CHAPTER 5

Rulers, Regions and Wars

Histories in Verse

A number of Braja poems survive, which, in terms of their structure,

content, and style read very much like the Persian chronicles of the
time. These poems have significant new information which may
enable us to understand several dimensions of the social and cultural
history of the period. In this chapter I examine some of these poems,
to show how and in what sense these poems could be used as sources
for history, and in what manner the narratives in these poems are
veritable histories.
In the histories of Mughal north India written so far, Persian
chronicles were regarded as an important source of history. It was said
that premodern India did not have any other sources which could be
called histories. Persian historiographic traditions were viewed as
imported, and perceptions were formulated of the lack of a historical
consciousness in premodern India. It was generally held that that the
skill of history writing amongst Indians and their consciousness of the
past came up and grew as they encountered the West in the nineteenth
century. Even those historians who attempted to explore the possibilities
of history in vernaculars could at best write ‘quasi history’.1 The historians
of the subaltern group based their research on vernacular, oral, and local
sources and the experiences of ‘small people’ to study Indian society
and politics, but they remained confined to the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Some recent research, however, has led to a radical
change in our understanding. Romila Thapar read Itihasa Purana as
witness to historical consciousness in India, Kumkum Chatterjee
examined Mangalkabya narratives in the context of eighteenth-century
Bengal, Allison Busch saw a historian in Keshavdas. Among such
writings, The Textures of Time by V. Narayana Rao, David Shulman,
and Sanjay Subrahmanyam occupies a singularly distinct position. It
is not only a book length discussion on the question of history writing
in premodern times, but a powerful refutation of the old view from
southern India.2
158 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

Riti literature, however, still demands serious attention. Before I go

to the details I submit that the context of these historical poems analysed
here varied. A poet writing in the Bundela court during the late sixteenth
century when the Mughal power was at its zenith, was indubitably
different from one who wrote in the mid-eighteenth century in the Agra-
Mathura region when the Mughal authority had withered away. Their
poetry would record different trends, attitudes, and perceptions. Their
statements, if examined in specific literary and historical contexts, may
well be historical. They were ‘historian poets’ and not simply panegyrists.
Their panegyric occupation was a part of ritual. Poets acted as the moral
preceptors of kings. They provided their patrons the ideals and guidelines
for kingship, guiding them to act in certain ways so as to become
embodiments of certain qualities. In this way, these poets were advisors
to rulers with their profound knowledge of place, time, society, and
culture. The large sections in each text devoted to rajdharma were replicas
of authoritative administrative manuals of the ancient period with
moderation in rules according to the needs of the time. As I discuss in
this chapter, besides constructing genealogies as a source of legitimation,
they acted to mobilize public support for their patrons. Moreover,
expressions of rajdharma in vernacular acquainted even the unlettered
masses about kingship, and suggested the critical foundation on which
the identity of the king and the region was taking shape. Keshavdas’
Ratan Bavani, Veer Charitra, Jahangir Jas Chandrika and Vigyan Gita;
Raj Vilas of poet Maan; Chhatra Prakas of Gore Lal; Jangnama of
Shridhar Ojha and Sujan Charitra of Sudan are some poems from which
we can glean history from a different perspective than that of the Persian
chroniclers of Agra, Delhi, and Lahore.

Veer Charitra, the Bundelas and the Mughals

Among the regional powers, the Bundelas occupy an eminent place.
Veer Charitra is a long narrative tracing the entire process of the emergence
of the Bundelas as a power. Ratan Bavani may be taken as prologue to
Veer Charitra, in which the poet introduces Ratnasena as the brave son
of Madhukar Shah (1554–92).3 In fifty-two verses, he describes the battle
fought between the armies of Akbar and Madhukar Shah for an
unspecified reason. Ratnasena dies fighting valiantly and the Bundelas
could not win the battle. In this brief text, the plea was incessantly
made on the part of a son to protect the dignity of his father. The battle
was fought between a Mughal army of sixty thousand and a Bundela
force of four thousand.4 The army of Madhukar Shah had 1,500 mounted
soldiers, 2,000 foot soldiers and 50,000 elephants. None on the side of
the Bundelas survived, claimed the poet. Allison Busch rightly evaluates
this text as poem of resistance.5
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 159

This is the only undated text of Keshavdas amongst all the four
included here. As will be noticed in the next few pages, in the context of
Veer Charitra, the date of the composition of the text, the pedigree of
the Bundelas, the geography of the kingdom, and other details are better
articulated. The brief mention of Madhukar Shah without reference
to his kingship or kingdom and his small army indicate that this
regional power was embryonic at the time of Madhukar’s death in 1592.
Since Veer Charitra was composed in 1606 according to the internal
evidence, it emerges that Bir Singh Deo (1605–27), successor of
Madhukar Shah and claimant to Bundela throne, had acquired enough
strength between 1592 and 1605. This period may thus be seen as period
of state formation in Bundelkhand. The process of Bir Singh’s
ascent, his negotiations with Akbar in making Bundelkhand a kingdom,
and his adjustment with Jahangir are recorded by the poet as an eye-
witness account.
Veer Charitra opens with an oblation to Ganesha and is succeeded
by a description of three great kings, Man Singh the Kachhwaha (1562–
1614), Rana Amar Singh (1596–1607) the Sisodia, and Bir Singh Deo
Bundela of Orchha. This verse seems to convey more than the words it
contains. The ‘spurious rajput clan’ as Kolff calls Bundelas in his
monograph, Naukar, Rajput and Sipahi, was placed on the same
platform where the Kachhwahas and Ranas had stood as partners or
rivals of the Mughals. Secondly, Bir Singh needed a suffix ‘Orchha’,
whereas the other two were identified in terms of their clan. Clearly, the
Bundelas were not prominent politically or socially at that juncture.
The poet deliberately equated Bir Singh with other two rulers of two
dominant Rajput clans in order to promote the status of the ruler and
his clan. Keshavdas then upholds his own ancestry and projects himself
as a distinguished litterateur, politician, and an intellectual with profound
knowledge of dharma.
The geography of the Bundela region is vividly described as a place
in central India situated to the south of Narmada river and sometimes
extending as far as the Sind river. Bundela history generally begins in
historical works with emphasis on Rudra Pratap who founded Orchha
in 1531. Keshavdas links Bundela genealogy to the lineage of Rama: to
a descendant of Kush (son of Rama) named Bir Bhadra, who was
recognized as the Bundela king.6 His grandson Arjunpal left Kashi due
to a conflict with his father Karan and settled in Mahoni, now in Jalon
district of Uttar Pradesh. Arjunpal’s son Sohanpal conquered Garh-
Kundhar in Madhya Pradesh. In the pedigree, his son, Rudra Pratap of
Gaharwar clan, like the Pacific ocean and God Rudra, descended to the
earth and founded the city of Orchha.7 His successors Bharti Chand and
Madhukar Shah expanded and consolidated their territories after Rudra
Pratap died.
160 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

These descriptions are not different from other historical accounts,

but a deliberate attempt to assign a Suryavanshi lineage to the Bundelas
marks the difference in Keshavdas. The identification of the Bundelas as
Suryavanshi indicates an attempt to assign them a kshatriya status.8 The
genealogies, thus were not necessarily historically accurate, but carefully
fabricated to support the claims of the emerging king’s authority, to
rationalize his political status and to accommodate his clan in this vaguely
defined frame. The Bundelas, as they emerge in the poetry of Keshavdas,
gradually shed their obscure identity through a process of khatriyaization
to legitimize their freshly acquired political power.9
After the death of Madhukar Shah, Akbar acknowledges his son
Ram Shah, in return for the latter’s support, as the king of Orchha. Bir
Singh, his brother, and the immediate rival assumes the throne by ignoring
imperial choice. The poet views this situation as unusual, with two kings
in the same family.10 Bir Singh extends his dominion by annexing some
area under the jurisdiction of the Mughals.11 Interesting is the honest
confession in the poetry that the ambitious Bir Singh Deo, not satisfied
with the small territory of Baraun entrusted to him by his father,
encroaches upon the lands belonging to Akbar or Jalalshah. This alarms
the Mughal court and the Emperor shows his concern.
Importantly, the process of negotiations is not initiated by the
Bundela king. The Mughal Emperor involves Ram Shah for mediation
with a promise of raising his mansab to five thousand. Ram Shah assures
the Emperor he will dissuade Bir Singh.12 Bir Singh Deo, determined to
establish his own rule in Orchha by overruling all the claims of his
brother and Akbar, connives at the murder of Shaikh Abul Fazl in
collaboration with the rebellious Prince Salim.13 The reasons why Bir
Singh Deo approached Salim have also been narrated contextually; Bir
Singh was confronting problems from other Rajput rulers, the Rana
and Raja Man Singh in particular, though the reasons are not specified.
The family feuds are described at length by the poet as one of the causes
and Akbar’s farmans demanding his submission made the situation even
more critical. Keshavdas thus concludes that Bir Singh and his men had
no choice but to join Salim’s camp.
He is rewarded by the Prince for killing Abul Fazl, which intensifies
the enmity with Akbar; it also makes the situation critical in the Bundela
court. The matter is, however, concluded in favour of Bir Singh with the
death of Akbar in 1605. Jahangir then confers upon Bir Singh Deo the
kingship of Orchha including all ancestral lands of the Bundelas. Bir
Singh readily accepts the suzerainty of Jahangir and even renames Orchha
as ‘Jahangir Pur’.14
In these verses, Bir Singh’s decision to ally with the rebel Salim is
explained by the poet. Bir Singh is projected as discussing the matter in
a meeting. A Mukut advises Bir Singh that Umra, whose influence extends
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 161

to Khurasan, have surrounded the south; their relations with the Ranas
and Man Singh have become estranged; Mirza Govind Das is scared of
the domestic feud while another considers the Mughal pressure through
repeated farmans of Akbar. The matter is then discussed with Indrajit
and it is decided that they should go to Prayag and meet Salim. The text
refers to many such joint sessions which indicate how carefully the
strategies were formulated. The interconnection between the regions is
also apparent. One may thus notice in these verses an element of truth
that rules out the charge of poetic fancy. The reasoning is throughout
strikingly visible in the text.
The poet gives us minute details of each interaction between the
Mughals and the Bundelas. The complex process may be influenced by
the intervention of local people while the proposals of Abul Fazl or
Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana may be knocked down. Akbar may be
jalim or Turk and Jahangir could be duhun din ka swami or protector
of both the faiths. Khan-i-Khana’s arrival in Orchha on his way to the
Deccan campaign (in 1595), the refusal of Bir Singh to meet him, Bundela
kinsfolk convincing Bir Singh for a meeting, Khan-i-Khana taking him
along to Deccan, offering him a jagir in Deccan and Bir Singh’s humble
refusal with an insistence on affirming the claim for his homeland, are
some of the details not available in other accounts. The poet continues
and records the death of Prince Murad in Deccan in 1599, and an
expedition to Deccan in person by Akbar in 1600 and his halt at Narwar
for negotiation with Bir Singh, and his departure with instructions to
Ram Shah.
The initiative of the local people around Bir Singh and the imperial
nobles of the Emperor and Ram Shah reflect the perceptions of loyalty
and the cause for which each of them was fighting. The individual
aspirations cut across the clan and kinship affiliations on both the sides.
For historians, this is candid evidence that Akbar, at the time when he is
believed to have secured a high degree of centralization in his vast empire,
failed to strike a truce with a newly emerging Bundela power in the
vicinity of his capital city. The Bundelas, whose military strength was
smeared according to the poet himself, became a mighty power in less
than two decades. Bir Singh succeeded in establishing a kingdom by
undermining the Mughal power amidst divided support of his house.
The Bundelas, however, did not consolidate in the wake of declining
authority of the Mughals during the eighteenth century. It was their
sense of identity and the support of the locality during the late sixteenth
century which facilitated their rise. Economic and cultural factors were
equally responsible for the formidable growth of the region.
Keshavdas thus began his writing of Ratan Bavani as a record of
Bundela resistance to the Mughal power and extolled them not as
partners in the Mughal imperium but as masters of their kingdom. Such
162 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

perceptions were not fanciful in a biographical account, but concrete

realities indicating a trend to self-aggrandizement: the poet substantiates
evidence to believe so. For example, the humility of Bir Singh in
discussions with imperial nobles, and humble petitions for the grant of
ancestral land and acknowledgement of the Mughal empire as a great
power are not concealed. Bir Singh as the newly acknowledged king of
Bundelas had to legitimize his authority and Keshavdas knew how it
could be done.
Bir Singh knew the genius of his poet and invited him to teach
rajdharma:

dfg;S nku Ñik dfj fprA jkt/keZ eks lksa txferA 15

Be kind at heart and benevolent in utterance. Tell me about rajdharma
for the world.

Clearly, rajdharma was to be revealed to guide the king and help create
his image as protector of dharma. The poet imparted to the king the
knowledge of the king’s dharma with humble gestures:

jkt/keZ minsfl;Sa tks u`i gks; vtkuA 16

vkfnjkt rqe jkt dks tkur lcS fc/kkuAA
Preach rajdharma to a king who is ignorant. Oh Progenitor, you know
all the traditions of kingship.

Exploiting public opinion for legitimacy was the poet’s vision. As a

politician he also knew that public support was inevitably required for
strengthening the kingship. He also realized that ideas and ideologies
influenced mentalities. The poet further suggested that his patron deal
with his subjects with utmost care, as popular support was crucial for
both the king and the kingdom:

iztk&iki rsa jktk tk;A jktk tk; rkS iztk ulk;A 17

nqgw¡ ckr jktfg ?kfV ijSA rkrsa /keZnaM dks /kjSAA
If subjects perform sins, the king perishes. When king perishes, the
subjects also perish. Both ways the kingdom shrinks. Therefore, resort
to dharma of punishment.

For the same matter, perhaps, he portrayed Emperor Jahangir as protector

of both the religions, Hinduism and Islam, as his subjects were followers
of these faiths. Jahangir Jas Chandrika thus harboured the concept of
kingship for accommodating two kings of diverse faiths in such a manner
that kingship became a universal ideology.
Legitimacy could not alone ensure the stability and progress of the
state. A flourishing economy was a precondition. In his descriptions,
Keshavdas calls the region a city.18 He repeatedly called it nagari and
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 163

nagar which conveyed that Orchha, called Jahangir Pur in the text, was
an urban centre. Beginning with the buildings and houses, the poet
described the Chaturbhuja temple as the main attraction. He then
described the developed markets of the region with people from inland
and abroad actively engaged in trading. The markets were thronged by
people and animals. They were stocked with vegetables, grain, war
equipment, metals, flax, raw cotton, wool, leather, and twisted silk.
The horses were branded as Balkhi, Badakshani, and Baluchi.
The nagari-varnana section in Veer Charitra then described the
people, their lifestyle, and identity. People practised their own religions,
but Vaishnavism, Shaivism and Digambara Jainism were named in this
context. The buildings, population, temples, markets, flora and fauna,
hunting enclosures, swimming pools, the palace of the king and houses
of elites constituted the city. Somnath also produced some details of a
city (noted in Chapter 4 of this volume) and a few will be given in the
following pages while analysing Raj Vilas of Maan. Here, these
descriptions match the details of a medieval town or city as may be
available in any historical work. S.C. Misra defines the characteristic
features of a city wherein all the factors as described by Keshavdas,
Somnath, and Maan were important in promoting or retrading urban
growth.19 J.S. Grewal has also quoted from K.M. Ashraf, Moreland,
and H.K. Naqvi in the context of medieval Indian cities to highlight
political setting, environment, ecology, and social network as the markers
of city life.20 These historians believe that urbanization is an under-
explored theme. In my understanding, the Riti texts may be useful for
studying the processes of urban growth.
An analysis of Keshavdas and his texts would require greater space
and further research, but it will suffice to conclude that Keshavdas was,
in all dimensions, a historian and a political philosopher who taught
Bir Singh to understand the past, to evaluate the present, and think of
the repercussions of any decision.21 Yet another verse reads as follows:

gksr jad rs jkt jkt rsa jktjkt lqfuA 22

jktjkt ras nso nso rsa nsonso iqfuAA
The poor becomes raja, raja becomes rajaraja. Rajaraja becomes god
and then he becomes the Supreme.

