David Curley

This paper examines the Mughal connection with the traditions of goddess worship in Bengal from the sixteenth to eighteenth
centuries. While Durga worship has been a significant cultural celebration in Bengal for centuries, the paper situates itself within
recent scholarly research on early modern India's cultural history, including studies on language, literature, art music,
architecture, and social status. It highlights how Mughal history was intertwined with local and regional cultural processes.
Although there is extensive scholarship on the evolution of goddess worship in Bengal, particularly marking the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries as turning points, the relationship between this development and Mughal rule has not been thoroughly
explored. One reason for this neglect is the perception that a ‘Muslim’ ruling regime could not have influenced non-Islamic
traditions, or that its role, if acknowledged, was destructive. The paper challenges this notion by arguing for a more nuanced
understanding. It also stresses the need for engaging with vernacular sources alongside Persian materials to reconstruct Mughal
history. The pioneering work of J. F. Richards and V. Narayan Rao demonstrated the importance of regional language sources,
and scholars like Allison Busch have shown how such sources can shed light on Mughal cultural history. This paper employs
Bengali sources to offer new insights into the history of goddess worship in Bengal and the Mughal regime’s cultural influence. It
also addresses broader questions about religious pluralism, public religious performances, and community formation in early
modern India. The paper is structured into four sections: (1) an overview of the development of the goddess tradition,
emphasizing its ties to political power and royal authority; (2) an analysis of Bengali performative literature (Mangalkabyas) to
trace evolving perceptions of the Mughals in relation to the goddess; (3) an examination of Durga Puja’s autumnal celebrations in
Bengal alongside the Mughal presence; and (4) a deeper interrogation of the Mughal regime’s potential role in shaping Bengal’s
goddess tradition, with reflections on religious community formation and the public performance of religion.
Bengal's goddess tradition: history and development
The tradition of goddess worship in Bengal dates back centuries before the period examined in this paper. The present form and
attributes of the goddess, particularly Durga, evolved primarily in two phases: the fifth and sixth centuries CE and the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries CE. Scholarship has extensively studied goddess traditions across India, including Bengal, tracing their
mythological and ritualistic evolution. Ancient goddess worship in the Indian subcontinent predates the Vedic-Brahmanical
tradition and was deeply rooted in regions like Bengal and Assam. Early textual references in the Mahabharata and Harivamsa
describe the goddess as a fierce virgin deity associated with forests and wilderness, worshipped by marginalized communities. In
pre-third-century BCE Brahmanical traditions, the goddess was linked to abstract concepts like Prakriti (materiality),
Shakti(energy), and Maya (creative illusion). However, a more systematic concept of a great goddess emerged in the fifth and
sixth centuries CE, particularly through the Puranas, which integrated various ideological and mythological elements. In Bengal,
this resulted in a composite goddess incorporating Brahmanical, Tantric, and Buddhist influences. The Devi-Mahatmya (sixth
century CE) in the Markandeya Purana played a crucial role in shaping the goddess' identity, portraying her as the cosmic
protector and demon-slayer. The text describes her many forms—Durga, Kali, Chandika, Vaishnavi, and others—but her battle
against Mahishasura became central to her present identity. Mahishasura, the buffalo demon, had received a boon making him
invulnerable to all except a woman. He conquered the earth and defeated the gods, who then combined their energies to create the
goddess. Armed with divine weapons, Durga battled and ultimately slew Mahishasura, a moment immortalized in the imagery of
Durga worshipped during the annual Durga Puja in Bengal. The name ‘Durga’ encompasses meanings like ‘difficult to access’ or
‘fortress protector,’ and she is associated with various roles, including that of the goddess of vegetation (Shakambari) and
nourishment (Annapurna, Jagaddhatri). Another significant form in Bengal is Kali, depicted as a fierce deity associated with war,
destruction, and cremation grounds. In the Devi-Mahatmya, Kali is an extension of Durga’s fury, appearing in the battle against
Shumbha and Nishumbha. A key development in Bengal’s goddess tradition was the ‘Vaishnavization’ of the goddess and the
influence of bhakti(devotionalism). This transformation emphasized her roles as a wife, mother, and daughter, particularly in
relation to Kali and Uma (Durga as Shiva’s wife). Bengali devotional literature like Shyama Sangeet, Uma Sangeet, Agamani,
and Vijaya songs reflected this shift. While Kali underwent a 'sweetening' process in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
