath
whether NGOs should be viewed as a proxy for the development of civil soci-
ety. Disaggregated further, the study of the behaviour of NGOs in China offers
valuable insight into their transformative capacity, both for society and to a lesser
extent in China’s case, for systemic political change.
Nonetheless, it will be misadvised to view NGOs solely as agents of democ-
ratization in the context of China. While NGOs are not impotent of their trans-
formative capacity, the capacity of NGOs in China to affect political change is
much more muted. While NGOs can, and do, provide alternate space for citizen
engagement, the fact that NGOs exist and operate within an evolving authoritar-
ian political environment – one that is under the tacit and overt rule of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) – the various constraints that besets NGOs facilitates
different types of developments and relationships with the state.
Put differently, while NGOs are not synonymous for civil society, they do illu-
minate the potential for non-state stakeholders to advance the social agenda. As
China continues its economic and social development, various issues have come
to the fore as a result. NGOs and other civil society stakeholders have taken the
opportunity to address these emerging issues, and are advocating on behalf of the
marginalized to local and central authorities.
While the civil society debate by Chinese scholars in the late 1990s and early/
mid-2000s focused on matters of whether a Western/European notion was appli-
cable in an authoritarian context, later studies on Chinese civil society have sought
to discuss the usage of other more appropriate terms, such as a ‘third sector’ (Ma
2006; Lu 2009). For Gao Bingzhong and Xia Xunxiang, the notion of civil society
requires greater articulation in the context of China, and thus an analysis of the
functions of NGOs indicates that Chinese NGOs have contributed to a system
of societal values, emphasizing notions such as civility. Gao and Xia’s chapter
argue that the term ‘social sector’ may be more apt in categorizing the rise of
NGOs, rather than civil society. When conceptualized as part of a ‘social sector,’
NGOs (and other non-state stakeholders) are thus tasked with the responsibility of
advancing Chinese society, for example, to be a leader in responding to key events
like the Wenchuan earthquake.
Whether we conceptualize the rise of Chinese NGOs as a strengthening civil
society sector or not, Shawn Shieh advances a multidimensional framework – one
that goes beyond civil society or a corporatist framework (see Hsu and Hasmath
2013) – to capture the often contradictory dynamics at play in the development
of Chinese NGOs. Shieh, in his chapter, suggests that a framework emphasiz-
ing ‘societalization,’ whereby NGOs participate in initiatives that rely on societal
resources, is most apt at explaining the trends in the sector between 2008 and
2013. The Chinese state may have evolved over the last two decades as to how it
engages with NGOs, as Shieh notes, from management to guidance, but the state
remains a considerable factor in the development of NGOs.

Strong state, weak society?

The ‘Chinese state’ should be conceptualized in a myriad of different ways, from
local to central. While the role of the central state in influencing NGO activities
 Governing and managing NGOs in China 3
has been commented upon extensively in the literature, this book will generally
place the analytical framework at the local state level. Here, the local state struc-
ture is defined as “the organization of local government”; and local state practice
is understood as “the way local governments implement central policy and make
and implement their own policy in the absence of higher-level guidance” (Remick
2002: 399). The need to account for local discourses of the Chinese state is made
more pertinent by China’s decentralization. Local states are expected to make a
wide range of decisions, as well as take on increased responsibilities, including
the delivery of social welfare provisions. For instance, the proceedings from the
Thirteenth National Civil Affairs meeting in March 2012 illustrated the central
state’s desire to encourage greater participation of social organizations in a range
of activities, in tandem with the local state’s efforts to improve its social assis­
tance system to low-income households. Thus, by privileging the local state
in the analysis of the state–NGO relationship, one can uncover the different factors
that shape the development of NGOs, and why some NGOs are more effective
than others.
The necessity for a more nuanced framework for understanding state–NGO
engagement will reflect the changing dynamics and subtleties of both actors. It
may be easy to conclude that the state is strong, and society is weak. By design,
Chinese NGOs are inseparable from the Chinese state, whether in a tacit or an
overt manner, and as such, whether we choose to incorporate the state into our
analysis or not is a moot point. The current system of registration and manage-
ment of Chinese NGOs heavily involves the state, and it will inevitably say some-
thing about the nature of the Chinese state. Yet, the viewpoint unveils little in
understanding the forces at work in shaping the engagement between state and
NGOs. For example, labour NGOs in China may seek informal partnerships with
local branches of mass organizations thus allowing the NGO a level of relative
independence to conduct its work (Chan 2013).
Jennifer Y. J. Hsu in her chapter specifically examines the significance of the
state in the development of NGOs. She offers a proposal to differentiate notions
of the state – that is, the Chinese state should be viewed as comprising spaces and
layers where the boundaries of the state are porous, and its flexibility means that it
can permeate and co-opt spaces of NGOs. Pragmatically, the flexible boundaries
of the state translate to mean that the state is expanding into areas occupied by
NGOs, and whether through formal or informal means of engagement, spaces of
the state expand or contract depending on its interactions with NGOs.
Similarly, Reza Hasmath and Jennifer Y. J. Hsu’s chapter further reinforces the
notion of the importance of the local state. Although NGOs have demonstrated the
ability and capacity to deliver resources to various social groups and advocate on
their behalf, as noted by Jessica C. Teets and Marta Jagusztyn’s chapter, Hasmath
and Hsu observe relatively low levels of collaboration between the local state
and NGOs. Hasmath and Hsu examine strategies of engagement between local
state and NGOs to comprehend this case. They note that NGOs have not matured
sufficiently to become part of an epistemic community in which their expertise
or interpretive powers can be used as reference points by the state. This in turn
explains low levels of collaboration between the local state and NGO. The focus
4 Jennifer Y. J. Hsu and Reza Hasmath
on knowledge and expertise provides a further avenue to assess state–NGO devel-
opment. Recent literature indicates that the state will vary its engagement with
NGOs depending on the type of organization, for example, the social services or
goods they offer (Kang and Han 2011; Wu and Chan 2012).
The evolving political institutional environment in China, one that has varied
from strict management to more guidance in recent years, shapes the NGO sector.
The institutional environment is plagued by various isomorphic pressures affect-
ing the way NGOs develop, where coercive and mimetic pressures have impacted
on the form and functions of NGOs (see the Hasmath and Hsu chapter in this vol-
ume). In a recent survey by the China Development Brief (2013), 18 per cent of the
NGOs surveyed had an annual budget of approximately US$16,000 to $81,500,
and another 17 per cent with budgets ranging from $81,500 to $163,000. The find-
ings of the survey indicate that the scale of NGO operations ranges from small
to modest. The registration difficulties and access to stable domestic and interna-
tional funding suggests that NGOs, and their ability to achieve their organizational
goals, are likely to be shaped by the evolving political environment in China.

