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Democracy
Democracy (from Ancient Greek: δημοκρατία, romanized: dēmokratía, dêmos 'people' and krátos
'rule')[1] is a form of government in which political power is vested in the people or the population of a
state.[2][3][4] Under a minimalist definition of democracy, rulers are elected through competitive
elections while more expansive or maximalist definitions link democracy to guarantees of civil
liberties and human rights in addition to competitive elections.[5][6][4]

In a direct democracy, the people have the direct authority to deliberate and decide legislation. In a
representative democracy, the people choose governing officials through elections to do so. The
definition of "the people" and the ways authority is shared among them or delegated by them have
changed over time and at varying rates in different countries. Features of democracy oftentimes
include freedom of assembly, association, personal property, freedom of religion and speech,
citizenship, consent of the governed, voting rights, freedom from unwarranted governmental
deprivation of the right to life and liberty, and minority rights.

The notion of democracy has evolved considerably over time. Throughout history, one can find
evidence of direct democracy, in which communities make decisions through popular assembly.
Today, the dominant form of democracy is representative democracy, where citizens elect government
officials to govern on their behalf such as in a parliamentary or presidential democracy. In the
common variant of liberal democracy, the powers of the majority are exercised within the framework
of a representative democracy, but a constitution and supreme court limit the majority and protect the
minority—usually through securing the enjoyment by all of certain individual rights, such as freedom
of speech or freedom of association.[7][8]

The term appeared in the 5th century BC in Greek city-states, notably Classical Athens, to mean "rule
of the people", in contrast to aristocracy (ἀριστοκρατία, aristokratía), meaning "rule of an elite".[9] In
virtually all democratic governments throughout ancient and modern history, democratic citizenship
was initially restricted to an elite class, which was later extended to all adult citizens. In most modern
democracies, this was achieved through the suffrage movements of the 19th and 20th centuries.

Democracy contrasts with forms of government where power is not vested in the general population
of a state, such as authoritarian systems. Historically a rare and vulnerable form of government,[10]
democratic systems of government have become more prevalent since the 19th century, in particular
with various waves of democratization.[11] Democracy garners considerable legitimacy in the modern
world,[12] as public opinion across regions tends to strongly favor democratic systems of government
relative to alternatives,[13][14] and as even authoritarian states try to present themselves as
democratic.[15][16] According to the V-Dem Democracy indices and The Economist Democracy Index,
less than half the world's population lives in a democracy as of 2022.[17][18]

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Characteristics
Although democracy is generally understood to be defined by voting,[1][8] no consensus exists on a
precise definition of democracy.[19] Karl Popper says that the "classical" view of democracy is, "in
brief, the theory that democracy is the rule of the people and that the people have a right to rule".[20]
One study identified 2,234 adjectives used to describe democracy in the English language.[21]

Democratic principles are reflected in all eligible citizens being equal before the law and having equal
access to legislative processes.[22] For example, in a representative democracy, every vote has (in
theory) equal weight, and the freedom of eligible citizens is secured by legitimised rights and liberties
which are typically enshrined in a constitution,[23][24] while other uses of "democracy" may
encompass direct democracy, in which citizens vote on issues directly. According to the United
Nations, democracy "provides an environment that respects human rights and fundamental freedoms,
and in which the freely expressed will of people is exercised."[25]

One theory holds that democracy requires three fundamental principles: upward control (sovereignty
residing at the lowest levels of authority), political equality, and social norms by which individuals and
institutions only consider acceptable acts that reflect the first two principles of upward control and
political equality.[26] Legal equality, political freedom and rule of law[27] are often identified by
commentators as foundational characteristics for a well-functioning democracy.[19]

In some countries, notably in the United Kingdom (which originated the Westminster system), the
dominant principle is that of parliamentary sovereignty, while maintaining judicial
independence.[28][29] In India, parliamentary sovereignty is subject to the Constitution of India which
includes judicial review.[30] Though the term "democracy" is typically used in the context of a political
state, the principles also are potentially applicable to private organisations, such as clubs, societies
and firms.

Democracies may use many different decision-making methods, but majority rule is the dominant
form. Without compensation, like legal protections of individual or group rights, political minorities
can be oppressed by the "tyranny of the majority". Majority rule involves a competitive approach,
opposed to consensus democracy, creating the need that elections, and generally deliberation, be
substantively and procedurally "fair"," i.e. just and equitable. In some countries, freedom of political
expression, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press are considered important to ensure that
voters are well informed, enabling them to vote according to their own interests and beliefs.[31][32]

It has also been suggested that a basic feature of democracy is the capacity of all voters to participate
freely and fully in the life of their society.[33] With its emphasis on notions of social contract and the
collective will of all the voters, democracy can also be characterised as a form of political collectivism
because it is defined as a form of government in which all eligible citizens have an equal say in
lawmaking.[34]

Republics, though often popularly associated with democracy because of the shared principle of rule
by consent of the governed, are not necessarily democracies, as republicanism does not specify how
the people are to rule.[35] Classically the term "republic" encompassed both democracies and

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aristocracies.[36][37]
In a modern sense the republican form of government is a form of government
without a monarch. Because of this, democracies can be republics or constitutional monarchies, such
as the United Kingdom.

History
Democratic assemblies are as old as the human species and are
found throughout human history,[39] but up until the
nineteenth century, major political figures have largely
opposed democracy.[40] Republican theorists linked
democracy to small size: as political units grew in size, the
likelihood increased that the government would turn
despotic.[10][41] At the same time, small political units were
vulnerable to conquest.[10] Montesquieu wrote, "If a republic
be small, it is destroyed by a foreign force; if it is large, it is
ruined by an internal imperfection."[42] According to Johns
Hopkins University political scientist Daniel Deudney, the Nineteenth-century painting by Philipp
Foltz depicting the Athenian politician
creation of the United States, with its large size and its system
Pericles delivering his famous funeral
of checks and balances, was a solution to the dual problems of
oration in front of the Assembly[38]
size.[10][43] Forms of democracy occurred organically in
societies around the world that had no contact with each
other.[44][45]

Origins

Greece and Rome

The term democracy first appeared in ancient Greek political and philosophical thought in the city-
state of Athens during classical antiquity.[46][47] The word comes from dêmos '(common) people' and
krátos 'force/might'.[48] Under Cleisthenes, what is generally held as the first example of a type of
democracy in the sixth-century BC (508–507 BC) was established in Athens. Cleisthenes is referred to
as "the father of Athenian democracy".[49] The first attested use of the word democracy is found in
prose works of the 430s BC, such as Herodotus' Histories, but its usage was older by several decades,
as two Athenians born in the 470s were named Democrates, a new political name—likely in support of
democracy—given at a time of debates over constitutional issues in Athens. Aeschylus also strongly
alludes to the word in his play The Suppliants, staged in c.463 BC, where he mentions "the demos's
ruling hand" [demou kratousa cheir]. Before that time, the word used to define the new political
system of Cleisthenes was probably isonomia, meaning political equality.[50]

Athenian democracy took the form of direct democracy, and it had two distinguishing features: the
random selection of ordinary citizens to fill the few existing government administrative and judicial
offices,[51] and a legislative assembly consisting of all Athenian citizens.[52] All eligible citizens were
allowed to speak and vote in the assembly, which set the laws of the city-state. However, Athenian
citizenship excluded women, slaves, foreigners (μέτοικοι / métoikoi), and youths below the age of

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military service.[53][54]
Effectively, only 1 in 4 residents in Athens
qualified as citizens. Owning land was not a requirement for
citizenship.[55] The exclusion of large parts of the population from the
citizen body is closely related to the ancient understanding of
citizenship. In most of antiquity the benefit of citizenship was tied to
the obligation to fight war campaigns.[56]

Athenian democracy was not only direct in the sense that decisions
were made by the assembled people, but also the most direct in the
sense that the people through the assembly, boule and courts of law
controlled the entire political process and a large proportion of
citizens were involved constantly in the public business.[57] Even
though the rights of the individual were not secured by the Athenian
constitution in the modern sense (the ancient Greeks had no word for Modern bust of Cleisthenes,
"rights"[58]), those who were citizens of Athens enjoyed their liberties known as "the father of Athenian
democracy", on view at the Ohio
not in opposition to the government but by living in a city that was not
Statehouse, Columbus, Ohio
subject to another power and by not being subjects themselves to the
rule of another person.[59]

Range voting appeared in Sparta as early as 700 BC. The Spartan ecclesia was an assembly of the
people, held once a month, in which every male citizen of at least 20 years of age could participate. In
the assembly, Spartans elected leaders and cast votes by range voting and shouting (the vote is then
decided on how loudly the crowd shouts). Aristotle called this "childish", as compared with the stone
voting ballots used by the Athenian citizenry. Sparta adopted it because of its simplicity, and to
prevent any biased voting, buying, or cheating that was predominant in the early democratic
elections.[60]