Durga had already begun to be perceived as both a fierce warrior and a protective mother centuries earlier. The worship of the
goddess as a mother surrounded by her children has been a key feature of Bengal’s religious traditions since at least the late
sixteenth century. Kabikankan Mukunda Chakrabarty’s Chandimangal describes the goddess appearing before the hunter Kalketu
in her Mahisamardini form, surrounded by attendants and deities like Kartika, Ganesha, Lakshmi, and Saraswati. This
family-oriented depiction of Durga has been central to the grand autumnal Durga Puja in Bengal for centuries. As Tithi
Bhattacharya notes, this iconography contributed to the domestication of the goddess, transforming her from a fierce warrior to a
maternal and daughterly figure. Rachel McDermott explains this shift as a result of Vaishnava devotionalism, particularly strong
in Bengal since Sri Chaitanya’s time, which softened and popularized the goddess. The Mangalkavya genre, dominant from the
fifteenth to the early nineteenth century, played a role in making gods and goddesses more accessible by emphasizing their
involvement in human lives. While an older tradition of springtime Basanti Puja still exists, autumnal worship became dominant,
likely due to its mention in the Devi Mahatmya and the Bengali Ramayana of Krittivasa, which claims that Rama worshipped
Durga before fighting Ravana. Jogesh Chandra Roy Bidyanidhi argues that Durga Puja was superimposed onto an older autumnal
harvest festival (Sharadotsava), celebrating abundance. Despite Durga’s prominence, numerous village goddesses remain central
to local traditions, often retaining non-Brahmanical or even anti-Brahmanical elements. These deities, worshipped for protection
and healing, differ significantly from the standardized Mahisamardini Durga image that emerged by the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. Many are linked to specific villages in Bankura and Midnapur districts, with forms ranging from animal-faced icons to
sacred stones under trees. Their worship is often conducted by priests from marginalized communities like the Bagdis, Bauris,
Doms, and Majhis. The relationship between these local goddesses and the more universal Durga varies; some family deities
receive special worship during Durga Puja, while in other places, such as near the temple of Bargabhima Devi in Tamluk, the
worship of Durga and similar deities is forbidden. Nevertheless, Durga Puja has become a quintessential regional tradition in
Bengal. A significant but often overlooked aspect of this tradition is the goddess’s association with political authority, which is
explored in the next section.
The goddess and kingly/political power
The association of the goddess Durga/Chandi with political power, particularly in Bengal, has deep historical roots. While she has
been primarily depicted as a golden-colored, ten-armed goddess in recent centuries, her older conceptualization as a martial
figure persists. This link between the goddess and kingly authority can be traced to the Ramayana, the Markandeya Purana, and
the celebration of Dussera. In Bengal, rulers and rebels invoked the goddess to assert legitimacy. Raja Ganesh (1400–1421) and
his son, Sultan Jalaluddin Mahmud (1415–1432), performed rituals in her honor and issued coins bearing her symbols. The early
15th-century rebellion of Danuja Mardana Deva and his son Mahendra Deva against the Bengal Sultanate was also carried out in
the name of Chandi. According to Richard Eaton, such rebellious rajas saw the goddess as embodying a deeply rooted, nativist
Bengali tradition. The goddess' connection with political power extended into the late Sultanate and Mughal periods, particularly
in the forested southwestern regions of Bengal, where many local rulers attributed their rise to her blessings. Rajas of Tamluk,
Karnagarh, Chitua-Barda, Dhalbhum, and Brahmanbhum maintained their allegiance to the goddess, commissioning temples and
integrating her worship into their ruling families. Mukunda Chakrabarty, under the patronage of Raja Bankura Roy, composed the
Chandimangalkavya, a major eulogy to Chandi. Many of these goddesses were also protectors of fortresses and military
strongholds. Examples include Joychandi Thakurani in the Aradha Brahmanbhum fortress, Abhaya in Abhaygarh, and
Mrinmoyee of the Malla kings of Bishnupur. Chittaranjan Dasgupta highlights that these fortress-protectress deities were
widespread, and many origin myths of local rajas involved divine encounters with the goddess. Durga/Chandi’s association with
low-caste and adivasi-origin rulers highlights her early role as a forest deity (ranadevi). This phenomenon found literary
expression in the Kalketu Upakhyana, a central story of the Chandimangalkavya, which recounts how a humble hunter, blessed
by Chandi, founded a kingdom in the forest. Sheldon Pollock sees this tradition as a form of ‘vernacularization’ of Sanskrit
Puranic texts, highlighting Chandi’s role in elevating the humble to kingship and ensuring dharmic governance. Later works, such
as Bharatchandra Roy’s Annodamangalkavya, Gangarama’s Marashtapurana, and Raja Pritvi Chandra’s Gaurimangala, continued
this tradition, though their protagonists were increasingly high-status figures, reflecting the cult’s growing appeal among elites.