NGOs as social service providers

Simultaneously, both central and some local authorities in China are actively exper-
imenting with the delivery of social services, including contracting such services
out to NGOs. In a case study of two different outsourcing models, HIV service
contracting in Yunnan and migrant children education in Shanghai, Teets and Jag-
usztyn show that social service outsourcing has the potential to impact state–NGO
relations. Indeed, Shenzhen, Guangdong, Beijing, and Nanjing have all eased reg-
istration requirements for NGOs conducting social service delivery. While out-
sourcing may present itself as an indicator of future administrative reforms in
China, Teets and Jagustzyn’s chapter clearly notes that the feedback mechanisms
to inform policy require critical attention if the infrastructure to strengthen the
participation of NGOs is desired. Although outsourcing may lead to greater inter-
action between state and NGOs, among the potential pitfalls in moving towards
a market-based model without the necessary standards or monitoring mechanism
is the failure to understand and adhere to accountability measures and ensure the
quality of the services delivered (Fisher et al. 2012). Another question that out-
sourcing raises is whether a market-based model of service delivery will lead to a
homogenization of the sector – due to the isomorphic pressures noted by Hasmath
and Hsu’s chapter – as NGOs compete for limited resources and contracts.
As NGOs serve to deliver more services to a greater proportion of the popula-
tion, NGOs will inevitably become stronger mediators between state and society.
How NGOs perform in such a role is again dependent on how they function as
service providers. Whether greater NGO penetration into communities as service
providers will lead to higher trust levels of NGOs is open to question. Christopher
Heurlin writes in his chapter that the public trust level of NGOs is dependent on
their relationship with the state. His study details that ties between NGOs and
local authorities facilitate trust in NGOs by making citizens who trust the local
 Governing and managing NGOs in China 5
authorities much more likely to trust NGOs. However, during the Hu Jintao era,
trust in local authorities and NGOs declined significantly. Heurlin shows that the
declining sociopolitical environment negatively affected trust levels for NGOs.
Given such a situation, it begs the question whether NGOs can be effective media-
tors between state and society.
Perhaps major events such as the Wenchuan earthquake, where NGOs have
illustrated decisive action in providing humanitarian aid, can reinvigorate public
trust in NGOs. The earthquake not only showed the capacity of NGOs to respond
quickly and effectively, but it also led to wider space for NGOs to emerge (Deng
and Shieh 2011). Under such circumstances and changing institutional environ-
ment, we see NGOs adapt and develop new strategies for organizational survival.
Though Heurlin’s chapter may offer a bleak prognostication of the future of Chi-
nese NGOs, whereby there is a trust deficit in NGOs, Timothy Hildebrandt dem-
onstrates that NGOs in China have a capacity to quickly evolve, factoring in their
environment constraints.

Models of funding
The declining availability of international funding and the move towards an out-
sourcing model have created conditions in which NGOs must find new models
of funding. Hildebrandt contends in his chapter that as the government becomes
more adept at addressing social welfare issues, for example, in contracting out
these services to non-profits and NGOs, existing NGOs must find new organi-
zational goals, as well as finances. Hildebrandt offers a distinctive outlook on
the future of Chinese NGOs from the perspective of social entrepreneurship. He
argues that NGOs are now more likely to shift from principled orientations to
economics in their funding models. In this context, NGOs are being led by social
entrepreneurs, where entrepreneurial business strategies are utilized to create and
maintain a funding stream. In considering this turn, Hildebrandt adopts a political
economy approach to theorize the evolution of NGOs, but as he observes with
clarity, the social enterprise route holds both promise and peril for the organiza-
tions involved.