The citation reflects the ideology of a historian who believes that the
process of state formation in early medieval India involved the vertical
growth of kingship as raja, maharaja, and maharajadhiraja.23 Historians
who analyse the process of state formation do not consider lineage or
royal ancestry as a precondition for kingship. It could be acquired
through various processes after assuming political power. Keshavdas thus
recorded these processes in the making of the Bundela kingdom.
164 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

Internal feuds in Bundela power aggravated the problems of

recognition of the political authority of the successors of Bir Singh. The
balance was also disturbed with the succession of Shah Jahan to the
Mughal throne. Again, rulers of the Bundela region and the Mughals as
well were engaged in striking a balance of power without any
compromise with their territories or authority. This ongoing process of
adjustment and accommodation was also reflected in Chhatra Prakas
composed by Gore Lal.

Chhatra Prakas, the Bundelas and the Mughals

Chhatra Prakas is another versified history of the Bundelkhand region,
composed by Gore Lal. The poet, like Keshavdas, traces the course of
emergence of Panna as an independent state by Chhatrasal, the son of
Champat Rai Bundela. Champat Rai was the son of Udaijit, the brother
of Madhukar Shah. Udaijit had received the territory of Mahoba as an
inheritance and he established a different branch of the Bundelas here.
These Bundelas were Gaharwar kshatriyas of the Raghuvanshi lineage
according to Gore Lal:

dql dqy dyl Hk;s Nfc Nk;s] voèkiqjh u`i ?kus xuk,A 24
fruds cal Hk, u`i tsr]s xgfjokj dfg;r lc rsrAs
The glory of the kula of Kush expanded. In the region of Awadh great
kings emerged. Of the same lineage, all the kings called themselves the
Gaharwar.

The third section describes Champat Rai’s struggle for kingship. He first
attempted to unite the kinsfolk of different Bundela houses against the
Mughals and when failing, joined the imperial services when Shah Jahan
was Emperor. When Dara Shukoh was given the command of the third
Qandhar expedition in 1653, Champat Rai escorted him and Dara was
convinced of his military accomplishments. Details about this line of
Bundelas find little mention in the histories of the Mughal Empire,
either as a subjugated clan or as meagre masab holders. In an imperial-
centered perspective, Champat Rai was just a rajput among the dominant
Kachhwahas, Ranas and Rathors. Even the Hada and Khichis were
allotted a higher place in Mughal–Rajput discussions.
Gore Lal confessed the failure of Champat Rai to gather the support
of the various offshoot clans of Bundela house. We realize that Champat
Rai was militarily no match for the Mughal power. Still, the poet writes
that even though Champat Rai sided with Dara in the war of succession,
he was given a mansab of 12,000 by Aurangzeb:

ukSjax lkfg Ñik dfj Hkkjh] eulc nhuh nqnl gtkjhA 25

 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 165

Shah Aurang, being extremely benevolent, granted a mansab of twelve

thousand.

This rank seems to be an exaggeration as authoritative studies on nobility

under the Mughals inform us that the Rajputs of the leading houses
were given ranks not more than 7,000 during the reign of Shah Jahan.
The Bundelas and Hadas got mansas between 2,500 and 5,000. So even
as one assumes that Emperor Aurangzeb adopted a conciliatory attitude
towards those who had sided with Dara in the war of succession, as in
case of Jaswant Singh Rathor, Champat Rai was assigned a higher rank,
this could not have been 12,000.
Champat Rai may have bided his time. His purpose was reflected
in his refusal to execute some imperial orders for which he was dislodged
from the imperial court. Once again he went to war against the Emperor.
The details of his struggle in the poetry suggest the complexities of the
political culture that prevailed within the various houses of Bundelas.
The descendants of Ram Shah living in Chanderi, the house of Orchha
under Bir Singh’s successors, and Champat Rai were engaged in mutual
rivalry for personal gains, which involved the loss of the lives of their
kinsmen.26 Due to internal strife amongst the Bundelas, Champat Rai
was reduced to obscurity. He died, leaving his dream of an independent
kingdom for his son Chhatrasal unfulfilled. In the state of turbulence,
Gore Lal wrote about the religious fanaticism of Aurangzeb:

vkSjxalkg r[krifr tkX;ksA esVa u fgUnq èkje dkSa ykX;kSA 27

fgUnq rqjd nhu n~oS xk,] frulksa cSj lnk pfy vk,A
ys[;kS lqj vlqju dkSa tSlks] dsgfj dfju c[kkU;kS rSlkSA
Aurangzeb, the Emperor wakes up and begins to destroy the Hindu
faith. Hindus and Turks preach two different religions and have been
hostile to each other ever since. They may be described as gods and
demons respectively, they may also be called the lion and elephant.

The strand in this situation was ideological. Religion as a divisive and

discriminatory factor in the history of the Mughal north India is now
largely interpreted contextually and Aurangzeb no more bears the charge
of bigotry. Moreover, such literature produced in different courts, either
in Persian or Indic languages, reflects parallel currents of historiography
since the early medieval period.28 The religious bias in Chhatra Prakas
was therefore an ideological construct to explain the unsuccessful attempts
of Champat Rai. The two faiths were projected as poles apart with an
age-old hostility to each other. Thus, reference was made to the past for
validating the present.
Chhatrasal was a man of vision. As a matter of politics, he and his
brother Angad joined military service under Raja Jai Singh and went to
Deogarh in the Deccan campaigns.29 It is significant that Chhatra Prakas
166 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

makes no reference to the siege of Purandar in 1665 against Shivaji in

which Chhatrasal had joined Jai Singh even before the battle of
Deogarh.30 This was a deliberate omission, as becomes clear in the light
of succeeding developments.
Chhatrasal’s diplomacy in associating with Jai Singh and joining
him on the Deccan campaigns with an eye to securing some benefits
however came to naught when he was excluded from the list of
beneficiaries. His frustrations guided him to change his course of action.
Chhatrasal found a wise preceptor in the person of Shivaji because the
fulfilment their ambitions depended on their resistance to the Mughal
Empire. Shivaji guided him as follows:

rqjdfu dh ijrhr u ekukS] - - -31

ge rqjdfu iS dlh Ñikfu] ekfj djsaxsa dhpd ?kkuhA
rqefga tkb nsl ny tksjkS] rqjd ekfj rjokfju rksjkSA
Do not trust the Turks.... I have raised my sword against the Turks,
I will kill them and shed much blood. Return to your region and
raise an army: kill the Turks and break your sword.

Shivaji has been recognized as an icon of the Hindu faith in the writings
of his contemporary, the poet Bhushan, and also by modern scholars
like Jadunath Sarkar. The poet’s perspective is clear. He saw, in his capacity
as historian, that religious sentiment could be exploited to gain popular
support. Interestingly, when this ideology did not suffice, he added the
concept of mleccha, another dimension in the narrative tradition of the
period. Shah Jahan was also described as a mleccha when he destroyed
the kingdom of Champat Rai in Bundelkhand. Gore Lal writes that the
disgusted Champat decided to extinguish all mlecchas:

vc mfB ds ;g ea= fcpkjkS] nsl mtkj eysN la?kkjkSA 32

(Chhatrasal) Thought over it and decided to destroy even the kingdom
but kill the mleccha.

The notion of mleccha in Chhatra Prakas seemingly represented the

challenge to the power of the Bundelas that was posed by the Mughals.
Historical traditions had always manipulated the term according to
changing political relations.33
Interestingly, even this could not empower either Champat Rai or
Chhatrasal. An alternative was yet to be explored. Prannath, the founder
of the Pranami cult with a large following became the political advisor
and moral preceptor of Chhatrasal, says Gore Lal. With his guru’s
tutelage, Chhatrasal embarked on aggressive attacks on Mughal lands
in his vicinity and plundered Mughal convoys. In the sections XII to
XXII, the poet describes some of these conflicts as pitched battles. After
the arrival of Prannath in Panna, Chhatrasal, blessed by Prannath’s
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 167

auspicious presence in the region, consolidated his state and legitimized

his claims of kingship.
When he had established himself as king, Aurangzeb decided to
seek the support of Chhatrasal in his expedition against Loh Garh.34
The alliance was mediated through Bahadur Khan, and Kokaltash.
Significantly, Chhatrasal now joined the imperial court. It thus becomes
evident that the notion of mleccha and demonization were propaganda
to steer public opinion in favour of the Bundela rulers, and the same
Emperor once alienated for his otherness became ‘Hazrat’ for Chhatrasal
in the last verse of the text.
Both Keshavdas and Gore Lal emphasized, in great measure, the
kshatriya–brahmin relation, a feature of the kingship in south Indian
regions according to Burton Stein.35 Not all poets were brahmins but
they imparted the same services as did the brahmins in the southern
states. The purpose was to mobilize public sentiment in favour of the
newly emerged king.
Chhatrasal preferred being identified as a kshatriya, whereas Rana
Raj Singh (1654–81) of Mewar preferred to be known as the greatest
orthodox Hindu king. Sectarian distinctions assumed prominence in
the political context in Mewar as Raj Vilas projected Rana Raj Singh as
the protector of the Hindu faith against the devilish Emperor Aurangzeb.

Raj Vilas: Rana Raj Singh, Jaswant Singh

and Aurangzeb
Maan, a court poet of Rana Raj Singh, composed Raj Vilas in 1677.36
The Rana patronized many poets, and the Vir Vinod of Shyamal Das
and Raj Prashasti Mahakaryam of Ranchhod Bhatt constitute the basis
of many historical works. Raj Vilas has been quoted occasionally but
does not receive as much attention as has been paid to the other two
literary sources. Vir Vinod has been considered more authentic as it
contains the farmans of Emperor Aurangzeb. 37 It also furnishes
information which allows an unbiased understanding of the affairs in
Mewar and its relations with the imperial power. Raj Vilas is certainly a
biased text portraying Rana Raj Singh as an orthodox Hindu ruler.
Still, the text deserves analysis because even within this perspective, an
ongoing struggle to establish an independent regional identiy is expressed
in detailed accounts of battles and political alignments during the late
seventeenth century. The projection of Rana as a great Hindu saviour
may be interpreted as parallel current in an era when Aurangzeb’s
fundamentalism was being delineated as service to Islam in some Persian
sources of the period.38 The text contains eighteen sections. It begins
with the invocation of Goddess Saraswati and proceeds with descriptions
of Medpat state and its acquisition by Bappa Rawal. The poet traces
168 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

the lineage of Rana Raj Singh, son of Jagat Singh (1628–54) to Bappa
Rawal and assigns him the Ramaite lineage.39 The details of six to eight
generations were rehearsed for the construction of the genealogical
accounts.40 The Rana’s status was then essentially high in terms of his
lineage. The poet considered Mewar the best region on the earth because
pandits still preached the Puranas and Vedas, bypassing the influence of
Turks:

njlu "kV ts nsf"k;S] iafMr i<+r iqjkuA 42

csn pkfj tg¡ ckafp;s] rst ufga rqjdkuA
All the six schools of philosophy exist, pandits recite Puranas. All the
four Vedas are recited and there is no Turkish influence.

This description pertains to a period when Rana Raj Singh and

Aurangzeb had not yet ascended the throne. The poet wrote that
Aurangzeb, after ascending the throne, launched attacks on Hinduism
and it produced great discontent among the Hindus and the Rana thus
became the protector of the Hindu faith. These instances become
significant as they reflect the open dislike and antagonism for Mughal
rule even before Aurangzeb. Jadunath Sarkar notes in the context of
Mughal–Rajput relations that the chief of Mewar had been loyal to the
Mughal throne ever since the time of Jahangir.42 The Maharana had
been sending his agents to the Emperor with gifts and had received
robes of honour in return.
These details are however, not given in the text. The text introduces
Mewar as a prosperous state being ruled independently by Rana Raj
Singh, whose ancestry gave him kingship in inheritance. Rana Raj Singh,
soon after his accession, attacked a Mughal jagir, Malpura. The attack
has generally been seen as the inaugural of the traditional programme
of conquest after a coronation, but the poet explains it as an act of
mleccha genocide:

t; fgUnq èkuh ;ous'kfga thru ekju rwa gh ;qq EysPN eghA 43

vorkj rqgha by Hkkj mrkju rks dj "kXx izeku dghaA
Victor Hindu, you will conquer the king of Yavanas and you remove
the mlecchas from the earth. You have incarnated to remove the burden,
and there is no match for your sword.

The terms mleccha and yavana in the citation deserve attention. As

noticed earlier in the reference to Chhatra Prakas, it has been interpreted
in light of political and military expediency. To be added is Aloka
Parashar’s perspective in which these notions appear as the bulwark
against the deterioration of dharma. The term implied the exclusion of
outsiders either due to their incompatible ways of life or due to the
challenges they posed to the authority of entrenched elites.44 In the
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 169

Puranas the killing of mlecchas and dasas was treated as righteous because
they were responsible for deterioration of dharma in Kaliyuga.45 Mleccha
was not enough to describe Aurangzeb. More derogatory adjectives were
used to condemn his activities:

a fxjks]a cfjgksa lqj vklqj gkSa u cjksAa 46

tjrsa >j ikod dqM
ftu uke eysN fi'kkp tuks] - - -
Prefer falling in the terrible fire, I will marry a god and not a devil.
Identify him as mleccha, the devil. . . .

As seen in the earlier two sections, the antagonism between the Mughals
and the regional rulers disappeared as and when the latter succeeded in
asserting their identity. The poet in Raj Vilas, on the contrary, exhibited
a perennial hostility. Three occasions fuelled the antagonism between
the two. Aurangzeb proposed his matrimonial alliance with Man Singh’s
syster, a ruler of Roop Nagar, a small principality in the vicinity of Mewar.
As per the text under review, the incident has been analysed differently
in contemporary researches. 47 Man Singh’s sister was exceptionally
beautiful and Aurangzeb, hearing of her charm, forwarded the proposal.
The girl sent her petition to Rana Raj Singh for protection from the
devil-mleccha. Raj Singh responded to her request and married her. Rana’s
act was treated as defiance by Aurangzeb.
The second reason for the conflict between Rana Raj Singh and
Aurangzeb was the former’s involvement in the crisis of Jodhpur after
the death of Jaswant Singh. Section IX in Raj Vilas contains discussions
between Maharaja Jaswant Singh and Aurangzeb.48 The section begins
with the descriptions of the war of succession for the Mughal throne.
The poet portrays Aurangzeb as the most cruel and devilish amongst all
the contestants. Jaswant Singh does not support the claims of Aurangzeb
and commands the imperial army against the rebellious prince.
Aurangzeb, after his coronation, negotiates with Jaswant Singh, writes
the poet: Aurangzeb asks Jaswant twice to join his services.49
The poet believed that Jaswant Singh refused to join Aurangzeb on
account of his faith.50 Thereafter the reader is simply informed about
the death of Jaswant Singh, with no reference to the place of his death.
Aurangzeb then decides to annex Marwar. Rana Raj Singh threatens
him with a united resistance of Rajputs.51 The Rathors too decline to
surrender and a situation of war is thus created. Aurangzeb moves the
imperial camp to Ajmer:

xfTt >aM vtesj x<+ vIi lkfg vksjx a A 52

lok yk[k g; lsu lkS jg;ks lqj<+ ?ku jaxA
The flag was raised at Ajmer and Aurangzeb himself camped there.
The sun was shadowed by an army consisting of 1,25,000 horses.
170 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

He sends Prince Akbar with 70,000 cavalry and 32,000 foot soldiers to
occupy the land of the Rajputs. The Mughal forces halt five kilometres
from Jodhpur. The Rajputs prefer to fight than surrender, and defeat the
Mughals. The Prince has to retreat.53 Aurangzeb receives the news at
Ajmer and thinks of winning over the Rajputs with diplomacy. The
Rajputs are invited to Ajmer to negotiate for peace and the Emperor
assures them he will enthrone the son of Jaswant Singh.54 As a result,
peace is concluded and the differences between the two religions were
resolved, at least for the time being :

deèkTt djh jl jax djh] Hk;ks esy nqgq¡ nhu HkyA 55

The Rajputs amicably sorted out the affairs, and relations between
both the religions became cordial.

