Dalit Feminism

The essay "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit Feminist
Standpoint Position" by Sharmila Rege is a significant work that addresses the unique experiences and
struggles of Dalit women within the broader feminist movement in India. Overview

Sharmila Rege's essay critiques the mainstream feminist movement in India for failing to adequately
address the intersection of caste and gender. Rege argues that Dalit women's voices have been
marginalized both within the feminist movement and in Dalit politics, which are often dominated by
upper-caste women and Dalit men, respectively. “The category 'woman' was conceived collectively,
based on their being oppressed by the fact of their womanhood. The three categories were deployed in
combination and this often led to exclusions around race, class ethnicity. Since most of the vocal
feminists of the 1970s were white, middle class, and university-educated - it was their experience that
came to be universalized as 'women's experience' “.

Key Themes

1. **Critique of 'Difference': Rege critiques the concept of 'difference' as it has been used in feminist
theory. She argues that while mainstream feminism has recognized differences among women, it has
often failed to address the structural and material aspects of these differences, particularly those related
to caste.

2. **Dalit Feminist Standpoint:** Rege proposes developing a Dalit feminist standpoint that centers on
the experiences and struggles of Dalit women. This standpoint challenges both the Brahmanical
patriarchy of mainstream feminism and the patriarchal practices within Dalit politics.

3. **Historical Context:** The essay provides a historical analysis of the contributions of Dalit women to
various social and political movements in India, such as the Satyashodhak and Ambedkarite movements.
Rege highlights how these contributions have often been overlooked or undervalued in mainstream
historical narratives.

4. **Revisiting Feminist Politics:** Rege calls for a re-examination of contemporary feminist politics to
include the voices and perspectives of Dalit women. She argues that the inclusion of Dalit feminist
standpoints can lead to a more inclusive and transformative feminist movement.

### Conclusion

"Dalit Women Talk Differently" is a critical work that underscores the importance of recognizing and
addressing the intersectionality of caste and gender. Rege's call for a Dalit feminist standpoint is a
significant contribution to both feminist theory and Dalit studies, emphasizing the need for an inclusive
and intersectional approach to social justice.

Mahasweta Devi

Mahasweta Devi's works are celebrated for their powerful portrayal of marginalized communities,
including Dalits and women. Her stories often highlight the intersectionality of caste and gender
oppression, making her a significant figure in Dalit feminism. In her seminal works, such as "Draupadi"
and "Bitter Soil," Devi gives voice to the struggles of Dalit women, showcasing their resilience and
resistance against systemic oppression. For instance, "Draupadi" tells the story of a tribal woman who
defies societal norms and fights against exploitation and injustice. Through such narratives, Devi
challenges the patriarchal and caste-based structures that perpetuate discrimination and violence
against Dalit women. Her works not only assert resistance but also inspire readers to question and
confront the deep-rooted inequalities in society. By bringing these stories to the forefront, Mahasweta
Devi has made a lasting impact on Dalit feminism and the broader discourse on social justice.

Mahasweta Devi’s work kept growing and she was rigorously involved in activism and continuously
writing for the causes she believed in. She was preoccupied with the issues of mainstream development
and the consequent marginalization of certain populations and the environment. While genteel Bengali
literature glossed over the problems of Dalits and Adivasis, Mahasweta Devi used her position of
privilege to actively amplify their voices and struggles. So dear was she that was called ‘Ma’
(mother among the Kheria tribals) or ‘Marang dai’ (sister among the Santhals).

Devi’s work hints at a particular kind of change in the discourse of sexuality where it no longer oppresses
marginalized women but becomes the very ground of political liberation. In her famous short
story Draupadi, about the rape and mutilation of a tribal woman called Dopdi, the protagonist threatens
the masculinities of her oppressors by refusing to be ashamed of her mutilated body – forcing them to
survey her nakedness with a defiance that exhibits her power and autonomy.