Even though the Roman Republic contributed significantly to many aspects of democracy, only a
minority of Romans were citizens with votes in elections for representatives. The votes of the powerful
were given more weight through a system of weighted voting, so most high officials, including
members of the Senate, came from a few wealthy and noble families.[62] In addition, the overthrow of
the Roman Kingdom was the first case in the Western world of a polity being formed with the explicit
purpose of being a republic, although it did not have much of a democracy. The Roman model of
governance inspired many political thinkers over the centuries.[63]

Ancient India
Vaishali, capital city of the Vajjika League (Vrijji mahajanapada) of India, is considered one of the first
examples of a republic around the 6th century BC.[64][65][66]

Americas
Other cultures, such as the Iroquois in the Americas also developed a form of democratic society
between 1450 and 1660 (and possibly in 1142[67]), well before contact with the Europeans. This
democracy continues to the present day and is the world's oldest standing representative
democracy.[68][69]

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Africa

Middle Ages
While most regions in Europe during the Middle Ages were ruled by
clergy or feudal lords, there existed various systems involving elections
or assemblies, although often only involving a small part of the
population. In Scandinavia, bodies known as things consisted of
freemen presided by a lawspeaker. These deliberative bodies were
responsible for settling political questions, and variants included the
Althing in Iceland and the Løgting in the Faeroe Islands.[70][71] The
veche, found in Eastern Europe, was a similar body to the Scandinavian
thing. In the Roman Catholic Church, the pope has been elected by a
papal conclave composed of cardinals since 1059. The first documented
parliamentary body in Europe was the Cortes of León. Established by Statue of Athena, the patron
goddess of Athens, in front of
Alfonso IX in 1188, the Cortes had authority over setting taxation, the Austrian Parliament
foreign affairs and legislating, though the exact nature of its role Building. Athena has been
remains disputed.[72] The Republic of Ragusa, established in 1358 and used as an international
centered around the city of Dubrovnik, provided representation and symbol of freedom and
voting rights to its male aristocracy only. Various Italian city-states and democracy since at least the
[61]
polities had republic forms of government. For instance, the Republic late eighteenth century.
of Florence, established in 1115, was led by the Signoria whose
members were chosen by sortition. In the 10th–15th century Frisia, a distinctly non-feudal society, the
right to vote on local matters and on county officials was based on land size. The Kouroukan Fouga
divided the Mali Empire into ruling clans (lineages) that were represented at a great assembly called
the Gbara. However, the charter made Mali more similar to a constitutional monarchy than a
democratic republic.[73][74]

The Parliament of England had its roots in the

restrictions on the power of kings written into
Magna Carta (1215), which explicitly protected
certain rights of the King's subjects and implicitly
supported what became the English writ of habeas
corpus, safeguarding individual freedom against
unlawful imprisonment with the right to
appeal.[75][76] The first representative national
assembly in England was Simon de Montfort's
Parliament in 1265.[77][78] The emergence of
petitioning is some of the earliest evidence of
parliament being used as a forum to address the Magna Carta, 1215, England
general grievances of ordinary people. However,
the power to call parliament remained at the pleasure of the monarch.[79]

Studies have linked the emergence of parliamentary institutions in Europe during the medieval period
to urban agglomeration and the creation of new classes, such as artisans,[80] as well as the presence of
nobility and religious elites.[81] Scholars have also linked the emergence of representative government
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to Europe's relative political fragmentation.[82]

Political scientist David Stasavage links the
fragmentation of Europe, and its subsequent democratization, to the manner in which the Roman
Empire collapsed: Roman territory was conquered by small fragmented groups of Germanic tribes,
thus leading to the creation of small political units where rulers were relatively weak and needed the
consent of the governed to ward off foreign threats.[83]

In Poland, noble democracy was characterized by an increase in the activity of the middle nobility,
which wanted to increase their share in exercising power at the expense of the magnates. Magnates
dominated the most important offices in the state (secular and ecclesiastical) and sat on the royal
council, later the senate. The growing importance of the middle nobility had an impact on the
establishment of the institution of the land sejmik (local assembly), which subsequently obtained
more rights. During the fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth century, sejmiks received more and
more power and became the most important institutions of local power. In 1454, Casimir IV Jagiellon
granted the sejmiks the right to decide on taxes and to convene a mass mobilization in the Nieszawa
Statutes. He also pledged not to create new laws without their consent.[84]

Modern era

Early modern period

In 17th century England, there was renewed interest in Magna
Carta.[85] The Parliament of England passed the Petition of
Right in 1628 which established certain liberties for subjects.
The English Civil War (1642–1651) was fought between the
King and an oligarchic but elected Parliament,[86][87] during
which the idea of a political party took form with groups
debating rights to political representation during the Putney
Debates of 1647.[88] Subsequently, the Protectorate (1653–59)
and the English Restoration (1660) restored more autocratic
rule, although Parliament passed the Habeas Corpus Act in Over the centuries, the English
1679 which strengthened the convention that forbade Parliament progressively limited the
power of the English monarchy, a
detention lacking sufficient cause or evidence. After the
process that arguably culminated in the
Glorious Revolution of 1688, the Bill of Rights was enacted in English Civil War.
1689 which codified certain rights and liberties and is still in
effect. The Bill set out the requirement for regular elections,
rules for freedom of speech in Parliament and limited the power of the monarch, ensuring that, unlike
much of Europe at the time, royal absolutism would not prevail.[89][90] Economic historians Douglass
North and Barry Weingast have characterized the institutions implemented in the Glorious
Revolution as a resounding success in terms of restraining the government and ensuring protection
for property rights.[91]

Renewed interest in the Magna Carta, the English Civil War, and the Glorious Revolution in the 17th
century prompted the growth of political philosophy on the British Isles. Thomas Hobbes was the first
philosopher to articulate a detailed social contract theory. Writing in the Leviathan (1651), Hobbes
theorized that individuals living in the state of nature led lives that were "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish
and short" and constantly waged a war of all against all. In order to prevent the occurrence of an
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anarchic state of nature, Hobbes reasoned that individuals ceded their

rights to a strong, authoritarian power. In other words, Hobbes
advocated for an absolute monarchy which, in his opinion, was the
best form of government. Later, philosopher and physician John
Locke would posit a different interpretation of social contract theory.
Writing in his Two Treatises of Government (1689), Locke posited
that all individuals possessed the inalienable rights to life, liberty and
estate (property).[92] According to Locke, individuals would
voluntarily come together to form a state for the purposes of
defending their rights. Particularly important for Locke were property
rights, whose protection Locke deemed to be a government's primary
purpose.[93] Furthermore, Locke asserted that governments were
legitimate only if they held the consent of the governed. For Locke,
citizens had the right to revolt against a government that acted against
John Locke expanded on
their interest or became tyrannical. Although they were not widely
Thomas Hobbes's social contract
read during his lifetime, Locke's works are considered the founding
theory and developed the
documents of liberal thought and profoundly influenced the leaders of concept of natural rights, the
the American Revolution and later the French Revolution.[94] His right to private property and the
liberal democratic framework of governance remains the preeminent principle of consent of the
form of democracy in the world. governed. His ideas form the
ideological basis of liberal
In the Cossack republics of Ukraine in the 16th and 17th centuries, the democracies today.
Cossack Hetmanate and Zaporizhian Sich, the holder of the highest
post of Hetman was elected by the representatives from the country's districts.

In North America, representative government began in Jamestown, Virginia, with the election of the
House of Burgesses (forerunner of the Virginia General Assembly) in 1619. English Puritans who
migrated from 1620 established colonies in New England whose local governance was democratic;[95]
the hard power of these local assemblies varied greatly throughout the colonial time period however
officially they held only small amounts of devolved power, as ultimate authority belonged to the
Crown and Parliament. The Puritans (Pilgrim Fathers), Baptists, and Quakers who founded these
colonies applied the democratic organisation of their congregations also to the administration of their
communities in worldly matters.[96][97][98]

18th and 19th centuries

The first Parliament of Great Britain was established in 1707, after the merger of the Kingdom of
England and the Kingdom of Scotland under the Acts of Union. Two key documents of the UK's
uncodified constitution, the English Declaration of Right, 1689 (restated in the Bill of Rights 1689)
and the Scottish Claim of Right 1689, had both cemented Parliament's position as the supreme law-
making body and said that the "election of members of Parliament ought to be free".[99] However,
Parliament was only elected by male property owners, which amounted to 3% of the population in
1780.[100] The first known British person of African heritage to vote in a general election, Ignatius
Sancho, voted in 1774 and 1780.[101]

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During the Age of Liberty in Sweden (1718–1772), civil rights

were expanded and power shifted from the monarch to
parliament.[102] The taxed peasantry was represented in
parliament, although with little influence, but commoners
without taxed property had no suffrage.

