Food Of Italy

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Food Of Italy

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.
saluted by every officer and Englishman, and all these greetings he
returned with visible satisfaction. Many if not all the British officers
would have gone further and called upon him to show their respect
(for he was much liked by every one), but this was forbidden by a
Government order, and none but natives were permitted to visit him;
these visitors, however, were constant, many princes and rajahs from
all parts of India coming daily.
About this time I was invited by the Governor-General to spend a
few days with him at his country residence at Barrackpore, and on
the first day of my visit the newspapers announced the arrival of a
ship from Sydney. This was great news for me, for I made sure of a
letter from my dear wife, and having said so to Lord Auckland, I
begged to be allowed to take my leave. He most kindly pressed me
to remain, and said he would dispatch a man at once for my letters;
but I was too impatient, so after thanking them for their kindness I
started in all haste for Calcutta, but on my arrival found no letter for
me. This was indeed a sad disappointment, and my restless mind at
once attributed this silence to the worst and most melancholy cause.
After a trying suspense of six months, I received a letter from Major
Serjeantson enclosing a long and cheering one from my wife,
assuring me of our dear boy Acland’s recovery and perfect health,
and that she and all the children were quite well and had removed to
Windsor, where she had taken a comfortable house. I was again
happy and most thankful, and my great desire was to write to my
wife to assure her of my joy, and my gratitude to God. But there was
then no prospect of any direct ship for Australia, so I was obliged to
write via London.
My present letter, sent through Major Serjeantson, was written in
April, three months after I had parted with my family, and it will be
remembered that when we left Sydney that officer remained there
with his own company and our sick then in hospital, and in
expectation of receiving and bringing on to Calcutta a number of
recruits for the regiment shortly expected from England. With these
detachments and some young officers, Major Serjeantson embarked
at Sydney on board the ship Ferguson at the end of April; but while
coming through Torres Straits they were wrecked, and must have all
perished, but for the fortunate chance of two other ships being in
company with them. These followed the Ferguson, which took the
lead through a narrow channel, and had just time to bring up and
anchor when she struck, and immediately fired guns of distress. This
happened before daylight, at four o’clock in the morning. The boats
from the other ships were immediately sent to assist, but the sea
began at once to break over the Ferguson, and for some time so
violently that the boats could not and dared not approach her, and
for a time they were obliged to keep at a distance, looking on only. At
last, during a lull, they managed to get a rope conveyed from the
Ferguson to the boats, and by that means another and another. Her
long boat was then got into slings and hoisted over the side high up
above water. Mrs. Serjeantson and all the women and children were
put into it, and after a given signal it was lowered into the sea, the
ropes from the other boats having been made fast to it, and then it
was hurriedly hauled and dragged through the surf until it reached
them in safety. After many cheers they were taken to the other ships
and made, so far as possible, comfortable, but after that the sea
became so rough that nothing more could be done that day, and in
continued fear and suspense both parties remained watching each
other until dark.
For the rest of that long sad night the agony and fears of both the
rescued and of those more numerous ones still on the wreck may be
imagined. It must have been a truly dreadful position. Happily, next
morning the sea was more settled, but still too rough and dangerous
for boats to go alongside, though by pluck and daring energy they
managed to get in succession under the bowsprit of the Ferguson,
from which man after man of the soldiers and crew were dropped
into the boats without any greater accident than a heavy sea
breaking occasionally over some of them. This was done from the
duty muster rolls, every man in his regular turn and without any
confusion, and my dear friend Major Serjeantson, and the captain,
Verity, were the last who left the ill-fated Ferguson—all reaching the
other two ships in safety. But they unfortunately lost nearly the whole
of their baggage.
We had now been a few months in India, and some of our officers
and many of our men were sick in barracks and in hospital, and a