Understanding Dalit Feminism T. Sowjanya

 As in the case of Western feminism, "universal sisterhood" acquired significance for Indian
feminism too. Until the 1990s, issues of upper-caste/middle-class women were perceived to be
the concerns of all women. The 1990s became a crucial decade for feminist politics in India.
There was a radical shift in feminism when Dalit women began to question feminism's exclusive
focus on the issues of upper-caste/middle-class women. During the 1990s, feminism was
challenged for being blind to caste.
 From the 90s onwards, Dalit women established separate organizations to fight for their rights.
Dalit feminism can be understood through three major streams: 1. the struggle of Dalit women
activists who voiced caste and gender intersectionalities and critiqued mainstream feminism for
being blind to caste;2. Dalit women autobiographers and writers who articulated their authentic
experiences of caste and multiple patriarchies; 3. and the theoretical formulation of Dalit
feminism which a few non-dalit feminists have dominated.
 Dalit feminism can be perceived through three major streams: 1. Dalit feminist activism, 2. Dalit
women's writing/autobiography and 3. the theoretical formulation of Dalit feminism. Dalit
feminism indicates the position of Dalit women at both the intersections of gender and caste
and the feminist movement and Dalit movement. The marginalization of Dalit women within the
mainstream feminist organizations and the male dominance in the mainstream Dalit movement
resulted in the Dalit women's need to formulate Dalit feminism.
 In the West, feminism began with a small group of university-educated white middle-class
women. Politicizing the personal was one of the most radical viewpoints of feminism from the
beginning of the movement.
 In the Indian context too, feminism, developed in the 1970s ascribed a common agenda to all
women by perceiving upper-caste/middle-class women's issues to be the concerns of all women
(SharmilaRege, 2003). Within the feminist movement in India, feminist groups addressed issues
 like domestic violence and dowry and a few left-based women's organizations addressed issues
like unequal wages and land reforms.
 Feminist organizations were formed and run for and by upper-caste/middle-class women,
though there were also Dalit and tribal women as (only) members of these organizations who
had no say in the decision-making process. Feminism's interventions in the issues of Dalit or
tribal women especially in cases of rape or molestation have been criticized as occasional
interventions.
 One such intervention took place in the context of the Mathura rape case where the caste
position of the woman had more influence on her ability to access legal justice.
 The social position of women i.e. importantly the caste position of women and the changing
manifestations of patriarchal oppression about the caste position of women was not recognized
by mainstream feminism. During the '90s, feminism was inevitably challenged for its blindness to
the social reality called caste. The question of caste became crucial and unavoidable in feminist
politics.
 two significant factors led to this new awareness: 1. one was the participation of upper caste
women in the protest against the implementation of the Mandal Commission's proposal to
extend reservations to OBCs. Upper-caste women declared that they were against all kinds of
reservations to save the nation from the hands of the "unmeritorious" groups. Upper-caste
women in this context represented themselves as "non-submissive", "assertive" and "feminist
subjects" who had shown their social responsibility to save the nation by using the rhetoric of
merit. They announced that if the reservations for OBCs were going to be implemented along
with already provided/existing reservations for SC/STs, they would be deprived of employed
husbands.
 The statement implies that they support the caste system which strictly forbids exogamy to
advocate caste-endogamy and secondly it also implies that they are economically and socially
dependent on their respective husbands/upper-caste men.
 The second contributing factor was the raising of Dalit women's voices against the feminist
movement's exclusive focus on the concerns of upper-caste/middle-class women and its
exclusion of Dalit women from both representation and recognition.
 'The National Federation of Dalit Women' founded in 1993 by Ruth Manorama and 'Dailit Mahila
Sanghatana' formed by Maharastra Dalit women in 1995 fought for the recognition of Dalit
women's questions both at the national and international levels. The question of Dalit women
acquired significance within feminism and Dalit politics due to the Dalit women's struggle at
various levels.
 Dalit women activists like Ruth Manorama who had been working with the women's movement
since 1970, experienced the serious exclusion of Dalit women at the level of the decision-making
process. She also observed the lack of representation and recognition of the issues of Dalit
women in these organizations. She says Dalit and Adivasi women are more in number than