Survival strategies
While Chinese NGOs may not offer the large-scale political change that we may
hope for, the likes of environmental NGOs can offer citizens the means to “prac-
tice political skills, organize and participate in civic action, and test political lim-
its” (Yang 2005, 65). Or in the case of migrant NGOs, Ren (2011) argues that
these NGOs are challenging the urban citizen regime. Moreover, migrant NGOs
have engaged in raising labour rights amongst migrant workers and have moved to
foster a sense of collective identity. HIV/AIDS’ NGOs have been active in reshap-
ing the discourse on how people living with HIV/AIDS are viewed and treated
(Wan et al. 2009). Thus, different sectoral developments across China’s NGO
landscapes suggest that NGOs have the transformative potential. Nonetheless,
Other documents randomly have
different content
know what he was doing. He had never in his life fought Guerrillas—
such Guerrillas as were now to meet him.
He listened patiently to the warnings that were well meant, and
he put away firmly the hands that were lifted to stay his horse. He
pointed gleefully to his black flag, and boasted that quarter should
neither be given nor asked. He had come to carry back with him the
body of Bill Anderson, and that body he would have, dead or alive.
Fate, however, had not yet entirely turned its face away from the
Federal officer. As he rode out from the town at the head of his
column a young Union girl, described as very fair and beautiful,
rushed up to Major Johnson and halted him. She spoke as one
inspired. She declared that a presentiment had come to her, and that
if he led his men that day against Bill Anderson, she felt and knew
that but few of them would return alive. The girl almost knelt in the
dust as she besought the leader, but to no avail.
Johnson’s blood was all on fire, and he would march and fight,
no matter whether death waited for him one mile off, or one
hundred miles off. He not only carried a black flag himself, and
swore to give no quarter, but he declared on his return that he
would devastate the country and leave of the habitations of the
southern men not one stone upon another. He was greatly enraged
towards the last. He cursed the people as “damned secesh,” and
swore that they were in league with the murderers and robbers.
Extermination, in fact, was what they all needed, and if fortune
favored him in the fight, it was extermination that all should have.
Fortune did not favor him.
Johnson rode east of south, probably three miles. The scouts
who went to Singleton’s barn, where Anderson camped, came back
to say that the Guerrillas had been there, had fed there, had rested
there, and had gone down into the timber beyond to hide
themselves. It was now about four o’clock in the afternoon.
Back from the barn, a long, high ridge lifted itself up from the
undulating level of the more regular country and broke the vision
southward. Beyond this ridge a wide, smooth prairie stretched itself
out, and still beyond this prairie, and further to the south, was the
timber in which the scouts said Bill Anderson was hiding.
As Johnson rode towards the ridge, still distant from it a mile or
so, ten men anticipated him by coming up fair to view, and in
skirmishing order. The leader of this little band, Captain John
Thrailkill, had picked for the occasion David and John Poole, Frank
and Jesse James, Tuck Hill, Peyton Long, Ben Morrow, James
Younger, E. P. DeHart, Ed Greenwood and Harrison Trow. Next to
Thrailkill rode Jesse James, and next to Jesse, Frank. Johnson had
need to beware of what might be before him in the unknown when
such giants as these began to show themselves.
The Guerrillas numbered, all told, exactly two hundred and sixty-
two. In Anderson’s company there were sixty-one men, in George
Todd’s forty-eight, in Poole’s forty-nine, in Thomas Todd’s fifty-four,
and in Thrailkill’s fifty—two hundred and sixty-two against three
hundred.
As Thrailkill went forward to skirmish with the advancing enemy,
Todd came out of the timber where he had been hiding, and formed
a line of battle in an old field in front of it. Still further to the front a
sloping hill, half a mile away, arose between Johnson and the
Guerillas. Todd rode to the crest of this, pushing Thrailkill well
forward into the prairie beyond, and took his position there. When
he lifted his hat and waved it the whole force was to move rapidly
on. Anderson held the right, George Todd joined to Anderson, Poole
to George Todd, Thomas Todd to Poole, and Thrailkill to Thomas
Todd—and thus were the ranks arrayed.
The ten skirmishers quickly surmounted the hill and disappeared.
Todd, as a carved statue, stood his horse upon its summit. Johnson
moved right onward. Some shots at long range were fired and some
bullets from the muskets of the Federals reached to and beyond the
ridge where Todd watched, Peyton Long by his side. From a column
of fours Johnson’s men galloped at once into line of battle, right in
front, and marched so, pressing up well and calmly.
 The advanced Guerillas opened fire briskly at last, and the
skirmishing grew suddenly hot. Thrailkill, however, knew his business
too well to tarry long at such work, and fell back towards the ridge.
As this movement was being executed, Johnson’s men raised a
shout and dashed forward together and in a compact mass order
formation, ranks all gone. This looked bad. Such sudden exultation
over a skirmish wherein none were killed exhibited nervousness.
Such a spontaneous giving way of the body, even beyond the will of
their commander, should have manifested neither surprise nor
delight and looked ominous for discipline.
Thrailkill formed again when he reached Todd’s line of battle,
and Johnson rearranged his ranks and went towards the slope at a
brisk walk. Some upon the right broke into a trot, but he halted
them, cursed them, and bade them look better to their line.
Up the hill’s crest, however, a column of men suddenly rode into
view, halted, dismounted and seemed to be busy or confused about
something.
Inexperienced, Johnson is declared to have said to his adjutant:
“They will fight on foot—what does that mean?” It meant that the
men were tightening their saddle girths, putting fresh caps on their
revolvers, looking well to bridle reins and bridle bits, and preparing
for a charge that would have about it the fury of a whirlwind. By and
by the Guerrillas were mounted again. From a column they
transformed themselves into a line two deep and with a double
interval between all files. At a slow walk they moved over the crest
towards Major Johnson, now advancing at a walk that was more
brisk.
Perhaps it was now five o’clock. The September sun was low in
the west, not red nor angry, but an Indian summer sun, full yet of
generous warmth and grateful beaming. The crisp grass crinkled
