Committee Mandate and Structure

The Pakistan National Assembly (PNA) is the directly elected lower house of Pakistan’s bicameral
legislature, with the Senate serving as the upper house. It is a central legislative body entrusted
with the power to make laws, oversee the executive, and approve the federal budget. The Assembly
has a total of 342 seats, out of which 272 are directly elected on the basis of universal adult
suffrage, using a first-past-the-post system. The remaining 70 seats are reserved, with 60 allocated
to women and 10 to non-Muslim minorities. These reserved seats are proportionally distributed
among political parties based on their share of elected seats, ensuring representation of groups that
would otherwise be marginalized.

Every five years, Pakistanis cast their vote to elect their representatives. Members of the National
Assembly (MNAs), whether directly elected or indirectly nominated through reserved quotas, are
equal in their parliamentary rights and duties. The primary responsibility of MNAs is legislation
the formulation of laws and policies that respond to national needs and the demands of their
constituencies. However, the legislative process is not straightforward. To pass a bill, the
Assembly generally requires a simple majority. In the case of constitutional amendments or more
consequential reforms, however, a two-thirds majority is necessary. This stipulation ensures that
any significant change to the legal or political order reflects broad-based consensus rather than
partisan will.

In practice, this means that legislation often requires cross-party collaboration, coalition-building,
and careful negotiation. Delegates in this MUN simulation must understand that diplomacy in the
National Assembly is not only about foreign policy but also about persuading and aligning diverse
political factions. As in real politics, a party cannot govern by numbers alone; it must appeal to the
wider Assembly, make compromises, and present bills that are acceptable across ideological
divides. For delegates, this means balancing their constituency’s priorities with the larger national
interest, while maintaining the political dexterity to ensure their bills pass.
Introduction: The Urgency of Women’s Rights in Pakistan

The question of women’s rights and empowerment in Pakistan is not new, but it remains one
of the most pressing challenges facing the nation. Women make up nearly half of Pakistan’s
population, yet their lived realities demonstrate persistent inequalities in access to education,
healthcare, economic opportunities, and political participation. Although legal frameworks
exist to promote gender equality, the implementation gap remains wide. The National
Assembly has historically been the forum where such issues are debated, reformed, and
legislated—whether through constitutional guarantees, specific protection laws, or broader
social reforms.
Despite progress, Pakistan still ranks low on global gender equality indices. The Global
Gender Gap Report 2024 places Pakistan near the bottom, highlighting barriers such as low
female labor force participation (hovering around 20%), limited access to financial
independence, and rising cases of gender-based violence. Social traditions, patriarchal
attitudes, and institutional weaknesses compound these challenges. At the same time, the
resilience and contributions of women in Pakistan’s history—from Fatima Jinnah’s leadership
in the independence struggle to Benazir Bhutto’s tenure as the first female Prime Minister of
a Muslim-majority country—illustrate that empowerment is not merely an abstract idea but a
lived reality with transformative potential.
This committee must therefore explore how Pakistan’s legal framework can be strengthened
not only in letter but also in practice, ensuring that women are not just theoretically equal but
empowered in every sphere of life.
Constitution and Legal Framework
Constitution of Pakistan (1973)
The Constitution of Pakistan (1973) establishes the overarching framework for women’s
rights and protection, anchoring gender equality within the country’s legal system.

 Article 25 guarantees equality before the law and equal protection, explicitly prohibiting
discrimination based on sex. While progressive in principle, courts have often interpreted
it narrowly, and enforcement has been uneven.

 Article 25-A mandates free and compulsory education for all children between 5–16
years of age. This provision is particularly crucial for girls, as lack of education
perpetuates cycles of poverty and vulnerability to harmful practices such as child
marriage.

 Article 34 obliges the state to ensure full participation of women in all spheres of
national life, reinforcing their role in political, economic, and social arenas.

 Article 35 requires the state to protect the family, the mother, and the child — provisions
often invoked in arguments for strengthening protections against domestic violence and
maternal health neglect.