considerable number were suddenly carried off. Major Turner was the
first officer who died, and was soon followed by Ensigns Kelly and
Heaton. This was during the rainy season; when that passed away
the regiment became more healthy.
In October of the same year I was sent for by the Governor-
General and told there was every prospect of war with Burma, and
that he feared an attack on our position and garrison at Moulmein, in
the Tenasserim province, so he had determined to reinforce that
station at once. He then asked how soon I could get my regiment
ready for embarkation. I answered, “In an hour, without difficulty or
inconvenience.” He smiled and appeared much pleased, but said he
thought that was impossible. I replied that we were always ready,
and could embark the same evening if necessary. He then ordered
me to go at once to the Marine Board, to put myself in
communication with them, and to let them know I was ready to
embark my regiment at the shortest notice, whenever the transports
were prepared to receive us. I did so, and was told I might make my
preparations and expect further orders in the course of that day or
the next. A few hours afterwards the orders were issued for the
following morning, and punctual to the hour we were at the wharf at
daylight, and there found boats to take us to our ships. Mine was a
large Government steamer, in which our headquarters and eight
companies were embarked, and the remaining two companies were
received on board a sailing ship, under command of Major
Serjeantson, who had succeeded to a majority on the death of Major
Turner. Lord Auckland and his staff attended at the wharf to see us
off. My fine regiment was in the most splendid order—not a man was
absent, and all as steady as rocks—and reached our ships without
the slightest confusion or accident. I was afterwards told that the
Governor-General and his staff expressed their admiration of the
steady and soldier-like appearance of the regiment, and their wonder
and surprise at not seeing one drunken man amongst them; this was
so unusual at former embarkations that Lord Auckland actually asked
whether Colonel Anderson did not screen his drunken men by
keeping them confined in the Fort!
I shall not name the regiment which we relieved on our first arrival
at Fort William, but I saw them embarking at the same place, and I
well remember my amazement at seeing dozens of the men not only
drunk but most riotous and mutinous in conduct and language to
their officers. This reminds me of another most creditable contrast
between the conduct of the gallant 50th and what I was assured by
the best authority had been the conduct of another regiment and
other corps previously quartered in Fort William. On our arrival there
I found the standing-orders required that every soldier should return
to the Fort by sunset, and that none should be permitted, without
written passes, to be absent after that time. I considered this a most
unnecessary check to the recreations and reasonable enjoyment of
good and well-behaved soldiers, and represented this to the
consideration of the principal staff officer of the Fort, Colonel Warren;
but all my arguments had no effect on that stern and prejudiced
officer, who had held his appointment for many years, and strongly
maintained that such were the standing-orders of the Fort, and that
they could not be changed.
Seeing I had no chance with Colonel Warren, I went direct to Lord
Auckland and stated my opinion to him. He heard me with attention,
but I soon saw he also was opposed to my wishes, and unwilling to
deviate from an old-established standing-order. I told him I thought it
was a great restraint upon good soldiers, and that I had heard the
men of former regiments in the Fort were in the habit of lowering
themselves by ropes and blankets from the walls into the moat, and
so escaping; that, in my opinion, such confinement was enough to
make bad men worse, and that if his lordship would only make the
trial and trust me and my men, by allowing me to give a certain
number of written passes for a few hours each night, I would pledge
myself to be responsible for their good conduct in town, and for their
punctual return to the Fort at the hour required. He hesitated for
some time, and, though surprised at my great confidence in my men,
he at last gave in, and next day a general order was issued “granting
this indulgence on trial, at the special request of Colonel Anderson.”
That very evening I granted passes till eleven o’clock, and continued
to do so daily while we remained at Fort William, without ever having
cause to regret it. More than once Lord Auckland expressed his
perfect satisfaction and his approbation of the measure; but I never
heard if this indulgence was continued to other corps after we left.
 CHAPTER XXVI

