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.
other horn of the dilemma: for if that right does not exist, it
must be because the State has become absolutely free and
independent of the United States, and may be made a
party to an international war. Mr. Buchanan saw and
constantly and consistently acted upon the true distinction
between making war upon a State, and enforcing the laws
of the United States upon the inhabitants of a State.

75. Judge Black made a criticism, which will be adverted

to hereafter.

76. Their resignations will be noted hereafter, as well as

that of General Cass, concerning whom see the President’s
memorandum, post.

77. John Brown’s seizure of the armory, arsenal, and rifle

factory of the United States at Harper’s Ferry occurred
October 16, 1859.

78. Mr. Buchanan, in constructing this great argument,

doubtless had very important sources from which to draw
his reasoning, in Mr. Webster’s replies to Mr. Hayne and Mr.
Calhoun, in General Jackson’s great proclamation and
message in the time of nullification, in the decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States, in the writings of
Hamilton, Madison and others of the early expounders of
the Constitution. But who can justly deny to him the merit
of concentrating his materials into a powerful statement, of
that theory of our Constitution on which the rightfulness of
the late civil war must rest in history, or be left without any
justification but the power of numbers and the principle
that might makes right!

79. The following extracts are taken from an official letter

addressed by Mr. Seward, as Secretary of State, to Mr. C. F.
Adams, who had just gone abroad as United States Minister
to England. The letter bears date April 10th, 1861. “You will
hardly be asked by responsible statesmen abroad, why has
not the new administration already suppressed the
revolution. Thirty-five days are a short period in which to
repress, chiefly by moral means, a movement which is so
active whilst disclosing itself throughout an empire...... He
(President Lincoln) believes that the citizens of those
States, as well as the citizens of the other States, are too
intelligent, considerate, and wise to follow the leaders to
that destructive end (anarchy). For these reasons, he
would not be disposed to reject a cardinal dogma of theirs,
namely, that the Federal Government could not reduce the
seceding States to obedience by conquest, even although
he were disposed to question that proposition. But, in fact,
the President willingly accepts it as true. Only an imperial
and despotic government could subjugate thoroughly
disaffected and insurrectionary members of the state. This
federal, republican country of ours is of all forms of
government the very one which is most unfitted for such a
labor. Happily, however, this is only an imaginary defect.
The system has within itself adequate, peaceful,
conservative and recuperative forces. Firmness on the part
of the Government in maintaining and preserving the public
institutions and property, and in executing the laws where
authority can be exercised without waging war, combined
with such measures of justice, moderation and forbearance
as will disarm reasoning opposition, will be sufficient to
secure the public safety, until returning reflection,
concurring with the fearful experience of social evils, the
inevitable fruits of faction, shall bring the recusant
members cheerfully into the family, which, after all, must
prove their best and happiest, as it undeniably is their most
natural home.” He then goes on to show that the calling of
a national convention, by authority of Congress, will
remove all real obstacles to a re-union, by revising the
Constitution, and he adds: “Keeping that remedy steadily in
view, the President on the one hand will not suffer the
Federal authority to fall into abeyance, nor will he on the
other hand aggravate existing evils by attempts at coercion
which must assume the form of direct war against any of
the revolutionary States.” It is impossible for human
ingenuity to draw a sensible distinction between the policy
of President Lincoln, as laid down by Mr. Seward just before
the attack on Fort Sumter, and the policy adopted and
steadily pursued by President Buchanan; and it is to be
hoped that the world will hereafter hear no more
reproaches of President Buchanan, because he denied the
authority of the Federal Government to make aggressive
war upon a State to compel it to remain in the Union, or
because he proposed conciliatory measures looking to an
amendment of the Constitution.

80. This mass of private letters is so great, and so fully

represents various classes of the community, that I have
felt entirely warranted in treating it as the best evidence of
the currents of public opinion, as they were setting
immediately after the publication of the message. The
President could do nothing more with such a
correspondence than to have each letter carefully read by a
competent private secretary, and its contents duly noted for
his information. The whole of it gave him the means of
knowing the feelings of the people far better than he could
know them by reading the public prints.

81. Buchanan’s Defence, pp. 112-113.

82. Speech in the Senate, December 18, 1860.

Congressional Globe, p. 119.

83. The instructions will be quoted hereafter.

 84. See the controversy between General Scott and Mr.
Buchanan in 1862; Mr. Buchanan’s letter of October 28,
1862.

85. Mr. Buchanan said, in 1862, that he had no

recollection of some of the details of the conversation
imputed to him by General Scott, and that the General’s
memory must be defective. See Mr. Buchanan’s letters of
1862, in the National Intelligencer.

