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the
main
event
Boxing in Nevada
from the Mining Camps
to the Las Vegas Strip
Richard O. Davies
 The Main Event

Wilbur S. Shepperson Series in Nevada History

The Main Event
Boxing in Nevada
from the Mining Camps
to the Las Vegas Strip

Richard O. Davies

University of Nevada Press Reno & Las Vegas

 Wilbur S. Shepperson Series in Nevada History
Series Editor: Michael S. Green

This publication is made possible in part by a

grant from Nevada Humanities, a state program
of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

University of Nevada Press, Reno, Nevada 89557 USA

Copyright © 2014 by University of Nevada Press
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States of America
Design by Kathleen Szawiola

Portions of chapter 4, “Nevada Loses Its Boxing Mojo,” appear in

Mariann Vaczi, ed., Playing Fields: Power, Practice, and Passion in Sports
(Reno: Center for Basque Studies, 2014).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Davies, Richard O., 1937–
The main event : boxing in Nevada from the mining camps to
the Las Vegas strip / Richard O. Davies.
pages cm. — (Shepperson series in Nevada history)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-0-87417-928-6 (hardback)—
ISBN 978-0-87417-938-5 (e-book)
1. Boxing—Nevada—History. 2. Boxers (Sports)—Nevada—History.
3. Nevada—Social life and customs. I. Title.
GV1125.D38 2014
796.8309793—dc23      2013043529

The paper used in this book meets the requirements of American

National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper
for Printed Library Materials, ansi/niso z39.48-1992 (R2002).
Binding materials were selected for strength and durability.

First Printing
23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14
5 4 3 2 1
Boxing is a rough, dangerous, and thrilling sport, the
most basic and natural and uncomplicated of athletic
competitions and—at its best—one of the purest of art
forms.
—Red Smith, 1962,
New York Herald Tribune columnist
 Contents

Preface ix

The Prelims 1
Round 1 Fistic Carnival in Carson City 9
Round 2 Low Blow in the Desert 34
Round 3 Reno, “Center of the Universe” 62
Round 4 Nevada Loses Its Boxing Mojo 92
Round 5 When the Crowds Went Away 117
Round 6 “Let’s Get It On!” 144
Round 7 Las Vegas Embraces Prizefighting 169
Round 8 Las Vegas, “Boxing Capital of the World” 200
Split Decision Prizefighting on the Margins 231

Notes 257
Bibliographic Essay 275
Index 279

Illustrations follow page 116

vii
 Preface

When I moved to Reno in 1980 to assume a senior administrative posi-

tion at the University of Nevada, one of the first items to come across
my desk was a contractual matter concerning boxing coach Jimmy
Olivas. A couple of questions quickly popped into my mind: A box-
ing coach? Why do we have a boxing coach? Much to my surprise, the
answer was that the university had established an intercollegiate box-
ing team as early as 1927 and that the Wolf Pack team had long been
popular with local sports fans and students. I had previously served on
three public university faculties over a span of twenty years and none
had a boxing team, and to the best of my knowledge the manly art
was not even part of the physical education programs. Although I had
always kept up with intercollegiate athletics, boxing on campus was
not a subject with which I was familiar. But as I soon learned, boxing
was deeply ingrained in the culture of the state of Nevada, and it was
only natural that the university sponsor a team.
The pages that follow attempt to define the special niche that box-
ing has long enjoyed in my adopted state. Although there are many
books describing famous fights and individual boxers, there has never
been an attempt to connect the sport to the broader themes of the his-
tory and culture of the state. From crude bare-knuckle bouts in mining
camps of the nineteenth century to the championship bouts that have
been an important part of the lure of contemporary Las Vegas, prize-
fighting has played a significant role in the construction of Nevada’s
popular culture, and in particular its economic development strategy.
This book is an attempt to fill that void. Nevada’s boxing subculture
did not exist in a vacuum, but early on was reflective of the men who
worked in the mines where life was hazardous. Thus, those few men