AT MOULMEIN

Great welcome to Moulmein—No fighting after all—The Madras native regiments

W E now sailed for Moulmein, and found there the 63rd Regiment
and four strong and splendid regiments of Madras Native
Infantry—all under the command of Brigadier-General Logan, late of
the Rifle Brigade, and now of the 63rd Regiment. There was also a
considerable force of European and Madras artillery, engineers, and
commissariat, and a very imposing naval force under Admiral
Cooper.
Our residence at Moulmein was very comfortable and agreeable to
us all; the climate was cool and bracing, and under the hospitable
rule of our most able and kind brigadier we soon became all intimate
and friendly, and the most social dinner-parties at our messes and at
the brigadier’s became the order of the day. All the Madras
regiments had excellent mess establishments, equal in every respect
to the Queen’s, and their constant and liberal hospitality could not
be surpassed by any of our corps. A few days after our arrival in
garrison the four Madras regiments invited me and the officers of
the 50th Regiment to dinner, and for this purpose they pitched and
joined their four mess marquees together into one splendid pavilion,
the interior decorated with garlands and evergreens tastefully
arranged, and with the spaces filled up with arms and military
trophies. The tables were covered with the most brilliant plate and
glass, and the lights were numerous and magnificent. All round the
outside was a double row of natives, double torch-bearers, filling up
the intervals between the sentries and the bands of the regiments
stationed on each side of this stupendous marquee. The effect was
truly brilliant and imposing, and no one could approach the
gathering without wonder and delight.
We sat down, in all, nearly a hundred officers. The dinner and the
wines were excellent, and the attendance of so unusual a number of
active native servants in their thin white muslin robes and coloured
turbans and kummerbunds was really imposing, and something new
to us at a military mess. When dinner was over, and after the usual
loyal toasts, the president stood up and proposed a bumper to the
health and welcome of Colonel Anderson and the officers of the 50th
Regiment. This was drunk with much applause and deafening
cheers, the band playing “John Anderson, my joe.” I then rose and
thanked them with much sincerity from myself and my officers for
their hearty welcome and good wishes, and as they all knew my
dear brother, Lieut.-General John Anderson, of their own army, I said
I felt the more gratified and flattered from the conviction that their
good feelings towards me individually were more from their regard
for my brother than from any good they could discover in me, and
that I was equally free to confess he was indeed much the better
man of the two; and here I was interrupted by one of them standing
up and shouting aloud, “A d—d deal better fellow than ever you will
be!” I instantly turned towards the speaker and told him, and all,
that a more gratifying compliment could not be paid me, and that I
should not fail to assure my brother of the very flattering and
friendly feeling which was thus so publicly expressed towards him.
Three cheers then followed for “Old Jock Anderson!” and, not yet
satisfied, they now (half a dozen of them) got me out of my chair
and on their shoulders, and so carried me round and round the table
amidst deafening cheers. The evening continued one of the most
social and merriest of my life, and dinner after dinner followed at
each of our messes, and many quiet ones also were enjoyed in
succession at the married officers’ quarters, and always on a large
scale at the brigadier’s once a fortnight, where that good man and
Mrs. Logan made every one happy and at home by their kind and
courteous manner and genuine hospitality.
Our military duties were not less exciting and, to me, not less
pleasing. We had grand field-days and sham fights once a fortnight,
with all the troops in garrison present, and I never saw any man
handle his force more ably or more effectually than Brigadier Logan.
It was quite a treat and a lesson to be manœuvred by that able and
gallant officer. He was a soldier every inch of him, and his ardent
zeal for the service was part of his character, but his then most
anxious wishes and the object of our expedition to Moulmein were
defeated, for although we were ever ready and expecting an attack
every morning from the Burmese, they never dared to come near us.
The river Salwen or Martaban (from two to three miles broad)
separated the contending forces, for it will be seen by reference to a
map that Moulmein is situated on the left bank of the Salwen River,
about twenty miles from the sea, and the town and fortress of
Martaban, which was then strongly occupied by the enemy,
immediately opposite on the right bank of the river, and it was from
that place that we expected an attack every morning in boats. We
could see their troops distinctly every day parading and marching
about in large bodies, with their drums playing and their colours
flying, and always with a large fleet of boats moored under their
fortifications, as if prepared and meditating a descent. And they
could also see our men-of-war and their armed boats pulling about
and doing night guard ready to receive them.
In this way we continued for months staring at each other, but in
the meantime we made ourselves more comfortable by covering all
our tents with matting, which protected us not only from the rains
and heavy dews which are common there, but also from the heat
and glare of the sun during the day, and we occasionally enjoyed
ourselves by exploring and picnic parties in the men-of-war’s armed
boats up the river; for we were always on the most happy and
intimate terms with the officers of our little navy, dining with them
now and then and having them as our guests repeatedly. In a word,
our sojourn at Moulmein was a very happy and jolly one. We never
knew positively the cause of the enemy’s hesitation in making an
attempt to attack us, but we heard that one or two flags of truce
had been sent from our Government at Calcutta up the Irrawaddy
with dispatches to Ava for the Burmese Government, and we
concluded that terms of amity and peace had been proposed and
perhaps agreed to, and this became the more probable when, early
in March, 1842, orders were received for the immediate return of the
50th Regiment to Calcutta.
We were indeed sorry to leave Moulmein—the climate was so
much cooler and better than India; and we had made so many kind
and agreeable friends that to part with them—perhaps for ever—was
far from pleasant. A more than usual intimacy took place between
our men and the soldiers of the Madras Native Infantry, and they
were frequently seen walking and chatting together. Most of these
fine-looking men knew and served repeatedly under their own
“General Anderson”—and they soon saw by our strong family
likeness that I was his brother, and whenever any of them passed
me they not only saluted but gave me a warm recognizing smile.
When I first saw them I was struck by their fine manly and soldier-
like appearance, superior in every way to the Bengal native troops
and evidently under better discipline, and now the best proof of this
is that when the whole of the Bengal native troops, cavalry, artillery,
and infantry, mutinied, and murdered their English officers in cold
blood, not one single corps of the Madras native army wavered for a
minute. They remained faithful and true to their salt and to their
colours, although it was well known, and beyond all doubt, that the
leaders of the Bengal mutiny had sent many emissaries and appeals
for aid to them.
 CHAPTER XXVII