The creation of the short-lived Corsican Republic in 1755 was

an early attempt to adopt a democratic constitution (all men
and women above age of 25 could vote).[103] This Corsican
Constitution was the first based on Enlightenment principles William Pitt the Younger addressing the
and included female suffrage, something that was not included House of Commons of the United
in most other democracies until the 20th century. Kingdom

Colonial America had similar property qualifications as

Britain, and in the period before 1776 the abundance and
availability of land meant that large numbers of colonists met
such requirements with at least 60 per cent of adult white
males able to vote.[104] The great majority of white men were
farmers who met the property ownership or taxpaying
requirements. With few exceptions, no blacks or women could
vote. Vermont, which, on declaring independence of Great
Britain in 1777, adopted a constitution modelled on
The Thirteen British Colonies on the east
Pennsylvania's citizenship and democratic suffrage for males coast of North America issued a
with or without property.[105] The United States Constitution Declaration of Independence in 1776
of 1787 is the oldest surviving, still active, governmental
codified constitution. The Constitution provided for an elected
government and protected civil rights and liberties, but did not end slavery nor extend voting rights in
the United States, instead leaving the issue of suffrage to the individual states.[106] Generally, states
limited suffrage to white male property owners and taxpayers.[107] At the time of the first Presidential
election in 1789, about 6% of the population was eligible to vote.[108] The Naturalization Act of 1790
limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[109] The Bill of Rights in 1791 set limits on government power
to protect personal freedoms but had little impact on judgements by the courts for the first 130 years
after ratification.[110]

In 1789, Revolutionary France adopted the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and,
although short-lived, the National Convention was elected by all men in 1792.[111] The Polish-
Lithuanian Constitution of 3 May 1791 sought to implement a more effective constitutional monarchy,
introduced political equality between townspeople and nobility, and placed the peasants under the
protection of the government, mitigating the worst abuses of serfdom. In force for less than 19
months, it was declared null and void by the Grodno Sejm that met in 1793.[112][113] Nonetheless, the
1791 Constitution helped keep alive Polish aspirations for the eventual restoration of the country's
sovereignty over a century later.

In the United States, the 1828 presidential election was the first in which non-property-holding white
males could vote in the vast majority of states. Voter turnout soared during the 1830s, reaching about
80% of the adult white male population in the 1840 presidential election.[114] North Carolina was the

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last state to abolish property qualification in 1856 resulting in a close

approximation to universal white male suffrage (however tax-paying
requirements remained in five states in 1860 and survived in two
states until the 20th century).[115][116][117] In the 1860 United States
census, the slave population had grown to four million,[118] and in
Reconstruction after the Civil War, three constitutional amendments
were passed: the 13th Amendment (1865) that ended slavery; the 14th
Amendment (1869) that gave black people citizenship, and the 15th
Amendment (1870) that gave black males a nominal right to
vote.[119][120][nb 1] Full enfranchisement of citizens was not secured
until after the civil rights movement gained passage by the US
Congress of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.[121][122]
Inspired by Enlightenment
The voting franchise in the
philosophers, the Declaration of
the Rights of Man and of the
United Kingdom was expanded
and made more uniform in a
Citizen had a significant impact
on the development of popular series of reforms that began
with the Reform Act 1832 and
conceptions of individual liberty
and democracy in Europe and continued into the 20th
worldwide. century, notably with the
Representation of the People
Act 1918 and the Equal Franchise Act 1928. Universal male
suffrage was established in France in March 1848 in the wake 1850s lithograph marking the
of the French Revolution of 1848.[123] During that year, several establishment of universal male suffrage
revolutions broke out in Europe as rulers were confronted with in France in 1848
popular demands for liberal constitutions and more
democratic government.[124]

In 1876, the Ottoman Empire transitioned from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional one, and
held two elections the next year to elect members to her newly formed parliament.[125] Provisional
Electoral Regulations were issued, stating that the elected members of the Provincial Administrative
Councils would elect members to the first Parliament. Later that year, a new constitution was
promulgated, which provided for a bicameral Parliament with a Senate appointed by the Sultan and a
popularly elected Chamber of Deputies. Only men above the age of 30 who were competent in Turkish
and had full civil rights were allowed to stand for election. Reasons for disqualification included
holding dual citizenship, being employed by a foreign government, being bankrupt, employed as a
servant, or having "notoriety for ill deeds". Full universal suffrage was achieved in 1934.[126]

In 1893, the self-governing colony New Zealand became the first country in the world (except for the
short-lived 18th-century Corsican Republic) to establish active universal suffrage by recognizing
women as having the right to vote.[127]

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20th and 21st centuries

20th-century transitions to liberal democracy have come in
successive "waves of democracy", variously resulting from
wars, revolutions, decolonisation, and religious and economic
circumstances.[11] Global waves of "democratic regression"
reversing democratization, have also occurred in the 1920s and
30s, in the 1960s and 1970s, and in the 2010s.[128][129]

World War I and the dissolution of the autocratic Ottoman and

Austro-Hungarian empires resulted in the creation of new
nation-states in Europe, most of them at least nominally
democratic. In the 1920s democratic movements flourished The number of nations 1800-2018
and women's suffrage advanced, but the Great Depression scoring 8 or higher on Polity5 scale,
brought disenchantment and most of the countries of Europe, another widely used measure of
Latin America, and Asia turned to strong-man rule or democracy
dictatorships. Fascism and dictatorships flourished in Nazi
Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, as well as non-democratic
governments in the Baltics, the Balkans, Brazil, Cuba, China,
and Japan, among others.[130]

World War II brought a

definitive reversal of
this trend in Western
Europe. The
democratisation of the Painting depicting the opening of the first
Australian Parliament in 1901, one of the
American, British, and
events that formed part of the first wave
French sectors of of democracy in the early 20th century
occupied Germany
(disputed [131] ), Austria,
The Soviet of Workers' Deputies of Saint
Petersburg in 1905: Leon Trotsky in the
Italy, and the occupied Japan served as a model for the later
center. The soviets were as an early theory of government change. However, most of Eastern
example of a workers council. Europe, including the Soviet sector of Germany fell into the
non-democratic Soviet-dominated bloc.

The war was followed by decolonisation, and again most of the new independent states had nominally
democratic constitutions. India emerged as the world's largest democracy and continues to be so.[132]
Countries that were once part of the British Empire often adopted the British Westminster
system.[133][134]

In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights mandated democracy:

3. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be
expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage
and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.

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— Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 21, United Nations, 1948 (https://www.un.org/e
n/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights)
By 1960, the vast majority of country-states were nominally democracies, although most of the world's
populations lived in nominal democracies that experienced sham elections, and other forms of
subterfuge (particularly in "Communist" states and the former colonies). A subsequent wave of
democratisation brought substantial gains toward true liberal democracy for many states, dubbed
"third wave of democracy". Portugal, Spain, and several of the military dictatorships in South America
returned to civilian rule in the 1970s and 1980s.[nb 2] This was followed by countries in East and South
Asia by the mid-to-late 1980s. Economic malaise in the 1980s, along with resentment of Soviet
oppression, contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the associated end of the Cold War, and
the democratisation and liberalisation of the former Eastern bloc countries. The most successful of the
new democracies were those geographically and culturally closest to western Europe, and they are
now either part of the European Union or candidate states. In 1986, after the toppling of the most
prominent Asian dictatorship, the only democratic state of its kind at the time emerged in the
Philippines with the rise of Corazon Aquino, who would later be known as the mother of Asian
democracy.

The liberal trend spread to some states in Africa in the 1990s,

most prominently in South Africa. Some recent examples of
attempts of liberalisation include the Indonesian Revolution of
1998, the Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia, the Rose
Revolution in Georgia, the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, the
Cedar Revolution in Lebanon, the Tulip Revolution in
Kyrgyzstan, and the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.

According to Freedom House, in 2007 there were 123 electoral

democracies (up from 40 in 1972).[136] According to World Corazon Aquino taking the Oath of Office,
becoming the first female president in
Forum on Democracy, electoral democracies now represent
Asia
120 of the 192 existing countries and constitute 58.2 per cent of
the world's population. At the same time liberal democracies
i.e. countries Freedom House regards as free and respectful of
basic human rights and the rule of law are 85 in number and
represent 38 per cent of the global population.[137] Also in
2007 the United Nations declared 15 September the
International Day of Democracy.[138]

Many countries reduced their voting age to 18 years; the major

democracies began to do so in the 1970s starting in Western
Europe and North America.[139][140][141] Most electoral
Age of democracies at the end of
democracies continue to exclude those younger than 18 from
2015[135]
voting.[142] The voting age has been lowered to 16 for national
elections in a number of countries, including Brazil, Austria,
Cuba, and Nicaragua. In California, a 2004 proposal to permit a quarter vote at 14 and a half vote at
16 was ultimately defeated. In 2008, the German parliament proposed but shelved a bill that would
grant the vote to each citizen at birth, to be used by a parent until the child claims it for themselves.