ix
x  Preface

who willingly entered a ring to face an opponent determined to inflict

serious punishment were naturally admired. At a time when Nevada
was losing population and needed to encourage affluent visitors, it was
only natural that boxing was used to promote tourism.
The tradition of the Big Fight, born in rough-hewn frontier outposts
like Goldfield, Ely, Tonopah, and Carson City at the dawn of the twenti-
eth century, would be reprised decades later in Las Vegas, where more
than two hundred championship fights have been staged to attract
sports fans, especially “high-roller” gamblers, to the lavish casinos that
line the world-famous Strip.
Throughout most of the twentieth century, Nevada was widely con-
sidered a moral outlier, its libertarian outlook regarding the ambigui-
ties of human behavior producing a wave of sermons, political speeches,
and newspaper editorials from across the land denouncing the “Sin
State,” “America’s Disgrace,” or worse. Although much of the moralistic
condemnation stemmed in response to the state’s easy divorce laws,
legal brothels, and wide-open casino gambling, it was the passage in
1897 of legislation that made Nevada the first state in the Union to
legalize the widely condemned blood sport of boxing that first attracted
widespread national criticism. A bill permitting “glove contests” was
passed by state legislators and signed by the governor at the behest of
businessmen anxious to lure affluent members of the sporting commu-
nity to Nevada to stimulate a weak economy, but specifically to permit
the long-anticipated, and repeatedly postponed, heavyweight cham-
pionship fight between Gentleman Jim Corbett and challenger Bob
Fitzsimmons to take place in the tiny state capital of Carson City (popu-
lation three thousand). Ironically, one hundred years later, Nevada
hosted another controversial championship bout in which Mike Tyson
infamously bit off a chunk of Evander Holyfield’s ear before a live crowd
of sixteen thousand and a worldwide television audience of millions.
This project has enabled me to blend my continuing research inter-
est in American sports history to the history of the state in which I
have lived for more than three decades. I am indebted to Joanne
O’Hare, director of the University of Nevada Press, and acquisitions
editor Matt Becker for inviting me to undertake this project. It has
proved to be a delightful and rewarding endeavor that I otherwise
would never have contemplated.
 Preface  xi

I am indebted to many friends and colleagues who have generously

assisted me in locating sources and by critiquing draft chapters. Phillip
Earl shared with me his extensive knowledge of Nevada history and
saved me many hours of digging through newspapers with his personal
index files to early newspapers. The staff at the Nevada Historical
Society cheerfully responded to my many requests, and former Nevada
state archivist Guy Rocha provided expert guidance regarding arcane
legislative matters. Reno Gazette Journal feature writer Guy Clifton
generously shared his files on the years that Jack Dempsey spent in
Nevada.
Several friends and colleagues have generously read some or all of
the chapters of this book and provided many helpful suggestions: Dee
Kille, Andrew McGregor, Frank Mitchell, and Thomas E. Smith. I am
especially grateful for the detailed attention paid to the manuscript
by my friend Michael Green, whose vast knowledge of Nevada history
never ceases to amaze. Two anonymous readers provided useful com-
mentaries that steered me away from potential problems and toward a
more focused narrative. My friend and golfing partner Robert Q. Mar-
tin has rescued me from many a near disaster of lost files and other
self-inflicted predicaments and generally kept my Apple computer
functioning. I also thank the following for their help along the way: Ali-
cia Barber, Jenni Baryol, Scott Casper, Neal Cobb, Allen Davis, Mack-
enzie Hoy, Marc Johnson, Richard Kirkendall, Tommy Lane, Luther
Mack, Mike Martino, Ethan Opdahl, Colleen Rosencrantz, Jane Tors,
Jannet Vreland, Claudene Wharton, and Yancy Young. Throughout
my long career as a university professor and administrator, my wife,
Sharon, has been supportive of my research, teaching, and administra-
tive endeavors. Once again, I gratefully acknowledge her support and
encouragement that have been a constant throughout our life together.
The Main Event
 The Prelims

I saw how different boxers are from other athletes. They are at
significant physical risk. The courage to box is beyond anything
I can understand. —Howard Schatz, sports photographer,
At the Fights (2012)

On the evening of September 23, 1926, more than 120,000 spectators

jammed into Philadelphia’s Sesquicentennial Stadium to watch Jack
Dempsey defend his heavyweight-boxing crown against the stylish
Gene Tunney. The New York Times reported that the enormous throng
included some 2,000 millionaires, many of whom were decked out in
formal wear and accompanied by women in elegant evening dresses.
The iconoclastic journalist H. L. Mencken was moved to write that
the attendees were “well-dressed, good-humored and almost distin-
guished.” Indeed they were. Sitting at ringside were such political fig-
ures as Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, financiers Charles
Schwab and W. Averill Harriman, publishing giants William Randolph
Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, and many sports and motion picture stars,
including Babe Ruth, John McGraw, Charlie Chaplin, and Tom Mix.1
That this enormous crowd included so many of the rich, famous, and
powerful vividly confirmed that major changes had occurred in the
public perception of prizefighting. Just one decade earlier, law enforce-
ment officials would have not permitted the event to take place in the
City of Brotherly Love, arresting the major participants if necessary.
Reflecting a stunning reversal in public opinion, several state legisla-
tures had legalized prizefighting and created commissions to oversee
the sport. The popularity of prizefighting was evidenced in the public