Sukumar Sen observed that Chandimangalkavyas evolved into sabha sahitya (courtly literature), yet the goddess' connection to
ordinary worshippers remained strong. Durga’s association with political power persisted into the 18th century. The Maratha
Bargis seeking military success in Bengal worshipped her, and in 1757, Nabakrishna Deb held the first Durga Puja to celebrate
the English East India Company’s victory over Siraj-ud-Daula, with Robert Clive himself sending goats for sacrifice. Even today,
traditional Durga Puja rituals performed by erstwhile royal and zamindari families reinforce the historical link between the
goddess and kingly authority in Bengal.
The Mughals as monsters: Mongol daitya (demon)
The Mangalkavya corpus of Bengal provides insights into how the Mughals were perceived in the region, particularly in relation
to the goddess Durga or Chandi. One of the earliest references appears in Chandimangal by Dwija Madhava (Madhavananda),
composed in the late sixteenth century. This text introduces a demon named Mongol (or Mangal) Daitya, whom Chandi slays.
Notably, this asura does not appear in earlier Puranic traditions and was seemingly 'invented' for this narrative, appearing only in
a few other Chandimangals of the following century. However, Mukunda Chakrabarty’s Chandimangal, from the same period,
does not mention Mongol Daitya, suggesting that its inclusion was not universal. Dwija Madhava composed his work around
1579 CE, a time when the Mughal army was advancing into Bengal. He praises Emperor Akbar in his atma-parichaya
(autobiographical segment), calling him a reincarnation of Arjuna, as intellectually gifted as Brihaspati, and a ruler who nurtures
his subjects like Rama. This suggests that while the Mughals were seen as a foreign presence, Akbar’s rule was recognized.
However, the demon Mongol Daitya, a devotee of Shiva who plundered heaven until Chandi beheaded him, can be read as a
metaphor for the Mughal invasion. The goddess’s victory earned her the title "Mangalchandi," an association also made by
Bhavanishankar Das in the seventeenth century. The broader cultural context indicates that terms like 'Turuk' and 'Yavana' were
used in Bengal to denote Muslims, while Mangalkavya literature categorized Muslims by occupation and ethnic background. The
elite Muslim society of medieval Bengal comprised Sayyids, Mughals, Pathans, Arabs, and Persians, with many concentrated in
political centers and port cities. Bipradas Pipilai’s Manasa Vijaya (1479 CE) already referred to Mongols, Pathans, and
Makhdums in Saptagrama, showing that 'Mongols' were identified as a distinct non-Indian ethnic group before the Mughal
conquest. The Persianized term 'Mughal' derived from 'Mongol' and was used to refer to both the ruling dynasty and people of
Central Asian origin. Scholars Abdul Karim and M.R. Tarafdar debated whether 'Mongol' was used for Mughals only after their
conquest of North India and Bengal or if it predated Mughal rule. Tarafdar’s argument—that 'Mongol' was used in Bengali
narratives before the sixteenth century—is seen as more convincing, as later texts commonly used 'Mughal' to denote rulers. The
association of Mongol Daitya with the Mughals is likely due to the violence accompanying the Mughal conquest, leading to the
metaphor of a demon defeated by the region’s protectress, Chandi. The use of puns (slesha), a known literary device in Sanskrit
literature, may have influenced this wordplay in Mangalkavya texts. Sukumar Sen observed that the might of the Mughal
emperors generated anxiety, which found expression in the figure of Mongol Daitya. Thus, Chandimangal by Dwija Madhava
reflects contemporary perceptions of the Mughal advance in Bengal, linking them to a demon that had to be vanquished. Dwija
Madhava praised Emperor Akbar in his work, comparing him to mythological heroes like Rama and Arjuna. However, there is no
evidence that he had direct contact with Akbar or his representatives. Such praise likely followed the convention of glorifying
distant monarchs, especially when they were not directly linked to oppression. Other works in the Mangalkavya genre similarly