Aurangzeb violates the terms, and orders the coronation of Jaswant’s

elder brother’s son. The Emperor is requested to keep his promise:

jl fd;s jlfg jkf[k;sA vjt brh voèkkfj;sA 56

Since you became friendly, remain so now. Pay heed to our request.

The Emperor replies that the words of enemies are never to be trusted.
The vexed Rajputs plunder the imperial camp. The Emperor retreats
and takes refuge in the fort. The Rathors win the battle and bring the
Maharaja’s son safely to Marwar. The offended Emperor decides to
destroy the enemy. In this chaotic situation the superstitious Emperor
resorts to all tactics, even asking his qazi to suggest a date for the
commencement of the attack:

djr iz'u fnu 'kqf) dfg] dkth fifD[k dqjkuA 57

Hkío flr nqfu;k Hkyh] ltks lsu lqyrkuA
He asks the qazi to find out the auspicious day from the Koran; He was
told to command his army on the second day of the month of Bhadon.

Durgadas Rathor, when informed of the Emperor’s intentions, thinks of

seeking the help of the Rana, who readily agrees to support the cause of
Ajit Singh. The Emperor becomes more furious due to Rana’s entry in
the matter.

riks vfèkd rqjds'k rg¡ lqfu fgUnqifr ukeA 58

The God of Turks is more enraged listening the name of the protector
of Hindu faith.

The poet writes about the repeated exchange of farmans between the
Rana and the Mughal Emperor in which they repeatedly warn each
other about the destruction that could be caused. The third farman of
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 171

Aurangzeb is explanatory and all the underlying causes of enmity are

listed—Rana marrying the princess of Roop Nagar, non-payment of
dues worth 2,000 dinars, and supporting the Emperor’s enemy. 59
The undeterred Rana does not retreat and armies on both sides come
face to face.
The first battle is fought by Vikram Singh Solanki and Gopinath
Kamdhajja against the Mughal army at the Deo Suri Pass. They defeat
the Mughals and plunder and loot their wealth, adding to the riches of
Rana. On the second front, Kunwar Udai Bhan defeats the Mughal
army, for which he receives many villages from Raj Singh. A third war is
fought by Maha Singh, Ratan Singh and Kesri Singh against Prince
Akbar and Hasan Ali Khan at a place called Nonwara. The Turks are
forced to retreat. Ganga Singh, the son of Kesri Singh, seizes a herd of
Mughal army elephants:

a ds] uo xtjkt mraxA 60

,dfg cSj vkSjx
HksV fd, egkjk.k dh] dsgfj dw¡vj xaxA
In one attempt he captures nine strong elephants of the Emperor. Ganga,
the son of Kehar gifts them to the Maharana.

There is also a reference to another battle fought by Kunwar Bhim Singh,

the son of Rana Raj Singh. Bhim Singh now raids the fort of Idar Garh,
a principality in Gujarat, and destroys it.61 The huge structure is razed to
the ground and the city is plundered. Rana calls his son back to his own
kingdom.
The Mughals, in these episodes are at the receiving end. Sanwal
Das, the ruler of Bednor, also attacks the Mughals and the imperial
detachments take defensive measures. Rohilla Khan gives a stiff resistance
to Sanwal Das and his troops, but has to leave the battlefield.62 Dayal
Sah, a minister in the court of Mewar, attacks Malwa and collects booty.
The armies of Mewar have created terror in Malwa and the Turks
evacuate the region:

dkth idfj dqjku xjfg caèksA 63

Hks"k cny fjiq Hkxr cnfy ckuh rqjdkuhA
The qazis tied their Koran around their necks and run away. The enemy
escapes in disguise and they have to speak a non-Turkish language.

Next to Malwa, Dayal Sah targets Ujjain. Demoralizing the Mughals in

the region, he returns to Udaipur. The last battle in the text is fought
between Jai Singh, the son of Rana, and Prince Akbar. Ari Singh, the
son of Bhagwant Rai Khichi, Chandra Sen Jhala, Rao Sabal Singh
Chauhan, Ratan Singh Chaurant and Ganga Singh Sagtawat organize
five commands to meet the imperial forces under Prince Akbar. The
172 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

battle is decided in favour of the Rajputs and with the flight of the
Prince to Ajmer:

HkxkS lkfgtknk x;kS x<+ vtesj vfuëA 64

jgs u vklqj vkSj ju u`ir ckc lc uëA
The Prince retreats towards Ajmer. Neither the aasur nor his army
survives and all are destroyed.

I understand these descriptions as testimony to the rivalries and alliances

between various Rajput powers on the one hand and between Rana and
the Mughals on the other. Malwa and Gujarat were always important
in medieval politics, and each power aimed at controlling these regions.
Armed aggression into territories might not have been battles in the true
sense, but may indicate a move to expand the boundaries of Mewar.
It is beyond the purview of this book to examine the details of
Mughal–Mewar–Malwa or Mughal–Mewar–Gujarat politics. An
analysis of political developments among the Rajput powers also demands
indepth research. The verses need to be read judiciously to find out why
many Rajput chiefs joined hands against the Mughals. What were their
expectations and gains, if they won these battles? It is important for
this study to locate the ongoing contestations between the Mughals and
various regional powers, thereby bringing into question the centrality
of the Empire during the period when its political boundaries are believed
to have encircled the entire subcontinent.
One may thus argue that the Mughal Empire is to be studied in
relation to different regions. Different regions had played a vital role in
making the Mughal empire. The imperial court was a crucible of all
these forces and the intervention of the locality played decisive roles in
enthroning one emperor or impeaching the other. The Jangnama that
we shall discuss presently addresses the war of succession between
Jahandar Shah and Farrukhsiyar after the death of Emperor Bahadur
Shah (1707–12), has copious references to local identities who played a
decisive role in the defeat of Jahandar Shah and secured the Mughal
throne for Farrukhsiyar. It also records the factions and politics at the
Mughal court.

The Eighteenth Century Narratives

(A) JANGNAMA, JAHANDAR SHAH AND FARRUKHSIYAR
After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 the balance of power gradually
shifted in favour of the regional rulers and local potentates, hitherto
kept under check by alliances and compromises. Mutual rivalry and
factionalism amongst kin and clans in different regions had helped the
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 173

political configuration of the Mughals. It now became a dominant feature

of the imperial court. In view of the crippled centre’s control over the
provinces, the nobles desired to strengthen their position at the court.
The direction of the parties and politics at the Mughal court also depended
on the benefits individuals expected, and each group of nobles supported
the claims of one or the other for personal gains. Interesting in this
context is Jangnama of Shridhar Ojha, a seemingly eye-witness narrative
containing a detailed list of the nobles, warriors, and regional magnates
involved in the war of succession between Farrukhsiyar and Jahandar
Shah.
Ojha begins with the death of Emperor Bahadur Shah and the
subsequent war of succession among the four princes. Jahandar Shah
ascended the throne in the name of Muhammad Muizzuddin Jahandar
Shah after killing his brothers Rafi-ush Shah, Jahan Shah, and Azim-
ush-shah:

ju ekfj rhuksa ckn'kkgfga ikn'kkgfr eSa ybZA 65

I have seized kingship by killing the three emperors.

The primary discourse is constituted by the politics of Zulfiqar Khan,

who mobilized many nobles at the court and sided with Muizzuddin:

tqfYQdkj [kk¡ Qksfj lc feys ekStfnfg tkbZA 66

ekStnhu flj N= èkfj dqrck dqfVy i<+k;A
Zulfiqar Khan, bringing all men over to his side, joined Muizzuddin.
Muizzuddin raised the royal umbrella over his head and the khutba
was read in his name.

Mir Jumla, another influential noble at the imperial court, communicated

the developments secretly to Farrukhsiyar who was then in Patna.67
Abdullah Khan and Husain Ali, widely known as the Sayyid brothers,
supported the cause of Farrukhsiyar. Abdullah Khan was denied any
position at the court by Jahandar Shah, so he too shifted his camp
towards Farrukhsiyar. Sayyid Raje Khan, the Subedar of Allahabad,
anticipating the governorship of Allahabad, allied with Jahandar Shah
and sent his deputy Abdul Ghaffar to stop the advance of Abdullah
Khan. Farrukhsiyar also bargained for support in lieu of the promises of
lucrative mansabs. Chhabele Ram, the faujdar of Karra-Manikpur, was
assured a mansab of four thousand:

djs fudV eg;k¡ feY;kS vkb Nchys jkeA 68

pkfj gtkfj jktin frudks Hk;ks lykeA
Chhabele Ram meets him near Kara. He is welcomed and his rank is
raised to four thousand.
174 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

Ali Asghar Khan, promised a rank of four thousand, joined him at

Hathgaon with the title of Khan. These names are familiar to us as
those of notables who rose to eminence later on. Among the other
supporters of Farrukhsiyar apart from Barha Sayyids were Ahmed Beg,
Ghaziuddin Khan, Samsam-ud-daulah, Fateh Ali Khan, Zainuddin
Khan, Saf Shikan Khan (Hasan Beg), Amir Khan, Daud Khan, Afrasyab
Khan, Ghairat Khan, Ilayachi Beg (Bahadur Dil Khan), Chhabele Ram,
Ratan Chand, and Shujaat Ali Khan. The poet lists all the names of the
supporters who fought on either side.
Interestingly, the imperial officials already holding significant
positions in different regions extended their support to Farrukhsiyar,
expecting still higher positions. Anwar Khan a jagir holder of Gopamau,
Muzaffar Ali Khan the faujdar of Gwalior, Asghar Ali Khan the faujdar
of Etawah, Chhabele Ram the faujdar of Karra Manikpur, Saf Shikan
Khan the deputy governor of Orissa, and Ibrahim Husain of Bhagalpur
added to the numerical strength of the army of Farrukhsiyar. Local
officials like Rahamatullah Khan the amin of Bhira, Aminuddin Khan,
Ghairat Khan and Saifullah Khan also sided with Farrukhsiyar. Shridhar
Ojha mentions the name of Taqarrub Khan, the steward of Farrukhsiyar,
in the struggle. Muhammad Khan Bangash, a local power monger also
joined with 20,000 soldiers.
At court, Zulfiqar Khan and Kokaltash Khan were arch-rivals:

b[R;kj dksfdyrkl [kk¡ v: tqyfQdkj [kk¡ fy;ksA 69

nksÅ jgs cj chj ;ksèkk cSj vkiql esa fd;ksA
Ikhtiyar Kokaltash Khan and Zulfiqar Khan dominate the court. Both
the brave soldiers have become rivals.

Kokaltash Khan was supported by the Turanis like Ghaziuddin Khan,

Wali Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan, Abdus Samad Khan, Qamruddin
Khan, and Zakariya Khan. Mir Jumla, the supporter of Farrukhsiyar,
though a noble of the imperial court, fuelled the faction and the Turani
group agreed not to fight in the battle field:

ijipa dhUgkS ehj tqeyk tax ;s u tqfVgSAa 70

Mir Jumla has conspired, they will not fight in the battlefield.

Besides the divided imperial nobles joining one or other side, local
potentates like Gandharva Singh Bundela commanded contingents.

jktiwr lksgk, lkts vk, gkM+k xkSj lkseoa'khA 71

pkSgku pany s s cSl c?ksy]s xgjokj vkS j?kqo'a khA
dNokg lqyd a h gSg; ca'kh fljusrs ifjgkjoa'khA
xaèkoZ flag jktk lTt;ks ny cqna y s k lwjtoa'khA
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 175

Rajputs are dressed, so are Hadas and others from Somvansh.

Somvanshis like the Chauhans, Chandelas, Bais, Baghelas, Gaharwar,
and Raghuvanshi. Raghuvanshis like the Kachhwahas, Solanki of great
Yadu clan, Parihara with turbans. Surajvanshi Gandharva Singh
the Bundela is leading the band.

These groups rose to prominence after Farrukhsiyar ascended the throne;

and thus found notice in the books of history. Ghairat Khan, for example,
became the governor of Agra. A long list may be compiled on the basis
of text, of the unnoticed persons who had participated in the struggle in
some way. Sirajuddin Ali Khan, Mohsin Khan, Samundar Khan, Yadgar
(Idgar) Beg, Sayyid Darvesh Ali Khan, Bairam Khan, Bahram Beg, Jaber
Khan, Rashid Khan, Mukhlis Khan, Mirza Fakirullah Khan, Akbar
Khan, Sultan Beg, Qasim Beg, Dost Ali Khan, Wali Muhammad, and
Halim Khan were among many others who headed small or larger troops.
Their support was significant and they may have been rewarded in
some ways:

dkgq n, gkFkh cM+s ?kksjk ?kus dkgw fn,A 72

dkgw btkQk pkÅ flxjs fljksik,fu lksa fg,A
Some were given big elephants, others were given many horses.
Some were interested in promotions and some expected robes of
honour.