under foot. A distance of five hundred yards separated the two lines.
Not a shot had been fired. Todd showed a naked front, bare of
skirmishers and stripped for a fight that he knew would be
murderous to the Federals. And why should they not stand? The
black flag waved alike over each, and from the lips of the leaders of
each there had been all that day only threats of extermination and
death.
Johnson halted his men and rode along his front speaking a few
calm and collected words. They could not be heard in Todd’s ranks,
but they might have been divined. Most battle speeches are the
same. They abound in good advice. They are generally full of such
sentences as this: “Aim low, keep cool, fire when you get loaded. Let
the wounded lie till the fight is over.”
But could it be possible that Johnson meant to receive the
charge of the Guerrillas at a halt! What cavalry books had he read?
Who had taught him such ruinous and suicidal tactics? And yet,
monstrous as the resolution was in a military sense, it had actually
been made, and Johnson called out loud enough to be heard by the
opposing force: “Come on, we are ready for the fight!”
The challenge was accepted. The Guerillas gathered themselves
together as if by a sudden impulse, and took the bridle reins
between their teeth. In the hands of each man there was a deadly
revolver. There were carbines, too, and yet they had never been
unslung. The sun was not high, and there was great need to finish
quickly whatever had need to be done. Riding the best and fastest
horses in Missouri, George Shepherd, Oll Shepherd, Frank Shepherd,
Frank Gregg, Morrow, McGuire, Allen Parmer, Hence and Lafe Privin,
James Younger, Press Webb, Babe Hudspeth, Dick Burnes, Ambrose
and Thomas Maxwell, Richard Kinney, Si and Ike Flannery, Jesse and
Frank James, David Poole; John Poole, Ed Greenwood, Al Scott,
Frank Gray, George Maddox, Dick Maddox, De Hart, Jeff Emery, Bill
Anderson, Tuck Hill, James Cummings, John Rupe, Silas King, James
Corum, Moses Huffaker, Ben Broomfield, Peyton Long, Jack
Southerland, William Reynolds, William and Charles Stewart, Bud
Pence, Nat Tigue, Gooly Robertson, Hiram Guess, Buster Parr,
William Gaw, Chat Rennick, Henry Porter, Arch and Henry Clements,
Jesse Hamlet, John Thrailkill, Si Gordon, George Todd, Thomas Todd,
William and Hugh Archie, Plunk Murray, Ling Litten, Joshua Esters,
Sam Wade, Creth Creek, Theodore Castle, John Chatman and three
score men of other unnamed heroes struck fast the Federal ranks as
if the rush was a rush of tigers. Frank James, riding a splendid race
mare, led by half a length, then Arch Clements, then Ben Morrow,
then Peyton Long and then Harrison Trow.
There was neither trot not gallop. The Guerrillas simply dashed
from a walk into a full run. The attack was a hurricane. Johnson’s
command fired one volley and not a gun thereafter. It scarcely stood
until the five hundred yards were passed over. Johnson cried out to
his men to fight to the death, but they did not wait even to hear him
through. Some broke ranks as soon as they had fired, and fled.
Others were attempting to reload their muskets when the Guerrillas,
firing right and left, hurled themselves upon them. Johnson fell
among the first. Mounted as described, Frank James singled out the
leader of the Federals. He did not know him then. No words were
spoken between the two. When James had reached within five feet
of Johnson’s position, he put out a pistol suddenly and sent a bullet
through his brain. Johnson threw out his hands as if trying to reach
something above his head and pitched forward heavily, a corpse.
There was no quarter. Many begged for mercy on their knees. The
Guerrillas heeded the prayer as a wolf might the bleating of a lamb.
The wild route broke up near Sturgeon, the implacable pursuit,
vengeful as hate, thundering in the rear. Death did its work in twos,
threes, in squads—singly. Beyond the first volley not a single
Guerrilla was hurt, but in this volley Frank Shepherd, Hank Williams
and young Peyton were killed, and Richard Kenney mortally
wounded. Thomas Maxwell and Harrison Carter were also slightly
wounded by the same volley, and two horses were killed, one under
Dave Poole and one under Harrison Trow. Shepherd, a giant in size,
and brave as the best in a command where all are brave, fought the
good fight and died in the harness. Hank Williams, only a short time
before, had deserted from the Federals and joined Poole, giving rare
evidences, in his brief Guerrilla career, of great enterprise and
consummate daring. Peyton was but a beardless boy from Howard
County, who in his first battle after becoming a Guerrilla, was shot
dead.
Probably sixty of Johnson’s command gained their horses before
the fierce wave of the charge broke over them, and these were
pursued by five Guerrillas—Ben Morrow, Frank James, Peyton Long,
Arch Clements and Harrison Trow—for six miles at a dead run. Of
the sixty, fifty-two were killed on the road from Centralia to
Sturgeon. Todd drew up the command and watched the chase go
on. For three miles nothing obstructed the vision. Side by side over
the level prairie the five stretched away like the wind, gaining step
by step and bound by bound, upon the rearmost rider. Then little
puffs of smoke rose. No sounds could be heard, but dashing ahead
from the white spurts terrified steeds ran riderless.
Knight and Sturgeon ended the killing. Five men had shot down
fifty-two. Arch Clements, in apportionment made afterwards, had
credited to himself fourteen. Trow ten, Peyton Long nine, Ben
Morrow eight, Frank James, besides killing Major Johnson and others
in the charge upon the dismounted troopers, killed in the chase an
additional eleven.
Johnson’s loss was two hundred ninety one. Out of the three
hundred, only nine escaped.
History has chosen to call the ferocious killing at Centralia a
butchery. In civil war, encounters are not called butcheries where the
combatants are man to man and where over either ranks there
waves a black flag.
Johnson’s overthrow, probably, was a decree of fate. He rushed
upon it as if impelled by a power stronger than himself. He did not
know how to command and his men did not know how to fight. He
had, by the sheer force of circumstances, been brought face to face
with two hundred and sixty-two of the most terrible revolver fighters
the American war or any other war ever produced; and he
deliberately tied his hands by the very act of dismounting, and stood
in the shambles until he was shot down. Abject and pitiable
cowardice matched itself against recklessness and desperation, and
the end could be only just what the end was. The Guerrillas did unto
the militia just what the militia would have done unto them if fate
had reversed the decision and given to Johnson what it permitted to
Todd.
 Anderson