praised the Mughals, particularly in the seventeenth century, reflecting growing acceptance of Mughal rule. However, Dwija
Madhava’s work, composed during the early Mughal military campaigns in Bengal, also portrayed the Mughal forces as a
monstrous demon, Mongol Daitya. This contradiction suggests that while Akbar was seen as a distant, just ruler, the local reality
of Mughal military aggression was perceived as violent and destructive. The conventional scholarly view emphasizes that the
Mughal conquest of Bengal was prolonged and violent, with Bengal’s landed aristocracy, especially the barabhuiyans, resisting
Mughal consolidation. However, this perspective needs revision. While the late sixteenth century saw continuous Mughal battles
against local rulers and Afghan forces, by the early seventeenth century, Mughal diplomacy and selective clemency led many
Bengali chiefs to accept Mughal authority. These chiefs assisted in military campaigns into northern Bengal and Assam, and new
Mughal-created zamindars embraced Persianized courtly culture, considering it prestigious. This complicates the idea of uniform
resistance to Mughal rule. Nevertheless, Mughal military campaigns caused significant violence and suffering. The Mughals used
intimidation tactics, as seen in Mirza Nathan’s seventeenth-century account describing the terrifying impact of Mughal artillery in
Bengal, which frightened animals and people alike. Though Richard Eaton argues that artillery was already widespread in Bengal
by the late sixteenth century, Mughal forces still used cannons for psychological warfare. Local rulers like Isa Khan and Raja
Pratapaditya also possessed artillery, sometimes acquired from the Portuguese. Exposure to Mughal military strategies later
improved indigenous artillery production. The Mughals' efforts in Bengal also brought suffering to ordinary people, as seen in
Mirza Nathan’s brother, Murad, capturing and humiliating local women. R. D. Banerji’s research highlights how the
Bengal-Orissa borderlands became sites of violent conflict between the Mughals, their allies, and the entrenched Afghans. The
lasting impact of this warfare is reflected in a board game, Mughal-Pathan Khela, which reenacts these battles. Dwija Madhava’s
work likely captured the fear and upheaval of this period, depicting the Mughal army as an evil monster in Bengal’s regional
idiom, aligning with the goddess tradition. Some scholars, like R. D. Banerji and Chittaranjan Dasgupta, suggest a connection
between the warrior goddess Chandi and Mughal military activity, particularly in Bengal’s Rarh region and Orissa. The site of the
1575 battle of Tukaroi between the Mughals and Daud Khan Karrani is associated with Mughalmari, a name linked to violent
Mughal campaigns. Villages and fields named 'Mughalmari' or 'Mughalmarir Maath' in Midnapur, Bankura, and Burdwan suggest
that the Mughals' presence influenced settlement patterns. Chandi shrines near these locations may indicate that villagers invoked
the goddess for protection against Mughal forces.
The Role of Mangalkavya and Mughal Patronage in the Evolution of Durga Puja in Bengal
Durga Puja, Bengal’s most celebrated festival, has undergone significant transformations over the centuries. While its roots lie in
Hindu religious traditions, its evolution into a grand public festival was shaped by historical, political, and literary developments,
particularly during the Mughal period. Scholars have argued that Bengal’s literary tradition, especially the Mangalkavya genre,
played a crucial role in reshaping the perception of the Mughals and in the institutionalization of Durga Puja as a large-scale
festival. Kumkum Chatterjee’s work underscores the socio-political role of Mangalkavyas in localizing Mughal authority, while
Richard Eaton and Indrani Chatterjee emphasize the importance of military entrepreneurs and zamindars in expanding the
festival’s reach. This essay examines how the interplay of Mughal patronage, local political aspirations, and Bengal’s literary
traditions facilitated Durga Puja’s transformation from a localized ritual to a prominent public celebration.