VOYAGE UP THE GANGES

Return to Calcutta—Much illness in regiment—Boat journey of three months to

Cawnpore—Incidents of the voyage—Death of Daniel Shean

I CANNOT at this moment recollect how we left Moulmein, and

here, for the first time since I commenced this narrative, my
memory fails me, but I think it was in sailing ships, for I remember
that on our arrival off Fort William we were transhipped into country
boats next day, and proceeded with the tide up the Hooghly and
landed at Chinsurah. There we found Colonel Woodhouse, from
Sydney, and a large detachment of recruits and young officers from
England under Captain Fothergill, and, what was far more acceptable
to me, letters from my dear wife with cheering accounts of herself
and my dear children.
I now as a matter of course gave over the command of the
regiment to Colonel Woodhouse, and for a time I was, comparatively
speaking, an idle man. He, being a full colonel and of so many years’
standing, was entitled by the orders of the army in India to the local
rank of major-general, and to a separate command. Therefore I felt
sure of getting the regiment again before long. We now got into the
month of April, and the heat was great and most cruelly trying. We
spoke much of the delightful climate of Moulmein, and of the dear
friends whom we had left behind us there. The heat and the change
of climate soon produced much sickness amongst our officers and
men. Fever and cholera prevailed, and we lost many men and
Assistant-Surgeon McBean from the latter fearful malady. He was
quite well and dined at the mess the night of his death. He sat
opposite to me and was in high spirits, and I observed he ate
heartily and stayed at table for an hour or two afterwards. On
retiring to his room he was suddenly seized with cholera at about
two o’clock in the morning, and died in agony soon afterwards. He
was buried the same day.
In June we had a fearful storm, or rather a hurricane, lasting two
days and nights. Much damage was done, and many ships and river
craft driven on shore and totally lost, but it cleared and purified the
air, and sickness and cholera disappeared for a time.
Early in July orders were received to hold the regiment in
readiness to proceed in country boats to Cawnpore, and about the
middle of the month all the arrangements were completed by the
commissariat, and a fleet of about 80 or more boats had arrived at
Chinsurah for our embarkation. The officers were granted (according
to rank) a liberal money allowance to provide their own boat, and
they generally got first-rate budgerows, with accommodation for two
or three officers, for less than the money allowed by Government, so
that the officers of each company might go together or hire a
budgerow for each individually, as they liked. These boats were very
comfortable, and had each two good cabins and a bath-room; and
the officers’ personal furniture of tables and chairs, beds, and chests
of drawers left nothing wanting. All the boats were covered with
canvas awnings. Each budgerow was attended by two small boats—
one fitted with a clay oven and fireplace for cooking, and the other
carried the luggage and servants, who kept close to their masters,
and came on board without delay or difficulty whenever they were
wanted. The men’s boats were large, clumsy craft, with matting
awnings, and calculated to accommodate from twenty to thirty
soldiers, with their arms, accoutrements, and knapsacks. These had
each a cooking boat attached, with cooks and assistants. There were
also at least a dozen commissariat boats, with live stock and
bullocks, sheep and poultry, as well as spirits and wine for the
voyage, and there were hospital-boats, where none but the ailing
and sick were admitted. The commissariat had also bakers’ boats, so
that we had fresh bread daily. Before we started each company was
furnished with distinguishing flags; mine was distinct, a St. Andrew’s
Cross on a red ground; and in addition to the commissariat
provisions, the officers had their own private stock of poultry, hams,
and wines.
With all these means, good accommodation, and creature
comforts one might hope for a pleasant change and merry trip on
the rivers Hooghly and Ganges, but in course of this voyage we were
disappointed. Notwithstanding much variety and fun, we had
occasionally to encounter great difficulties. At last we got under way
from Chinsurah about the end of July, with strict orders to the boats
of each company to keep as much as possible together, and to be
guided by their respective distinguishing flags. Any neglect of this
arrangement was at once visible and checked. We had our advance
and rear guards—the first an officer’s budgerow, to point out any
difficulties in the river to the advancing fleet, and the rear guard
consisting of the captain and subaltern of the day, and one of the