I N June, 1864, Anderson crossed the Missouri River. Four miles

out from the crossing place, he encountered twenty-five
Federals, routed them at the first onset, killing eight, two of
whom Arch Clements scalped, hanging the ghastly trophies at the
head-stall of his bridle. One of the two scalped was a captain and
the commander of the squad.

Killing as he marched, Anderson moved from Carroll into

Howard, entered Huntsville the last of June with twenty-five men,
took from the county treasury $30,000, and disbanded for a few
days for purposes of recruiting.
The first act of the next foray was an ambuscade into which
Anderson fell headlong. Forty militia waylaid him as he rode through
a stretch of heavy bottom land, filled his left shoulder full of turkey
shot, killed two of his men and wounded three others. Hurt as he
was, he charged the brush, killing eighteen of his assailants,
captured every horse and followed the flying remnant as far as a
single fugitive could be tracked through the tangled undergrowth.
In July Anderson took Arch Clements, John Maupin, Tuck and
Woot Hill, Hiram Guess, Jesse Hamlet, William Reynolds, Polk Helms,
Cave Wyatt and Ben Broomfield and moved up into Clay County to
form a junction with Fletch Taylor. By ones and twos he killed
twenty-five militiamen on the march and was taking breakfast at a
house in Carroll County when thirty-eight Federals fired upon him
through doors and windows, the balls knocking dishes onto the floor
and playing havoc with chinaware and eatables generally. The
Guerrillas, used to every phase of desperate warfare, routed their
assailants after a crashing volley or two, and held the field, or rather
the house. In the melee Anderson accidentally shot a lady in the
shoulder, inflicting a painful wound, and John Maupin killed the
captain commanding the scouts, cut off his head and stuck it upon a
gate-post to shrivel and blacken in the sun.
In Ray County, one hundred and fifty Federal cavalrymen found
Andersons’ trail, followed it all day, and just at nightfall struck hard
and viciously at the Guerrillas. Anderson would not be driven without
a fight. He charged their advance guard, killed fourteen out of sixty,
and drove the guard back upon the main body. Clements, Woot Hill,
Hamlet and Hiram Guess had their horses killed and were left afoot
in the night to shift for themselves. Walking to the Missouri River, ten
miles distant, and fashioning a rude raft from the logs and withes,
Hamlet crossed to Jackson County and made his way safe into the
camp of Todd.
While with Anderson John Coger was wounded again in the right
leg. Suffering from this wound and with another one in the left
shoulder, he had been carried by his comrades to a house close to
Big Creek, in Cass County, and when it was night, and by no road
that was generally traveled. Coger, without a wound of some kind or
in some portion of his body, would have appeared as unaccountable
to the Guerrillas as a revolver without a mainspring.
At the end of every battle some one reckless fighter asked of
another: “Of course, John can’t be killed, but where is he hit this
time?” And Coger, himself, no matter how often or how badly hurt,
scarcely ever waited for a old wound to get well before he was in the
front again looking for a new one. He lived for fifty years after the
battle, carrying thirteen bullet wounds.
The wonderful nerve of the man saved him many times during
the war in open and desperate conflicts, but never when the outlook
was so unpromising as it was now, with the chances as fifty to one
against him.
 Despite his two hurts, Coger would dress himself every day and
hobble about the house, watching all the roads for the Federals. His
pistols were kept under the bolster of his bed.
One day a scout of sixty militiamen approached the house so
suddenly that Coger had barely time to undress and hurry to bed,
dragging in with him his clothes, his boots, his tell-tale shirt and his
four revolvers. Without the help of the lady of the house he surely
would have been lost. To save him she surely—well, she did not tell
the truth.
The sick man lying there was her husband, weak from a fever.
Bottles were ostentatiously displayed for the occasion. At intervals
Coger groaned and ground his teeth, the brave, true woman
standing close to his bedside, wiping his brow every now and then
and putting some kind of smelling stuff to his lips.
A Federal soldier, perhaps a bit of a doctor, felt Coger’s left wrist,
held it awhile, shook his head, and murmured seriously: “A bad case,
madam, a bad case, indeed. Most likely pneumonia.”
Coger groaned again.
“Are you in pain, dear?” the ostensible wife tenderly inquired.
“Dreadful!” and a spasm of agony shot over the bushwhacker’s
sun-burnt face.
For nearly an hour the Federal soldiers came and went and
looked upon the sick man moaning in his bed, as deadly a Guerrilla
as ever mounted a horse or fired a pistol.
Once the would-be doctor skirted the edge of the precipice so
closely that if he had stepped a step further he would have pitched
headlong into the abyss. He insisted upon making a minute
examination of Coger’s lungs and laid a hand upon the coverlet to
uncover the patient. Coger held his breath hard and felt upward for
a revolver. The first inspection would have ruined him. Nothing could
have explained the ugly, ragged wound in the left shoulder, nor the
older and not entirely healed one in the right leg. The iron man,
however, did not wince. He neither made protest nor yielded
acquiescence. He meant to kill the doctor, kill as many more as he
could while life lasted and his pistol balls held out, and be carried
from the room, when he was carried at all, feet foremost and limp as
a lock of hair. Happily a woman’s wit saved him. She pushed away
the doctor’s hand from the coverlet and gave as the emphatic order
of her family physician that the sick man should not be disturbed
until his return.
Etiquette saved John Coger, for it was so unprofessional for one
physician to interfere with another physician’s patient, and the
Federal soldier left the room and afterwards the house.
 Press Webb, a Born Scout

P RESS WEBB was a born scout crossed upon a highlander. He

had the eyes of an eagle and the endurance of the red deer.
He first taught himself coolness, and then he taught it to
others. In traveling he did not travel twice the same road. Many
more were like him in this—so practicing the same kind of woodcraft
and cunning—until the enemy began to say: “That man Quantrell
has a thousand eyes.”