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According to Freedom House, starting in 2005, there have

been 17 consecutive years in which declines in political rights
and civil liberties throughout the world have outnumbered
improvements,[143][144] as populist and nationalist political
forces have gained ground everywhere from Poland (under the
Law and Justice party) to the Philippines (under Rodrigo
Duterte).[143][128] In a Freedom House report released in 2018,
Democracy Scores for most countries declined for the 12th
consecutive year.[145] The Christian Science Monitor reported Meeting of the Grand Committee of the
that nationalist and populist political ideologies were gaining Parliament of Finland in 2008
ground, at the expense of rule of law, in countries like Poland,
Turkey and Hungary. For example, in Poland, the President
appointed 27 new Supreme Court judges over legal objections from the European Commission. In
Turkey, thousands of judges were removed from their positions following a failed coup attempt during
a government crackdown .[146]

"Democratic backsliding" in the 2010s were attributed to

economic inequality and social discontent,[148]
personalism,[149] poor government's management of the
COVID-19 pandemic,[150][151] as well as other factors such as
manipulation of civil society, "toxic polarization", foreign
disinformation campaigns,[152] racism and nativism, excessive
executive power,[153][154][155] and decreased power of the Countries autocratising (red) or
opposition.[156] Within English-speaking Western democratising (blue) substantially and
democracies, "protection-based" attitudes combining cultural significantly (2010–2020). Countries in
conservatism and leftist economic attitudes were the strongest grey are substantially unchanged.[147]
predictor of support for authoritarian modes of
governance.[157]

Theory

Early theory
Aristotle's democratic theory contrasted rule by the many (democracy/timocracy), with rule by the
few (oligarchy/aristocracy/elitism), and with rule by a single person (tyranny/autocracy/absolute
monarchy). He also thought that there was a good and a bad variant of each system (he considered
democracy to be the degenerate counterpart to timocracy).[158][159]

A common view among early and renaissance Republican theorists was that democracy could only
survive in small political communities.[160] Heeding the lessons of the Roman Republic's shift to
monarchism as it grew larger or smaller, these Republican theorists held that the expansion of
territory and population inevitably led to tyranny.[160] Democracy was therefore highly fragile and
rare historically, as it could only survive in small political units, which due to their size were
vulnerable to conquest by larger political units.[160] Montesquieu famously said, "if a republic is small,

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it is destroyed by an outside force; if it is large, it is destroyed by an internal vice."[160] Rousseau

asserted, "It is, therefore the natural property of small states to be governed as a republic, of middling
ones to be subject to a monarch, and of large empires to be swayed by a despotic prince."[160]

Contemporary theory
Among modern political theorists, there are different fundamental conceptions of democracy.

Aggregation
The theory of aggregative democracy claims that the aim of the democratic processes is to solicit
citizens' preferences and aggregate them together to determine what social policies society should
adopt. Therefore, proponents of this view hold that democratic participation should primarily focus
on voting, where the policy with the most votes gets implemented. Different variants of aggregative
democracy exist.

According to the minimalist democracy conception, elections are a mechanism for competition
between politicians. Joseph Schumpeter articulated this view famously in his book Capitalism,
Socialism, and Democracy.[161] Contemporary proponents of minimalism include William H. Riker,
Adam Przeworski, Richard Posner. According to the median voter theorem governments will tend to
produce laws and policies close to the views of the median voter with half to their left and the other
half to their right. Anthony Downs suggests that ideological political parties are necessary to act as a
mediating broker between individuals and governments. Downs laid out this view in his 1957 book An
Economic Theory of Democracy.[162]

According to the theory of direct democracy, on the other hand, citizens should vote directly, not
through their representatives, on legislative proposals. Proponents of direct democracy offer varied
reasons to support this view. Political activity can be valuable in itself, it socialises and educates
citizens, and popular participation can check powerful elites. Proponents view citizens do not rule
themselves unless they directly decide laws and policies.

Polyarchy
Robert A. Dahl argues that the fundamental democratic principle is that, when it comes to binding
collective decisions, each person in a political community is entitled to have his/her interests be given
equal consideration (not necessarily that all people are equally satisfied by the collective decision). He
uses the term polyarchy to refer to societies in which there exists a certain set of institutions and
procedures which are perceived as leading to such democracy. First and foremost among these
institutions is the regular occurrence of free and open elections which are used to select
representatives who then manage all or most of the public policy of the society. However, these
polyarchic procedures may not create a full democracy if, for example, poverty prevents political
participation.[163] Similarly, Ronald Dworkin argues that "democracy is a substantive, not a merely
procedural, ideal."[164]

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Deliberation
Deliberative democracy is based on the notion that democracy is government by deliberation. Unlike
aggregative democracy, deliberative democracy holds that, for a democratic decision to be legitimate,
it must be preceded by authentic deliberation, not merely the aggregation of preferences that occurs in
voting. Authentic deliberation is deliberation among decision-makers that is free from distortions of
unequal political power, such as power a decision-maker obtained through economic wealth or the
support of interest groups.[165][166][167] If the decision-makers cannot reach consensus after
authentically deliberating on a proposal, then they vote on the proposal using a form of majority rule.
Citizens assemblies are considered by many scholars as practical examples of deliberative
democracy,[168][169][170] with a recent OECD report identifying citizens assemblies as an increasingly
popular mechanism to involve citizens in governmental decision-making.[171]

Measurement of democracy

Measurement of democracy varies according

to the different fundamental conceptions of
democracy. Minimalist democracy
evaluations focus on free and fair
elections,[161] while maximalist democracy
evaluates additional values, such as human
rights, deliberation, economic outcomes or
state capacity.[173]

Democracy indices are quantitative and

comparative assessments of the state of The 2024 The Economist Democracy Index map
democracy[174] for different countries Full democracies Hybrid regimes Authoritarian regimes
9.00–10.00 5.00–5.99 3.00–3.99
according to various definitions of
8.00–8.99 4.00–4.99 2.00–2.99
democracy.[175]
Flawed democracies 1.00–1.99
7.00–7.99 0.00–0.99
The democracy indices differ in whether
6.00–6.99
they are categorical, such as classifying
countries into democracies, hybrid regimes,
and autocracies,[176][177] or continuous values.[178] The qualitative nature of democracy indices
enables data analytical approaches for studying causal mechanisms of regime transformation
processes.
Democracy indices vary in their scope and the weight assigned to different aspects of democracy. These aspects include the breadth and
strength of core democratic institutions, the competitiveness and inclusiveness of polyarchy, freedom of expression, governance quality,
adherence to democratic norms, co-option of opposition, and other related factors, such as electoral system manipulation, electoral
fraud, and popular support of anti-democratic alternatives.[179][180][181]

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Types of governmental
democracies
Democracy has taken a number of forms,
both in theory and practice. Some varieties
of democracy provide better representation
and more freedom for their citizens than
others.[182][183] However, if any democracy
is not structured to prohibit the government V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index map for 2024[172]
from excluding the people from the 0.900–1.000 0.500–0.599 0.100–0.199
legislative process, or any branch of 0.800–0.899 0.400–0.499 0.000–0.099
government from altering the separation of 0.700–0.799 0.300–0.399 No data
powers in its favour, then a branch of the 0.600–0.699 0.200–0.299
system can accumulate too much power and
destroy the democracy.[184][185][186]

The following kinds of democracy are not exclusive of one another: many specify details of aspects
that are independent of one another and can co-exist in a single system.

Basic forms
Several variants of democracy exist, but there are two basic forms, both of which concern how the
whole body of all eligible citizens executes its will. One form of democracy is direct democracy, in
which all eligible citizens have active participation in the political decision making, for example voting
on policy initiatives directly.[187] In most modern democracies, the whole body of eligible citizens
remain the sovereign power but political power is exercised indirectly through elected representatives;
this is called a representative democracy.