1
2   The Main Event

acclaim for the charismatic Dempsey, who had been made a heavy
favorite by professional gamblers. Dempsey’s vast popularity dur-
ing the 1920s attested to the dramatic change in public perception
that occurred with the blood sport of prizefighting, prompting histo-
rian Randy Roberts to conclude that the charismatic Dempsey was an
“appropriate symbol” for the decade of the Roaring Twenties.2
Detailed coverage of the fight dominated the nation’s newspapers
the next day. The New York Times splayed a large headline across the
front page proclaiming that Tunney, who professed to be a “scientific”
boxer rather than a slugger like Dempsey, had won a surprisingly easy
unanimous decision. The Times, once a leading crusader against the
blood sport, dedicated seven pages to the event. The fight was pro-
moted by George Lewis “Tex” Rickard, the maverick entrepreneur who
enjoyed celebrity status during the 1920s as a promoter of prizefights
and served as general manager of the recently opened third iteration of
Madison Square Garden, the nation’s largest indoor sports and enter-
tainment venue.
On that early-autumn evening in Philadelphia, prizefighting emerged
fully from its dubious past into the mainstream of American life. Only
after the Great War did the sport emerge from the shadows into wide-
spread public acceptance, in part because the US Army had incorpo-
rated boxing into its training regimen for recruits being prepared to do
battle in the trenches of France. Rickard was no novice when it came
to staging prizefights because he had honed his promotional skills in
the sparsely populated state of Nevada during the first decade of the
new century. The affable Tex made no record of the thoughts that may
have gone through his mind on that glorious evening as he surveyed
the grand scene as Tunney flummoxed Dempsey with his deft footwork
and stinging counterpunches. It is likely that at some point Rickard
reflected back upon his sensational promotions in Goldfield and Reno
that helped establish a strong boxing tradition in Nevada.
After a roller-coaster ride of good and bad luck as a gambler and
saloon owner in the gold-crazed Yukon Territory, Rickard had been
inexorably drawn to the gold mining boom that had erupted amid the
sagebrush and rock-strewn hillsides of Esmeralda County in 1905.
The heart of this boom was the rapidly growing mining camp of Gold-
field, located some one hundred miles north of the tiny railroad settle-
ment of as yet unincorporated Las Vegas. There the thirty-five-year-old
 The Prelims  3

Rickard opened a popular saloon that catered to hard-rock miners

and mining executives alike. In 1906 Rickard assumed the leadership
of a group of local businessmen who wanted to promote a champion-
ship fight between the lightweight champion Joe Gans, the first Afri-
can American champion, and the infamous brawler and master of low
blows and other nefarious ring tactics Oscar “Battling” Nelson. Their
purpose was not simply out of love of the sport, but rather a crass effort
to attract wealthy men to the town in hopes of selling to them substan-
tial amounts of highly speculative stock in the several score of mining
companies springing up around Goldfield.
Most Americans had never heard of Goldfield and considered the
announcement to be a prank. The skepticism turned to curiosity when
the unknown Rickard announced a purse of thirty thousand dollars for
the fight, the largest ever offered up to that time. Rickard grabbed the
nation’s attention with his stunning announcement. He attracted even
more publicity when he stacked fifteen hundred twenty-dollar gold
pieces in the window of a local bank to demonstrate that the unprece-
dented purse was authentic. Rickard immediately became a featured
story line coming out of Goldfield, garnering as much newspaper cover-
age as the two fighters.
Enthusiastic locals were probably overly optimistic when they esti-
mated that fifteen thousand persons flooded into the isolated mining
camp for the Labor Day weekend; the newly constructed wooden arena
seated only seven thousand, but it was filled to capacity. By all esti-
mates, the promotion was wildly successful: spectators were treated to
a three-hour bout that went forty-two rounds, the town’s many saloons
sold vast amounts of beer and whiskey, the town’s corps of prostitutes
conducted a land-office business, and several hundreds of thousands of
dollars of mining stocks were unloaded upon gullible out-of-state visi-
tors. Four years later, Rickard drew national attention to Nevada when
he once again pitted a black champion against a white challenger in
an epic bout that for several days made the small city of Reno the cen-
ter of the nation’s attention. When the flamboyant black heavyweight
champion Jack Johnson handily defeated the “Great White Hope,” Jim
Jefferies, before a packed stadium of twenty-two thousand specta-
tors, he did so under the intense scrutiny of an America obsessed with
the crude underlying racial implications that Rickard shamelessly
exploited in promoting the fight.
4   The Main Event