86. Ex. Doc., H. R., vol. vi, No. 26, p 6.

87. This account, although written and published in 1866

(Buchanan’s Defence, p. 167), was founded on and
embodied the substance of the private memorandum made
by the President on the back of the letter, immediately after
the termination of the interview. Two of the gentlemen who
signed the letter, Messrs. Miles and Keitt, published at
Charleston an account of this interview, in which they did
not intimate that anything in the nature of a pledge passed
on either side. (See Appleton’s “American Annual
Cyclopedia” for 1861, p. 703.)

88. Mr. Jefferson Davis, although not directly asserting

that the President gave any pledge not to send
reinforcements or not to permit the military status to be
changed, says that “the South Carolinians understood Mr.
Buchanan as approving of that suggestion, although
declining to make any formal pledge;” and he adds, that
after Anderson’s removal from Moultrie to Sumter, the
authorities and people of South Carolina considered it “as a
violation of the implied pledge of a maintenance of the
status quo,” and he gives this as a reason why the
remaining forts and other public property were at once
seized by the State. (Davis, Rise and Fall of the
Confederate Government, I., 212-213.) If the South
Carolina members of Congress told Mr. Davis that the
President assented to or approved of their proviso, they
told him what was not true. He does not say that they ever
did tell him so. If they gave their own people and State
authorities to understand that there was any implied pledge
of a maintenance of the status quo, the fact was exactly
the other way. They have never said that they gave their
people and authorities so to understand Mr. Buchanan’s
language.

89. The remarkable fact that this demand was made

before South Carolina had “seceded,” and before
Anderson’s removal, although the demand was
subsequently withdrawn, shows how early the Executive of
South Carolina had formed the determination to treat the
presence of the United States troops in Charleston harbor
as an offence against the dignity and safety of the State.

90. Mr. Jefferson Davis has erroneously given to this

letter the date of December 30th. Its true date was
December 31st. (See Mr. Davis’s Rise and Fall of the
Confederate Government, vol. I., p. 592.)

91. In the North American Review, during the year 1879,

certain papers were published under the title of “Diary of a
Public Man,” without disclosure of the authorship. These
papers purported to be passages from a diary kept by a
person in some public, or quasi public, position in
Washington, during the autumn and winter of 1860-61.
Inquiry by the author of this work has failed to elicit any
information of the name of the writer, the editor of the
Review declining to disclose it. The statements made in
these papers are therefore anonymous, and readers will
judge how far they should be regarded as reliable materials
of history. There is, however, one of these statements,
which it is my duty to notice, because the unknown writer
professes to make it on the authority of Senator Douglas. It
purports to have been committed to writing on the 28th of
February, 1861, and is as follows: “Before going, Senator
Douglas had a word to say about President Buchanan and
the South Carolina commissioners. He tells me that it has
now been ascertained that the President nominated his
Pennsylvania collector at Charleston on the very day,
almost at the very moment, when he was assuring Colonel
Orr, through one of his retainers, that he was disposed to
accede to the demands of South Carolina, if they were
courteously and with proper respect presented to him.
They rewrote their letter accordingly, submitted it to the
President’s agents, who approved it and sent it to the
White House. This, Senator Douglas says, was on January
3d, in the morning. The commissioners spent the afternoon
in various places, and dined out early. On coming in, they
found their letter to the President awaiting them. It had
been returned to them by a messenger from the White
House, about three o'clock P. M., and on the back was an
indorsement, not signed by any one, and in a clerkly
handwriting, to the effect that the President declined to
receive the communication. They ordered their trunks
packed at once, and left for home by way of Richmond, on
the four o'clock morning train, feeling, not unreasonably,
that they had been both duped and insulted.”—(North
American Review, vol. cxxix, p. 269.)
There are a very few grains of truth in this story, mixed
with a great deal of untruth. Mr. Douglas may have found it
floating about Washington, and may have repeated it to the
diarist who remains shrouded in mystery. The nomination
of a collector for the port of Charleston was made to the
Senate on the same day on which the President returned
the letter of the commissioners. This was on the 2d of
January, not the 3d. But it cannot be true that the
President, through any channel, assured Colonel Orr that
he was disposed to accede to the demands of South
Carolina, if courteously and with proper respect presented
to him; or that they had written one letter which was in
improper terms, and then wrote another in proper terms,
and sent it, after it had been submitted to “the President’s
agents,” and been by them received. The actual occurrence
was as follows: The sole personal interview which the
President had with the commissioners was on the 28th of
December. On the 29th they presented to him in writing
their demand for the withdrawal of the troops from the
harbor of Charleston as a preliminary step to any
negotiation. On the 31st the President’s answer, settled in a
meeting of the cabinet, was transmitted to them. It was a
positive and distinct refusal to withdraw the troops. The
reply of the commissioners, dated on the 2d of January,
reached the White House at about three o'clock on that
day, while the cabinet was in session. “It was,” says Mr.
Buchanan, “so violent, unfounded, and disrespectful, and
so regardless of what is due to any individual whom the
people have honored with the office of President, that the
reading of it in the cabinet excited much indignation among
all the members.” (Buchanan’s Defence, p. 183.) The
President thereupon wrote upon a slip of paper, which is
now before me, the following words: “This paper, just
presented to the President, is of such a character that he
declines to receive it.” This slip he handed immediately to
his private secretary, to be indorsed on the commissioners'
letter. Of what then happened, I find the following
memorandum in the handwriting of the secretary:
January 2, 1861.
The paper which, I am told, came in this envelope, was
handed to me by the President at about 3:30 o'clock, with
instructions to enclose it in an envelope and direct it to
Hon. R. W. Barnwell, James H. Adams and James S. Orr,
and to deliver it to them or either of them. I directed it
accordingly, and proceeded to the lodgings of the
gentlemen addressed in Franklyn Row. I was informed at
the door by a servant that neither of the gentlemen were
in. Having met Mr. Trescot at the door, I inquired whether
he would receive the paper. He declined to do so, on the
ground that he had no official connection with the
gentlemen to whom it was addressed. At my request he
then proceeded with me to the room which these
gentlemen occupied for business purposes, and, also at my
request, witnessed the deposit of the paper upon a table in
that room; the same room in which I found two of the
gentlemen—Messrs. Barnwell and Adams—on a previous
occasion (Monday last), when I delivered to the first-named
gentleman a letter similarly addressed from the President.
While I was in the room Hon. Jefferson Davis and Senator
Wigfall came in, the first of whom certainly, and the latter
probably, did see the paper deposited, as stated. This
memorandum made within an hour after the delivery or
deposit of the paper. 68
A. J. Glossbrenner,
Private Secretary to the President.
Executive Office.

92. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 184.

93. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 184.

94. A copy of this intended reply may be found in Mr.

Jefferson Davis’s work, vol. i., Appendix G.

95. A North American Review, vol. cxxix, pp. 484-485.

96. See the correspondence between General Dix and

Major Anderson, post.

97. How Mr. Stanton came to receive this appointment,

may be learned by referring to a private letter from Mr.
Buchanan, quoted hereafter.
 98. General Dix had for some time held the office of
Postmaster in the City of New York; a place he consented
to fill under the circumstances disclosed in the following
letter to President Buchanan:
New York, May 14,1860.
My Dear Sir:—
I have received your favor of the 12th inst., and am
greatly indebted to you for your kind suggestion in regard
to the appointment of commissioners under the treaty with
Paraguay. I should regret very much to decline any service
in which you think I could be useful. I am at this moment
very much occupied here with matters which concern the
comfort of my family, and I should wish, before giving a
final answer, to communicate with my wife, who is in
Boston. I had scarcely read your letter before I received a
note from Mr. Schell, who desired to see me in regard to
the astounding defalcation in the city post office. He said it
was deemed important to place some one in the office in
whom the administration could confide, and that my name
had been suggested among others. Now, my dear sir, you
can readily understand that it is a place I do not want, and
could not consent to hold for any length of time. But, as I
said to Mr. Schell, if you desire it, and think I can be of any
service to your administration, in cooperating with the
proper department to put matters on a right footing, I
should not, under the peculiar circumstances, feel at liberty
to disregard your wishes. In other words, I think you have
the right, under the exigencies of the case, to command
the services of any friend. I am, dear sir, sincerely yours,
John A. Dix.
For an account of General Dix’s connection with the New
York post office, and of his services to Mr. Buchanan’s
administration as Secretary of the Treasury, see his Life, by
his son, the Rev. Morgan Dix, S. T. D., recently published by
Harper & Brothers.
 99. General Scott’s letter of November 8, 1862, published
in the National Intelligencer.

100. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 228.

101. When this extraordinary blunder was brought to the

General’s attention, in his controversy with Mr. Buchanan,
in 1862, he said that the only error he had made was in
giving March instead of January as the time when the order
was countermanded, and that this error was immaterial! He
still insisted that he gave the information to Mr. Holt that
the shipment had commenced, and that he stopped it. It is
certainly most remarkable that he did not see that time was
of the essence of his charge against the Buchanan
administration, for his charge imputed to that
administration a delay from January to March in
countermanding the order, and claimed for himself the
whole merit of the discovery and the countermand. He
would better have consulted his own dignity and character
if he had frankly retracted the whole statement. But
probably the story of the Pittsburgh ordnance, as he put it,
has been believed by thousands, to the prejudice of
President Buchanan. (See the letters of General Scott,
published in the National Intelligencer.)