Direct
Direct democracy is a political system where the citizens participate in the decision-making
personally, contrary to relying on intermediaries or representatives. A direct democracy gives the
voting population the power to:

Change constitutional laws,

Put forth initiatives, referendums and suggestions for laws
Within modern-day representative governments, certain electoral tools like referendums, citizens'
initiatives and recall elections are referred to as forms of direct democracy.[188] However, some
advocates of direct democracy argue for local assemblies of face-to-face discussion. Direct democracy
as a government system currently exists in the Swiss cantons of Appenzell Innerrhoden and
Glarus,[189] the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities,[190] communities affiliated with the
CIPO-RFM,[191] the Bolivian city councils of FEJUVE,[192] and Kurdish cantons of Rojava.[193]

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Semi-direct
Some modern democracies
that are predominantly
representative in nature
also heavily rely upon
forms of political action
that are directly
democratic. These
democracies, which
combine elements of
representative democracy
and direct democracy, are
termed semi-direct World's states coloured by systems of government:
democracies or
participatory democracies. Parliamentary systems: Head of government is elected or nominated by and
accountable to the legislature.
Examples include
Constitutional monarchy with a ceremonial monarch
Switzerland and some U.S.
Parliamentary republic with a ceremonial president
states, where frequent use
Parliamentary republic with an executive president
is made of referendums
and initiatives. Presidential system: Head of government (president) is popularly elected and
independent of the legislature.
The Swiss confederation is Presidential republic
a semi-direct
democracy. [189] At the Hybrid systems:
federal level, citizens can Semi-presidential republic: Executive president is independent of the legislature;
head of government is appointed by the president and is accountable to the
propose changes to the
legislature.
constitution (federal
Assembly-independent republic: Head of government (president or directory) is
popular initiative) or ask elected by the legislature, but is not accountable to it.
for a referendum to be held
on any law voted by the Other systems:
parliament.[189] Between Theocratic republic: Supreme Leader is both head of state and church and
January 1995 and June holds significant executive and legislative power
2005, Swiss citizens voted Semi-constitutional monarchy: Monarch holds significant executive or legislative
power.
31 times, to answer 103
Absolute monarchy: Monarch has unlimited power.
questions (during the same
One-party state: Power is constitutionally linked to a single political party.
period, French citizens
Military junta: Committee of military leaders controls the government;
participated in only two
constitutional provisions are suspended.
referendums).[189] Governments with no constitutional basis: No constitutionally defined basis to
Although in the past 120 current regime, i.e. provisional governments or Islamic theocracies.
years less than 250 Dependent territories or places without governments
initiatives have been put to
referendum.[194] Note: this chart represents the de jure systems of government, not the de facto
degree of democracy.
Examples include the
extensive use of referendums in the US state of California, which is a state that has more than 20
million voters.[195]
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In New England, town meetings are often used, especially in

rural areas, to manage local government. This creates a hybrid
form of government, with a local direct democracy and a
representative state government. For example, most Vermont
towns hold annual town meetings in March in which town
officers are elected, budgets for the town and schools are voted
on, and citizens have the opportunity to speak and be heard on
political matters.[196]
A Landsgemeinde (in 2009) of the canton
Lot system of Glarus, an example of direct
democracy in Switzerland
The use of a lot system, a characteristic of Athenian
democracy, is a feature of some versions of direct democracies.
In this system, important governmental and administrative
tasks are performed by citizens picked from a lottery.[197]

Representative
Representative democracy involves the election of government
officials by the people being represented. If the head of state is
also democratically elected then it is called a democratic
republic.[198] The most common mechanisms involve election In Switzerland, without needing to
of the candidate with a majority or a plurality of the votes. register, every citizen receives ballot
Most western countries have representative systems.[189] papers and information brochures for
each vote (and can send it back by post).
Switzerland has a direct democracy
Representatives may be elected or become diplomatic
system and votes (and elections) are
representatives by a particular district (or constituency), or
organised about four times a year; here,
represent the entire electorate through proportional systems, to Berne's citizen in November 2008
with some using a combination of the two. Some about 5 national, 2 cantonal, 4 municipal
representative democracies also incorporate elements of direct referendums, and 2 elections
democracy, such as referendums. A characteristic of (government and parliament of the City of
representative democracy is that while the representatives are Berne) to take care of at the same time.
elected by the people to act in the people's interest, they retain
the freedom to exercise their own judgement as how best to do so. Such reasons have driven criticism
upon representative democracy,[199][200] pointing out the contradictions of representation
mechanisms with democracy[201][202]

Parliamentary
Parliamentary democracy is a representative democracy where government is appointed by or can be
dismissed by, representatives as opposed to a "presidential rule" wherein the president is both head of
state and the head of government and is elected by the voters. Under a parliamentary democracy,
government is exercised by delegation to an executive ministry and subject to ongoing review, checks
and balances by the legislative parliament elected by the people.[203][204][205][206]

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In a parliamentary system, the prime minister may be

dismissed by the legislature at any point in time for not
meeting the expectations of the legislature. This is done
through a vote of no confidence where the legislature decides
whether or not to remove the prime minister from office with
majority support for dismissal.[207] In some countries, the
prime minister can also call an election at any point in time,
typically when the prime minister believes that they are in
good favour with the public as to get re-elected. In other
parliamentary democracies, extra elections are virtually never The Palace of Westminster in London,
held, a minority government being preferred until the next United Kingdom. The Westminster
ordinary elections. An important feature of the parliamentary system originates from the British Houses
democracy is the concept of the "loyal opposition". The essence of Parliament.
of the concept is that the second largest political party (or
opposition) opposes the governing party (or coalition), while still remaining loyal to the state and its
democratic principles.

Presidential
Presidential democracy is a system where the public elects the president through an election. The
president serves as both the head of state and head of government controlling most of the executive
powers. The president serves for a specific term and cannot exceed that amount of time. The
legislature often has limited ability to remove a president from office. Elections typically have a fixed
date and are not easily changed. The president has direct control over the cabinet, specifically
appointing the cabinet members.[207]

The executive usually has the responsibility to execute or implement legislation and may have the
limited legislative powers, such as a veto. However, a legislative branch passes legislation and
budgets. This provides some measure of separation of powers. In consequence, however, the president
and the legislature may end up in the control of separate parties, allowing one to block the other and
thereby interfere with the orderly operation of the state. This may be the reason why presidential
democracy is not very common outside the Americas, Africa, and Central and Southeast Asia.[207]

A semi-presidential system is a system of democracy in which the government includes both a prime
minister and a president. The particular powers held by the prime minister and president vary by
country.[207]

Typology

Constitutional monarchy
Many countries such as the United Kingdom, Spain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Scandinavian
countries, Thailand, Japan and Bhutan turned powerful monarchs into constitutional monarchs
(often gradually) with limited or symbolic roles. For example, in the predecessor states to the United
Kingdom, constitutional monarchy began to emerge and has continued uninterrupted since the

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Glorious Revolution of 1688 and passage of the Bill of Rights 1689.[28][89] Strongly limited
constitutional monarchies, such as the United Kingdom, have been referred to as crowned republics
by writers such as H. G. Wells.[208]

In other countries, the monarchy was abolished along with the aristocratic system (as in France,
China, Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Greece, and Egypt). An elected person, with or
without significant powers, became the head of state in these countries.

Elite upper houses of legislatures, which often had lifetime or hereditary tenure, were common in
many states. Over time, these either had their powers limited (as with the British House of Lords) or
else became elective and remained powerful (as with the Australian Senate).

Republic
The term republic has many different meanings, but today often refers to a representative democracy
with an elected head of state, such as a president, serving for a limited term, in contrast to states with
a hereditary monarch as a head of state, even if these states also are representative democracies with
an elected or appointed head of government such as a prime minister.[209]

The Founding Fathers of the United States often criticised direct democracy, which in their view often
came without the protection of a constitution enshrining inalienable rights; James Madison argued,
especially in The Federalist No. 10, that what distinguished a direct democracy from a republic was
that the former became weaker as it got larger and suffered more violently from the effects of faction,
whereas a republic could get stronger as it got larger and combats faction by its very structure.[210]

Professors Richard Ellis of Willamette University and Michael Nelson of Rhodes College argue that
much constitutional thought, from Madison to Lincoln and beyond, has focused on "the problem of
majority tyranny". They conclude, "The principles of republican government embedded in the
Constitution represent an effort by the framers to ensure that the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness would not be trampled by majorities."[211] What was critical to American
values, John Adams insisted,[212] was that the government be "bound by fixed laws, which the people
have a voice in making, and a right to defend." As Benjamin Franklin was exiting after writing the US
Constitution, Elizabeth Willing Powel[213] asked him "Well, Doctor, what have we got—a republic or a
monarchy?". He replied "A republic—if you can keep it."[214]

Liberal
A liberal democracy is a representative democracy which enshrines a liberal political philosophy,
where the ability of the elected representatives to exercise decision-making power is subject to the
rule of law, moderated by a constitution or laws such as the protection of the rights and freedoms of
individuals, and constrained on the extent to which the will of the majority can be exercised against
the rights of minorities.[215]

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Socialist
Socialist thought has several different views on democracy, for example social democracy or
democratic socialism. Many democratic socialists and social democrats believe in a form of
participatory, industrial, economic and/or workplace democracy combined with a representative
democracy.