The fact that prizefighting remained illegal in much of the United

States at this time contributed to the intense scrutiny that Nevada
received during the days surrounding these promotions. Through-
out the nineteenth century, all across the United States prizefighting
existed outside the law, condemned by leaders of society and criminal-
ized by state governments. Despite the hostility of law enforcement
officials (or perhaps because of it), prizefighting was avidly followed
in large part due to the extensive coverage provided by big-city news-
papers and, especially, the popular “Bible of the Barber Shop,” the
National Police Gazette. Its flamboyant publisher, Richard Kyle Fox,
correctly sensed that his predominantly male readership across the
country would buy the weekly newspaper that he printed on garish
pink newsprint in order to read about the exploits of leading pugilists.
It was Fox, more than anyone, who made the “Boston Strong Man,”
John L. Sullivan, the nation’s first idolized sports figure.
Despite its illegality, prizefighting existed along the margins of
American life throughout the nineteenth century. In the rural frontier
regions of Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, a crude and cruel form of
one-on-one combat called “rough-and-tumble” was popular. The sport
had no perceptible rules; slugging and wrestling holds were permitted,
but so too were gouging of sensitive body parts, including the extraction
of eyeballs by long fingernails that were sharpened and reinforced by
wax. Not only did rough-and-tumble provide a convenient way to set-
tle personal disputes, but scheduled matches became an attraction at
county fairs. Far from the mountains of Appalachia, across the United
States, bare-knuckle prizefighting became a popular amusement
among working-class males. As the sport grew in popularity, especially
in urban centers that attracted large numbers of immigrants, a close
relationship developed between prizefighters and their handlers with
machine politicians, saloon owners, bookmakers, and gamblers.3
Prizefighting sparked a backlash, especially from influential Prot-
estant ministers and prudish community leaders. Victorian reformers
aggressively targeted prizefighting because it encouraged behaviors
they abhorred. The brutal nature of bare-knuckle fighting itself pro-
vided ample justification for the enforcement of laws prohibiting its
practice, but reformers were equally concerned about the behaviors it
stimulated: rowdy crowds, copious consumption of alcohol, and gam-
bling. These contests were conducted with few rules and no government
 The Prelims  5

oversight; the welfare of the fighters was of little concern to promoters

or spectators. Two contestants, stripped to the waist, “came to scratch”
at a line drawn in the middle of a ring in the dirt or sawdust on the
barroom floor and proceeded to slug away until one man was unable
to continue. These were “fights to the finish.” There were no limits on
the number of rounds, no judges to score the contest, and seldom was a
referee appointed to control the action. A round ended when a contes-
tant was knocked or thrown to the ground, after which he had thirty
seconds to start a new round by “coming to scratch.” Under these rules,
a bout could last but a few minutes, but upon occasion an hour or more.
Fights of twenty rounds or more were not unusual. The winner usu-
ally collected the entire purse along with the side bets he had made on
himself.4
That the great majority of the pugilists were uneducated and impov-
erished young men who came largely from suspect immigrant groups—
Irish, and German in particular—only added to the suspicions of Victo-
rian critics. These reform-minded middle- and upper-middle-class men
and women understood that prizefighting was closely tied to saloon
keepers who enjoyed profitable connections with corrupt politicians
and their notorious machines. These well-intentioned Victorian reform-
ers, however, did not understand that from the perspective of a strong
young man, prizefighting afforded an avenue by which he might escape
the bleak prospects he faced as a member of the urban underclass.
During the final decades of the nineteenth century, public opposition
to prizefighting slowly began to wane. In 1867 John Douglas, the Mar-
quis of Queensberry, codified and published a list of informal rules for
boxing that had been floating around London. The “Queensberry rules
for the sport of boxing” changed the way the sport was conducted in
England and America, producing a grudging reassessment of the mer-
its of the sport. Prominent among the new rules were the use of pad-
ded gloves, the abolition of wrestling maneuvers, the ten-second knock-
out (KO), the use of a referee, and three-minute rounds interspersed
with one-minute rest periods.5 The new rules provided no more than
a patina of civilized behavior upon a sport that remained brutal and
dangerous, but prizefighting enthusiasts exploited them to move the
sport into the mainstream of modern American sports.
Because the Queensberry rules softened the arguments against
the sport, it encouraged some local law enforcement officials to permit
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