Mangalkavya as a Medium of Cultural Negotiation
Mangalkavyas, a genre of Bengali devotional literature, played a pivotal role in integrating Mughal rule within Bengal’s cultural
framework. These texts, composed between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, narrate the divine exploits of deities like
Manasa, Chandi, and Annada (Durga). Kumkum Chatterjee argues that Mangalkavyas served not only as religious narratives but
also as socio-political commentaries that reflected the evolving relationship between Bengal’s elite and Mughal authority. One of
the most significant examples of this is Bharatchandra Ray’s Annadamangalkavya (1752), which presents Raja Man Singh, the
Mughal-appointed governor of Bengal, as a devotee who is compelled by divine intervention to initiate Durga Puja. Man Singh’s
encounter with the goddess Annada (Durga) in the text represents an implicit negotiation between imperial authority and regional
religious identity. The goddess ensures Man Singh’s victory only after he acknowledges her supremacy, thus reinforcing the
legitimacy of both Mughal-aligned local rulers and the increasing importance of Durga Puja in Bengal’s socio-religious fabric.
Furthermore, Indrani Chatterjee highlights how these literary texts facilitated the localization of Mughal power by portraying
Mughal rulers and mansabdars in ways that accommodated Bengal’s cultural identity. The portrayal of Mughal officials not as
alien rulers but as patrons of Hindu traditions enabled a smoother transition of authority and acceptance of imperial governance
among the local elite. In this way, Mangalkavyas did not merely function as religious texts but also as strategic instruments of
cultural mediation, where Hindu traditions were interwoven with imperial structures.
Mughal Patronage and the Rise of Aristocratic Durga Puja
Durga Puja’s transformation into an elaborate public festival can be traced back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when
Bengal’s zamindars and military entrepreneurs began patronizing the festival on a grand scale. Richard Eaton and Sumit Sarkar
note that the Mughal system of governance in Bengal relied heavily on intermediaries such as zamindars and landholding
aristocrats who exercised significant autonomy while pledging loyalty to the empire. These figures, including Raja
Kangshanarayan of Taherpur, Bhavananda Majumdar of Nadia, and Lakshmikanta Majumdar of Barisha, played a crucial role in
institutionalizing Durga Puja as a spectacle of power.The first recorded aristocratic Durga Puja is attributed to Raja
Kangshanarayan in the late sixteenth century, during the reign of Emperor Akbar. Historians argue that this shift from a
household ritual to a large-scale event was not merely a religious development but a political maneuver. By sponsoring grand
Durga Pujas, Bengal’s zamindars asserted their social dominance and signaled their allegiance to the Mughal court. The
expansion of the festival under these regional elites functioned as a means of consolidating their authority and ensuring continued
Mughal favor. Additionally, Sudipta Kaviraj argues that religious ceremonies in premodern South Asia often served as sites for
negotiating political legitimacy. The public performance of Durga Puja allowed Bengal’s ruling elite to showcase their wealth and
reinforce their status within the Mughal administrative framework. This was particularly evident in the manner in which these
zamindars invited Mughal officials, Persianate elites, and local Hindu dignitaries to participate in the festivities, fostering an
environment of cultural syncretism and political networking.