Press Webb was ordered to take with him one day Sim Whitsett,
George Maddox, Harrison Trow and Noah Webster and hide himself
anywhere in the vicinity of Kansas City that would give him a good
view of the main roads leading east, and a reasonably accurate
insight into the comings and going of the Federal troops.
The weather was very cold. Some snow had fallen the week
before and melted, and the ground was frozen again until all over
the country the ground was glazed with ice and traveling was made
well nigh impossible. The Guerrillas, however, prepared themselves
and their horses well for the expedition. Other cavalrymen were
forced to remain comparatively inactive, but Quantrell’s men were
coming and going daily and killing here and there.
On the march to his field of operation, Webb overtook two
Kansas infantrymen five miles west of Independence on the old
Independence road. The load under which each soldier staggered
proved that their foraging expedition had been successful. One had
a goose, two turkeys, a sack of dried apples, some yarn socks, a
basket full of eggs and the half of a cheese; while the other, more
powerful or more greedy than the first—toiled slowly homeward,
carrying carefully over the slippery highway a huge bag
miscellaneously filled with butter, sausages, roasted and unroasted
coffee, the head of a recently killed hog, some wheaten biscuits not
remarkably well cooked, more cheese and probably a peck of green
Jenniton apples. As Webb and his four men rode up the foragers
halted and set their loads on the ground as if to rest. Piled about
them, each load was about as large as a forager.
Webb remarked that they were not armed and inquired of the
nearest forager—him with the dried apples—why he ventured so far
from headquarters without his gun.
“There is no need of a gun,” was the reply, “because the fighting
rebels are all out of the country and the stay-at-homes are all
subjugated. What we want we take, and we generally want a good
deal.”
“A blind man might see that,” Webb rather grimly replied, “but
suppose some of Quantrell’s cut-throats were to ride up to you as
we have done, stop to talk with you as we have done, draw out a
pistol as I am doing this minute, cover you thus, and bid you
surrender now as I do, you infernal thief and son of a thief, what
would you say then?”
“Say!”—and the look of simple surprise yet cool indifference
which came to the Jayhawker’s face was the strongest feature of the
tragedy—“what could I say but that you are the cut-throat and I am
the victim? Caught fairly, I can understand the balance. Be quick.”
Then the Jayhawker rose up from the midst of his spoils with a
sort of quiet dignity, lifted his hat as if to let his brow feel the north
wind, and faced without a tremor the pistol which covered him.
“I cannot kill you so,” Webb faltered, “nor do I know whether I
can kill you at all. We must take a vote first.”
Then to himself: “To shoot an unarmed man, and a brave man
at that, is awful.”
 There amid the sausages and cheese, the turkeys and the coffee
grains, the dried apples and the green, five men sat down in
judgment upon two. Whitsett held the hat; Webster fashioned the
ballots. No arguments were had. The five self-appointed jurors were
five among Quantrell’s best and bravest. In extremity they had
always stood forth ready to fight to the death; in the way of killing
they had done their share. The two Kansas Jayhawkers came close
together as if in the final summing up they might find in the mere
act of dying together some solace. One by one the Guerrillas put
into the hat of Whitsett a piece of paper upon which was written his
vote. All had voted. Harrison Trow drew forth the ballots silently. As
he unfolded the first and read from it deliberately; “Death,” the
younger Jayhawker blanched to his chin and put a hand on the
shoulder of his comrade. The two listened to the count, with every
human faculty roused and abnormally impressionable. Should any
one not understanding the scene pass, they would not be able to
comprehend the situation—one man standing bareheaded, solemnly,
and all the eyes bent keenly forward as another man drew from a
hat a dirty slip of folded paper and read therefrom something that
was short like a monosyllable and sepulchral like a shroud.
“Life,” said the second ballot, and “Life” said the third. The
fourth was for death and made a tie. Something like the beating of a
strong man’s heart might have been heard, and something as
though a brave man were breathing painfully through his teeth lest a
sigh escape him. Whitsett cried out: “One more ballot yet to be
opened. Let it tell the tale, Trow, and make an end to this thing
speedily.” Trow, with scarcely any more emotion than a surgeon has
when he probes a bullet wound, unfolded the remaining slip of
paper, and read, “Life”!
The younger Jayhawker fell upon his knees and the elder
ejaculated solemnly: “Thank God, how glad my wife will be.”
Webb breathed as one from whose breast a great load had been
lifted and put back into its scabbard his revolver. The verdict
surprised him all the more because it was so totally unexpected, and
yet the two men there—Jayhawkers though they were and loaded
with spoils of plundered farm houses—were as free to go as the
north wind that blew or the stream that was running by.
As they rode away the Guerrillas did not even suggest to one
another the virtue of the parole. At the two extremities of their
peculiar warfare there was either life or death. Having chosen
deliberately as between the two, no middle ground was known to
them.
Press Webb approached to within sight of Kansas City from the
old Independence road, made a complete circle about the place, as
difficult as the traveling was, entered Westport notwithstanding the
presence of a garrison there; heard many things told of the plans
and number of the Federal forces upon the border; passed down
between the Kansas river and what is now known as West Kansas
City, killed three foragers and captured two six-mule wagons near
the site of the present gas works; gathered up five head of excellent
horses, and concealed himself for two days in the Blue Bottom,
watching a somewhat notorious bawdy house much frequented by
Federal soldiers. This kind of houses during the war, and when
located upon dangerous or debatable grounds, were man traps of
more or less sinister histories.
Eleven women belonged to this bagnio proper, but on the night
Webb stalked it and struck it, there had come five additional inmates
from other quarters equally as disreputable. Altogether the male
attendants numbered twenty, two lieutenants, one sergeant major, a
corporal, four citizens and twelve privates from an Iowa regiment.
Webb’s attacking column, not much larger than a yard stick, was
composed of the original detail, four besides himself.
The night was dark; the nearest timber to the house was two
hundred and fifty yards. There was ice on everything. The tramping
of iron shod feet over the frozen earth reverberated as artillery
wheels. At the timber line Maddox suggested that one man should
be left in charge of the horses, but Webb overruled the point.
 “No man shall stir tonight,” he argued, “except he be hunted for
either war or women. The horses are safe here. Let us dismount and
make them fast.”
As they crept to the house in single file, a huge dog went at
Harrison Trow as if he would not be denied, and barked so furiously
and made so many other extravagant manifestations of rage, that a
man and a woman came to the door of the house and bade the dog
devour the disturber. Thus encouraged he leaped full at Trow’s
throat and Trow shot him dead.
In a moment the house emptied itself of its male occupants,
who explored the darkness, found the dog with the bullet through its
head, searched everywhere for the author of the act, and saw no
man, nor heard any retreating steps, and so returned unsatisfied to
the house, yet returned, which was a great deal.
As for the Guerrillas, as soon as Trow found himself obliged to
shoot or be throttled, they rushed back safely and noiselessly to
their horses, mounted them and waited. A pistol shot, unless
explained, is always sinister to soldiers. It is not to be denied.
Fighting men never fire at nothing. This is a maxim not indigenous
to the brush, nor an outcome of the philosophy of those who were
there. A pistol shot says in so many words: “Something is coming, is
creeping, is crawling, is about—look out!”
The Federals heard this one—just as pertinent and as intelligible
as any that was ever fired—but they failed to interpret aright this
significant language of the ambuscade, and they suffered
accordingly.
Webb waited an hour in the cold, listening. No voices were
heard, no skirmishers approached his position, no scouts from the
house hunted further away than the lights from the windows shone,
no alarm had been raised, and he dismounted with his men and
again approached the house.
By this time it was well on to twelve o’clock. Chickens were
crowing in every direction. The north wind had risen high and was
blowing as a winter wind always blows when there are shelterless
men abroad in a winter night.
The house, a rickety frame house, was two stories high, with
two windows on the north and two on the south.
George Maddox looked in at one of these windows and counted
fourteen men, some well advanced in liquor and some sober and
silent and confidential with the women. None were vigilant. The six
upstairs were neither seen nor counted.
At first it was difficult to proceed upon a plan of action. All the
Federals were armed, and twenty armed men holding a house
against five are generally apt, whatever else may happen, to get the
best of the fighting.
“We cannot fire through the windows,” said Webb, “for women
are in the way.”
“Certainly” replied Whitsett, “we do not war upon women.”
“We cannot get the drop on them,” added Trow, “because we
cannot get to them.”
“True again,” replied Maddox, “but I have an idea which will
simplify matters amazingly. On the south there is a stable half full of
plank and plunder. It will burn like pitch pine. The wind is from the
north is strong, and it will blow away all danger from the house.
Were it otherwise I would fight against the torch, for not even a
badger should be turned out of its hole tonight on word of mine,
much less a lot of women. See for yourself and say if the plan suits
you.”
They saw, endorsed the proposition, and put a match at once to
the hay and to the bundles of fodder. Before the fire had increased
perceptibly the five men warmed their hands and laughed. They
were getting the frost out of their fingers to shoot well, they said. A
delicate trigger touch is necessary to a dead shot.
“Fire!”
 All of a sudden there was a great flare of flames, a shriek from
the women and a shout from the men. The north wind drove full
head upon the stable, roared as like some great wild beast in pain.
The Federals rushed to the rescue. Not all caught up their arms
as they hurried out—not all even were dressed.
The women looked from the doors and windows of the dwelling,
and thus made certain the killing that followed. Beyond the glare of
the burning outhouse, and massed behind a fence fifty paces to the
right of the consuming stable, the Guerrillas fired five deadly volleys
into the surprised and terrified mass before them, and they
scattered, panic-striken and cut to pieces,—the remnant frantically
regained the sheltering mansion.