These adherents were presumably the warlords of small bands of soldiers

who were recognizable if not significant in eighteenth-century politics.
As autonomous bodies of mercenaries, they extended support to either
ruler depending on their own shares of benefits. Many of them,
Muhammad Khan Bangash, for instance, gained considerable powers
in lieu of his support to Farrukhsiyar.73
Political alignments and the desire for self-aggrandisement
once again ignored religious and community sentiment. Both
Hindus and Muslims supported the claims of either contestant
keeping in view personal benefit. The Emperor Shridhar favoured,
thus, also appeared as protector of both faiths, as was Jahangir for
Keshavdas.74
The text thus reveals the strength of the local elements that were
so essential for the Empire. The rise of a few of these had deep
repercussions in the decades to come. The emergence of Jats and their
politics in the Agra–Mathura region during the late seventeenth and
eighteenth century was not confined to the Jat territories. They were
entangled with many other strong regional powers and landed
aristocracies. The Jats were instrumental in precipitating the decline of
the Mughal power.
176 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

(B) SUJAN CHARITRA: MUGHALS, JATS AND

OTHER REGIONAL POWERS
Sujan Charitra is a war narrative describing eight battles fought by the
Jat Suraj Mal, the heir apparent of Badan Singh between 1743 and
1753. The Jats did not become a noticeable identity until the accession
of Aurangzeb.75 They find reference as brave soldiers in the army of Bir
Singh Deo in the mid-sixteenth century.76 Keshavdas says that Bir Singh
Deo extended his territories by killing the Jats. In other words, the Jats
were then minor chiefs and landlords in the vicinity of Bundelkhand.
During the eighteenth century, Sudan in Sujan Charitra and Somnath in
various compositions portrayed Badan Singh Jat as a great ruler. The
Jats strenghthened their position as a major regional power during the
span of a century.
Historians hold differing opinions as to whether Jats were Indo-
Aryans, Scythian or Yadavas, but the poets had no hesitation in assigning
them a Jadubanshi or Yaduvanshi lineage.77 More specifically, they link
them to the Chandravansha or Lunar dynasty and thus situate them in
the epic tradition of the Mahabharata. Raja Ram and Churaman
organized armed attacks on the imperial officials and built small forts
in advantageous positions, but the credit for building a strong and stable
state has been given to Badan Singh. He was the first ruler of the clan to
legitimize his claims to an authority reflected in grand palaces, forts,
and an army, along with peace and prosperity and patronage for cultural
activities at his court. He patronized poets and directed them to compose
Braja versions of the classics. Suraj Mal inherited the kingship and a
remarkable expansion of his political and ideological domains reasonably
secured him the title of Maharaja.
Political and geographical expansion during the seventeenth and
the eighteenth centuries was not easy. Survival and growth depended on
military strength, and a forward leap in any direction provoked armed
opposition. Sudan describes eight such battles fought by his patron with
different powers: each presents a different pattern of alliances between
different regional powers, for and against the Empire.
The first battle was fought between Suraj Mal and Asad Khan, the
imperial governor of Kol (Aligarh). The issue was the cause of Fateh Ali
Khan, a local potentate of Chandos Khurja. A Vakil informs Suraj Mal
as follows:
p.MkSl&[kqtkZ gkFk dfj rc ikb vkxs nsbxkA 78
bl okLrs rqels vjt dfj vkSj dh tkrh gS cfyA
vc gkFk mlis jfD[k;s tks tax ysfg Qrsg vyhA
He will take over Chandos-Khurja and then proceed further. You are
therefore requested, Oh Powerful! Keep your protective arm over him
so that Fateh Ali wins the battle.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 177

Suraj Mal’s army surrounded Chandos. Asad Khan wanted to open fire
but his soldiers advised him to wait for a day or two and collect more
zamindars to his side. Asad Khan told his men that Fateh Ali and Suraj
Mal’s army had besieged their camp and it was not possible for additional
contingents to come. Moreover, enlarging the convoy would be expensive:

v: rqe dgr QkSt dk vkou lks vkou ugha ikoSA 79

nkuk] ?kkl] ?kho] vkVk tc :i, lsj fcdkoSA
Qusg vyh lwjt ds yksxksa us ?ksjk - - -
bl thus ls ejuk oukZ yM+uk gh cfu vkosA
Oh if you expect more contingent to arrive, it will not. Each ser /
kilogram of grains, grass, oil, flour will be sold for many rupee. People
of Fateh Ali and Suraj Mal have surrounded…. Prefer fighting
than death due to miserable life.

Suraj Mal killed Asad Khan in the battle, and saved Fateh Ali. He sent
him to Kol and himself came back to his town. Qanungo refers to help
given by Suraj Mal to Fateh Ali Khan of Chandos-Khurja, but the Mughal
officer was Saadat Khan and not Asad Khan. He also writes that Fateh
Ali, anticipating defeat, sued for peace while Sudan writes that Asad
Khan was killed in the battle.
However, the intention here is not to ascertain facts but to observe.
The explanation given by Asad Khan is significant for many reasons.
First, the zamindars provided soldiers to anyone as mercenaries, although
the cost was exorbitant. Second, the governor did not expect support
from the centre and had to handle the situation himself. Third, Suraj
Mal was powerful enough to challenge the imperial noble. Fourth, wars
influenced prices, and it was difficult for people to survive during
inflation. The interpretations of regeneration and growth expounded
by revisionist historians are based on the assumption that wars during
the period promoted trade. The idea is also supported by Sudan here
and one may presume that high prices attracted merchants. Yet, the
other side of the scene must not be overlooked. The rising price level
had an adverse effect on common people.
The second battle was fought to decide the accession in Jaipur.80
Shortly after Jai Singh’s death, Maharana Jagat Singh II of Mewar decided
to secure the throne for his nephew Madho Singh. In the course of the
struggle, Madho Singh sought Maratha support, while Ishwari Singh,
the other claimant, secured Suraj Mal’s support. The battle of Bagru
took place in 1748. The Jats defeated the combined forces of Rajputs
and Marathas and terms were settled. Ishwari Singh gave two parganas
to Madho Singh and the latter was told to leave for his maternal
grandfather’s home. According to Qanungo and Sarkar, Ishwari Singh
agreed to pay five paraganas to Madho Singh and handed over Bundi
178 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

to Ummed Singh, the dispossessed heir of Bundi.81 There is no reference

to Madho Singh’s departure for Mewar as per the treaty. The brilliant
victory of Suraj Mal secured a distinguished identity for the Jats.
Importantly, both the Jats and the Marathas had bargained for
money from the contestants in lieu of their support. This indicates weak
imperial control.
The third battle took place between Salabat Khan, the imperial
Bakshi and Suraj Mal, following a dispute over jagirs. The conflict was
precipitated by the Bakshi and not by the Jat ruler, writes Sudan:

fnYyhifr cdlh bfga ns[kfga vkor rqelksa dju dyslA 82

The Bakshi of the ruler of Delhi is coming to your territory to fight
with you.

The Bakshi is portrayed as blinded by his power. He says:

lkg vgEen us eq>s viuk dfj ekuk] r[kr vkxjk eFkqjkS fgaMkSy - - -83
cDlh dh tkxhj nS cDlh esa BkU;k] buesa rs ts eq>s rjSa rg¡ dfj eksFkkukA
nks djksfj nS lkfg uq lks Hkh lquq tkuk] vln [kku fljdkj dk pkdj
D;w¡ HkkukA
Emperor Ahmad Shah has accepted me as his servant and given me the
seat of Agra, Mathura and Hindol. . . . He has given me the jagir in
lieu of my rank Bakshi. Whatever regions Suraj Mal has captured
should be returned. I also expect him to pay two crores to the
Emperor. Why did he kill the government servant Asad Khan?

Ghe grievances on part of the Bakshi were many. The Jats had encroached
on some territories which fell under Salabat’s jurisdiction. Dues worth
rupees two crore were pending.84 The powerful Jat ruler, obviously, refused
to respond to Salabat Khan’s demands. In the battle, the Bakshi, finding
himself unable to continue the war for long, had to sue for peace and
agreed to accept whatever Suraj Mal offered:

R;kS lwjt dh dgh djh lykcfr [kkuA 85

jktk flag tokgjs yhukS osfx cqykbZA lc lsuk okdkS nbZA
As Suraj Mal dictated, Salabat Khan accepted. Jawahar Singh was
accommodated in the Empire and given the charge of the army.

The text suggests that Suraj Mal had earlier encroached on the territories
of Mewat and Malwa, which belonged to the Bakshi.86 Both Salabat
Khan and the Jat ruler attempted to establish hegemony. Suraj Mal
resorted to diplomacy in the beginning and requested that the Bakshi
not ravage his land. But battle could not be avoided and the initial days
of fighting tilted the situation in favour of the Jats. Consequently, Suraj
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 179

Mal sent his son Jawahar Singh to the imperial service and it was agreed
that religious rituals would not be disturbed in Mathura. (Jadunath
Sarkar, however, finds the situation different. He refers to another term
in the treaty which indicates that Suraj Mal was asked to collect a sum
of fifteen lakh rupees from Ajmer on behalf of the Empire and deposit
it in the imperial treasury.87) None of the modern historical works refer
to Jawahar Singh being sent to the imperial services.
The next episode is related to the conflict between the Bangash
Afghans and Safdar Jung, the imperial Wazir. It is known that Safdar
Jung’s own aspirations in Awadh clashed with the ascent of the Afghans
in Rohilkhand during the 1740s.88 The acquisition of territories by the
Afghans in Awadh was resisted not only by Safdar Jung but also by the
local Shaikhzadas. Qaim Khan Bangash, the son of Muhammad Khan
Bangash, died in 1749 and his territories were placed in the charge of
Nawal Rai, the deputy of Safdar Jung. Qaim’s step-brother, Ahmad
Khan, organized the Afghans and a battle was fought. In the battle of
Khudaganj in 1750, Nawal Rai, the favourite deputy of the Wazir
was killed. The outraged Wazir then advanced against Ahmad Khan
Bangash but was defeated in 1750. Finding no other way, Safdar Jung
sent Daya Ram to invite Suraj Mal to his side. Suraj Mal thought, at
that juncture:

tkS ;g HksT;kS lkg dkS pY;kS iBkuuq iklA 89

rkS rkSgq dksa igq¡pukS iS u djkS fcloklA
If he has been sent by the Emperor to fight against the Pathans. Then
only I join him, otherwise I will not trust him.

Safdar Jung sent Ismail to persuade Suraj Mal. Interestingly, in his

message, Safdar Jung praised Suraj Mal for being the greatest Hindu
and asked for his support:

xfgdS lqdye uokoA fyf[k;kS lq i= flrkcA 90

cztjkt dq¡oj lqtkuA rq>lk uk fgUnq vkuA
;g ns[krs QjekuA djuk eq>s cyokuA
The Nawab took up his pen and wrote humble letter. Braja King Suraj
Mal! No Hindu is as great as you. As soon as you see the farman,
extend your support and make me strong.

These verses reveal the perceptions of the poet concerning the image of
his patron. Apropos to the contest for supremacy among various regional
powers, largely headed by the Hindus, Safdar Jung knew how to boost
the ego of Suraj Mal. As in case of the conflict with Salabat Khan, the
Emperor was still the iconic figure. Suraj Mal was not apprehensive of
the Shah or Emperor, but the Wazir was not to be trusted. The poet was
180 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

also aware of parties and politics at the Mughal court and Safdar Jung’s
drive towards provincial autonomy. The Wazir’s overpowering of the
Afghans could ensure his success in Awadh, where he was framing the
designs of his autonomy.
Ahmad Khan Bangash appealed to Suraj Mal not to support Safdar
Jung:

tks rqe lax othj dS rks Hkh ufga cqT>SA 91

ftehankj lkS vkbdS ftehankj u tqT>SA
Even if you have joined the Wazir, you should not fight. A zamindar
should not fight against a zamindar.

Safdar Jung convinced Suraj Mal that the Afghans were neither royal
troopers nor imperial officials. Suraj Mal was convinced, and assured
him of his support. Malhar Rao Holkar, the Maratha, was also invited
to join their camp. The Afghans were crushed and their territory was
captured. Sudan writes that it was divided equally between the three
parties, namely, Safdar Jung, Suraj Mal, and the Marathas:

rhfu Hkkfx Hkqfo dfj ,d eulwjfg nhuh - - - -92

The territories were divided into three parts, one was given to Mansur….

The verse indicates that Suraj Mal divided the conquered territories
equally. Conversely, Jadunath Sarkar believes that the mercenaries of
the Jats and the Marathas were hired by Safdar Jung and division of
land as given in Sujan Charitra is not recorded in any historical source
of the period. Qanungo however refers to the distribution of some
conquered territories by Safdar Jung which had left Suraj Mal
dissatisfied.93 Sudan however, presented Suraj Mal as having the upper
hand in deciding the distribution and grabbing the maximum for himself.
Surprisingly, the Mughal emperor finds no place in these developments
except his name occasionally.
The fifth battle was fought against Rao Bahadur Singh of Ghasira,
a Bargujar, at the instance of Safdar Jung. An imperial order was issued
to Suraj Mal, instructing him to attack Rao Bahadur Singh, though the
reason is not given:

gqdqe lkfg dkS ;gh gS rqedks flag lqtkuA 94

jko cgknqj dkS rk[kr djuh tkuA
It is the order of the Emperor for you, Suraj Mal. You have to kill Rao
Bahadur.

Suraj Mal promptly executed the imperial orders against his own
neighbour.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 181

The sixth section relates to the plunder of Delhi by Suraj Mal at

Safdar Jung’s instigation. Initially reluctant, Suraj Mal advised Safdar
Jung against such an act:

ge pkdj gSa r[kr ds ldrh djh u tkbZA 95

We, the servants of the Throne, cannot conduct atrocities.

The Wazir then portrayed himself as the victim of sectarian politics at

the imperial court. He explained how Turani nobles and the Bakshi
influenced the Emperor, who thus expelled him from the court:

rqjkuh fefy lkfg ls ;ksa cSj c<+k;kA 96

bZjkuh eulwj dks iqj rSa d<+ok;kA
Turani sided with the Emperor and fueled the enmity. They succeeded
in getting the Irani Mansur expelled from the court.

Safdar Jung reacted to this humiliation and rebelled. He enthroned a

minor, calling him the grandson of Kam Baksh (one of the sons of
Aurangzeb), and raised the banner of revolt in his name. Suraj Mal,
with the support of Rajendra Giri Gosain, sacked Delhi, gaining enormous
wealth in the process:

nsl nsl rft y{eh fnYyh fd;kS fuoklA 97

vfr vèkeZ vfr ywV fel pyh dju cztoklA
Laxmi, the goddess of wealth had been dwelling in Delhi. Due to grave
immorality and plunder there, she is now going to stay in Braja.

The Marathas also claimed a share in the loot and demanded two crores
from Suraj Mal.98 The Jat envoy offered four lakhs, which was not
accepted by the Marathas who then laid a seige of Kuhmir in 1754 with
the support of Imad ul Mulk, the imperial Bakshi. Suraj Mal could
defend his kingdom as he was now seen as God incarnate:

dfy dh efð L;ke tw us fQj ogh :i cuk;kSA 99

In the Kali Age, Krishna has assumed this form.

Suraj Mal thus was no longer a king of the lineage of Krishna, he was an
incarnation of Vishnu, who had descended to protect the Braja region
from the atrocities of the Kali age. The text concludes with eulogies to
Badan Singh and Suraj Mal.
Sudan’s description may be predominantly laudatory, glorifying
the deeds of Suraj Mal, but his narrative helps us appreciate some of the
elements of eighteenth-century politics. In the first place, it reveals the
emergence of a warrior state in a period with a new politico-religious
order. The Jat power gained autonomy in the 1720s and became all-
182 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

powerful in the 1740s, influencing political alignments both at the

imperial and local levels. The Jats not only enhanced their own power
but also encouraged novices and other local potentates by extending
military support to them. The balance of power tilted completely in
favour of the regional powers during the eighteenth century. The
administrative and fiscal weakness of the Mughals enabled these
kingdoms to reassert their positions. The power and position of local
chiefs, generally called zamindars by the poet, were exhibited in
encroaching upon the imperial territories and the diversion of imperial
revenue to themselves. As warlords they could now retain a larger portion
of the revenues, justifying their claims by penetrating the tight clan-
like brotherhood of zamindars and peasants. However, it is worth
noting that despite their power and authority, all these regional powers
still accepted the suzerainty of Mughal Delhi. In the case of the
Bundelas, it was not only Ram Shah who acknowledged Mughal
suzerainty but Bir Singh Deo too went personally to the court of Jahangir
to receive sanctions for his kingship.100 Rana Raj Singh, if not in Raj
Vilas, elsewhere in Beetak denied Prannath a stay in Udaipur on the
pretext of avoiding conflict with Aurangzeb.101 Suraj Mal in Sujan
Charitra apparently confessed on many occasions his vassalage to the
emperor. He claimed that all his activities could be viewed as aiding
imperial objectives:

lkfg ds dkt dh vki dks ykt gSA jkt ds dkt dks eSa mfB èkkÅ¡A 102
I am concerned for the Emperor’s cause. I may rush for imperial duty.

The regional powers were thus not hostile to the emperor in general,
and only acted and reacted when challenged by imperial officials. The
authority of the emperor was still recognized by the regional rulers even
though it was repudiated by his own officers off and on. While the
regional rulers acknowledged the Mughal suzerain, they exploited every
opportunity offered by the declining central power.
The rise of these powers was not simply because of the immediate
political developments. It was also a process, as David Ludden and
Richard Fox have observed, wherein social groups and institutions had
been gaining prominence in terms of behaviour and identity since the
early medieval period.103 It was through the process of Sanskritization
that these groups attempted to change their identity over a long span of
time.
We have noticed, for instance, that the Gaharwars of the thirteenth
century assumed the status of Survanshi Bundela Rajputs by adopting
war-like activities and Vaishnavaite ways of life. Bappa Rawal, the
founder of the Rana dynasty of Udaipur also secured a high position for
his group by conquering Mewar territories and by receiving sanctions
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 183

from a Siddha ascetic, and by attaching himself to the kula of Rama.104

Similarly, the Jats also struggled to redefine their identity during the
seventeenth century by drawing support from the peasantry and
zamindars:

vkSj dhtS bdës ftehankj Hkh ts rqEgsa pkgrsA 105

Gather more zamindars (those) who like you.