upper-caste women in many organizations which gives the organizations a numerical strength.
 However Sharmila Rege argues that Dalit feminism can be a standpoint that has to be acquired
by non-dalit feminists (Rege, 2003), whereas Gopal Guru says Dalit women need to address their
'literary and political marginalization' by Dalit movement by organizing themselves separately
(Guru, 1995). Rege argued that the women's movement and the Dalit movement need to move
way beyond what she calls the "savarnization" of the women's movement and "masculinization"
 of the Dalit movement to make the question of Dalit women visible (Rege 2003). Gopal Guru
argued that Dalit women suffer two distinct patriarchal structures: the Brahminical form of
patriarchy that stigmatizes Dalit women due to their caste identity of being untouchable and
patriarchy within Dalit families. He says "Dalit men are reproducing the same mechanisms
against their women which their high caste adversaries had used to dominate them; (Guru)
 Dalit women are the victims of the caste system who face both similar and different caste-based
oppression and violence in comparison to Dalit men. Caste-based violence against a Dalit woman
is mostly sexual. She is a victim of casteist patriarchy, which renders her subservient to upper-
caste males and leads to her sexual exploitation by them. Dalit women also face patriarchal
control over their sexuality and labor within their own families.
 Gabriele Dietrich and Kancha Ilaiah observe that the patriarchy of Dalit castes differs from that of
the upper castes and Dalit women suffer "weaker forms" of the patriarchy and thus Dalit women
live in a more egalitarian family structure. Gabriele Dietrich says there is scope for Dalit women
to fight back against the oppression in their families.
 "Cases of dowry connected with torture and murder are more frequent among upper castes and
it is probably not exaggerated to say that family violence among upper castes tends to be quite
systematic. Dalit women are not under the ideology of husband worship and if they face
violence within the family, they may fight back."(Gabriele Dietrich,)
 Ilaiah conveys a similar understanding of patriarchy among Dalits. He observes the absence of
pada puja, sati and the existence of a right to divorce are the features of Dalit and Bahujan
castes that substantiate the existence of "democratic" patriarchy in Dalit and Bahujan castes.
 "A Dalit Bahujan woman does not have to perform pada puja (worshiping the husband's feet) to
her husband either in the morning or in the evening. She does not have to address her husband
in the way she would address a superior. In a situation of dispute, word in response to word, and
abuse for abuse is the socially visible norm. Patriarchy as a system does exist among Dalit
Bahujan, yet in this sense, it is considerably more democratic." (Ilaiah,)
 Though not entirely possible to imitate the "upper-caste cultural values", dalit castes which are
always in contact with the upper-castes, appear to have internalized the ideology of
male/husband dominance within their families. Withdrawing women from participation in public
labor or wearing clothes and ornaments like upper-caste women are the ways of imitating the
upper-caste norms of gender which need certain economic prosperity for Dalits. But the male
dominance within the families has been an accepted norm for centuries.
 Kancha Ilaiah argues that the absence of pada puja which is symbolic of women's subservience is
absent in Dalit families and hence dalit families are less patriarchal. The absence of sati and the
existence of the right to divorce in Dalit and Bahujan castes are the features commendable
according to him.
 Dalit women's need to partake in both domestic and public labor and the denial of their equal
participation in religion and the absence of property questions shape the non-existence of rituals
like pada puja and the existence of the right to divorce possible to some extent. The property
question in upper-caste families makes divorce complex and difficult. In the case of divorce
among Dalits, the question of property does not become an important point because Dalits live
on their daily wages, and the accumulation of property is made impossible by the caste system
that confines them to humiliating and menial professions. Though the question of property does
 not arise in case of divorce among Dalits, the notions of purity/chastity of Dalit women may arise
in case of divorce and remarriage.
 The caste system is maintained not only by its unequal distribution of resources and superiority/
inferiority of each caste about the immediate caste/ sub-caste but also by controlling and/or
exploiting women. Upper castes are entitled to some temple-related rituals and Dalits are
allowed and perhaps forced to participate in a few disgraceful rituals.
 upper-caste women are sexually controlled in several ways to protect the sanctity of the caste
whereas Dalit women are not entitled to a similar "protection of sexuality" due to the social