102. Buchanan’s Defence, chapter vii.

103. All the remaining territory south of the line of 36°

30´ was an Indian reservation, secured to certain tribes by
solemn treaties.

104. Mr. Greeley’s utterances must be cited, that I may

not be supposed to have in any way misrepresented him.
But three days after Mr. Lincoln’s election, the New York
Tribune announced such sentiments as the following: “If
the cotton States shall become satisfied that they can do
better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them
go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary
one, BUT IT EXISTS NEVERTHELESS...... We must ever resist the
right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy
the laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is quite another
matter; and whenever a considerable section of our Union
shall deliberately resolve to go out, WE SHALL RESIST ALL
COERCIVE MEASURES DESIGNED TO KEEP IT IN. We hope never to
live in a Republic whereof one section is pinned to another
by bayonets.”
And again on the 17th December, three days before the
secession of South Carolina: “If it [the Declaration of
Independence] justified the secession from the British
Empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see
why it would not justify the secession of five millions of
Southrons from the Federal Union in 1861. If we are
mistaken on this point, why does not some one attempt to
show wherein and why? For our part, while we deny the
right of slaveholders to hold slaves against the will of the
latter, we cannot see how twenty millions of people can
rightfully hold ten, or even five, in a detested Union with
them by military force. ...... If seven or eight contiguous
States shall present themselves authentically at
Washington, saying, ‘We hate the Federal Union; we have
withdrawn from it; we give you the choice between
acquiescing in our secession and arranging amicably all
incidental questions on the one hand, and attempting to
subdue us on the other,’ we would not stand up for
coercion, for subjugation, for we do not think it would be
just. We hold the right of self-government, even when
invoked in behalf of those who deny it to others. So much
for the question of principle.”
In this course the Tribune persisted from the date of Mr.
Lincoln’s election until after his inauguration, employing
such remarks as the following: “Any attempt to compel
them by force to remain would be contrary to the principles
enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence,
contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty
is based.”
Even after the cotton States had formed their
confederacy, and adopted a provisional constitution at
Montgomery, on the 23d February, 1861, it gave them
encouragement to proceed in the following language: “We
have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the
great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of
American Independence, that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and
just; and that if the slave States, the cotton States or the
Gulf States only, choose to form an independent nation,
THEY HAVE A CLEAR MORAL RIGHT TO DO SO. Whenever it shall be
clear that the great body of Southern people have become
conclusively alienated from the Union, and anxious to
escape from it, WE WILL DO OUR BEST TO FORWARD THEIR VIEWS.”

105. Messrs. McQueen, Miles, Bonham, Boyce, and Keitt,

members of the House of Representatives from South
Carolina, on the 8th of December, 1860.

106. See the Index to the Journal of the Senate for this
session, pp. 494, 495, 496. One of these memorials,
coming from the City Councils of Boston, had the
signatures also of over 22,000 citizens, of all shades of
political character. Senate Journal of 1860-’61, p. 218.

107. The Clark amendment, which smothered Mr.

Crittenden’s resolution, prevailed, because six secession
Senators refused to vote against it, preferring to play into
the hands of the Republicans. They were Messrs. Benjamin
and Slidell, of Louisiana; Iverson, of Georgia; Hemphill and
Wigfall, of Texas; and Johnson, of Arkansas. Had they
voted with the Senators from the border States and the
other Democratic members, the Clark amendment would
have been defeated, and the Senate would on that day,
before the secession of any State excepting South Carolina,
have been brought to a direct vote on Mr. Crittenden’s
resolution.

108. “It is proper,” Mr. Buchanan said, “for future

reference that the names of those Senators who
constituted the majority on this momentous question,
should be placed upon record. Every vote given from the
six New England States was in opposition to Mr.
Crittenden’s resolution. These consisted of Mr. Clark, of
New Hampshire; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of
Massachusetts; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island; Messrs.
Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut; Mr. Foot, of Vermont; and
Messrs. Fessenden and Morrill, of Maine. The remaining
eleven votes, in order to make up the 20, were given by Mr.
Wade, of Ohio; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois; Messrs. Bingham
and Chandler, of Michigan; Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of
Iowa; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wisconsin; Mr.
Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York; and Mr. Ten
Eyck, of New Jersey. It is also worthy of observation, that
neither Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, Mr. Simmons, of
Rhode Island, Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, Mr. Seward, of
New York, nor Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, voted on the
question, although it appears from the journal that all these
gentlemen were present in the Senate on the day of the
vote. It would be vain to conjecture the reasons why these
five Senators refrained from voting on an occasion so
important.” (Buchanan’s Defence, p. 143.)