By exploiting kinship ties, clan sentiment, and community consciousness,

the leaders of these groups became patriarchs and formulated notions
of dharma to legitimize their conquests and rights to rule.
The quest for wealth, power, and authority precipitated conflict
not only with the imperial élites but also with other regional powers,
sometimes even with rulers of their own clan.

Kings and Kingship

The kingship ideology in medieval India has largely been discussed with
reference to the Delhi Sultanate or the Mughal Empire. The Turko-
Mongol theory of kingship elaborated by R.P. Tripathi has been critically
re-examined by Iqtidar Alam Khan.106 Irfan Habib examines Barani’s
theory of kingship, and S.A.A. Rizvi discusses Abul Fazl’s concept of
sovereignty.107 Stephen P. Blake’s idea of a patrimonial-bureaucratic empire
further elaborates the responsibility of the Mughal Emperor as patriarch
of a household.108 J.F. Richards has also viewed the autocratic and
authoritarian structure of the Empire under the Mughal Emperors,
Jahangir and Akbar.109 Muzaffar Alam reviews political norms in the
light of akhlaq literature compiled in the Perso-Islamic world and India
since the establishment of the Sultanate.110 Harbans Mukhia’s The
Mughals of India is yet another exploration of legitimation issues.111
There are some significant studies wherein regional attitudes concerning
kingship have been addressed.112 The notions of rajdharma were equally
forcefully expressed by Riti poets and await further study.
Riti Kal poets as the protegés of different kings, imperial or regional,
also furnished details about the norms of kingship, though these do not
constitute a systematic body of ethics or political theory (with the excep-
tion of Keshavdas). Keshavdas devoted a detailed section in Veer Charitra
to the concept of rajdharma. The orthodox Islamic notions of rulership
were adjusted to Indian conditions and the traditional Indian notions
of kingship came to be interpreted and reinterpreted during the medieval
period to suit the requirements of the emerging rulers in different regions.
Keshavdas advised his patron to act and rule according to the situation:

nsldky dksa mfpr tq gks;A rSlh dgSa rs fojys dks;A 113

184 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

The distinguished ruler considers the place and time and acts
accordingly.

The foremost feature of kingship in the poetry was the king’s lineage. As
it emerges from foregoing discussion, kings belonging to obscure clans,
after consolidating their power latched on to old mythological traditions.
The lineage of the king was also a significant feature of Islamic kingship
in India. The Ilbaris, a tribal cult, linked its descent to Afrasiyab and
likewise the Khaljis, Tuqhluqs, Lodis and Syeds claimed divine
authority.114 The Mughal rulers too were accorded sacred origins by their
court chroniclers.115
Kingship was itself perceived as a manifestation of divinity. The
king was not only a shadow of God on earth but also God incarnate.
Keshavdas, Gore Lal, Maan, and Sudan projected their patrons as
incarnations of Vishnu. Many other poets attributed various mythological
traits to their patrons securing for them a divine authority. Matiram,
for instance, described Bhav Singh (1649–1713) of Bundi as follows:

fcØe e fcØe èkjelqr èkju esa èkqèa kekj èkhj esa èkusl okjs èku esAa 116
efrjke dgr fiz; czr izrki esa izcy cy i`Fkq okjFkfga okjsa iu esAa
l=qlky jS;kjko Hkkoflag vktq efg ds eghi ckjksa rsjs ru esAa
I bestow Vikramaditya’s strength for Bhav Singh’s strength,
Yudhishthara’s virtues for his qualities, Kuber’s treasure for his wealth,
Dhundhumar’s patience for his patience. Matiram says that he bestowed
Priyabrata’s splendour, Prithu’s power to him. All the kings of the earth
are bestowed for Bhav Singh, the son of Chhatrasal.

This verse reveals an attempt to situate the Bundela king in historical

and mythological traditions of India. Bhushan valourized Shivaji and
attached as many qualities to him as he could perceive. Elegance,
eminence, sovereignty, respect, gentility, apart from divine attributes
that secured authority for the kings, and certain behavioural traits as
generalized qualities of a king were frequently incorporated in verses
dedicated to rulers. Generosity, humanity, courage, and wisdom were
other attributes. Somnath depicts his patron Pratap Singh, the son of
Badan Singh, as Ganesha personified.117 He is intelligent, solemn, brave,
patient, a representative of god and protector of all fugitives. Somnath
also writes that Suraj Mal, as a perfect ruler, possessed knowledge of
time and place, patience, wisdom, wit, glory, advice, in sight, right speech,
heroic strength, self-knowledge, gratitude, protection of fugitives,
suppression of enemies, and ability to act.118 For a king so endowed, the
concept of royalty is hardly different from the views of other medieval
thinkers like Barani, Abul Fazl, and Tulsidas.
To Abul Fazl, the contemporary Persian court chronicler, for
instance, the king had to be wise and judicious, capable of understanding
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 185

the spirit of majesty and glory.119 From the king originated stability and
order. If royalty did not exist, the problems would never subside and
lawless mankind would face destruction; the world would lose its
prosperity. An ideal ruler’s object is to remove oppression and provide
everything which is good. He inculcates in his subjects unity, chastity,
justice, courtesy, truthfulness, and sincerity. Again, Abul Fazl projects
royalty as emanating from God, a light from the Sun. The king was an
embodiment of divinity; the kingly attributes are inborn and not created
by surroundings.120 He shows paternal love towards his subjects, he is
broadminded and has a ‘large heart’.121 What is more significant is that
Abul Fazl expects his king to be guided by reason and a search for truth
and justice.
To an earlier medieval political theorist and historian Ziauddin
Barani, a major test of royalty was to keep the inhabitants of his kingdom
on the path of religious law. The Riti perception of the king as protector
of religion echoes this view.122 Further, for Barani the right determination
in the enterprise of government and firmness in the management of
affairs are characteristics of a good king.123 A king should formulate and
execute his policies carefully keeping in view the likelihood of their
success and failure. The great quality of the king is that he realizes the
value of time. The king should be merciful but at the same time should
be feared.124 The idea of reason and justice as reflected in the vernacular
poetry was thus neither totally new nor a product of the poetic
imagination. Even in the Indic domain, similar directives had already
been laid down by the sixteenth-century Bhakti saint Tulsidas. Tulsidas
advised the king to follow the policy of negotiation ¼lke½, ingratiation
and appeasement ¼nke½, suppression, and punishment ¼naM½, with the
creation of dissensions ¼Hksn½ among the enemies.125 Says Sudan too:

u`i dh lqjhfr yf[k nsl dky fut cqf) gkyA 126

iqfu cyq fopkfj dfj; lqjkfj v: lke nke gS Hksn dkeA
It is the policy of a wise king to assess place and time intellectually.
He should then weigh his strength before getting involved in conflict,
and adopt negotiation, appeasement, punishment, and dissension.

These notions were universal. Himmat Bahadur, a warlord of the mid-

eighteenth century, possessed the same qualities as were imbibed by the
Mughal emperors.127 Anup Giri Gosain was the adopted son of Rajendra
Giri Gosain, an army commander in Safdar Jung’s forces. He was given
the title of Himmat Bahadur by Nawab Shuja-ud-daula, for whom he
fought. Bernard Cohn has described the Gosains and their role in the
then contemporary society. He says that the Gosains were Shaivaites in
the medieval period, some of whom were priests, wandering mendicants,
and others mercenaries in the armies of the princes and the chiefs during
186 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

the period. Padmakar, a Riti poet, praises Himmat Bahadur as a king

and writes that he was another Shiva, a great donor, generous and a
destroyer of enemies.128 A mercenary commander rendering military
services to the rulers was also portrayed as a king, perhaps for his lifestyle
and patronage to art and culture. Despite his limited authority over a
small tract of land, he was responsible for his subjects.
Yet another remarkable contribution of the poets is the
secularization of kingship in medieval India. Today fundamentalism
and communal politics are validated by historical example. But Riti
poetry offers a reason to challenge such perspectives as the poets
expounded secular notions of kingship. Significantly, the Mughal
emperors could be accommodated in the Hindu pantheon as gods
incarnate. Keshavdas, who hailed from a family of Sanskrit scholars
and lived in a court propagating Vaishanavism, had no hesitation in
applying religious and mythological attributes to Emperor Jahangir:

uy lksa txr nkuh lk¡pks gfjpUn tw lks i`Fkq lks ije iq#"kkjFkfu ysf[k;SA129
cfy lq fcosdh lq nèkhfp ,slks èkhj èk: lkèkq vEcjh"k tw lks mj vcjsf[k;SA
Hk`xqifr tw lks lwj guqera tw lks tlh dslhj; fcØe ls lkglh fclsft;SA
lkfgu dkS lkg tgk¡xhj lkfg èkj&èkkrk dhukS nwljkS fcèkkrk ,slkS nsf[k;SA
The King Jahangir is munificent like Nala, veracious like Harish
Chandra, judicious like Prithu. Compassionate like Bali, enduring the
Dadhichi, possessing a virtuous heart like that of Ambarish. Brave like
Bhrigupati, glorious like Hanumant, valiant like Vikramaditya.
Jahangir, the king of kings, bearing the load of the earth is another god
on this earth.

Interestingly, Jahangir also allowed such images, which might have

percolated down in different social circles through the language of the
masses. Not only Jahangir, but all around him were sanctified. These
included princes, nobles, elephants and horses. For instance:

xkb fciz jkf[kcs dksa nsf[k;r dslksjke lqyrku [kql: [kqnkbZ vkiq dhukS gSA130
You encourage protection to cows and brahmins, Keshavdas says, Sultan
Khusrau performs divine deeds.

These eulogies addressed to Jahangir and his son Khusrau imply that the
rajdharma of the Mughals did not clash in anyway with that of a kshatriya
king:

s A131
lqjifr dhuksa eafnj es:A uofufèk jk[kSa jgS dqc:
i<+r iqjku ,d cgq HksoA ekukS lksfHkr Jh lqdnsoA
The king built the temple as huge as the Meru Mountain. Filled with
nine types of treasures, it is the abode of Kuber. Saints recite Puranas
there, they appear like Shukadeva.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 187

Patronage to Hindu dharma did not demand an absence of religious

freedom. The ruler, including the Mughal Emperor, was to act as protector
of all the faiths. This was the chief constituent of governance. Thus,
even in the territory of the community-conscious Rana Raj Singh, people
of diverse cultures were to live in peace:

tkfr xksr cgqo'a k ;qDr clr vBkjg o.kZA 132

fu; fu; dEeZ lcS fuiqu lèku lqckl lqo.kZA
People hailing from different castes, races, and lineages altogether
constitute eighteen varnas. All, with expertise in their own duties, glorify
their race.

Besides the moral constituents, warfare and defence were also ways of
asserting authority. The king was expected to conduct raids and
expeditions to expand his kingdom. Warfare was an essential feature of
kingship.The numerical strength of the army of a lesser king or a chieftain
legitimized his power in his zone of influence, at least. Fateh Ali, a small
fief-holder of Chandos-Khurja, for instance, commanded two thousand
horses. Sudan quotes the number of mounted soldiers of Suraj Mal as
ten thousand, and foot soldiers as two thousand. The chariots and
elephants were innumerable.
In a period of emerging regional kingdoms and in a state of warfare
caused by the declining imperial authority, soldiering became an
established profession. The composition of the army was undoubtedly
ethnically diverse because of mercenary commanders. A number of clans
were acknowledged as distinguished in fighting skills. The army of Bir
Singh Deo, for example, included soldiers from different clans of Hindus
and Muslims both:

fldjokj] tknkS] tkxjs] rksaoj [khth [kjsA 133

xwtj] eSuk] tkV] vghjA eqxy iBkufu dh vfr HkhjA
Sikarwar, Jadav, Jagre, Tomar, Khichi are skilled. Gujar, Maina, Jat,
Ahir, Mughal, Pathan throng the army.

In the above citation, the composition of the army is not merely

trans-regional but actually pan-Indian in character. Moreover, the
cowherds and pastoral communities of Jadav, Ahir and Gujar are
identified as trained soldiers. Various Rajput clans like Tomars had
retained their soldiering traditions from the early medieval period to the
seventeenth century. Similar descriptions may be located about many
other rulers, imperial or local.
In addition to warfare and defence, the display of wealth and
sumptuary expenditure also formed a corollary of royal status.134 The
luxurious and extravagant lifestyle not only of the kings but of their
188 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

courtiers also stimulated production and trade. The grandeur of the

court of Badan Singh is described thus:

x<+ eSa izdkl u`i ds voklA caxyk mrax dylfu lq<x a A135
fruds e>kj] xn~nh mnkjA dapu ylkbZ ftuesa lqHkkbA
izfr }kj }kj rksju fogkjA vkxS forku vfr tksrokuA
>kyfj vuqi] jfc fdju :i - - - -
The king resides in an illuminated fort, high and elevated, palaces are
beautified with cupolas. The grand throne is gold-plated and every
door is embellished with festoons. The canopy is beautiful and the
hangings are attractive....

Another reads as follows:

xqyxqyh fxyeS xyhpk gS xquhtu gS pk¡nuh gS fpdS gS fpjkdu dh ekyk gSA136

dgS in~ekdj R;ksa xtd fxtk gSo lth gS lstSa lqjkgh gS lqjk gS v:
I;kyk gSA
There are soft woollen carpets over which white cloths are spread.
Curtains of bamboo sticks are hanging. Padmakar says that nice food-
gajak, gija; decorated bedrooms; wine containers and wine cups are
there in the residence of royal people.

The regional principalities thus produced varied patterns of demand

and encouraged economic activities. Trade, both inland and international
is reflected in the import of horses and other luxury items. Of interest in
this connection are references in Raj Vilas, for example, to the sale of
camphor, sandal, saffron, almond, pistachio nuts, nutmeg, and drugs
like madder and opium in the markets of Mewar. Many varieties of rice
and wheat, oils, spices, clothes, and perfumes which were definitely not
locally produced were sold in these markets.137 It was not the local people
who were engaged in mercantile activities but the Bohras:

fdrS rag ckSgjs vklqj o`na ] djSa cgq oL= O;kikj leqna A 138
djkfg; daVd yksg dqBkj] lpSa xqtjkfr; dXxj ikjA
Many Bohras, the devilish sailors, are engaged in overseas trade in
textile. Handicrafts are carried across the sea from Gujarat coast.

The text also indicates specialization among merchant communities and

suggested occupational caste distinctions as well. The sarrafs were engaged
in money transactions, the jewellers or sunar made and sold precious
jewels and ornaments, the bajaj dealt in costly muslin, and kanthar sold
spices.139 The regional rulers had their own mints. Then there were big
trading centres for goods; the houses along the riverside were used for
storing goods like paddy, salt and cotton.140 These places were called
marhi.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 189

Palace-building was ostentatious. The Deeg fort, noted for its

beauty, was built by Badan Singh. Rana Raj Singh’s palace was appre-
ciated by the poet Maan as follows:
izoj fodV iqj pgq ifjfèk ioZre; izkdkj]
dks 'kh'kkofy lksgs izcy cqjt izkdkjA 141
[kaHk lq izcy dikV ;qr] izkSf< ikSfj izfrgkj] pgq fnfl ckx lq okfVdk
iYy 'kfpr le Hkwfe cgq izcy Å¡p izklknA
xks"k tksfj lksou dyl onr xxu laoknA jktyksd lqjyksd le - - - -
There is a main boundary surrounding the palace, the ramparts are
like high mountains, the big towers are mounted with glass layers.
Huge doors are supported by pillars and stout door keepers keep a
vigil, there are gardens all around which cover the land with greenery.
High buildings are gold-plated, and high cupolas speak to the sky.
Raj Singh’s world is like heaven....