subordination of their caste to the upper castes. A few such ways of controlling the upper caste
woman's sexuality happen through stringent codes on sexual conduct of women, sati, and
enforced widowhood. The upper-caste men's "access" to the sexuality of Dalit women through
forcing them into religious prostitution or exploiting them at the workplace also helps to create
an "impure" woman as a binary opposition to "their pure women". It also helps them to
distinguish "their women" from the women of "insignificant other"(Guru)
 Both the non-dalit feminists and Dalit male intellectuals have made four major claims about the
question of Dalit women:
 1. patriarchy differs for Dalit women- Considering the first claim, patriarchy in Dalit castes can be
different from what exists in upper-caste families, but it cannot be democratic. The very idea of
patriarchy is all about gender inequality, dominance, power relations, and violence. Hence the
phrase "democratic patriarchy" is contradictory in itself; perhaps it generates less intense
patriarchal oppression(Ilaiah, 1996). Subordination of Dalit castes to the upper castes does not
protect Dalit women from patriarchal oppression and control over their sexuality and labor by
Dalit men. Whereas upper-caste women's subordination ends in their families, Dalit women's
subordination extends from their families to the upper-castes
 2. Domestic violence can be fought back by Dalit women (Dietrich, 2003)- Secondly, dowry and
sati are the systems from which violence is generated against women. These are the systems
present in upper-caste society. Yet they are not completely absent in Dalit families. Child
marriage is observed in Dalit families almost in equal proportions as the upper-caste families At
the same time, domestic violence like wife-battering is not exceptional in Dalit families and it is
perhaps neglected by many Dalit intellectuals who valorize Dalit culture. There are many
incidents of Dalit women living under the constant fear of domestic violence in their conjugal
families.
 3. Only economic prosperity leads to the imitation of upper-caste cultural values within Dalit
families which leads to the oppression of women- many critics have pointed out that the Dalit
castes are imitating the upper-caste cultural values once they are economically prosperous
which leads to the oppression of Dalit women. Dalits are excluded from sharing social life with
the upper castes and prevented from coming into physical contact with them. Dalits were devoid
of religion for they could not enter the temple or read Vedas. Yet they were made to be an
essential part of certain degrading and humiliating temple-related rituals ( Guru, 2009, Kamble,
2008). Dalits are very much part of the Hindu society (for the Hindu society needs scavengers
and leather workers) dalits have been kept as a part of the larger Hindu culture and society.
Dalits' marriage can never be solemnized by a Brahmin priest, yet they were supposed to pay
Dakshina to the Brahmin priest which has been always done during their marriages. Dalit culture
 in its traditional form is not an alternative culture to upper-caste culture perhaps it is a part of
the same culture which has no radical undertones to give an equal status to Dalit women.
 4. Dalit women have more sexual freedom because of the lack of control of sexuality in Dalit
families. - Dalit women participate in the public labor, unlike upper-caste women. There has
been a "customary sanction" for the sexual exploitation of Dalit women by upper-caste men.
Dalit women are forced into religious prostitution and sexually exploited due to their economic
conditions and publicly violated and molested due to their caste position. The very condition of
Dalit women has been shaped by the caste system and gender norms set differently for Dalit
women. Yet, Dalit women are judged "immoral", "not controlled" and "sexually free" within the
same ideology of purity/pollution of sexuality associated with women.
 Upper-caste women do have access to resources, power, and dominance over lower-caste men
and women and can live free from abuse in the public space. They have certain privileges of their
caste position in society. Chunduru and Khairlanji are two incidents of caste violence that bring
the complexity emerging from intersecting gender and caste In the context of Chunduru, upper-
caste women complained that they were sexually molested by Dalit men which resulted in the
atrocity of Dalit men being brutally killed. In Khairlanji, a Dalit woman and her daughter and two
sons were sexually tortured and killed by caste Hindu men and women of the village.
 Both contexts first signify that women are not free from patriarchal family structures which
make them subservient and dependent on the male members of the same caste/families.
Women are part of the caste system which contradicts the idea of "universal sisterhood".
Secondly, it also substantiates the position that women and their experiences are not free from
their caste position.
 In the context of Chunduru, when the upper-caste women were purportedly molested by Dalit