The Role of Iconography and Ritual in Shaping the Festival
The iconography of Durga underwent significant changes in the Mughal period, aligning with broader shifts in ritualistic practice
and social function. Kumkum Chatterjee notes that earlier depictions of the goddess in Bengali literature did not feature her
children—Lakshmi, Saraswati, Kartikeya, and Ganesha. However, from the late sixteenth century onward, the maternal
representation of Durga gained prominence, making the festival more appealing to a wider audience and reinforcing its role as
both a devotional and socio-political event. This evolution can be attributed to the growing influence of Puranic traditions, which
sought to harmonize regional deities with pan-Indian Hindu narratives. As Durga Puja became more elaborate, the imagery of
Durga as Mahishasuramardini (slayer of the buffalo demon) was emphasized, symbolizing the triumph of divine justice over
chaos. This iconography resonated with the socio-political realities of the time, where zamindars, acting as regional
powerbrokers, sought to establish order under Mughal rule while simultaneously asserting their own authority. Moreover, the
introduction of grand clay idols depicting Durga en famille coincided with the economic prosperity of Bengal’s landed elites. The
increasing scale of the festival necessitated specialized artisans, leading to the rise of communities dedicated to idol-making,
particularly in places like Kumartuli in Kolkata. The growing involvement of local artisans and merchants further cemented
Durga Puja’s position as an economic and social institution, transcending its purely religious origins.
Durga Puja as a Site of Political Assertion
The socio-political significance of Durga Puja during the Mughal period extended beyond aristocratic patronage and literary
representation. The festival became a medium through which Bengal’s Hindu elite engaged in acts of political assertion against
both local rivals and colonial administrators. As the East India Company gained influence in Bengal post-Plassey (1757), the
British initially viewed Durga Puja with suspicion, recognizing its potential as a site for communal mobilization and aristocratic
solidarity. Tanika Sarkar notes that by the late eighteenth century, British officials sought to regulate the festival, fearing its
capacity to foster anti-colonial sentiment. However, the adaptability of Durga Puja ensured its continued relevance. While
initially a symbol of Mughal-era zamindari power, thefestival later evolved into a vehicle for nationalist expression in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, demonstrating its ability to accommodate shifting political landscapes.
Conclusion
The transformation of Durga Puja from a localized religious ritual to Bengal’s most prominent festival was deeply intertwined
with the socio-political structures of the Mughal period. Literary texts like Mangalkavyas played a crucial role in localizing
Mughal authority by depicting emperors and mansabdars in ways that accommodated Bengal’s cultural identity. Simultaneously,
the patronage of zamindars and military entrepreneurs facilitated the expansion of the festival, allowing it to become a marker of
aristocratic power and political allegiance. The iconographic and ritualistic changes that accompanied Durga Puja’s rise further
highlight the festival’s dynamic nature, shaped by broader socio-economic and political currents. By integrating elements of
Mughal patronage, regional identity, and elite assertion, Durga Puja emerged as a powerful cultural institution that transcended
religious boundaries. Today, its historical evolution serves as a testament to the complex interplay between power, religion, and
regional identity in Bengal’s past. Through the lens of scholars such as Kumkum Chatterjee, Richard Eaton, and Sudipta Kaviraj,
it becomes evident that Durga Puja’s prominence was not merely a product of devotional fervor but a reflection of the intricate
negotiations between empire, aristocracy, and cultural tradition.
Summary of the Political Thought in Mangal-Kavya
Mangal-kavya, a genre of long narrative poems composed in Bengal between the 15th and 18th centuries, presents a unique form
of political thought. Rather than focusing on the praise of rulers or defining royal sovereignty through ritual, these texts explore
the dynamics of power, caste, and gender through elaborate mythological storytelling. They highlight conflicts between different
social groups, particularly the low-caste communities and Brahmans, and explore alternative political and religious ideologies
that challenge dominant norms.
Dharma Worship and Conflict with Brahmans
One of the key figures in Dharmamangal texts is Rãmãi Pandit, a male adept who first instructed Ranjavati, the mother of Läu
Sen, in the worship of Dharma. This worship had already existed among the Doms, one of the lowest jatis of Bengal, before they
joined Läu Sen. Unlike Brahmanical Hinduism, Dharma worship did not require Sanskrit rituals or Brahman priests except in
minor roles.
In Rüparäm’s Dharmamangal, there is a mention of Dharma worship in Jajpur, which refers to an older story of conflict between
Rãmãi Pandit and the Brahmans of Jajpur. This story, found in later oral traditions, describes how the Brahmans of Jajpur, who
practiced corrupt Vedic rites, exploited people and set fire to their houses when they failed to pay religious fees. The people of
Jajpur, desperate for relief, prayed to Dharma, who responded by punishing the Brahmans and forcing them to accept Dharma
worship.