Moreover, luxurious clothing and housing, and the maintenance of large

numbers of servants absorbed labour and provided employment
opportunities outside the agricultural sector. In addition, we have
information about the gifts and charity of kings, patronizing musicians,
poets, astrologers and astronomers, priests, singers, dancers, or acrobats.
Maintaining sanctuaries for hunting was another example of conspicuous
consumption. The celebration of religious rites and festivals was an
essential duty of the ruler.
A high degree of social and occupational mobility is a noticeable
feature in the poetry. It is also exhibited in the themes of separation.
Telling us about the yearnings of women left behind in lonely houses,
the poets do not inform us about their spouses’ whereabouts and reasons
for their departure. The barahmasa songs and Shad ritu varnana in the
poetry reveal little about the absence of the nayak from his natal place.
One verse suggests that the husband had gone to a distant place and the
journey would take a hundred days to reach his destination.142 Male
members were frequently migrating to bides or pardes. Matiram is another
poet who writes about the prolonged stay of men in pardes. Other Riti
poets write about bidesia and virahini in general without specifying the
duration or the purpose of the men’s departure. The only purpose of the
visits to distant places seems to be earning a reasonably good livelihood.
According to Somnath, this compensated for the sufferings due to
separation:

og I;kjkS ijnsflu rsa - - - Qsfj dc vkoSxkS l[kh jh èku ykosxkSA 143

My beloved is in foreign land.... When he comes back, oh my friend(!)
he will bring money.

It is unfortunate that the text, abundant in the theme of separation,

nowhere reveals the reason or purpose for which people were leaving
190 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

their homes. Vaudeville, basing her study on Barahmasa and other folk
songs, has suggested that the absent hero is generally represented as a
banjara, a merchant or as a sevaka, a mercenary in the service of a
warlord.144 The changing occupational structure and political relations
produced a mobility which may then be seen as an index of social change.
Various social groups improved their social status in terms of caste.
It has already been discussed that the old caste structure did not remain
the reference point. Rather it was occupational and clan identity, as a
derivative of region, that became the norm. Bundelas identity, for
instance, was created during the period when the Bundela region was
becoming powerful.
The region and locality thus significantly contributed to political,
economic, social, and cultural changes during the period under review.
These changes were indeed interconnected, which influenced develop-
ments not only in the locality but witnessed a major transformation,
reasonably and consciously recorded by the historian poets.
We have found that the Braja poems furnish details of battles,
about the role of kings and nobles, and about imperial and regional
politics. The concept of kingship or rajdharma described by the poets
was fluid and could be adjusted in state formation. Some of the facts
available in these narratives may not be recorded in other sources and
therefore may not be verified, but as the poets were eyewitnesses to the
historical developments they recorded, and their perspectives were
different from those of the Persian chroniclers, the material is therefore
of great importance as a source. The chroniclers might have deliberately
overlooked Aurangzeb’s invitation to Chhatrasal to fight for the empire.
The formulation of Akbar’s imperial authority perhaps demanded
exclusion of details of Akbar’s initiatives to negotiate with Bir Singh in
Persian sources, but it was essential for Keshavdas to register these
proceedings so as to elevate his patron’s image. All these narratives studied
here include minute details of each incident they versified. Thus, despite
being poetic in style, they read like historical chronicles and defy the
notion of premodern India remaining ahistorical.

Notes
1. Ashis Nandy, ‘History’s Forgotten Doubles’, History and Theory, 1995,
pp. 44–66; Ranjit Guha, History at the Limit of World History, New
York: Columbia University Press, 2002; Subrata Dasgupta, The Bengal
Renaissance: Identity and Creativity from Raja Rammohun Roy and
Rabindranath Tagore, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2007.
2. Romila Thapar, History and Beyond, New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2008, pp. 137–73; V. Narayana Rao, David Shulman, Sanjay
Subramanyam, Textures of Time: Writing History in South India,
1600–1800, New York: Other Press, 2003; Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘The
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 191

Persianization of Itihasa: Performance Narratives and Mughal Political

Culture in Eighteenth Century Bengal’, The Journal of Asian Studies,
vol. 67, no. 2, 2008, pp. 513–43. See also Idem., ‘Textual Traditions
and Social Realities Communities, Kings and Chronicles, The
Kulgranthas of Bengal’, Studies in History, vol. 21, no. 2, 2005,
pp. 173–213; Allison Busch, ‘Literary Responses to the Mughal
Imperium: The Historical Poems of Kesavdas’, South Asia Research,
vol. 25, no. 1, 2005, pp. 31–54 and ‘The Anxiety of Innovation: The
Practice of Literary Science in the Hindi/Riti Tradition’, Comparative
Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, vol. 24, no. 2, 2004,
pp. 46–64; Sheldon Pollock, however, questions some of Rao-Shulman-
Subrahmanyam’s formulations. Sheldon Pollock, ‘Pretextures of Time’,
History and Theory 46, 2007, pp. 366–83; V. Narayana Rao, David
Shulman, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Forum: Texture of Time: A
Pragmatic Response’, History and Theory 48, 2007, pp. 409–427.
3. Keshav Granthavali, part III (Henceforth, KG), pp. 465–75.
4. Ibid., p. 474, v. 48, 475, v. 53.
5. Allison Busch, ‘Literary Responses to the Mughal Imperium: The
Historical Poems of Keshavdas’, South Asia Research, vol. 25, no. 1,
2005, p. 37.
6. Keshavdas gives the name and not the period of Bir Bhadra and his
successors. The verse reads as follows:

dql ds dqy dkS ,d dqekj] vkfu èkj;ks dk'kh HkqoikjA

KG, p. 486. Bhagwan Das Gupta, however, says that Bir Bhadra ruled
during 1214–24. Listing the names of all the kings down to the age of
Rudra Pratap (1501 or 1507–31), he describes the establishment of
Orchha as the capital of Bundelkhand in 1531 by Rudrapratap. Bhagwan
Das Gupta, Mughalon Ke Antargat Bundelkhand Ka Samajik, Arthik
Aur Sanskritic Itihas, rpt, Delhi: Hindi Book Centre, 1997, pp. 3–8.
7. KG, Veer Charitra, pp. 476, 487.
8. Romila Thapar, ‘Genealogy as a Source of Social History’, Indian
Historical Review, vol. II, no. 2, 1976, pp. 259–81, writes that the
tribal chiefs, religious teachers and priests who began to participate in
social and political power attempted to trace their descent either to the
Suryavansha (Ramaite) lineage or to the Chandravansha or Krishnaite
lineage. The lineage was generally traced back to eight generations.
These are rarely faithful descriptions as they are influenced by the
social conditions of the period. Even as we accept these views, the
reference of the Bundelas as Suryavanshi is still important for denoting
the identity of the Bundelas in the medieval Indian historical context.
9. Richard Fox also maintains that locally dominant castes often claimed
Rajput status by performing military and political services. King, Clan,
Raja and Rule, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1971, p. 16. B.D.
Gupta, Bundelkhand Ka Samajik, Arthik Aur Sanskritic Itihas, p. 9,
also says that some local tribe during the thirteenth century came to be
called Bundelas for their extreme devotion to the goddess of the
Vindhyas. They came into prominence when Rudrapratap encroached
192 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

on territories in the vicinity of Orchha after the death of Babur.

Henceforth, the Bundelas continued their policy of war and conquest.
In this process, as warriors, they also claimed Rajput status. For
emergence of Rajputs, see David Ludden, An Agrarian History of South
Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 85–9.
10. KG, Veer Charitra, p. 489, v. 1 and 2.
11. Ibid., p. 89. The poet writes that Bir Singh annexed Narwar, Eirach,
Karhara and Hathnora; some of these places belonged to the Empire.
Ram Shah added to the fury of Akbar by complaining against Bir
Singh Deo.
12. Ibid., p. 495. The verse reads:

lkfg dg;kS lquq jktkjkeA tkS nksbZ ;s dfjgSa dkeA

jkg pykb cM+kS tl gksbA iap gtkfj dfjgkSa rksbZA - - -
The Emperor tells Rajaram if he does these two tasks. / He will be on track to
secure great fame and will be assigned mansab of five thousand.

13. Ibid. For the description of the meeting of Bir Singh Deo and Prince
Salim at Allahabad, see KG, pp. 499–505. The return of Abul Fazl
from the Deccan was viewed as a threat to both Prince Salim and Bir
Singh. Both shared grievances and viewed Akbar with contempt. Salim,
suspicious of Abul Fazl, asked Bir Singh to kill Abul Fazl.
14. Ibid., p. 546.
15. Ibid., p. 592.
16. Ibid., p. 593.
17. Ibid., p. 597.
18. Ibid., pp. 549–85.
19. S.C. Mishra, ‘Urban History in India: Possibilities and Perspectives’,
in Indu Banga (ed.), The Cities in Indian History, Delhi: Manohar,
1991, pp. 1–8.
20. J.S. Grewal, ‘Historical Writing on Urbanisation in Medieval India’,
in Indu Banga (ed.), The Cities in Indian History, pp. 69–79.
21. KG, p. 527.
22. KG, Veer Charitra, p. 619.
23. Hermann Kulke, ‘The Early and the Imperial Kingdom: A Processual
Model of Integrative State in Early Medieval India’, in Hermann Kulke
(ed.), The State in India, 1000–1700, Delhi: Manohar, 1993,
pp. 233–62.
24. Chhatra Prakas, Section 1, pp. 3, 4.
25. Ibid., Section 4, p. 41.
26. Ibid., Section 3, pp. 25–30 narrate the factionalism among the Bundelas.
Pahar Singh of Orchha attempted twice to kill Champat Rai, who had
come to his capital to sort out the rivalries amongst the Bundelas. For
internal feuds and the cooperation of Devi Singh of Chanderi with
Shah Jahan in an operation against Jujhar Singh of Orchha, see B.P.
Saxena, History of Shah Jahan, Allahabad: Central Book Depot, rpt,
1973, pp. 86–90.
27. Ibid., Section 9, p. 73 and Section 11, p. 86.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 193

28. Aziz Ahmad, ‘Epic and Counter-Epic in Medieval India’, in Richard

M. Eaton (ed.), India’s Islamic Traditions: 711–1750, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 37–49.
29. Ibid., Section 10, pp. 79–84. The description is confirmed in other
historical works. See Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, vol. V,
pp. 301-2. Sarkar finds these descriptions exaggerated, as the Raja of
Deo Garh had submitted in fear and no serious battle was fought. The
verses are still significant for us because we see them as attempts to
project Chhatrasal as a distinguished soldier.
30. B.D. Gupta, Life and Times of Maharaja Chhatrasal, Delhi: Radiant
Publishers, 1980, p. 20.
31. Chhatra Prakas, Section 11, p. 89.
32. Chhatra Prakas, Section 3, p. 18.
33. Cynthia Talbot, ‘Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim
Identities in Pre-colonial India’, Comparative Studies in Society and
History, vol. 37, 1995, pp. 692–722. Cynthia Talbot explains Hindu-
Muslim identities in the pre-Mughal Andhra region. The representation
of Muslims as barbarians or mlecchas arose in the context of military
conflict when the Kakatiya dynasty was wiped out by the Turkish rulers.
The defending rulers then attempted to utilize the concept of barbarians
and their devilish attitude, in order to win public support. Those
brahmins were rewarded who projected the Muslims accordingly in
the temple inscriptions. In some Riti Kal narratives, the poets replaced
the brahmins and their poetry portrayed their patrons as saviours against
the demonic and barbarian Turks. Gore Lal used the term mleccha
when Shah Jahan had completely destroyed the power of Champat Rai
Bundela. He then used asura or demon for Aurangzeb when Chhatrasal
was planning an armed assault on the imperial army.
34. Chhatra Prakas, Section 26, p. 194; the poet notes that Chhatrasal
commanded only 1,500 Bundela soldiers and defeated Loh Garh.
Aurangzeb asked him to name his reward but Chhatrasal told
him that Prannath had already secured for him the diamond mines
so he did not need a purse. He obtained permission to leave for his
home with the assurance of extending immediate support whenever
required.
35. Burton Stein, ‘The Segmentary State in South India’ in Richard Fox
(ed.), Realm and Region in Traditional India, Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1977, pp. 46–7.
36. Maan, Raj Vilas, ed., Bhagwandeen, Varanasi: Nagri Pracharini Sabha,
1912, p. 11.
37. S.R. Sharma, Maharana Raj Singh and His Times, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1988, pp. 28–30.
38. Satish Chandra, ‘Religious Policy of Aurangzeb during the Later Part
of his Reign: Some Considerations’, Indian Historical Review, vol.
XIII, nos. 1-2, 1986-87, pp. 88–101; Idem, Mughal Religious Policies:
The Rajputs and the Deccan, Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1993,
pp. 171, 194-5.
39. Raj Vilas, p. 19.
194 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

40. As discussed earlier, the narrative tradition generally described the

ancestries to six or eight generations back. Richard Fox, King, Clan,
Raja and Rule, p. 16.
41. Raj Vilas, p. 11.
42. Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, vol. III, p. 224 and Satish
Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies, pp. 74–81. The latter writes that
Rana Amar Singh, not having signed a formal treaty, still agreed to
send his son Bhim to join Prince Khurram. Rana Jagat Singh had aroused
Shah Jahan’s wrath by subjugating his own erstwhile territories. The
tension between the two was mediated with offerings of rich presents
and military contingents.
43. Raj Vilas, p. 102.
44. Aloka Parashar, Mlecchas in Early India, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1991, pp. 24–8, 224–7.
45. Ibid., p. 115.
46. Raj Vilas, p. 107, 149, where the poet also justifies the killing of the
Mughals or mlecchas as a righteous act as follows:

tksj Hk;s efg EysPN tc] rc gfj tkfu rqjUrA

vki èkjs vorkj nl] vkuu vlqfj vUrA
Whenever Hari came to know that mlecchas had became powerful. He
incarnated in ten forms and destroyed the devils.