men’s boats from each company in succession daily. Their duty was
to assist any of the boats of the fleet which got into distress from
accident or bad management. When the winds favoured the whole
fleet made sail, and when they were against us the boats were
towed along the banks of the river, or from the shallow sandbanks
by the whole of the crews, by means of ropes tied to the top of the
mast. This was very slow and fatiguing work against the strong
currents. In this way we some days made fifteen to twenty miles,
but generally not more than six.
At eight every morning the halt for breakfast was sounded, and
the officers on duty selected the next favourable bank of the river for
securing the boats during breakfast. To that spot all the fleet pushed
on, and made fast with ropes and pegs. The Hindoo bearers and
servants, on account of their religion, would not eat their food in the
boats, but landed and made their sacred circle for cooking and
eating on shore. Half an hour was allowed for breakfast, and the
same time for dinner. At one o’clock the halt for dinner was heard,
and the officers again selected a safe place. Frequent interruptions
were occasioned by stress of weather, and the loss or absence of
one or more boats, and we had many severe and sudden gales,
which caused not only the upsetting but the total loss of several
boats, and in two instances the drowning of a few unfortunate
soldiers and women. At Dinapore we halted and dined with the
officers of the 21st Fusiliers, and a most happy evening we had with
them. We also had opportunities of visiting the principal towns on
the banks of the Hooghly and Ganges, viz., Barrackpore, Dinapore,
Monghyr, Patna, Benares, Ghazipore, Mirzapore, Allahabad, and
several other places. At Benares we were most hospitably received
and feasted by the rajah at his splendid country residence, after the
English fashion. There we had also a severe gale at noonday, which
carried my budgerow away from its mooring down the stream, but I
managed to jump out of one of the windows up to my shoulders in
the river, and fortunately got safe on shore, but of course with a
good ducking. For some hours before this we dreaded a storm; the
clouds were dark and heavy all the morning, and so visible was its
approach that we got alarmed and landed our tents and all our
baggage on the banks of the river for safety. These precautions were
not long completed before the gale burst upon us with sudden fury,
carrying away my budgerow and many other boats.
About this time cholera again broke out amongst our men, and we
lost several, but the greater number of those attacked recovered,
owing, no doubt, to our constant change of air. One supposed
reason for these attacks was that in most of the confined parts of
the river the floating dead and decomposed bodies of Hindoos of all
ages were so numerous that they were actually massed together in
hundreds where the stream drove them, and where the current was
not sufficiently strong to disperse and carry them away. The Hindoos
generally disposed of their dead in the holy Ganges, and
consequently they were to be seen in all parts of the river and in all
stages of decomposition, with vultures everywhere feeding upon
them. In halting and securing our boats for the night we always
selected good and firm “lagowing” ground and smooth water, and as
our large fleet was packed all together, we were sure to find in the
mornings dozens of these floating bodies brought up by the current,
and jammed between and all round our boats in the most disgusting
manner, and we could not get rid of them, nor clear of them until we
were again under way and in the open running stream.
During our voyage we saw many alligators daily sunning
themselves on the various sandbanks which appear in the middle
and other parts of the river. They were very wild, but sometimes our
sportsmen got a shot at them before they plunged into the water.
Some may have been wounded, but we never knew that any had
been killed. Our men were strictly forbidden to bathe, for fear of the
strong currents, and of our friends the alligators, but,
notwithstanding these orders, some ventured on the sly to indulge in
this recreation. It was on one of these occasions that Daniel Shean,
[1]
a soldier of the light company, who was an excellent swimmer,
ventured into the river, and was seen by his comrades soon after to
sink, and never to rise again. The firm belief of every one was that
he was seized and pulled under by an alligator and carried bodily
away. I omitted to mention that the officers had tiffin (lunch) at the
men’s dinner-hour, one o’clock, and dined after the halt of the day,
generally about sunset, and enjoyed themselves afterwards till
bedtime either visiting, or resting with every comfort round them, in
their budgerows. At last we reached Cawnpore, in the middle of
October, having been about three months on our voyage.