Marxist
Marxist theory supports a democratic society centering the working class.[216] Some Marxists and
Trotskyists believe in direct democracy or workers' councils (which are sometimes called soviets). This
system can begin with workplace democracy and can manifest itself as soviet democracy or
dictatorship of the proletariat.[217][218] Trotskyist groups have interpreted socialist democracy to be
synonymous with multi-party far-left representation, autonomous union organizations, worker's
control of production,[219] internal party democracy and the mass participation of the working
masses.[220][221] Some communist parties support a soviet republic with democratic centralism.[222]
Within democracy in Marxism there can be hostility to what is commonly called "liberal democracy".

Anarchist
Anarchists are split in this domain, depending on whether they believe that a majority-rule is tyrannic
or not. To many anarchists, the only form of democracy considered acceptable is direct democracy.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon argued that the only acceptable form of direct democracy is one in which it is
recognised that majority decisions are not binding on the minority, even when unanimous.[223]
However, anarcho-communist Murray Bookchin criticised individualist anarchists for opposing
democracy,[224] and says "majority rule" is consistent with anarchism.[225]

Some anarcho-communists oppose the majoritarian nature of direct democracy, feeling that it can
impede individual liberty and opt-in favour of a non-majoritarian form of consensus democracy,
similar to Proudhon's position on direct democracy.[226]

Sortition
Sortition is the process of choosing decision-making bodies via a random selection. These bodies can
be more representative of the opinions and interests of the people at large than an elected legislature
or other decision-maker. The technique was in widespread use in Athenian Democracy and
Renaissance Florence[227] and is still used in modern jury selection and citizens' assemblies.

Consociational
Consociational democracy, also called consociationalism, is a form of democracy based on power-
sharing formula between elites representing the social groups within the society. In 1969, Arendt
Lijphart argued this would stabilize democracies with factions.[228] A consociational democracy
allows for simultaneous majority votes in two or more ethno-religious constituencies, and policies are
enacted only if they gain majority support from both or all of them. The Qualified majority voting rule
in European Council of Ministers is a consociational democracy approach for supranational

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democracies. This system in Treaty of Rome allocates votes to member states in part according to
their population, but heavily weighted in favour of the smaller states. A consociational democracy
requires consensus of representatives, while consensus democracy requires consensus of electorate.

Majoritarian
Majoritarian democracy is a form of democracy based upon a principle of majority rule.[229] Majoritarian democracy contrasts with
consensus democracy, rule by as many people as possible.[229][230][231][232]

Consensus
Consensus democracy[233] requires consensus decision-making and supermajority to obtain a larger
support than majority. In contrast, in majoritarian democracy minority opinions can potentially be
ignored by vote-winning majorities.[234] Constitutions typically require consensus or
supermajorities.[235]

Ethnic
The term ethnic democracy, as used by some political scientists, purports to describe a governance system that combines a structured
ethnic dominance with democratic, political and civil rights for all. Both the dominant ethnic group—typically an ethnic majority—and
the minority ethnic groups have citizenship and are able to fully participate in the political process. However, critics of the "ethnic
democracy" model argue it is a contradiction in terms, and thus conceptually inadequate or confusing; these critics allege that purported
ethnic democracies, most notably Israel, are not democratic at all, or are at best a sort of semi-democracy.[236]

Inclusive
Inclusive democracy is a political theory and political project that aims for direct democracy in all
fields of social life: political democracy in the form of face-to-face assemblies which are confederated,
economic democracy in a stateless, moneyless and marketless economy, democracy in the social
realm, i.e. self-management in places of work and education, and ecological democracy which aims to
reintegrate society and nature. The theoretical project of inclusive democracy emerged from the work
of political philosopher Takis Fotopoulos in "Towards An Inclusive Democracy" and was further
developed in the journal Democracy & Nature and its successor The International Journal of
Inclusive Democracy.[237][238][239][240][241][242]

Participatory
A parpolity or participatory polity is a theoretical form of democracy that is ruled by a nested council
structure. The guiding philosophy is that people should have decision-making power in proportion to
how much they are affected by the decision. Local councils of 25–50 people are completely
autonomous on issues that affect only them, and these councils send delegates to higher level councils
who are again autonomous regarding issues that affect only the population affected by that council.

A council court of randomly chosen citizens serves as a check on the tyranny of the majority, and rules
on which body gets to vote on which issue. Delegates may vote differently from how their sending
council might wish but are mandated to communicate the wishes of their sending council. Delegates
are recallable at any time. Referendums are possible at any time via votes of lower-level councils,
however, not everything is a referendum as this is most likely a waste of time. A parpolity is meant to
work in tandem with a participatory economy.

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Procedural
Procedural democracy or proceduralist democracy, proceduralism or hollow democracy[243] is a term used to denote the particular
procedures, such as regular elections based on universal suffrage, that produce an electorally-legitimated government.[244][245][246]
Procedural democracy, with its centering of electoral processes as the basis of democratic legitimacy, is often contrasted with
substantive or participatory democracy, which centers the equal participation of all groups in society in the political process as the basis
of legitimacy.[245][247]

Radical
Radical democracy is based on the idea that there are hierarchical and oppressive power relations that
exist in society. Radical democracy's role is to make visible and challenge those relations by allowing
for difference, dissent and antagonisms in decision-making processes.[248]

Religious
Religious democracy[249] is a form of democracy where the values of a particular religion or state religion are preferred. The term
applies to all democratic countries in which religion is incorporated into the form of government.

Cosmopolitan
Cosmopolitan democracy, also known as global democracy or world federalism, is a political system
in which democracy is implemented on a global scale, either directly or through representatives. An
important justification for this kind of system is that the decisions made in national or regional
democracies often affect people outside the constituency who, by definition, cannot vote. By contrast,
in a cosmopolitan democracy, the people who are affected by decisions also have a say in them.[250]

According to its supporters, any attempt to solve global problems is undemocratic without some form
of cosmopolitan democracy. The general principle of cosmopolitan democracy is to expand some or all
of the values and norms of democracy, including the rule of law; the non-violent resolution of
conflicts; and equality among citizens, beyond the limits of the state. To be fully implemented, this
would require reforming existing international organisations, e.g., the United Nations, as well as the
creation of new institutions such as a World Parliament, which ideally would enhance public control
over, and accountability in, international politics.

Cosmopolitan democracy has been promoted, among others, by physicist Albert Einstein,[251] writer
Kurt Vonnegut, columnist George Monbiot, and professors David Held and Daniele Archibugi.[252]
The creation of the International Criminal Court in 2003 was seen as a major step forward by many
supporters of this type of cosmopolitan democracy.

Creative
Creative democracy is advocated by American philosopher John Dewey. The main idea about creative
democracy is that democracy encourages individual capacity building and the interaction among the
society. Dewey argues that democracy is a way of life in his work of "Creative Democracy: The Task
Before Us"[253] and an experience built on faith in human nature, faith in human beings, and faith in
working with others. Democracy, in Dewey's view, is a moral ideal requiring actual effort and work by
people; it is not an institutional concept that exists outside of ourselves. "The task of democracy",
Dewey concludes, "is forever that of creation of a freer and more humane experience in which all
share and to which all contribute".

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Guided
Guided democracy is a form of democracy that
incorporates regular popular elections, but
which often carefully "guides" the choices
offered to the electorate in a manner that may
reduce the ability of the electorate to truly
determine the type of government exercised over
them. Such democracies typically have only one
central authority which is often not subject to
meaningful public review by any other
governmental authority. Russian-style Green: countries that claim to be a democracy Red:
countries that do not claim to be democratic (only Saudi
democracy has often been referred to as a Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Brunei, Afghanistan, and
"guided democracy".[254] Russian politicians the Vatican do not claim to be democratic as of 2022)
have referred to their government as having only
one center of power/ authority, as opposed to
most other forms of democracy which usually attempt to incorporate two or more naturally competing
sources of authority within the same government.[255]

Non-governmental democracy
Aside from the public sphere, similar democratic principles and mechanisms of voting and
representation have been used to govern other kinds of groups. Many non-governmental
organisations decide policy and leadership by voting. Most trade unions and cooperatives are
governed by democratic elections. Corporations are ultimately governed by their shareholders
through shareholder democracy. Corporations may also employ systems such as workplace democracy
to handle internal governance. Amitai Etzioni has postulated a system that fuses elements of
democracy with sharia law, termed Islamic democracy or Islamocracy.[256] There is also a growing
number of Democratic educational institutions such as Sudbury schools that are co-governed by
students and staff.

Shareholder democracy
Shareholder democracy is a concept relating to the governance of corporations by their shareholders.
In the United States, shareholders are typically granted voting rights according to the one share, one
vote principle. Shareholders may vote annually to elect the company's board of directors, who
themselves may choose the company's executives. The shareholder democracy framework may be
inaccurate for companies which have different classes of stock that further alter the distribution of
voting rights.