These lines define mlecchas as evil persons who have fallen from
dharma. Vishnu, in his ten incarnations, eradicated evil from the earth.
The term mleccha, asura (demon), pishacha (haunted soul) and Mughal
indicated the evils of the Kali Yuga.
47. Sri Ram Sharma, Maharana Raj Singh and His Times, Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidas, 1971, pp. 18–22, accepts this as one of the reasons for
conflict. Satish Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies, p. 468, quotes the
incident from both Vir Vinod and Raj Vilas but doubts its authenticity.
Zahiruddin Faruki in Aurangzeb and His Times, Delhi: Idarah-i-
Adabiyat-i-Delhi, 1972, also mentions the incident though the source
of reference is not given.
48. Satish Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies, pp. 63–72, reviews the
crisis in the light of Persian and Rajasthani sources and sees Rana’s
interference in the Rathor dispute as one reason for the breach between
Aurangzeb and the Rana. See also Jadunath Sarkar, History of
Aurangzeb, vol. III, pp. 223–7.
49. Raj Vilas, p. 15, v. 36. See also V.S. Bhargava, Marwar and the
Mughal Emperors, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1966, pp. 99–103.
Bhargava refers to the farmans sent by Aurangzeb to Jaswant Singh
in 1658 after defeating Dara Shikoh. The latter did not respond
to his demand to join the imperial services though he went to receive
the victor prince at Delhi. Jaswant Singh was committed to Shah
Jahan and wanted Aurangzeb to be defeated. He first intrigued
with Prince Shuja, also a contestant for the throne. Aurangzeb,
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 195

anticipating this alliance, once again sent a message to Jaswant through

Jai Singh of Amber. The poet perhaps refers to the exchange of these
farmans.
50. Ibid., p. 155, v. 54.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid., p. 163, v. 82.
53. This encounter is not described in any historical work. V.S. Bhargava,
Marwar and the Mughal Emperors, pp. 121–2, reveals an intrusion
into Marwar by the Mughal officers, who conducted a massive hunt
for the treasury of Marwar. The whole of Marwar, barring Jodhpur
fort, was placed under the control of Mughal officers.
54. Raj Vilas, p. 168, v. 124.
55. Ibid., p. 168, v. 128.
56. Ibid., p. 169, v. 133.
57. Ibid., p. 175, v. 169.
58. Ibid., p. 184, v. 2. See also Bhargava, Marwar and the Mughal
Emperors, p. 127 and Satish Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies,
pp. 92-3. The Rana’s interference in the Rathor dispute is seen as one
of the causes of the breach between Aurangzeb and the Rana; their
relationship had otherwise been normal. The poet, however, described
estranged relations from the beginning.
59. Raj Vilas, p. 185, v. 7, p. 186, v. 12 and p. 188, v. 19, p. 206 onwards
is a description of the battles.
60. Raj Vilas, p. 224, v. 39.
61. Ibid., p. 229, v. 29.
62. Ibid., p. 235, v. 25.
63. Ibid., p. 237, v. 8.
64. Ibid., p. 261, v. 97.
65. Jangnama, p. 30.
66. Ibid., p. 76. See also Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics, pp. 63–85
and William Irvine, Later Mughals, pp. 160–85. Satish Chandra
discusses in detail the aspirations of Zulfiqar Khan for Wazarat since
1707 when his claims were ignored by Bahadur Shah, who appointed
Munim Khan the wazir. After Bahadur Shah’s death, he revived his
struggle and supported Jahandar Shah so that he could fulfil his desire
by crowning Jahandar Shah as the Emperor.
67. Jangnama, p. 2.
68. Ibid., p. 17.
69. Ibid., p. 28.
70. Ibid., p. 29. See also J.F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, Delhi:
Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 265. Sectarian differences
amongst the nobles of Jahandar Shah were an advantage to Farrukhsiyar.
Chin Qilich Khan, an eminent noble of Jahandar Shah, kept his Turani
group passive in the battlefield near Agra. For factionalism between
Zulifiqar Khan and Kokaltash Khan see William Irvine, Later Mughals,
v. 1, pp. 197, 224.
71. Ibid., p. 45.
196 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

72. Ibid., p. 6.
73. Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics, pp. 209, 215, 217-18, 224 and
231. In lieu of his help to Farrukhsiyar, he was granted a jagir in the
modern Farrukhabad region, which later became a centre of Afghan
power that constantly influenced political relations during the eighteenth
century.
74. Compare Jahangir Jas Chandrika, p. 620, and KG where Keshavdas
writes tgkaxhj nqgw¡ nhu dk lkfgc (Jahangir is the lord of both the faiths)
and Jangnama, p. 65 where Shridhar Ojha describes Farrukhsiyar as:

Q:Z[kfl;j Hkks iukg nqgw¡ nhu dksA

Farrukhsiyar has become the protector of both the faiths.

75. Historians generally believe that rise of the Jat power was due to the
Jat’s reaction against the misrule during Aurangzeb’s period. See
Kalika Ranjan Kanungo, The Jats, Delhi: Sunita Publication, rpt,
1987, pp. 20-1; Natwar Singh, Maharaja Suraj Mal, Delhi: B.I.
Publishers, n.d., p. 6, and Girish Chandra Dwivedi, The Jats, Delhi:
Arnold Publishers, 1989, p. 37. All these scholars write that the faujdar
of Mathura, Murshid Quti Khan often raided villages to procure
beautiful women, which was an insult to the population of the region.
They were also antagonised by temple demolitions in the region.
Sujan Charitra however, does not suggest any reason which enhanced
Jat power.
76. KG, p. 497; the verse reads as follows in the context of the composition
of the Bundela army:

lfdys flxjs eSuk tkVA ugjk ukgj xwtj tkVA

All the Mainas, Jats, Nehras, Nahars, Gujar – Jats assembled in one camp.

77. KG, p. 486; Qanungo, The Jats, pp. 1–18; Natwar Singh, Maharaja
Suraj Mal, pp. 1–3; Somnath Granthavali, Ras Piyush Nidhi, p. 3; the
verse reads as follows:

tnqca'kh u`i uan ds izxVs xksdqy pan]

rsx cgknqj txr esa tnq dqy ds voralA
fru ds Hk;kS izfl) vfr cnu flag lkS ykyA
fn;kS jkt czt dkS gjf"k ftUgSa Jh uan ykyA
To the Yaduvanshi king is born Gokul Chandra, Extremely brave in the
world of duelling is the successor of Yaduvansha. In that kula is born, a son
like Badan Singh. To whom the king of Braja has given the kingdom willingly.

and see also Sujan Charitra, p. 4; the verse reads as follows:

jfo cal eSa T;kSa djuq R;kSa lfl cal dkS og lwjA
gS cnu flag egsUnz efg ij èkeZ èkqjaèkj èkhjA
As Karan is in solar dynasty, that bravo is hero of lunar dynasty. Badan Singh,
the solemn and distinguished in dharma, is lord Indra on the earth.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 197

78. Sujan Charitra, p. 9. Natwar Singh also confirms the battle that took
place between Suraj Mal on behalf of Fateh Ali Khan and the imperial
officer Asad Khan in AD 1745. Qanungo does not refer to this episode
in his book. Natwar Singh quotes Sujan Charitra for the details of this
battle.
79. Ibid., p. 15. The poet writes in detail how Asad Khan motivated his
soldiers to fight. He told them that defeat would cause a sharp rise in
prices so it was wise to die on the battlefield rather than be defeated
and live in starvation..
80. Sujan Charitra, pp. 25–35, pertain to the description of Suraj Mal’s
intervention in the succession crisis.
81. Jadunath Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, vol. I, p. 146; Qanungo,
The Jats, pp. 36-7.
82. Sujan Charitra, p. 37; Suraj Mal made humble requests to the Bakshi
not to ravage his lands as he had committed no offence and was living
as a loyal vassal. The description corresponds to the views of Sarkar
and Natwar Singh as they too depend on this source for the details.
83. Sujan Charitra, p. 37.
84. Ibid., p. 40.
85. Ibid., p. 62; G.C. Dwivedi, The Jats, p. 10. Though he does not write
about the recruitment of Jawahar Singh in the imperial army, he believes
that the Jats were not controlled by a higher authority, the powerful
elements found it expedient to conciliate them in order to retain their
own power.
86. Sujan Charitra, p. 52. Muzaffar Alam, ‘Aspects of Agrarian Uprisings
in North India in Early Eighteenth Century’ in S. Bhattacharya and
Romila Thapar (eds.), Situating Indian History, Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1986, pp. 146–70. He writes that the rich and strong zamindars,
in order to have some kind of autonomy, or at least a greater share in
the revenue, resisted the imperial powers.
87. Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, vol. I, p. 154 and Natwar Singh,
Maharaja Suraj Mal, pp. 35-6, both refer to these terms and conditions.
88. Muzaffar Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh
and Punjab 1707–1748, pp. 234–8.
89. Sujan Charita, pp. 59; Qanungo, though omitting the description of
other wars, devotes a chapter to Suraj Mal’s support to Safdar Jung
against the Bangash Afghans. See The Jats, pp. 41–52.
90. Sujan Charitra, pp. 54, 60, where in yet another verse Safdar Jung
applauded the Jat as follows:

,sls opu lqtku ds] lqfudS lQnj taxA

cksY;kS lc fganqu eSa] gS cztsUnz eq[kjaxA
Safdar Jung listened to the comments of Sujan. / He said that the King of Braja
is the greatest among all the Hindus.

Sarkar, Qanungo, and Natwar Singh depict Suraj Mal and his ancestors
as being in subordination to the Mughal Empire. The verses quoted
here provide the Jats with an autonomous identity.
198 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

91. Sujan Charitra, p. 69.

92. Ibid., p. 95.
93. Qanungo, The Jats, p. 44, and G.C. Dwivedi, The Jats, p. 69.
94. Sujan Charitra, p. 98.
95. Ibid., p. 153.
96. Ibid., p. 145. After Ghaziuddin died in 1752, his son Imad ul Mulk was
raised to the post of Mir Bakshi. The rise of a Turani to such a high
position in an atmosphere of Irani-Turani rivalry that had been prevailing
since the period of Jahandar Shah resulted in conspiracies against the
wazir. The Emperor Ahmad Shah succeeded in expelling him from the
imperial court. Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, vol. pp. 222–35.
97. Ibid., p. 163; For the plunder of Delhi by the Jats, see Sarkar, Fall of
the Mughal Empire, vol. I, pp. 238-9.
98. Ibid., p. 206; Natwar Singh, Maharaja Suraj Mal, pp. 49-50. Natwar
Singh furnishes details of the negotiations between the Jats and Marathas.
As the Marathas were generally short of cash, they demanded their
share in the loot of Delhi as payment for their support. The details
correspond to the facts given in Sujan Charitra.
99. Ibid., p. 211.
100. KG, p. 544; The verse reads as follows:

fcfcèk caèkq jtiwr cksyk,A

jktk v:¡ ucko lq[k ik;A ns[kfg tk; lkfg ds ik¡;A
Many Rajput kinfolk were invited…. The king and the nawabs felt relaxed,
and proceeded to see the feet of the Emperor.

101. Laldas, Beetak, Section 48, v. 12.

102. Sujan Charitra, p. 60.
103. David Ludden, An Agrarian History of South Asia, pp. 85–92; Richard
Fox, King, Clan, Raja and Rule, pp. 25–47.
104. See Raj Vilas, p. 34. The verse reads as follows:

lqiu iÙk Jh dkj lksbZ gkjhr lq fl)gA - - -

You, the accomplished Siddha like Harit, are bestower of prosperity….

See also, Ulerike Teuscher, ‘Changing Eklingi: A Holy Place as a Source

of Royal Legitimation’, Studies in History, vol. 21, no. 1, 2005, who
shows that the Eklingi Shiva temple in Mewar received the patronage
of the Guhilas during the early medieval period. Gradually, the
heterodox Pasupata ascetics also established mathas and extended
support to the rulers.
105. Sujan Charitra, p. 13; Raj Pal Singh, Rise of the Jat Power, Delhi:
Harman, 1988, p. 228. The author believes that the Jats could expand
their sphere of influence only in those areas which were predominantly
populated by their own kin. Norman P. Zeigler, ‘Rajput Loyalties during
the Mughal Period’, in J.F. Richards (ed.), Kingship and Authority in
South Asia, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 242–84 also
stresses ethnic bonds as the crucial factor in regional politics.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 199

106. R.P. Tripathi, ‘Turko-Mongol Theory of Kingship’, in The Mughal State.

See also, Iqtidar Alam Khan, ‘The Turko-Mongol Theory of Kingship’,
in Medieval India, A Miscellany, vol. II, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1972, pp. 8–18.
107. Ziauddin Barani, Fatawa-i-Jahandari, tr., M. Habib, as The Political
Theory of Delhi Sultanate, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, n.d., Irfan Habib,
‘Barani’s Theory of Kingship’; S.A.A. Rizvi, The Religious and
Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1975.
108. Stephen P. Blake, ‘The Patrimonial-Bureaucratic Empire of the
Mughals’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 39, 1979, pp. 77–94.
109. J.F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, pp. 45-6. Idem, ‘The Formation of
Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir’, in J.F. Richards (ed.),
Kingship and Authority in South Asia, pp. 260–7.
110. Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam in India: c. 1200–
1800, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004, pp. 26–80.
111. Harbans Mukhia, The Mughals of India, India: Blackwell Publishing,
2005.
112. Burton Stein, ‘The Segmentary State in South India’, in Richard Fox
(ed.), Realm and Region in Traditional India, Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1977, pp. 1–59; Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults; State
Formation and Legitimation in South India, Delhi: Manohar, 1993;
Richard Fox, Kin, Clan, Raja and Rule; and Zeigler, ‘Rajput Loyalties
during the Mughal Period’ in J.F. Richards (ed.), Kingship and Authority
in South Asia pp. 242–85.
113. KG, Veer Charitra, p. 596. and compare R.P. Tripathi, Rise and Fall of
the Mughal Empire, Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1972, p. 256.
See also Sudan, Sujan Charitra, p. 115 and Somnath, Sujan Vilas,
Somnath Granthavali, part I, p. 816. These poets also guide their
patrons to decide the course of their action according to time and place.
114. K.A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, pp. 1–11.
115. J.F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, pp. 45-6, and ‘The Formulation of
Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir’, in J.F. Richards (ed.),
Kingship and Authority in South Asia, pp. 260–7. J.F. Richards says
that Abul Fazl connected Akbar’s descent to Mughal Khan and then
through a chain of Prophets to Adam.
116. Matiram Granthavali, p. 309. For the major epithets in the citation,
John Dowson, Hindi Mythology and Religion, Calcutta: Rupa, 1982.
The mythological terms carry the following connotations:
(i) Bikram or Vikramaditya: A celebrated Hindu King who reigned
over Ujjain during the first century BC. He introduced the Samvat
era, pp. 356-7.
(ii) Dharmsut or Yudhishthar, the eldest among the five Pandu princes
in the Mahabharata, The name means the son of Dharma or God
of Justice, pp. 39, 378.
(iii) Dhundhumar: A prince of the solar race mentioned in Vishnupurana
who attacked and killed the goat demon Dhundhu, earning the
title of Dhundhumar, p. 173.
200 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

(iv) Dhanish: The lord of wealth; known as the keeper of all earthly
treasures, pp. 173-4.
(v) Priyabrata: One of the two sons of Brahma and Sata-Rupa or
possibly the son of Manu-Swayambhuva, p. 224.
(vi) Prithu: The son of Veena was called the first king of the earth and
from him the earth was called Prithvi, p. 242.
117. Somnath, Sujan Vilas, p. 816.
118. Ibid., p. 822.
119. Akbarnama, vol. III, Delhi: Rare Books, 1977, pp. 122, 426.
120. Ain-i-Akbari, vol. I, Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society, rpt, 1978, p. 2.
121. Akbarnama, vol. III, p. 140. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual
History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Region, pp. 358–62, believes that
Abul Fazl in his description of the monarchy relied on Sufi terminology
in order to strike at the roots of the intellectual pretences of the Mahdi.
He also believes that identification of sovereignty with the divine light
was neither novel nor indigenous. It was, in fact, the transformation of
kingship according to the contemporary conditions.
122. Tr. of Fatawa-i-Jahandari, tr. M. Habib, as The Political Theory of the
Delhi Sultanate, p. 3.
123. Ibid., pp. 41, 42, 44 and for terror as an essential royal weapon as
revealed by Barani is suggested by Riti poet Vrind in Vrind Satsai,
v. 381, as follows:

jgS iztk ?ku ;Ru lksa tg¡ ck¡dh rjokjA

The subjects live judiciously where sword rules.