1. See above, p. 167.

 CHAPTER XXVIII

IN COMMAND AT CAWNPORE

Life at Cawnpore—Quarrel between Mowatt and Burke—Court-martial.

I N spite of our disasters and losses, we enjoyed ourselves fairly

well. Our commissariat was perfect. In fine weather, with the wind
fair, it was a novel and imposing sight to watch our large fleet under
all sail with our gay flags flying. The men’s barracks were ready to
receive the regiment, and as we had sent on our bearers some days
before to select quarters, we all found comfortable houses ready for
us on our arrival. The barracks were on a rising open ground near
the river. We were allowed lodging money according to rank, which
was more than sufficient for the field officers to have each a large
and comfortable bungalow, with many rooms, baths, and stables,
and the others had similar accommodation by two or three of them
joining and living together. There was also a most liberal money
allowance for our mess house. The district was commanded by
Major-General Gray, and the station by Major-General Sir Joseph
Thackwell, and Captain Tudor of our regiment was A.D.C. to the
former. We found the 11th and 31st Regiments of Bengal Native
Infantry, and several batteries of European Bengal Artillery and the
5th Bengal Native Cavalry in garrison on our arrival. The 9th Lancers
joined us soon after. Nothing very remarkable occurred during the
first twelve months of our residence at Cawnpore. We had frequent
social gatherings at our respective messes, and our two generals
entertained us repeatedly. In January, 1843, Colonel Woodhouse
received the local rank of major-general and was appointed to
command at Meerut, and I succeeded again to the command of the
50th Regiment.
An unfortunate quarrel took place at Cawnpore between two of
our officers, Lieutenant Mowatt and Assistant-Surgeon Bourke, and a
general court-martial was unavoidable, the first which was known on
an officer of our regiment for thirty-nine years. They were playing
billiards after dinner and differed, or rather quarrelled, when some
very offensive language was used by both, but more especially by
Bourke. A challenge to fight a duel followed from Mowatt, and
Bourke declined to fight except with swords. The seconds objected
to this, and insisted on pistols as the customary weapon with
Englishmen, but Bourke remained obstinate, and would only fight
with swords. Next morning they went out and met at an appointed
place, the seconds, or rather Bourke’s friend, being provided with
both pistols and swords. Here again Bourke insisted on his right to
choose his own arms. After a good deal of talk, without any effect
on Bourke’s decision, Mowatt said, “Well, sir, then here is at you,
with swords,” taking up one and putting himself in a posture of
defence at the same moment. Bourke then declined to fight at all!
clearly showing he never intended doing so, and that he named
swords in the hope of avoiding altogether a hostile meeting. They
then returned to their quarters and communicated all that happened
to Captain Wilton, the senior officer present when the quarrel took
place, who at once put them both under arrest and reported the
whole of this most discreditable affair to me as the commanding
officer. Until then I knew nothing whatever of it.
After due consideration I was satisfied that nothing less than their
removal from the regiment or a general court-martial could take
place, and I was unwilling for the honour of the regiment to have
recourse to the latter expedient. I therefore determined to report the
whole affair to Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell, commanding the
garrison, and afterwards, if necessary, to Major-General Gray,
commanding the district, and to procure leave of absence for them
both for the express purpose of exchanging at once to some other
regiments; and in making this request to both these general officers
I founded my request on the high character of the regiment and my
unwillingness to stain our reputation by a general court-martial, and
told them that for thirty-nine years the 50th Regiment had not had
one officer brought to trial. Sir Joseph Thackwell heard me most
kindly and fully entered into my feelings and wishes, and
recommended me at once to see General Gray on the subject; and
that officer in like manner agreed to my request, but stated that in
making my application to Major-General Sir Harry Smith, the
Adjutant-General of the Army, for their leave of absence, I must
state the whole of the circumstances, and my unwillingness to
tarnish the high reputation of my regiment by recourse to a general
court-martial. To this I agreed, and made my application to the
adjutant-general accordingly (my old comrade, Sir Harry Smith),
which was forwarded and recommended in due course by Generals
Thackwell and Gray. But by return of post I received rather a severe
letter from Sir Harry Smith, informing me that if the officers named
were not fit to serve in the 50th Regiment they were not fit to serve
in any other, and ordering me at once to prefer written charges
against them, with a view to their being immediately brought before
a general court-martial.
I had now no other course left, so I sent in my charges without
further delay, and, in a few days more, the general order for the
court-martial appeared, to assemble at Cawnpore on a given day.
That day soon arrived, and the court-martial assembled accordingly,
Colonel Scott, C.B., of the 9th Lancers, being the president. As a
matter of duty, I was obliged to appear as prosecutor, and the court
being duly sworn and the prisoners arraigned, I was called forward.
I commenced my address to the court by lamenting my present
most painful and distressing duty, and yet my comparative
satisfaction in being able to say that my previous intimacy and
friendship with the prisoners, especially with Lieutenant Mowatt,
must prove to the court, to them, and to the world that I was in no
way influenced by any unkind or vindictive feeling: on the contrary,
that I sincerely sympathized with them, and with the distress of
every officer of the regiment on this trying occasion. I then spoke
much of the high character and reputation of the regiment, the
constant and great unanimity and brotherly friendship of its officers,
and the absence for thirty-nine years of any such occurrence; and
concluded with an ardent hope that the present would be the first
and last occasion of its kind. I then called in succession the officers
who were present and witnessed the various matters stated in the
charges, and the prisoners having offered nothing in their defence
beyond calling on me and several of the other senior officers to
speak of their previous character and conduct, the proceedings here
closed, and the court was cleared to deliberate on its finding and
sentence.
The proceedings were forwarded in the usual manner for the
consideration of the Commander-in-Chief, General Lord Gough. I
remained very anxious, for the evidence was so clear that I could
not but anticipate the result, and I was especially sorry and
concerned for my little friend and protégé, Lieutenant Mowatt. At
last the General Orders promulgating the finding and sentence of the
court arrived. Both were found guilty. Lieutenant Mowatt was
sentenced to be severely reprimanded, and Assistant-Surgeon
Bourke to be cashiered. These sentences were approved and
confirmed by the Commander-in-Chief, but in consideration of the
high character and renown of the 50th Regiment, his Excellency the
Commander-in-Chief was pleased to remit both sentences and to
order these officers to return to their duties. This was most
gratifying to us all, for we considered this the highest compliment
that could be paid to the regiment, and next we rejoiced to find our
friend Mowatt (who was a general favourite) again back in safety
and honour amongst us; but Dr. Bourke was not much liked at any
time, and now, from his pusillanimous conduct, less than ever.
Fortunately for him, his seniority in the service led to his promotion
at home to be surgeon of another regiment before anything of this
court-martial was known in England, and so he left us for ever soon
after.
 CHAPTER XXIX