PRESS WEBB, A BORN SCOUT

 Eight were killed where they stood about the fire; two were
mortally wounded and died afterwards; one, wounded and disabled,
quit the service; five, severely or slightly wounded, recovered; and
four, unhurt, reported that night in Kansas City that Quantrell had
attacked them with two hundred men, and had been driven off, hurt
and badly worsted, after three-quarters of an hour’s fight. Press
Webb and his four men did what work was done in less than five
minutes.
 Little Blue

C APTAIN DICK YAGER, commanding ten men, the usual

number the Guerrillas then operated with, engaged twenty
Federals under Lieutenant Blackstone of the Missouri Militia
regiments, and slew fourteen.

Yager had ambushed a little above a ford over the Little Blue and
hid behind some rocks about fifteen feet above the crossing place,
and Blackstone, unconscious of danger, rode with his troops leisurely
into the water and halted midway in the stream that his horses
might drink. He had a tin cup tied to his saddle and a bottle of
whiskey in one of his pockets. After having drunk and while bending
over from his stirrups to dip the cup into the water, a volley hit him
and knocked him off his horse dead, thirteen others falling close to
and about him at the same time.
Jarrette and Poole, each commanding ten men, made a dash
into Lafayette County and struck some blows to the right and left,
which resounded throughout the West.
Poole pushed into the German settlement and comparatively
surprised them.
Where Concordia now is, there was then a store and a fort,
strong and well built. This day, however, Poole came upon them
unawares and found many who properly belonged to the militia
feeding stock and in an exposed position. Fifteen of these he killed
and ten he wounded severely but not so severely as to prevent them
from making their way back to the fort.
 Arrock Fight, Spring of 1864

T ODD and Dave Poole went east through Fayette County to

Saline County and thence to Arrock, with one hundred and
twenty men to avenge the death of Jim Janes, Charles
Bochman and Perkins, who were captured by the Federals under
Captain Sims.

The men who captured the boys made them dig their own
graves and shot them and rolled them into them. We made the raid
for the benefit of this captain and were successful. We caught him
and his men playing marbles in the street, unaware of any danger.
We rode slowly into town with our Federal uniforms on, Sim Whitsett
in advance.
“Boys,” said he, “I will knock the middle man out for you.”
He fired the first shot. Then it was a continuous fire and the
Federals surrendered in a very few minutes.
We killed twenty-five men, wounded thirty-five and had only one
man, Dick Yager, wounded.
Ben Morrow and I had the pleasure of capturing the captain in
an upstairs bed room of a hotel. He died with quick consumption
with a bullet through his head.
We captured one hundred and fifty men and swore them out of
service.
 Fire Bottom Prairie Fight, Spring of
1864

O NE of the most daring things I ever witnessed was when Ben

Morrow saved my life at the time they got me off my horse
at the battle of Fire Prairie Creek near Napoleon, Missouri,
in the spring of 1864.