124. Tulsidas, Ramcharitmanas, Uttara Kanda, 26/7-2.

125. Sujan Charitra, p. 115.
126. Bernard Cohn, ‘The Role of Gosains in the Economy of Eighteenth
Century Upper India’, IESHR, vol. 1, no. 3, 1964, pp. 175–82.
127. Padmakar, Himmat Bahadur Virdavali, v. 189.
128. KG, Jahangir Jas Chandrika, p. 632.
129. Ibid., p. 623.
130. Ibid., III, pp. 478, 551. Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults, pp. 1–16,
sees temple construction and protection to pilgrimage centres as a
measure to counterbalance the threats from other local powers.
131. Raj Vilas, p. 45; for a similar notion, Somnath, Sujan Vilas, p. 820.
Muzaffar Alam, ‘Akhlaqi Norms and Mughal Governance’, in Alam
and Delvoye (eds.), The Making of Indo-Persian Culture, p. 82, also
explains the secular norms of governance where the objective of the
state was to fulfil human needs. Since the subjects came from different
religious backgrounds, Shariat then redefined the ethics of kingship
which could avert conflict among them. The attempt in both the
traditions was being made to guide the king to maintain harmony and
peace in the state.
132. Sujan Charitra, p. 12, 26.
133. KG, III, Veer Charitra, p. 508.
 RULERS REGIONS AND WARS 201

134. C.A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars, pp. 58–60, writes that
‘royal expenditure was an expression of legitimate rule.’
135. Somnath, Sujan Vilas, pp. 819-20.
136. Padmakar, Jagat Vinod, 39.
137. Raj Vilas, pp. 50, 51.
138. Ibid., p. 52, Laldas informs us that Prannath attracted a large number
of Muslims in Udaipur to his faith. It becomes evident that the Bohras
staying in Udaipur, preaching almost the same faith, were engaged in
overseas trade. It is apparent in Beetak that the Bohras carried on trade
in cloth in the region. Rana, as just ruler, in spite of his hostility to the
Muslim rulers around him, allowed these Bohras to live in his kingdom.
139. Ibid., pp. 48, 49.
140. Ibid., p. 54. The verse reads as follows:

èkku e<+h] yksug e<+h] :bZ e<+h lc lkatA

vuNkfnr lqfLFkr vfer] fxfjoj le cgq xatA
cafèk cafèk cgq Hkkafrdu] <ksor fdrus gekyA
Wholesale markets of paddy, salt, cotton are well displayed. Open and well
settled huge, mountain like many ganjas. Numerous porters tie and carry
their goods in different ways.

C.A. Bayly describes the ganj as an established market of the eighteenth

century, in regions other than Mewar also. Maan gives a vivid
description of well-organized wholesale markets during the second half
of the seventeenth century in Mewar. Bayly also refers to large volumes
of trade in grain and salt in the Rajasthan region.
141. Raj Vilas, p. 43.
142. Padmakar Granthavali, Jagat Vinod, v. 252.
143. Somnath Granthavali, p. 101.
144. D.H.A. Kolff in Naukar, Rajput and Sepoy, pp. 75–83, quotes C.
Vaudeville to endorse his view that the prevalence of the soldiering
tradition created mobility in society.
202 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

CHAPTER 6

Conclusion

I t is difficult to use creative literature as conclusive evidence for an

event of the past. Reading vernacular sources is a greater challenge because
this literature lacks codification in terms of language. I have nevertheless
used a large body of such literature to review the society and culture of
a chronologically defined period. It is one of the first attempts for north
India of the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, and the first to
use Riti Kal poetry as a source.
This poetry, in spite of being in vernacular mode, represented an
intellectual movement in premodern India. In my understanding, the
credibility of the poets and the reliability of the information in the
poetry do not depend on distinctions between historical ‘fact’ and ‘truth’,
or in drawing a line between imagination and imagery. I rather focus on
the realities of the world around those who were involved in the creation
of these texts. I understand the period of Riti Kal as a transitional phase,
the carrier being Braja bhasha. The poets borrowed the themes from the
classics and traditions and versified them in Bhasha, the language of the
masses, with conscious or unconscious omissions and additions. Not
only Sanskrit literature, Persian historiography too influenced their
writings. Other sources of the poets were various channels of
communication, both oral and visual. The vision of their patrons and
their local social context also determined the nature of their texts.
Therefore, each poet and each text was different and demands careful
treatment when used for historical analysis. Even so, a kind of
homogeneity of style, themes and expressions, irrespective of the
teleological, topographical, and temporal differences, could be identified
in this literature. This profound similarity reflects interconnections
between regions and people on the one hand, and uniform patterns of
learning on the other.
To imagine the voluminous literature as a reiteration of old themes
in an uncodified language is unacceptable. The poetry was a perfect
blending of erstwhile traditions and the then contemporary ideological
and concrete social and cultural attributes for the masses. I argue that
Riti poetry was an intellectual movement and instrumental in arousing
 CONCLUSION 203

consciousness among the unlettered of their past and in determining the

course of action in their present. A continuity of the past and change in
the present was the main feature of the poetry.
The material used was not concocted. Metaphors and tropes
presented different realities in broader historical contexts. The reality
for a poet was, for instance, the identity issue of an individual, a king, a
caste, a woman, a kingdom or the poet himself. The expression of this
identity could be moulded to the poet’s perspective. The reality was
then the need and the ways in which the identity was presented is more
important rather than calculations concerning the element of truth in
it. The poet’s own identity was a variable. He was a great poet when the
community of poets or kavikula upheld this belief. Keshavdas tendered
an apology for his use of Braja to this community of poets. It is apparent
that the verses had to be approved by them whatever might have been
their criteria. The poetry I discussed had already been evaluated by those
who knew what it meant. The value, judgements, of posterity however
become supine and indicate the preconceived notions of those who believe
that this could not be a source of history.
The identity of an individual was a factor of his lineage and his
family status. These depended on the norms and conventions of the
past and the then prevailing surroundings. Individuality was thus a
complex issue, but even in society the individual held an autonomous
domain in which he could exercise his discretion. Caste structure was a
summation of kin-based groups, following certain occupations and
abiding by a given code of conduct. Changes in the caste structure were
introduced when individuals transgressed the norms and new caste
identities emerged. The reference point even in these new identities was
still the lineage, occupation, and region. With a high degree of
occupational and professional mobility, as discussed in Chapters 2 and
5, the lineage of a person was overshadowed by his occupational and
regional identities. The varna-based caste structure was sometimes utilized
as an ideological attribute, but it was losing its hold on society. Despite
the fluidity, caste was subjected to continuous forces of conservatism,
attempting to retain its prevailing form, the agencies of control being
patriarchy and ideologies of honour and shame.
These forces governed the life of individuals, women in particular,
during the period. Gender relations were therefore biased in favour of
male members. In her role as mother, the woman enjoyed autonomy
and acted as the chief agency in transmitting cultural values through
performance of rituals. Yet Riti poetry about nayak and nayika became
the channel to express reactions and attitudes towards gender. A woman
was then seen in relation to her male counterpart. The nayika gained
the upper hand in the descriptions, because extensive classification
portrayed her in different roles with different emotions. In this way, the
204 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

poets found a medium to express the behaviour, emotions, and resistance

to social constraints of women. Patriarchy dictated the regulation of
female sexuality through moral strictures, like the honour of the family
and various notions of shame. In uninhibited descriptions of amorous
acts of nayaks and nayikas, poets presented female sensuality and sexual
freedom as a woman’s strength.
When women were placed on a different level in the family it might
have disturbed the organization of the family and society. What was
proposed was not the dislodging of joint families, but a view that all
the members of a household shared the rights and responsibilities accor-
ding to their respective positions in the family. The strength of the family
depended on the mutual efforts of all the members which might ignore
individual sentiments and susceptibilities. The family was, as always,
the basis of social solidarity. The instances of upholding the patriarchy
as the norm governing social relations was a conscious expression of the
need to make society strong enough to survive and progress in a phase
of political and social transition. Family, kinship, caste, and gender
extended support to the emerging regional identities in various ways.
As a part of the extended social set up, the individual was exposed
to diverse religious and mythological traditions. The revival of the
Vaishnava faith in medieval India witnessed not only the glorification
of Krishna but also the exaltation of the legend of Radha. Krishna was
portrayed in all possible manifestations of divinity in the poetry. New
episodes were added to his image which indicated the medieval historical
context. As for Radha, the unidentified woman of the Bhagvat Purana
trailing through the poetry of Jaidev, Vidyapati, Rupa Goswami, and
Surdas, she dominated the writings of almost all the Riti poets. Radha
emerged not only as a powerful goddess but also denoted a shifting
balance of power, which assigned her the status not of divine consort
but of an independent identity possessing similar attributes of power
and authority which were earlier treated as the monopoly of the god.
In Chapter 3, I reviewed the legends of Krishna and Radha apropos
nineteenth-century perspectives. The blame of emasculation of the image
of Krishna by the Riti poets was reviewed, and I found that in spite of
the exaltation of Radha and conversion of the legends into a literary
genre, this did not undermine Krishna’s divinity. He was still masculine
in his deeds. It appears that the poets had created a secular image of the
duo which in turn had a universal appeal. This secularization in the Riti
poetry was not symptomatic of a moral decline or degeneration. It was
a process of creating a popular genre. The transformation of Radha-
Krishna into nayak-nayika and then to a universalized literary genre by
the poets was also a reaction to classical forms of elite expression.
Krishna could be accommodated in the person of a local chieftain;
he could be an incarnation of a Yadava ruler, or a passionate lover making
 CONCLUSION 205

love to his heroine. He was venerated as the Supreme or the Absolute in

different cults, while the founders of the cults, sometimes assumed divine
form. In some discourses, the ideologies of different schools of
philosophical thought were reiterated, with Krishna being the essence
of the Universe. Not surprisingly, such treatment demonstrated the vision
and skills of those who converted these expressions into literary forms.
There is no doubt that these delineations were conscious endeavours of
the poets reflecting a revival of the past with changes that took place in
the process of reiteration.
Reviving the past of religion and philosophy and of many other
themes was a popular current during the period. The poets versified
epics, epic stories, Sanskrit plays, and kingship tales in Braja dialect.
Their royal patrons decided the themes. The interest of the kings in
promoting Sanskritic culture in a vernacular vehicle was the outcome of
political, social, and cultural factors. Interestingly, the Mughal culture
also promoted a glorification of similar themes in Persian and Braja
languages. The political facades of the Empire and its regions reflected
no clash of cultures. Conversely, the language of the poetry and its
mannerism exhibit an exchange between the Sanskritic and Persian
culture, the poets being more influenced by court etiquette and the
vocabulary of the Mughals.
The Bundela court, which followed the Vaishnava faith, imbibed
the Persian customs of taslim and salam. It is not strange that the Riti
poets produced Braja transmutations of past stories not from the original
Sanskrit texts but in some cases from their Persian versions. It is also
noticeable that the Riti traditions in their turn influenced Mughal ways
of life. The accommodation to Riti poets and their patrons in Mughal
circles indicate remarkable imprints of Indian culture. The famous
Sanskrit drama Abhigan Shakuntalam was narrated and versified during
the early decades of the eighteenth century in the Mughal court and also
by a Muslim poet Newaj. Thus, when William Jones translated this text
into English in 1798, his claim to be reviving the Indian past was not
quite correct. We have seen that Sanskrit drama was rendered into Braja
for stage performances. Could we then say that vernacular poetry and
drama were windows on the ancient Indian past during premodern India?
Do they represent, in some way, an eighteenth-century nationalist
sentiment destined to alter socio-political equations later during the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries? This requires a detailed survey of
the vast literature of which I have utilized a small fraction in this first
published endeavour.
The political culture of the period produced diverse and varied
patterns of relationship between the imperial centre and the localities.
Right from its inception, the Mughal Empire realized its claims by allying
with various regional powers and by assigning to them varied degrees of
206 LITERATURE, CULTURE AND HISTORY IN MUGHAL NORTH INDIA

autonomy. With conflict over territories and hegemony, the processes of

adjustment always invoked various ideologies which could strike a
balance of power between the empire and regions. Contestation was
not always between two powers. It was, in most of the cases, an interplay
of many aspirants with ancestry and affinity with their own regions.
The local régimes exploited religious sentiments and local kinship bonds
to strengthen and legitimize their positions. With the weakening of the
central authority and depreciation of its financial resources, regional
forces came to retain larger shares of the revenues. The imperial nobles
were then forced to negotiate with local potentates. We find traces of
these processes in Riti poetry.
Scholars have dismissed these versified histories as fanciful accounts,
but I have attempted to project the historian poets as advisors to their
patrons on the concepts of kingship. They knew the several ways in
which the authority of the king could be legitimized. The genealogical
constructions, concept of kingship, public opinion, religion, patronage
to art and culture, construction of buildings and luxurious lifestyle of
the kings and their courtiers enabled any king in the subcontinent in
enthralling his position. Interestingly, the construction of political
ideologies in these narratives was universal. The poets scattered over
vast geographical regions produced identical patterns of beliefs, and in
spite of being fundamentally similar for all kings aspiring to maximize
their might, did not represent any clash.
The Mughals, as superior power during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, succeeded in merging the regional identities in the
name of empire. Their strength depended on the popular support which
was mediated through regional powers. The regional powers still
expressed their identities as a fraction of the Mughal State during the
eighteenth century when the power of the centre had declined. The
Mughal sovereignty was an aggregation of regional polities at any
juncture during the premodern period. The conflicts at any point of
time during the period were over the sharing of boundaries and extent
of power and adjustment mechanism was always flexible. Sometimes,
the Mughals forced the smaller kings to surrender their rights in favour
of the empire and on other occasions, ceded their rights in favour of the
regional kings. Autonomy of the regions was not a peculiar feature of
the eighteenth century and the Mughals themselves had sanctioned
different degrees of independence to the regional rulers. Man Singh
Kachhwaha was always addressed as Raja and the rulers of Mewar were
always known as Ranas, the royal title of the kings in the region. The
poets never forgot to add the prefix Maharaja before Chhatrasal, and
Shivaji was always known as Chhatrapati. Akbar was known in the
poetry as Patishah, Shah or Badshah, and Sudan unfailingly wrote Shah
for Ahmad Shah, though his authority had waned. The Empire was
 CONCLUSION 207

never completely overthrown; it continued to be a reference point for

legitimation of authority in the region.
People in the subcontinent had always unanimously acknowledged
the Emperor as the sovereign of India and that is why, when imperial
wazir Safdar Jung revolted against the empire and attempted to gain
support from the Jats and other regional powers, he had to enthrone a
minor grandson of Kam Baksh because the banner of revolt was to be
raised in the name of Emperor for mobilizing popular support. The
Emperor as the icon represented a State comprising of many regions
even in AD 1857 when Bahadur Shah was acknowledged as the Emperor
of India.
The study thus reveals that the region and the empire were sometimes
rivals contesting for a larger share in power. The poets, however, projected
on many occasions that regions were indispensable in the making of the
empire. The idea that regional kingdoms gained prominence in the wake
of declining imperial authority during the eighteenth century is thus not
substantiated by Riti poets. The rulers, both imperial and regional,
unanimously utilized the dominant literary mode and skills of the poets
to arouse popular consciousness by making them aware of their glorified
past. How far it could be identified as ‘nationalism’ remains unanswered.
It calls forth meticulous analyses of the texts included in this study and
of many more enshrouded texts of the Riti Kal period.
 CHAPTER6

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY 211

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C. BOOKS IN HINDI
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Chaturvedi, Parashuram, Uttari Bharat Ki Sant Parampara, Prayag: Bharti
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Gupt, Jagdish, Keshavdas, Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1984.
Gupta, Bhagwan Das, Mughlon Ke Antargat-Bundelkhand Ka Samajik, Arthik
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Lal, Kishori, Riti Kaviyon Ki Maulik Den, Allahabad, 1971.
Mahendra Kumar, Riti Kaleen Riti Kaviyon Ka Kavya Shilpa, Delhi: Arya
Book Depot, 1968.
Mishra, Bhagirath, Hindi Kavya Shastra Ka Itihas, Seth Bhola Ram Saksaria
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D. PH.D. THESES
Holland, Baarron Gregory, The Satsai of Bihari: Hindi Poetry of Early
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Adeeb, Masud Husain Rizvi, ‘Nawaz aur Shakuntala Natak’, Nuqoosh,
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