 Additionally, Article 37 (social justice and eradication of social evils) and Article 38
(promotion of social and economic well-being) provide broad grounds for policies
advancing women’s welfare.

Despite these constitutional guarantees, the gap between law on paper and law in practice remains
significant, often due to systemic barriers in enforcement and cultural resistance.

Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) Provisions

Several sections of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) directly concern women’s safety and rights:
 Sections 375–376 criminalize rape and non-consensual sexual acts, though conviction
rates remain dismally low, often under 3–4%, due to flawed investigations, stigma, and
lack of survivor-centered procedures.

 Section 354 criminalizes assault with intent to outrage a woman’s modesty. A recent
amendment excluding Section 354 cases from special anti-rape courts sparked debate:
critics fear it weakens protection, while proponents argue it allows courts to prioritize
aggravated sexual offences.
  Section 509 criminalizes sexual harassment, both verbal and physical, forming the
foundation for workplace harassment protections.

 2011 Amendments expanded the PPC to criminalize forced marriages, denial of

inheritance rights, and harmful customary practices (such as swara and vani — giving
women in marriage to settle disputes).

Specialized Statutes
In addition to the PPC, numerous specialized laws have been enacted to address gender-based
violence and discrimination:
 Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act (2010, amended
2022): Broadened the definition of harassment and extended protections to students,
domestic workers, and informal sector laborers.

 Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Act (2021): Established special courts, expedited
trial procedures, and introduced survivor-friendly mechanisms such as in-camera
hearings and use of modern forensic tools.

 Anti-Honour Killing Laws (2016): Closed legal loopholes that allowed perpetrators to
escape punishment through blood money settlements.

 Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Act (2011): Introduced stringent penalties
for acid attacks, though enforcement and survivor rehabilitation remain weak.

 Provincial Domestic Violence Acts: Passed at different times in Sindh (2013),

Balochistan (2014), Punjab (2016), and ICT (2012), but not yet fully implemented in KP.
These acts criminalize physical, emotional, economic, and sexual abuse within the
household.

Other Relevant Legislation

 Hudood Ordinances (1979): Historically regressive, conflating rape with adultery
(zina), leading to wrongful imprisonment of women. Though partially reformed by the
Women’s Protection Act (2006), their legacy still affects legal interpretations and social
attitudes.

 Anti-Terrorism Act (1997): While not gender-specific, it has been applied in cases
where women are attacked for political or activist roles. Critics, however, argue that its
misuse undermines credibility and does not directly protect women.
Women’s Empowerment and Protection in Pakistan
Women’s empowerment is multidimensional—political, economic, social, and personal—and in
Pakistan each dimension presents both progress and persistent barriers. Politically, women’s
representation is guaranteed through reserved seats in legislatures, but this often translates to
token participation, with real power concentrated in male-dominated party leaderships.

Economically, women face significant challenges: they are overrepresented in low-paid, informal
labor, lack workplace protections, and earn considerably less than men. Cultural norms
frequently prevent women from working outside the home, traveling freely, or accessing
property rights to which they are legally entitled.
In terms of protection, while legislative frameworks exist, access to justice remains weak. Police
often lack training in handling gender-based violence cases; medico-legal systems are
outdated; and shelters, crisis centers, and legal aid are underfunded. Digital harassment has
emerged as a new frontier, with women increasingly facing cyber-bullying, non-consensual
image sharing, and online threats, often without effective recourse under Pakistan’s Prevention
of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA).