men, Dalit men were massacred for the alleged "offense". Upper-caste women's act of
defending the upper-caste men's atrocities has its patriarchal connotations. Women are socially
dependent on their husbands. So, there has been a "patriarchal force" that works to make
upper-caste women defend the atrocities committed by males to save them from legal
punishment. The conception of the category of 'women' being central to feminism has been
threatened once again in the context of Chunduru where the upper-caste women have taken the
responsibility of protecting their men from being punished for the atrocity committed.
 Susie Tharu and Tejaswini Niranjana, while talking about post-Chunduru developments, mention
the incident in which 300 upper-caste women marched on the streets complaining that Dalit
men in Chunduru had sexually harassed them.
 As in the case of anti-Mandal agitation, upper-caste women in post-Chunduru agitation
presented themselves not as submissive women but as feminist subjects who were assertive,
non-submissive, and protesting against the "injustice" done to them as women and as citizens.
Both in anti-Mandal agitation and post-Chunduru agitation, there was a "masculinization of
lower castes" i.e. all Dalits are males and "savarnization of women" i.e. all women are upper-
castes and therefore "…obscuring the Dalit woman and marking the lower caste as the predatory
male who becomes the legitimate target of 'feminist' rage."
 The idea of "purity" of sexuality is important in the case of attaining support or empathy for a
rape victim from the people, media, and organizations. Mainstream media represented the
incident of Khairlanji as one of the ways of correcting the sexual conduct of a Dalit woman. It
reported that the alleged illicit relationship between Surekha Bhotmange(Khairlanji rape victim)
 and her cousin provoked the innocent villages who could not tolerate such immorality of a
married woman(Teltumbde, 2008).
 The rhetoric of "innocent woman" and the projection of the figure of upper-caste woman played
a major role in shaping the nationwide protests against Nirbhaya's rape which is absent in the
case of Khairlanji victims. The projection of the "sexual immorality" of a Dalit woman by the
mainstream media and the absence of purity in her caste and gender position left Khairlanji rape
and murder untouched by the media, masses, and the state. Dalit women being the victims of
sexual exploitation by upper castes due to the vulnerability of their caste position, have been
stigmatized as sexually immoral or impure they suffer two distinct levels of "impure" status i.e. of
caste and sexuality.
 Hence the idea of sexual immorality of a Dalit woman successfully silenced the society in case of
Khairlanji rape and murder. The projection of the figure of an upper-caste woman has its
undercurrent tones related to the "innocence" of the rape victim in the case of Nirbhaya. Such
sympathy was far from imagination in the case of the Khairlanji victims. Moreover, the
participation of caste Hindu women in the atrocity of Khairlanji makes caste and gender politics
more complex.
 The criticism launched by Dalit male intellectuals/writers in many formal and informal group
discussions against Dalit women writers, particularly against Urmila Pawar's autobiography
Weave of my Life signifies that Dalit feminism is yet to gain respectability within the larger Dalit
politics dominated by Dalit males.
 The phrase "insignificant other" has been borrowed from Gopal Guru. Gabriel Dietrich says that
the economic prosperity of Dalits leads to the imitation of upper-caste values.
 In the contemporary political situation, both giving up beef-eating and embracing the habit of
beef-eating can be considered radical. By giving up beef-eating, Dalits are rejecting the
traditional confinement of Dalits to eating carcasses whereas by embracing the habit of beef-
eating, Dalits are choosing to refute or hurt the sentiment of the caste Hindus who consider
cows to be more valuable than Dalits. Guru describes how cows are considered to be more
valuable than Dalits for Hindutva forces.
 Dalit women are forced into religious prostitution and Dalit men and women move in the
processions leading to the procedure of sacrificing buffalo for the good of the villagers. Dalits are
made to be part of these rituals for the belief that Dalits should absorb the evils and rage of
nature and supernatural powers and protect caste Hindus from calamities.
 Bama clearly distinguishes between the powerlessness of Dalit males in case of fighting the
upper-caste male's exploitation of Dalit women and the patriarchal violence that they use
against Dalit women in case of Dalit women deciding on marriage with a man outside their sub-
caste or inferior caste. Dalit women were withdrawn from going to watch films in the theatre for
fear of sexual harassment by upper-caste men of the village. In the case of a young educated
Dalit girl who falls in love with a boy from a different sub-caste, the father and the brother of the
girl physically abuse the girl to withdraw her decision to marry him.