109. Cong. Globe, 1860-61, p. 125.

110. Official Journal of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10.

111. Ibid., p. 42.

 112. Ibid., p. 21.

113. Ibid., p. 70.

114. Official Journal, pp. 24 and 25.

115. Ibid., p. 63.

116. Official Journal, pp. 26, 27 and 28.

117. Ibid., p. 28.

118. Ibid., p. 70.

119. Senate Journal, pp. 332, 333.

120. Ibid., p. 437.

121. Ibid., p. 384.

122. Cong. Globe, 1860-’61, p. 1404.

123. Senate Journal, p. 386.

124. National Intelligencer, March 14, 1861.

125. Cong. Globe, pp. 1331, 1332, 1333.

126. House Journal, pp. 446, 448, 449.

127. Letter of October 28, 1862, in the controversy with

General Scott, published in the National Intelligencer of
November 1, 1862. As a specimen of the intercourse
between the President and the secession Senators, after
the messages of December 3d and January 8th, take the
following notes:—
[JOHN SLIDELL TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN.]
 Washington, January 27, 1861.
My Dear Sir:—
I have seen in the Star, and heard from other parties,
that Major Beauregard, who had been ordered to West
Point as Superintendent of the Military Academy, and had
entered on the discharge of his duties there, had been
relieved from his command. May I take the liberty of asking
you if this has been done with your approbation? Very
respectfully, yours,
John Slidell.
[PRESIDENT BUCHANAN TO JOHN SLIDELL.]
Washington, January 29, 1861.
My Dear Sir:—
With every sentiment of personal friendship and regard, I
am obliged to say, in answer to your note of Sunday, that I
have full confidence in the Secretary of War; and his acts,
in the line of his duty, are my own acts, for which I am
responsible.
Yours, very respectfully,
James Buchanan.

128. Letter from Mr. Buchanan to the National

Intelligencer, October 28, 1862.

129. See a statement published by Mr. Holt in the

National Intelligencer, dated March 5, 1861.

130. When General Scott wrote and published, in 1862,

his criticisms on Mr. Buchanan’s course, he said that the
Star of the West, “but for the hesitation of the master,
might, as is generally believed, have delivered at the fort
the men and subsistence on board.” He had forgotten that
he had sent his own order to the commander of the troops
on board that vessel, which would inform him that the
Brooklyn was coming to aid and succor him, and that in
case he could not land at Fort Sumter, he was to turn back
and land his troops at Fort Monroe and discharge the ship!
With what propriety then could the General blame the
master of the ship for not making an attempt which the
General knew he could not make without the support of the
Brooklyn?

131. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 144.

132. See Ex. Doc., H. R., vol. ix., No. 61. The reader who
consults the documents without prejudice cannot fail to be
struck with the arrogance of tone and the extreme nature
of the demands, that mark all the papers that emanated
from the South Carolina authorities at this period. Nor can
he fail, I think, to see that President Buchanan, while he
exercised great patience, bore himself throughout with the
dignity that belonged to his position. When a paper became
too outrageous to be tolerated, it was promptly returned.

133. H. R. Ex. Doc., 1860-’61, vol. ix, Doc. No. 61.

134. Writing on the 25th of June, 1861, to Mr. Buchanan,

Mr. Toucey says: “The naval force assembled at Pensacola
under your administration consisted of the steamship
Brooklyn, the frigate Sabine, the sloop of war Macedonian,
the steamer Wyandotte, and for a time the sloop of war St.
Louis. Without including the troops on board the Brooklyn,
this squadron could have thrown a reinforcement of six or
seven hundred men into Fort Pickens at any time.”

135. This order, which was given by the Secretary of War

to Captain Vogdes, was founded on and embodied a
memorandum of instructions drawn up by the President
himself, which now lies before me in his handwriting:
“You are instructed, for the purpose of avoiding a hostile
collision, not to land your company and stores at Fort
Pickens, upon receiving satisfactory assurances from Major
Chase and Mr. Mallory that the fort will not be attacked.
The Brooklyn and the other vessels of war in the vicinity
will remain, and she will land the company and provisions
and defend Fort Pickens, should it be attacked, exercising
the utmost vigilance. The President yesterday sent a
special message to Congress commending the Virginia
Resolutions of Compromise. The commissioners of different
States are to meet here on Monday next, 4th February.
During their session, a collision of arms ought to be
avoided, unless an attack should be made on Fort Pickens,
and then it must be repelled.”

136. A. J. Glosbrenner, private secretary to the President.

The original memorandum in Mr. Glosbrenner’s handwriting
is before me.

137. Message of January 28, 1861.

138. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 206.