George Todd, in command, was sent out to meet a bunch of

Federals going from Lexington to Independence. We expected to
meet them in the road and charge them in the usual way, but they
got word we were coming and dismounted, hid their horses in the
woods and came up, on foot, and fired on us from the brush as we
charged. They caught my horse by the bridle and before they could
shoot me I jumped off over the horse’s head. As I went over, I fired
at the man holding him and he fell. I was on foot amidst the worst
of them. This gave me an advantage as I could fire in any direction I
wanted to and they could not, as their men were all around me and
in danger of being hit by their own bullets. I saw a hole where a
large tree had been uprooted, a hole large enough to conceal me
almost, and I made direct for it, firing at everything in sight as I
went.
Captain Todd ordered his men back, with three of them, Babe
Hudspath, Bill McGuire and Tid Sanders, so badly wounded they
were unable to go further.
I was left there in the hole, bullets blowing up the dirt all around
me, the hole being deep enough for me to get out of sight. I lay on
my back, loading my pistols and watched close as a hawk. They said
I was dead and wanted to come up and get my pistols. Whenever
one would show his head I took a shot at him and they saw that I
was very much alive and their scheme would not work.
One of the blue billies climbed a tree close by, thinking he would
be able to get a better shot at me. I waited until he got fairly up in
the tree and then shot him in the thigh and down he came. I kept
up firing, thinking the boys would hear it and come back and help
me.
They were a quarter of a mile off when Ben Morrow said, “Boys,
we are all here except Harrison Trow, and do you hear that
shooting? He is still alive and by G—d I am going back to get him.”
So on came Ben Morrow, yelling and shooting with a pistol in each
hand. When within forty yards of me and letting in on the enemy
with a pistol in each hand, he saw me and came straight for me. I
caught the crupper of his saddle, jumped up behind him, and pulling
two pistols, one in each hand, firing as we went, we got safely away.
From that day on, I would have died any where, and any place and
any how for Ben Morrow, who saved my life at the risk of his own.
After the Fayette fight Lieutenant Jim Little, one of Quantrell’s
best men, was badly wounded in Howard County, Missouri, and
Quantrell went with him to the woods to take care of him until he
recovered.
Then, after the Centralia fight, Ben Morrow, Bill Hulsh and I
went to where Quantrell and Jim Little were in the woods. Jim was
much better by this time, so that Quantrell could leave him and he
came back to us in Jackson County, where we swam the river on our
horses near Saline City. After we had crossed the river we went to a
house to get breakfast and dry our clothes. Quantrell wanted to
intercept General Price who was on a raid and have a consultation
with him.
At this house we discovered some Federal clothing—caps, etc.—
in the hall and asked whose they were. We were told they belonged
to some Federal soldiers who had stayed there through the night
and attended a dance. We captured them at once and swore them
out of service. We then went on to intercept Price at Waverly, Saline
County, Missouri, where arrangements were made for Quantrell’s
men to take the advance clear on up through Fayette and Jackson
Counties, and up through Kansas City. We were in advance all of the
way from that time until Price started south, and we went with him,
about one hundred miles, almost to the Arkansas line, and turned
back to Jackson County.
 Death of Todd and Anderson,
October, 1864

C URTIS’ heavy division, retreating before General Price all the

way from Lexington to Independence, held the western
bank of the Little Blue, and some heavy stone walls and
fences beyond. Marmaduke and Shelby broke his hold from these,
and pressed him rapidly back to and through Independence, the two
Colorado regiments covering his rear stubbornly and well. Side by
side McCoy and Todd had made several brilliant charges during the
morning, and had driven before them with great dash and spirit
every Colorado squadron halted to resist the continual marching
forward of the Confederate cavalry.

Ere the pursuit ended for the day, half of the 2nd Colorado
regiment drew up on the crest of a bold hill and made a gallant
fight. Their major, Smith, a brave and dashing officer, was killed
there, and there Todd fell. General Shelby, as was his wont, was well
up with the advance, and leading recklessly the two companies of
Todd and McCoy. Next to Shelby’s right rode Todd and upon his left
was McCoy. Close to these and near to the front files were Colonels
Nichols, Thrailkill, Ben Morrow, Ike Flannery and Jesse James.
The trot had deepened into a gallop, and all the crowd of
skirmishers covering the head of the rushing column were at it,
fierce and hot, when the 2nd Colorado swept the road with a furious
volley, broke away from the strong position held by them and
hurried on through the streets of Independence, followed by the
untiring McCoy, as lank as a fox-hound and as eager.
 That volley killed Todd. A Spencer rifle ball entered his neck in
front, passed through and out near the spine, and paralyzed him.
Dying as he fell, he was yet tenderly taken up and carried to the
house of Mrs. Burns, in Independence. Articulating with great
difficulty and leaving now and then almost incoherent messages to
favorite comrade or friend, he lingered for two hours insensible to
pain, and died at last as a Roman.
George Todd was a Scotchman born, his father holding an
honorable position in the British navy. Destined also for the sea, it
was the misfortune of the son to become engaged in a personal
difficulty in his eighteenth year and kill the man with whom he
quarreled. He fled to Canada, and from Canada to the United States.
His father soon after resigned and followed him, and when the war
began both were railroad contractors in North Missouri, standing well
with everybody for business energy, capacity and integrity.
Todd made a name by exceeding desperation. His features
presented nothing that could attract attention. There was no sign in
visible characters of the powers that was in him. They were calm
always, and in repose a little stern; but if anything that indicated “a
look of destiny” was sought for, it was not to be found in the face of
George Todd. His was simple and confiding, and a circumspect
regard for his word made him a very true but sometimes a very
blunt man. In his eyes the fittest person to command a Guerrilla was
he who inspired the enemy before people began to say: “That man,
George Todd, is a tiger. He fights always; he is not happy unless he
is fighting. He will either be killed soon or he will do a great amount
of killing.” It has just been seen that he was not to be killed until
October, 1864—a three years’ lease of life for that desperate
Guerrilla work never had a counterpart. By and by the Guerrillas
themselves felt confidence in such a name, reliance in such an arm,
favor for such a face. It was sufficient for Todd to order a march to
be implicitly followed; to plan an expedition to have it immediately
carried out; to indicate a spot on which to assemble to cause an
organization sometimes widely scattered or dispersed to come
together as the jaws of a steel trap.
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