Historical Resolutions and Legislation

Legislation for women’s protection in Pakistan has unfolded in cycles of progress and regression,
reflecting the country’s broader political and ideological struggles. The Muslim Family Laws
Ordinance of 1961 was among the earliest attempts to safeguard women’s rights within an
Islamic framework, introducing reforms in marriage, divorce, and inheritance. For the first
time, it placed restrictions on polygamy and introduced mandatory registration of marriages,
though enforcement remained weak.
The trajectory reversed in 1979 with General Zia-ul-Haq’s Hudood Ordinances, which blurred
the lines between rape and adultery. Women reporting sexual assault often faced prosecution
for zina in the absence of four male witnesses, leading to wrongful convictions and mass
incarceration. This period institutionalized systemic discrimination and reinforced cultural
stigmas against survivors of violence.
The democratic transition in the 2000s marked a corrective turn. The Women’s Protection Act of
2006 shifted rape back to the Pakistan Penal Code, separating it from zina, and allowed women
accused under Hudood laws to seek bail. Parallel legislation, such as the 2010 Protection
against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act, and the 2011 Prevention of Anti-
Women Practices Act, tackled structural barriers—criminalizing practices like forced
marriage, inheritance deprivation, and harmful traditional customs. The Acid Control and

Acid Crime Prevention Act of 2011 addressed one of the most brutal forms of gender-based
violence, prescribing harsher punishments and regulating acid sales.
Momentum built further in 2016 with the passage of the Anti-Honour Killing Laws (Criminal
Amendment) Act and the Anti-Rape (Criminal Amendment) Act, both landmark reforms.
These closed long-exploited loopholes by restricting the misuse of qisas and diyat in honour
crimes and mandating DNA testing, victim protection, and specialized investigation
procedures in rape cases.
In the past decade, reforms have targeted modern challenges. The 2021 Anti-Rape (Investigation
and Trial) Act established special courts, allowed the use of technology in trials, and
introduced a national sex offender registry. The 2022 amendment to the Workplace
Harassment Act broadened definitions of harassment and clarified ambiguities that had
limited its enforcement. At the provincial level, Domestic Violence Acts have been enacted in
Sindh (2013), Balochistan (2014), Punjab (2016), and Islamabad Capital Territory (2012),
though Khyber Pakhtunkhwa still lacks comprehensive domestic violence legislation due to
political resistance.
Despite this extensive framework, enforcement remains deeply inconsistent. The uneven
implementation of child marriage restrictions, weak prosecution of honour crimes, and
continued misuse of legal loopholes reveal the tension between progressive statutes and ground
realities shaped by cultural, religious, and political contestation.
Major Loopholes and Challenges
Despite notable legal progress in recent decades, significant loopholes and systemic weaknesses
continue to undermine the effectiveness of Pakistan’s framework for protecting and
empowering women.

Marriage and Family Law Disparities:

The minimum age of marriage remains inconsistent across provinces, creating loopholes that
allow child marriage to persist. Sindh has set the minimum age at 18, yet Punjab, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan retain 16 as the threshold, enabling early marriages under the
guise of cultural or religious legitimacy. This inconsistency weakens national enforcement and
allows families to circumvent restrictions simply by shifting jurisdictions.

Inheritance Rights and Property Access:

Although inheritance rights are guaranteed under Islamic law and codified in the Pakistan
Penal Code (PPC), women are frequently denied their rightful shares, particularly in rural and
tribal areas. Many women face intimidation or social pressure to forfeit property claims to
male relatives. Weak enforcement mechanisms and lengthy court battles deter women from
pursuing justice, perpetuating intergenerational cycles of economic dependency.

Honour Killings and Gender-Based Violence:

Despite legislative reforms such as the 2016 Anti-Honour Killing Bill, honour killings remain
widespread. Loopholes within the Qisas and Diyat laws previously enabled perpetrators to
seek pardons from the victim’s family (often relatives complicit in the crime). Although
reforms curtailed this practice, procedural weaknesses, weak investigations, and societal
pressure still allow perpetrators to evade punishment.

Institutional and Enforcement Gaps:

Survivor support services—such as safe shelters, crisis centers, legal aid, hotlines, and
counseling facilities—exist but are limited in scope, underfunded, and often inaccessible to
women in rural and conflict-prone regions. Many police officers and court officials lack gender
 sensitivity training, leading to dismissive attitudes, secondary victimization, and
retraumatization of survivors during investigations and trials.