139. Cong. Globe, pp. 590, 636.

140. H. J., p. 236. Cong. Globe, p. 601.

141. Buchanan’s Defence, pp. 207, 208.

142. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 209.

143. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 210.

144. The reader who desires to examine the provisional

constitution will find it in Mr. Jefferson Davis’s work on the
Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix.

145. My authority for this statement is a letter written on

the 19th of February to President Buchanan from
Philadelphia, by an intimate friend of his, giving an extract
from a letter from the telegraph operator, dated at Augusta
on the 14th, and reciting the substance of the despatch
which the operator had that day forwarded. The letter
reached Mr. Buchanan on the same day on which it was
written.

146. On the 15th of February, the Montgomery Congress

provided for the appointment by their President-elect of
three commissioners to the Federal Government, for the
negotiation and settlement of a peaceful separation.

147. 1 Stat. at Large, p. 424.

148. 12 U. S. Stat. at Large, p. 281.

149. Cong. Globe, p. 316.

150. Ibid., p. 645, bills of H. R., No. 698.

151. Ibid., p. 1001. bill 1003, H. R.

152. Cong. Globe, p. 1232.

153. Cong. Globe, p. 236, bills H. R., No. 910.

154. H. Journal, p. 465.

155. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 153, et seq.

156. In the 1st vol. of Mr. Jefferson Davis’s work, “Rise

and Fall of the Confederate Government,” will be found a
full statement of the Confederate side of the story relative
to the intercourse between the commissioners and Mr.
Seward. I refer to it without either assent or dissent, as it is
not my province to examine the truth or falsity of the
charge made against the Lincoln administration. It will be
seen from the letters written by Mr. Stanton to Mr.
Buchanan during March and the early part of April (quoted
post), what opinion Mr. Stanton formed from all the
information that he could obtain, respecting the course of
the new administration.

157. Mr. Hunter, of Virginia.

158. Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, vol. i.,

p. 264.

159. As Mr. Crawford had no interview with President

Buchanan, he could have had none but hearsay evidence of
Mr. Buchanan’s state of mind.

160. I have had occasion heretofore to speak of the

multitudes of letters received by the President from all
quarters of the country, after the promulgation of his
annual message of December 3d. The inundation was
scarcely less during the months of January and February;
and as a general rule, when an answer was necessary or
expedient, he made the original draft of it himself. In
almost all cases, he noted on the back of letters or other
papers which he received, the name of the writer, the date,
and the date of the answer. But was he wasting his
energies, it may be asked, in the duties of a mere clerk?
Turn to his messages; consider the almost daily cabinet
consultations, and the incessant attention which he had to
give to the state of things in the South, the proceedings of
Congress, the condition of public opinion in the North, and
the deliberations of the Peace Convention, as well as to the
ordinary business of the Government.

161. Regular troops present in the City of Washington,

February 27, 1861.
 Officers. Enlisted
men.
Field and Staff 4 4
1st Artillery, Light Battery, 4 81
I
2d Artillery, Light Battery, 4 78
A
West Point, Light Battery 4 12 70 229
1st Artillery, Foot 3 50
Company, D
2d Artillery, Foot 2 72
Company, E
2d Artillery, Foot 2 65
Company, H
2d Artillery, Foot 3 52
Company, K
Engineer, Sappers, and 3 13 81 320
Miners
Det. Mtd. Recruits 3 81
Recruits attached 23

Total 32 653
Respectfully submitted for the information of the
President,
Adj. Genl,. Office, S. Cooper,
February 28, 1861. Adj.
Genl.

162. The War Department having considered the

celebration of this national anniversary by the military arm
of the Government as a matter of course.
 163. A copy of this correspondence was sent by General
Dix to Mr. Buchanan, after the latter had retired to
Wheatland. See post.

164. President Buchanan kept before him all the while a

table of the Southern States, with the dates of their several
secessions, their populations, resources, and other facts,
noted by himself, discriminating the cotton and the border
States in separate groups.

165. Buchanan’s Defence, p. 161.

166. This despatch became public soon after the

commencement of the session of Congress which began in
December, 1861.

167. MS. letter from Mr. Toucey to Mr. Buchanan, June 5,

1861.

168. See Senate Bill, No. 537, 36th Congress, 2d session;

House Bills, Nos. 968, 969, 1003, same Congress, same
session.

169. Ordering Anderson back to Fort Moultrie.

170. It will be noted from the date of this letter that it

was written before the story of the “cabinet scene” became
current, and therefore Mr. Buchanan could not have been
led by that story to give to a member of his family this
description of Mr. Stanton’s demeanor towards himself. See
also the letters of Mr. Stanton to Mr. Buchanan, quoted
post.