A striking variation of this story appears in the Sunya Puran, allegedly composed by Rãmãi Pandit himself. Here, Dharma takes
the form of a Muslim warrior, wearing a black turban and wielding a sword, to challenge the oppressive Brahmans. This text
uniquely transforms Hindu deities into Islamic figures:
​ •​ Brahma becomes Muhammad
​ •​ Vishnu becomes a prophet
​ •​ Shiva becomes Adam
​ •​ Ganesha becomes a ghazi (warrior)
​ •​ Indra becomes a maulana (Islamic scholar)
​ •​ Candikã Devi is reimagined as Lady of Modesty (Eve)
This divine Islamic army enters Jajpur, attacking its corrupt temples, symbolizing the punishment of arrogant Brahmans and the
victory of Dharma worship over caste oppression. However, this version remains outside the mainstream Dharmamangal
traditions, which largely focus on the story of Läu Sen and avoid such radical reinterpretations.
Political Thought in Mangal-Kavya
Mangal-kavya presents a fluid concept of sovereignty, where power is shared among various gods, humans, and rulers. Unlike
European modern sovereignty, which is secular and centralized, the sovereignty in these texts is divine, fragmented, and
participatory.
Different subgenres of mangal-kavya address varied political and social concerns:
​ 1.​ Manasamangal – Deals with venomous snakes and moral corruption. The heroine Behulā restores
life and corrects the moral flaws of her family. Her agency relies on seductive dance, rhetoric, and the threat of
suicide, allowing her to influence powerful men without directly challenging them.
​ 2.​ Candimangal – Focuses on economic exploitation and conflicts between the ruling classes and
merchants/hunters. The goddess Candi resolves these conflicts through gift relations, replacing greed with parental love.
Low-caste figures like Kalketu receive divine favor but remain subordinate to rulers.
​ 3.​ Dharmamangal – Explores the limits of warrior culture. Läu Sen, the main protagonist, achieves autonomy
from his overlord not through rebellion, but by performing the nine-limb self-sacrifice, an extreme act of devotion to Dharma.
Caste and Gender in Mangal-Kavya
Mangal-kavya allows for some movement across caste and gender boundaries, but strict limitations remain:
​ •​ Low-caste men, such as Kalu Dom, face restrictions. Unlike Kalketu in Candimangal, Kalu cannot become a
king or achieve heaven due to his ungoverned nature.
​ •​ Women, on the other hand, show remarkable agency, especially in Dharmamangal. Läu Sen’s
fourth wife, Kanarā, fights in battle sacrifices, taking on a masculine role to save her kingdom. Similarly, Lakhe, Kalu
Dom’s wife, is portrayed as a heroic figure.
​ •​ Warriors, like Läu Sen, undergo “truth ordeals” similar to women’s purity tests, requiring them to remain
chaste during battle.
Alternative Stories and Criticism of Brahmanical Power
The oral story of Rãmãi Pandit in Jajpur represents an alternative critique of Brahman dominance. The people pray to Dharma,
and Dharma punishes the Brahmans for their arrogance and oppression of lower castes. This reflects the lived reality of Bengal,
where multiple versions of history and political thought coexisted.
Mangal-kavya generally avoids direct references to contemporary Muslim rule, but they incorporate symbolic depictions of
frontier societies, portraying the contrast between forests (ban) and settled lands (rajya). These texts create politically liminal
spaces, such as empty towns, markets, and cremation grounds, which allow for alternative visions of power and justice.
Conclusion
Mangal-kavya is not merely religious poetry but a complex arena of political thought. It provides critiques of caste oppression,
challenges to Brahmanical authority, and alternative models of governance that recognize agency “from below”. These texts do
not propose a unitary vision of power but instead present multiple, competing narratives that allow for reinterpretation and
adaptation over time. By depicting gods, warriors, low-caste figures, and women negotiating power in non-traditional ways, they
influenced real-life political thought and social structures in Bengal.