Justification
Several justifications for democracy have been postulated.[257]

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Legitimacy
Social contract theory argues that the legitimacy of government is based on consent of the governed,
i.e. an election, and that political decisions must reflect the general will. Some proponents of the
theory like Jean-Jacques Rousseau advocate for a direct democracy on this basis.[258]

Better decision-making
Condorcet's jury theorem is logical proof that if each decision-maker has a better than chance
probability of making the right decision, then having the largest number of decision-makers, i.e. a
democracy, will result in the best decisions. This has also been argued by theories of the wisdom of the
crowd. Democracy tends to improve conflict resolution.[259]

Economic success
In Why Nations Fail, economists Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argue that democracies are
more economically successful because undemocratic political systems tend to limit markets and favor
monopolies at the expense of the creative destruction which is necessary for sustained economic
growth.

A 2019 study by Acemoglu and others estimated that countries switching to democratic from
authoritarian rule had on average a 20% higher GDP after 25 years than if they had remained
authoritarian. The study examined 122 transitions to democracy and 71 transitions to authoritarian
rule, occurring from 1960 to 2010.[260] Acemoglu said this was because democracies tended to invest
more in health care and human capital, and reduce special treatment of regime allies.[261]

A 2023 study analyzed the long-term effects of democracy on economic prosperity using new data on
GDP per capita and democracy for a dataset between 1789 and 2019. The results indicate that
democracy substantially increases economic development.[262]

Democratic transitions
A democratic transition describes a phase in a country's political system, often created as a result of
an incomplete change from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one (or vice versa).[263][264]

Democratization
Democratization, or democratisation, is the structural government transition from an authoritarian government to a more democratic
political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction.[265][266]
Several philosophers and researchers have outlined historical and social factors seen as supporting
the evolution of democracy. Other commentators have mentioned the influence of economic
development.[267] In a related theory, Ronald Inglehart suggests that improved living-standards in
modern developed countries can convince people that they can take their basic survival for granted,
leading to increased emphasis on self-expression values, which correlates closely with
democracy.[268][269]

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Douglas M. Gibler and Andrew Owsiak in

their study argued about the importance of
peace and stable borders for the
development of democracy. It has often been
assumed that democracy causes peace, but
this study shows that, historically, peace has
almost always predated the establishment of
democracy.[270]

Carroll Quigley concludes that the

characteristics of weapons are the main
predictor of democracy:[271][272] Democracy
—this scenario—tends to emerge only when Since c. 2010, the number of countries autocratizing (blue) is
the best weapons available are easy for higher than those democratizing (yellow).
individuals to obtain and use.[273] By the
1800s, guns were the best personal weapons available, and in the United States of America (already
nominally democratic), almost everyone could afford to buy a gun, and could learn how to use it fairly
easily. Governments could not do any better: it became the age of mass armies of citizen soldiers with
guns.[273] Similarly, Periclean Greece was an age of the citizen soldier and democracy.[274]

Other theories stressed the relevance of education and of human capital—and within them of
cognitive ability to increasing tolerance, rationality, political literacy and participation. Two effects of
education and cognitive ability are distinguished:[275][276][277]

a cognitive effect (competence to make rational choices, better information-processing)

an ethical effect (support of democratic values, freedom, human rights etc.), which itself depends
on intelligence.
Evidence consistent with conventional theories of why democracy emerges and is sustained has been
hard to come by. Statistical analyses have challenged modernisation theory by demonstrating that
there is no reliable evidence for the claim that democracy is more likely to emerge when countries
become wealthier, more educated, or less unequal.[278] In fact, empirical evidence shows that
economic growth and education may not lead to increased demand for democratization as
modernization theory suggests: historically, most countries attained high levels of access to primary
education well before transitioning to democracy.[279] Rather than acting as a catalyst for
democratization, in some situations education provision may instead be used by non-democratic
regimes to indoctrinate their subjects and strengthen their power.[279]

The assumed link between education and economic growth is called into question when analyzing
empirical evidence. Across different countries, the correlation between education attainment and
math test scores is very weak (.07). A similarly weak relationship exists between per-pupil
expenditures and math competency (.26). Additionally, historical evidence suggests that average
human capital (measured using literacy rates) of the masses does not explain the onset of
industrialization in France from 1750 to 1850 despite arguments to the contrary.[280] Together, these
findings show that education does not always promote human capital and economic growth as is

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generally argued to be the case. Instead, the evidence implies that education provision often falls short
of its expressed goals, or, alternatively, that political actors use education to promote goals other than
economic growth and development.

Some scholars have searched for the "deep" determinants of contemporary political institutions, be
they geographical or demographic.[281][282]

An example of this is the disease environment. Places with different mortality rates had different
populations and productivity levels around the world. For example, in Africa, the tsetse fly—which
afflicts humans and livestock—reduced the ability of Africans to plough the land. This made Africa less
settled. As a consequence, political power was less concentrated.[283] This also affected the colonial
institutions European countries established in Africa.[284] Whether colonial settlers could live or not
in a place made them develop different institutions which led to different economic and social paths.
This also affected the distribution of power and the collective actions people could take. As a result,
some African countries ended up having democracies and others autocracies.

An example of geographical determinants for democracy is having access to coastal areas and rivers.
This natural endowment has a positive relation with economic development thanks to the benefits of
trade.[285] Trade brought economic development, which in turn, broadened power. Rulers wanting to
increase revenues had to protect property-rights to create incentives for people to invest. As more
people had more power, more concessions had to be made by the ruler and in many places this
process lead to democracy. These determinants defined the structure of the society moving the
balance of political power.[286]

Robert Michels asserts that although democracy can never be fully realised, democracy may be
developed automatically in the act of striving for democracy:

The peasant in the fable, when on his deathbed, tells his sons that a treasure is buried in
the field. After the old man's death the sons dig everywhere in order to discover the
treasure. They do not find it. But their indefatigable labor improves the soil and secures for
them a comparative well-being. The treasure in the fable may well symbolise
democracy.[287]

Democracy in modern times has almost always faced opposition from the previously existing
government, and many times it has faced opposition from social elites. The implementation of a
democratic government from a non-democratic state is typically brought by peaceful or violent
democratic revolution.

Autocratization
Democratic backsliding[a] is a process of regime change toward autocracy in which the exercise of political power becomes more
arbitrary and repressive.[294][295][296] The process typically restricts the space for public contest and political participation in the
process of government selection.[297][298] Democratic decline involves the weakening of democratic institutions, such as the peaceful
transition of power or free and fair elections, or the violation of individual rights that underpin democracies, especially freedom of
expression.[299][300] Democratic backsliding is the opposite of democratization.
Steven Levitsky says: “It's not up to voters to defend a democracy. That’s asking far, far too much of
voters, to cast their ballot on the basis of some set of abstract principles or procedures. With the
exception of a handful of cases, voters never, ever — in any society, in any culture — prioritize
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democracy over all else. Individual voters worry about much

more mundane things, as is their right. It is up to élites and
institutions to protect democracy — not voters.” [301]

Disruption
Some democratic governments have experienced sudden state
collapse and regime change to an undemocratic form of
government. Domestic military coups or rebellions are the Russia under Vladimir Putin has turned
most common means by which democratic governments have into an authoritarian state
been overthrown.[302] (See List of coups and coup attempts by
country and List of civil wars.) Examples include the Spanish Civil War, the Coup of 18 Brumaire that
ended the French First Republic, and the 28 May 1926 coup d'état which ended the First Portuguese
Republic. Some military coups are supported by foreign governments, such as the 1954 Guatemalan
coup d'état and the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. Other types of a sudden end to democracy include:

Invasion, for example the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, and the fall of South Vietnam.
Self-coup, in which the leader of the government extra-legally seizes all power or unlawfully
extends the term in office. This can be done through:
Suspension of the constitution by decree, such as with the 1992 Peruvian coup d'état
An "electoral self-coup" using election fraud to obtain re-election of a previously fairly elected
official or political party. For example, in the 1999 Ukrainian presidential election, 2003 Russian
legislative election, and 2004 Russian presidential election.[302]
Royal coup, in which a monarch not normally involved in government seizes all power. For
example, the 6 January Dictatorship, begun in 1929 when King Alexander I of Yugoslavia
dismissed parliament and started ruling by decree.[303]
Democratic backsliding can end democracy in a gradual manner, by increasing emphasis on national
security and eroding free and fair elections, freedom of expression, independence of the judiciary, rule
of law. A famous example is the Enabling Act of 1933, which lawfully ended democracy in Weimar
Germany and marked the transition to Nazi Germany.[304]

Temporary or long-term political violence and government interference can prevent free and fair
elections, which erode the democratic nature of governments. This has happened on a local level even
in well-established democracies like the United States; for example, the Wilmington insurrection of
1898 and African-American disfranchisement after the Reconstruction era.