171. The Patent Office receipts are now before me. The
work entitled “Ladies of the White House,” contains a letter
from Lord Lyons about the trifling presents made by the
Prince of Wales to Miss Lane.
 172. As Secretary of War.

173. As Secretary of the Treasury.

174. His purpose to institute a prosecution for libel was

abandoned by the advice of friends.

175.
[MR. HOLT TO MR. WM. B. REED.]
Washington, September 16th,
(Private.) 1868.
Dear Sir:—
I did not at once reply to your note of the 11th instant,
because of a belief that a copy of the order dismissing
Twiggs would answer your purpose. Learning, however,
from a telegram in the hands of Doctor Blake that you
prefer I shall respond formally to your inquiry, I have done
so. Should you make any public use of this communication,
I beg that you will see personally to a correction of the
proofs.
If you will examine Mr. Buchanan’s correspondence you
will probably find one or more abusive letters from Twiggs
on the subject of his dismissal. They might assist you in
establishing “the truth of history.”
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
J. Holt.
P.S.—The Government did all in its power to protect itself
from Twigg’s meditated treachery by relieving him from his
command, as soon as its apprehensions in regard to him
were excited, and if it failed it was because, owing to the
disturbed condition of the country, the order was slow in
reaching him, and because when it did reach him, availing
himself of the temporary absence of his successor, he
disobeyed the order and surrendered a Department of
which he had no longer the command.
 J. H.

176. See the correspondence, ante.

177. The preface bears date in September, 1865; and the

publishers entered it for copyright in that year. But the
imprint of the copy which I have used bears date in the
year 1866. Mr. Buchanan made no arrangement with the
publishers for any pecuniary profits on this book, and never
received any.

178. The surrender of Mason and Slidell.

179. Mr. Buchanan must have referred to

communications, not to editorial opinions. The editorial
views of the Journal of Commerce have always been
opposed to the views which he controverted.

180. Mr. John Van Buren, to whom this soubriquet was

long applied.

182. It seems from the following letter from Dr. Blake to

Mr. Buchanan, that Miss Lane was in Washington in March,
1865, at the second inauguration of President Lincoln.
[DR. BLAKE TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
His Excellency, James Buchanan:—
My Dear Sir:—Your favor of the 21st inst. did not reach
me until the 23d. On the following day I saw Miss Lane,
and had the same pleasure yesterday. I expect to call on
her to-morrow in company with some ladies who wish to
pay their respects to her on your and her own accounts.
She will not require any attention from me, as her
reception hours are occupied by the many friends and
admirers who visit her. At Mrs. Lincoln’s afternoon reception
she was the observed of all observers, and she was
constantly surrounded by crowds of acquaintances, and
persons desirous of being introduced to her. She, I am
sure, must be highly gratified by her visit, as nothing has
occurred to mar the pleasure of it.
Our city is full of strangers, who have been attracted
among us by the approaching inauguration. There is
nothing new, and I have nothing of local interest to
communicate at this time.
Very truly your friend,
John B. Blake.

181. A favorite dog.

183. His correspondent had urged him to “write a few

lines on the death of Mr. Lincoln, which will soothe the
bitter prejudices of the extremists of his party against you
and your friends.”

184. For furnishing the White House.

185. This refers to Mr. Capen’s great work, “The History

of Democracy; or, Political Progress Historically Illustrated,”
by Nahum Capen, LL.D. The first volume was published in
1875.

186. This child, James Buchanan Johnston, an object of

the fondest interest to his great-uncle, grew to be a fine
and very promising youth of fifteen, of great loveliness of
character and marked intellectual powers. He died in
Baltimore on the 25th of March, 1881. His younger brother,
Henry, the only remaining child of Mr. and Mrs. Johnston,
was taken by his parents to Europe in the autumn of 1881.
He died at Nice on the 30th of October, 1882. Dark clouds
have gathered over lives that were once full of happiness
and hope.

187. The frontispiece of the first volume of this work is

from a portrait painted by Eicholtz for Mr. Buchanan’s sister,
Mrs. Lane, just before he went to Russia. It was engraved
for this work by Sartain, of Philadelphia. The frontispiece of
the second volume is a full length, by J. C. Buttre, of New
York, engraved for this work, in a reduced size, from a
larger plate by the same artist.

188. Only a few days before his death, in a conversation

with Mr. Swarr, when the hope was expressed that he
might still live to see his public life vindicated, he spoke on
this subject as follows: “My dear friend, I have no fear of
the future. Posterity will do me justice. I have always felt,
and still feel, that I discharged every duty imposed on me
conscientiously. I have no regret for any public act of my
life; and history will vindicate my memory from every
unjust aspersion.”