Data and Policy Limitations:

Reliable nationwide data on gender-based violence remains fragmented, inconsistent, and
often underreported. This absence of standardized reporting hinders evidence-based
policymaking, leaving state responses reactive rather than preventative. Civil society and
NGOs often fill this gap, but lack of coordination with official institutions limits their impact.

Digital Harassment and Cyber-Security:

The digital sphere has emerged as a new frontier of gender-based violence. Women face
widespread cyberstalking, blackmail through leaked personal images, and online harassment
campaigns. While the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) provides some legal
recourse, weak implementation, lack of trained cybercrime officers, and slow judicial
processes leave many victims unprotected.

Workplace and Representation Challenges:

Despite the Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act (2010),
implementation remains weak. Women fear retaliation or reputational harm if they report
harassment, particularly in male-dominated sectors like politics, law enforcement, and the
military. Representation of women in leadership positions is still limited, with structural biases
and informal barriers preventing equal participation.
In sum, Pakistan’s legal framework for women’s rights often looks robust on paper but falters in
practice due to uneven implementation, cultural resistance, and institutional incapacity.
Addressing these loopholes requires not only legal reform but also investment in enforcement,
training, and cultural change.
Problems Faced by Women Across Sectors
In the workplace, women face harassment, wage gaps, lack of childcare facilities, and systemic
exclusion from leadership roles. In politics, they encounter smear campaigns, intimidation, and
reliance on reserved seats rather than genuine electoral competitiveness. The military has made
progress, exemplified by the promotion of Lieutenant General Nigar Johar, yet women remain
underrepresented in combat and strategic roles.
Societally, women bear the burden of deeply rooted patriarchal norms. Honour-based violence,
restrictions on mobility, and cultural taboos surrounding reporting of abuse persist. In
education, rural girls face dropout rates due to poverty, insecurity, and early marriage, while
in healthcare maternal mortality remains high due to inadequate rural facilities and under-
resourced health systems.

Case Studies and Recent Incidents

The issue of women’s protection and empowerment in Pakistan cannot be understood in
abstraction; it is deeply tied to real events, legal battles, and the stories of women who
challenged systemic barriers. Below are some key cases and incidents that shed light on the
progress and challenges in this area:

1. Fatima Jinnah (1893–1967):

Often referred to as the Mother of the Nation, Fatima Jinnah, played a critical role not only as a
symbol of independence but also as a political figure in her own right. She contested the 1965
presidential elections against General Ayub Khan, directly challenging the military regime.
Despite facing systemic hurdles, state-controlled media propaganda, and intimidation, her
campaign brought the question of women’s political leadership into the national spotlight. Her
defeat, often regarded as manipulated, nonetheless remains a defining moment in Pakistan’s
political history, showing both the possibilities and limitations of women’s participation in
politics.
 2. Benazir Bhutto (1953–2007):
Pakistan’s first female Prime Minister, broke barriers by becoming the first woman to head a
democratic government in a Muslim-majority country. Her tenure saw the initiation of policies
to support women, including women’s police stations, separate women’s banks, and programs
for healthcare and education. However, she also faced gendered criticism, political instability,
and threats to her life. Her assassination in 2007 underscored the extreme risks faced by women
in power and the fragility of Pakistan’s democratic institutions in protecting them.
3. Qandeel Baloch (1990–2016):
Another notorious case is that of Qandeel Baloch (2016), a social media celebrity who was
murdered by her brother in the name of honor. Qandeel’s murder shocked the country and
sparked global outrage. It directly contributed to the passing of the 2016 Anti-Honor Killing
Laws, which closed the forgiveness loophole previously exploited by families of perpetrators.
She had challenged societal norms by openly expressing her views on female sexuality,
autonomy, and celebrity culture. Although her murderer was convicted, loopholes in the legal
system still allow families to pardon perpetrators under “qisas and diyat” laws, raising
questions about the effectiveness of existing protections.
4. Asma Jahangir (1952–2018):
Asma Jahangir remains a powerful symbol of women’s empowerment. A lawyer and human rights
activist, she co-founded the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and fearlessly
defended women, minorities, and marginalized groups in court. Despite imprisonment, threats,
and constant harassment, she remained an uncompromising advocate for justice. Her legacy
highlights the possibility of female leadership in Pakistan’s civil society and judiciary, though
her struggles also reflect the dangers faced by outspoken women in the country.
5. Recent Incident in Balochistan (2024):
One recent example occurred in July 2025 in Balochistan, where a woman and her husband were
brutally killed in the name of honor. The couple, accused of defying tribal traditions by
marrying against family wishes, were reportedly executed by family members in Nasirabad
district. Despite laws criminalizing honor killings (such as the 2016 Anti-Honor Killing Laws),
enforcement remains inconsistent, particularly in rural areas where tribal customs override
 state law. This incident reignited debates on the lack of state presence in peripheral regions
and the weakness of Pakistan’s judicial enforcement mechanisms.
6. Noor Mukadam Case (2021):
The brutal murder of Noor Mukadam, daughter of a former diplomat, by Zahir Jaffer in Islamabad
became one of the most high-profile cases of gender-based violence in Pakistan. Noor was
held captive, tortured, and eventually killed despite repeated opportunities for intervention by
law enforcement and private security. The case sparked nationwide outrage, not only because
of its horrific details but also due to the perception that Zahir, belonging to an influential
family, might evade justice. Intense media coverage and public pressure played a central role
in ensuring that the trial proceeded swiftly, culminating in Zahir’s death sentence. The incident
underscored systemic weaknesses in policing, victim protection, and judicial impartiality,
while also highlighting how public mobilization can be decisive in the pursuit of justice for
women in Pakistan.
7. Motorway Gang-Rape Case (2020):
In September 2020, a woman traveling with her children was gang-raped after her car ran out of
fuel on the Lahore–Sialkot motorway. The case shook the country not only because of its
brutality but also due to the insensitive remarks made by Lahore’s Capital City Police Officer
(CCPO), who suggested the victim was at fault for traveling late at night without a male
companion. These statements ignited nationwide protests against victim-blaming and
entrenched misogyny within law enforcement. While the perpetrators were eventually
convicted and sentenced to death, the incident sparked urgent debates about women’s safety
in public spaces, the accountability of police officials, and the broader culture of institutional
negligence that enables such crimes.

8. Broader Patterns of Violence and Discrimination:

Beyond high-profile cases, Pakistan faces ongoing incidents of gender-based violence, workplace
harassment, and systemic exclusion. Reports by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
(HRCP) note hundreds of honor killings annually, widespread domestic violence, and
challenges in implementing workplace harassment laws. Case studies of women in the military
 and police also reveal structural gender biases, where female officers often face harassment,
lack of promotions, and tokenism in leadership roles.

Together, these incidents and case studies reflect a recurring theme: despite courageous individuals
and sporadic reforms, structural impediments, weak enforcement, and entrenched patriarchy
continue to obstruct women’s empowerment in Pakistan. The motorway rape case of 2020
highlighted failures in policing and victim-blaming narratives. The Noor Mukadam case
showed that even women from privileged backgrounds face extreme violence. The Aurat
March, held annually since 2018, has sparked both hope and backlash, reflecting the growing
assertion of women’s voices and the entrenched resistance to change. Each incident reinforces
the urgency of legal, institutional, and cultural reform.

Key Terms
 Honor Killing: The practice of murdering (usually female) family members accused of
bringing “dishonor” to the family through behavior such as marrying by choice or
socializing outside family approval.

 Harassment (Workplace): Unwanted conduct related to gender that creates an

intimidating, hostile, or offensive work environment. Governed by the Protection Against
Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2010.

 Reserved Seats: Quotas in Pakistan’s National Assembly that allocate 60 seats

specifically for women, aimed at increasing female representation in politics.

 Patriarchy: A system of male dominance over women, visible in cultural, political,

economic, and legal structures in Pakistan.

 CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against

Women): An international treaty Pakistan has ratified, committing to eliminate gender
discrimination, though implementation remains weak.

 Hudood Ordinances: Introduced in 1979, these controversial laws blurred the line
between rape and adultery, often leading to unjust imprisonments of women until partial
reforms in 2006.

 Anti-Honor Killing Laws (2016): Legal reforms ensuring that family members cannot
pardon perpetrators of honor killings, aiming to strengthen accountability.
  National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW): A statutory body established
to promote women’s rights and review laws that impact them.

QARMAs (Questions a Resolution Must Answer)

1. How can Pakistan strengthen enforcement mechanisms of existing laws (such as anti-
honor killing and workplace harassment laws) to ensure real protection rather than
symbolic reform?
2. Should the scope of constitutional protections for women be expanded, and if so, how
can this be done without conflicting with cultural and religious interpretations?
3. What role should local governance structures (such as jirgas, panchayats, and tribal
councils) play in legal decision-making concerning women, and how can their misuse be
curbed?
4. How can Pakistan ensure women’s participation in politics is not only symbolic (through
reserved seats) but meaningful, with real influence in policymaking?
5. What reforms are needed in the criminal justice system to prevent misuse of qisas and
diyat laws in cases of honor killings and domestic violence?
6. How can Pakistan address systemic barriers in education, healthcare, and the workplace
that limit women’s progress?
7. Should Pakistan establish specialized courts or fast-track tribunals for gender-based
violence and discrimination cases?
8. How can civil society and grassroots organizations be integrated into the legal
framework to provide accessible support systems for women in rural and marginalized
communities?
9. What lessons can be drawn from the legacies of figures like Fatima Jinnah, Asma
Jahangir, Benazir Bhutto, and Qandeel Baloch in shaping future policies on women’s
empowerment?
10. How can the Pakistani state balance international commitments (such as CEDAW) with
domestic realities to build a sustainable framework for women’s rights?
11. What measures should be taken to address the underreporting of gender-based
violence and workplace harassment?
12. How can Pakistan’s military, law enforcement agencies, and judiciary be made more
inclusive and gender-sensitive?
13. What role should media regulation and awareness campaigns play in reshaping societal
attitudes toward women?
14. How can Pakistan address regional disparities, ensuring that women in tribal areas,
Balochistan, and rural Sindh/Punjab receive the same protections as urban women?
15. How can the National Assembly ensure a uniform minimum marriage age of 18 across
provinces, balancing provincial autonomy with federal responsibility?
16. What mechanisms can effectively enforce women’s inheritance rights, particularly in
rural areas where traditional practices dominate?
17. Should offences like Section 354 of the Pakistan Penal Code (assault or use of criminal
force against women) be returned to the jurisdiction of special courts, or should they
remain in ordinary courts?
18. How can shelters, crisis centers, and survivor services be sustainably funded and made
accessible nationwide?
19. In what ways can workplace harassment laws be expanded to cover informal and
domestic workers, and how can compliance be monitored?
20. How can Pakistan strengthen digital protections for women under PECA to address
online harassment, cyber-bullying, and exploitation?
21. How should the state establish data collection and monitoring systems for gender-based
violence to inform legislation and policy?
22. What training and reforms should be mandatory for police, judiciary, and medico-legal
staff to ensure gender-sensitive justice delivery?
23. How can Pakistan ensure effective regulation and monitoring of medico-legal
procedures so survivors of sexual assault are not retraumatized during evidence
collection?
24. What funding and policy mechanisms can be introduced to guarantee long-term
sustainability of women’s protection institutions (shelters, helplines, crisis centers)
beyond donor dependence?
25. Should Pakistan adopt stronger oversight and accountability measures for law
enforcement officers who ignore or mishandle cases of violence against women?
26. How can awareness campaigns be tailored to challenge cultural justifications for honor
killings, child marriages, and denial of inheritance rights, particularly in rural areas?
27. What frameworks can be introduced to protect whistleblowers, journalists, and activists
(especially women) who speak up against gender-based violence?
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