Debates on democracy
Democracy, its functions, and its development have been criticized throughout history. Some critics
call upon the constitutional regime to be true to its own highest principles; others reject the values
promoted by constitutional democracy.[305]

Plato famously opposed democracy, arguing for a 'government of the best qualified'. James Madison
extensively studied the historic attempts at and arguments on democracy in his preparation for the
Constitutional Convention, and Winston Churchill remarked that "No one pretends that democracy is

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perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all
those other forms that have been tried from time to time."[306]

Critics of democracy have often tried to highlight democracy's inconsistencies, paradoxes, and limits by contrasting it with other forms
of government, such as epistocracy or lottocracy. They have characterized most modern democracies as democratic polyarchies[307] and
democratic aristocracies.[308] They have identified fascist moments in modern democracies. They have termed the societies produced by
modern democracies as neo-feudal[309] and have contrasted democracy with fascism, anarcho-capitalism, theocracy, and absolute
monarchy.

Influence of the media

The theory of democracy relies on the implicit assumption that voters are well informed about social
issues, policies, and candidates so that they can make a truly informed decision. Since the late 20th
century there has been a growing concern that voters may be poorly informed due to the news media's
focusing more on entertainment and gossip and less on serious journalistic research on political
issues.[310][311]

The media professors Michael Gurevitch and Jay Blumler have proposed a number of functions that
the mass media are expected to fulfill in a democracy:[312]

Surveillance of the sociopolitical environment

Meaningful agenda setting
Platforms for an intelligible and illuminating advocacy
Dialogue across a diverse range of views
Mechanisms for holding officials to account for how they have exercised power
Incentives for citizens to learn, choose, and become involved
A principled resistance to the efforts of forces outside the media to subvert their independence,
integrity, and ability to serve the audience
A sense of respect for the audience member, as potentially concerned and able to make sense of
his or her political environment
This proposal has inspired a lot of discussions over whether the news media are actually fulfilling the
requirements that a well functioning democracy requires.[313] Commercial mass media are generally
not accountable to anybody but their owners, and they have no obligation to serve a democratic
function.[313][314] They are controlled mainly by economic market forces. Fierce economic
competition may force the mass media to divert themselves from any democratic ideals and focus
entirely on how to survive the competition.[315][316]

The tabloidization and popularization of the news media is seen in an increasing focus on human
examples rather than statistics and principles. There is more focus on politicians as personalities and
less focus on political issues in the popular media. Election campaigns are covered more as horse
races and less as debates about ideologies and issues. The dominating media focus on spin, conflict,
and competitive strategies has made voters perceive the politicians as egoists rather than idealists.
This fosters mistrust and a cynical attitude to politics, less civic engagement, and less interest in
voting.[317][318][319] The ability to find effective political solutions to social problems is hampered
when problems tend to be blamed on individuals rather than on structural causes.[318] This person-
centered focus may have far-reaching consequences not only for domestic problems but also for
foreign policy when international conflicts are blamed on foreign heads of state rather than on

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political and economic structures.[320][321]

A strong media focus on fear and terrorism has allowed
military logic to penetrate public institutions, leading to increased surveillance and the erosion of civil
rights.[322]

The responsiveness[323] and accountability of the democratic system is compromised when lack of
access to substantive, diverse, and undistorted information is handicapping the citizens' capability of
evaluating the political process.[314][319] The fast pace and trivialization in the competitive news media
is dumbing down the political debate. Thorough and balanced investigation of complex political issues
does not fit into this format. The political communication is characterized by short time horizons,
short slogans, simple explanations, and simple solutions. This is conducive to political populism
rather than serious deliberation.[314][322]

Commercial mass media are often differentiated along the political spectrum so that people can hear
mainly opinions that they already agree with. Too much controversy and diverse opinions are not
always profitable for the commercial news media.[324] Political polarization is emerging when
different people read different news and watch different TV channels. This polarization has been
worsened by the emergence of the social media that allow people to communicate mainly with groups
of like-minded people, the so-called echo chambers.[325] Extreme political polarization may
undermine the trust in democratic institutions, leading to erosion of civil rights and free speech and in
some cases even reversion to autocracy.[326]

Many media scholars have discussed non-commercial news media with public service obligations as a
means to improve the democratic process by providing the kind of political contents that a free
market does not provide.[327][328] The World Bank has recommended public service broadcasting in
order to strengthen democracy in developing countries. These broadcasting services should be
accountable to an independent regulatory body that is adequately protected from interference from
political and economic interests.[329] Public service media have an obligation to provide reliable
information to voters. Many countries have publicly funded radio and television stations with public
service obligations, especially in Europe and Japan,[330] while such media are weak or non-existent in
other countries including the US.[331] Several studies have shown that the stronger the dominance of
commercial broadcast media over public service media, the less the amount of policy-relevant
information in the media and the more focus on horse race journalism, personalities, and the
pecadillos of politicians. Public service broadcasters are characterized by more policy-relevant
information and more respect for journalistic norms and impartiality than the commercial media.
However, the trend of deregulation has put the public service model under increased pressure from
competition with commercial media.[330][332][333]

The emergence of the internet and the social media has profoundly altered the conditions for political
communication. The social media have given ordinary citizens easy access to voice their opinion and
share information while bypassing the filters of the large news media. This is often seen as an
advantage for democracy.[334] The new possibilities for communication have fundamentally changed
the way social movements and protest movements operate and organize. The internet and social
media have provided powerful new tools for democracy movements in developing countries and
emerging democracies, enabling them to bypass censorship, voice their opinions, and organize
protests.[335][336]

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A serious problem with the social media is that they have no truth filters. The established news media
have to guard their reputation as trustworthy, while ordinary citizens may post unreliable
information.[335] In fact, studies show that false stories are going more viral than true stories.[337][338]
The proliferation of false stories and conspiracy theories may undermine public trust in the political
system and public officials.[338][326]

Reliable information sources are essential for the democratic process. Less democratic governments
rely heavily on censorship, propaganda, and misinformation in order to stay in power, while
independent sources of information are able to undermine their legitimacy.[339]

Democracy promotion
Democracy promotion can increase the quality of already
existing democracies, reduce political apathy, and the chance
of democratic backsliding. Democracy promotion measures
include voting advice applications,[340] participatory
democracy,[341] increasing youth suffrage, increasing civic
education,[342] reducing barriers to entry for new political
parties,[343] increasing proportionality[344] and reducing
presidentialism.[345]

Banner in Hong Kong asking for

See also democracy, August 2019

Democracy Ranking
Defensive democracy
Democratic peace theory
Empowered democracy
Energy democracy
Industrial democracy
Meritocracy
Parliament in the Making
Political representation of nature
Power to the people

Politics portal
Footnotes
1. The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1868 altered the way each state is
represented in the House of Representatives. It counted all residents for apportionment including
slaves, overriding the three-fifths compromise, and reduced a state's apportionment if it wrongfully
denied males over the age of 21 the right to vote; however, this was not enforced in practice. Some
poor white men remained excluded at least until the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. For
state elections, it was not until the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6–3 in Harper v. Virginia Board of
Elections (1966) that all state poll taxes were unconstitutional as violating the Equal Protection
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This removed a burden on the poor.

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2. Portugal in 1974, Spain in 1975, Argentina in 1983, Bolivia, Uruguay in 1984, Brazil in 1985, and
Chile in the early 1990s

a. Other names include autocratization, democratic decline,[288] de-democratization,[289] democratic

erosion,[290] democratic decay,[291] democratic recession,[292] democratic regression,[288] and
democratic deconsolidation.[293]

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Penguin Classics. ISBN 978-0-14-044809-2.

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Greece. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24562-4.

Further reading
Cartledge, Paul (2016). Democracy: A Life. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199697670.
Provost, Claire; Kennard, Matt (2023). Silent Coup: How Corporations Overthrew Democracy.
Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1350269989.
Biagini, Eugenio (general editor). 2021. A Cultural History of Democracy, 6 Volumes New York :
Bloomsbury Academic.
Taylor, Astra (2019). Democracy May Not Exist, but We'll Miss It When It's Gone. Metropolitan
Books. ISBN 978-1250179845.
Przeworski, Adam (2018) Why Bother With Elections? Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
Munck, Gerardo L. (2016) "What is Democracy? A Reconceptualization of the Quality of
Democracy". Democratization 23(1): 1–26.
Fuller, Roslyn (2015). Beasts and Gods: How Democracy Changed Its Meaning and Lost its
Purpose. London: Zed Books. p. 371. ISBN 978-1-78360-542-2.

External links
Democracy (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/democracy) at the Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy
Podcast: Democracy Paradox (https://democracyparadox.com/the-democracy-paradox-podcast/),
hundreds of interviews with democracy experts around the world

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