189. Conversing with his executor and friend, Mr. Swarr,

in regard to his decease, a short time before it took place,
he took occasion to say, in the way of dying testimony:
“The principles of the Christian religion were instilled into
my mind in my youth; and from all I have observed and
experienced in the long life Providence has vouchsafed to
me, I have only become more strengthened in the
conviction of the Divine character of the Saviour, and the
power of atonement through His redeeming grace and
mercy.”

190. These pastoral conferences—horæ vespertinæ they

might be called, held as they were mostly in the autumnal
twilight, on what seemed to be for us the utmost verge of
time—were peculiarly interesting and solemn to myself, as
they were always most cordially welcomed also by Mr.
Buchanan. There was no reserve or hesitation in his
manner. His habitual diplomatic caution was gone. At the
same time there was no excitement or agitation in his
mind. He was perfectly calm, and had no fear of death
whatever. Still it was full before him, and he had no
disposition to hide from himself its awful presence. He
wished to be talked with as a man who felt himself to be
on the borders of the eternal world, and who was fully
awake to the dread issues of the life to come. But with all
this, his spirit abode in quiet confidence and peace, and the
ground of his trust throughout was the mercy of God
through the righteousness of Jesus Christ. There was
nothing like enthusiasm, of course, in his experience; the
general nature of the man made that impossible. His
religion showed itself rather in the form of fixed trust in
God, thankfulness for His past mercy, and general
resignation to His holy will. In these twilight hours, thus
circumstanced, it could not be but that central regard was
had continually to the person of Jesus Christ, and the
significance of the Christian redemption as comprehended
in the idea of His coming in the flesh. This Christological
way of looking at the gospel was in some measure new to
Mr. Buchanan, or at least it had not taken hold of his mind,
as he confessed, in the same manner before. Now,
however, it gave him great satisfaction, and he considered
it one special benefit of his sickness, that it had taught him
to see in the simple exercise of “looking to Jesus” what he
found to be, for himself, at least, the most consoling and
the most strengthening practice of Christian faith.
 Transcriber’s Note
On p. 395, the second footnote has no anchor in the
text. It is presumed to have been intended to follow
the closing paragraph.
The use of quotation marks is sometimes ambiguous,
where opening or closing marks are missing. These
have been rectified, where the voice or context clearly
indicates the correct reading.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have
been corrected, and are noted here. Since a large
portion of the text is quoted material, consideration
was given to any apparent idiosyncrasies. The
references are to the page and line in the original.
Those references prefixed with ‘i’ refer to the page,
column and line in the Index.
The following issues should be noted, along with the
resolutions.
5.3 transferred his Added.
household go[o]ds to
Wheatland
11.22 [“]Wheatland, near Added to
Lancaster balance
closing
quote.
15.15 taken before the judge Removed.
or commiss[s]ioner
45.42 as well as others of a Removed.
simil[i]ar character
52.18 his views on “secret or Removed.
oath-bound societies.[’]”
54.43 I admit a respecta[c/b]le Replaced.
political
61.7 This ‘American Removed.
excellence’ never
belonged to him.[”]
123.1 the Se[c]retary of State Added.
131.14 dominion over Transposed.
Nicara[ug/gu]a
145.1 would never hear of my Added.
taking such a journey[.]
254.5 and the procee[e]dings Removed.
of the Covode
Committee
256.14 [“]The committee Added.
proceeded for months
259.1 ‘removal from office,[”/’] Replaced.
276.17 derived from the Replaced.
incessant
co[m/n]templation of
one idea
308.67.88 J. S. Black[”]. Added.
311.38 Fort Morgan, below Removed.
Mobile, without a
garr[r]ison
438.108.21 on an occasion so Added.
important.[”]
457.1 [“]In the communication Added.
460.26 [‘/“]The character of this Replaced.
letter is such
473.23 Defence, and not Removed.
aggress[s]ion
493.38 in response to the Removed.
resolution.[”]
503.16 I know not [k]now what Added.
will become of it.
505.4 even Tennessee[e] and Removed.
Missouri
506.38 Alca[n]traz Island sic
509.11 Mr. Buchanan, in Added.
re[s]ponding to this
speech
518.41 [“]My Dear Sir:— Removed.
521.36 which you sent me?[”] Added.
576.6 his fund of amusing as Added.
well [as ]important
anecdotes,
614.8 the immediate interests Replaced.
of the Democratic
party[,/.]
676.4 in such a way as that it Transposed.
should be
re[num/mun]erative
683.5 [“]Happily, the venerable Removed.
sage of Wheatland
i701.1.29 Montgomery Added.
Commis[s]ioners
i702.2.4 Paschkoff[s], Madame Removed.
i705.1.11 Stack[le/el]berg, Baron Transposed.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JAMES
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