THE GWALIOR CAMPAIGN

Expedition to Gwalior—In command of the regiment—Brigadier Black—His

accident—I am appointed to the command of the brigade—Battle of Punniar—
In General Gray’s absence I order a charge on the enemy’s guns—Severely
wounded

S HORTLY after this we had more pleasant and exciting hopes and
prospects. War—war! Rumours of war were now heard
everywhere, and I soon received orders to hold the regiment in
readiness for immediate service. Most of our officers were young,
and, with the exception of myself, I believe not one of them had
ever seen a shot fired in earnest. All our men were equally strangers
to a campaign, but all were full of ardour and zeal, and most anxious
to meet an enemy. As I knew them to be well in hand and in the
most perfect state of discipline, I was not less proud of my
command and of the prospect of showing (should the opportunity
offer) that we were all equal to our duty. In a few days the General
Orders detailed the particulars of an expedition against the revolted
troops of the Maharajah and government of Gwalior. Our forces were
divided into two distinct bodies. The larger, consisting of many of her
Majesty’s regiments of infantry and cavalry and European artillery,
and a number of regiments of Bengal native infantry and cavalry and
artillery, with commissariat and medical departments, was
concentrated from the different up-country stations, and ordered to
rendezvous at a given place under the immediate command of the
Commander-in-Chief, then Sir Hugh Gough, attended by the
Governor-General, Lord Ellenborough, all the headquarters staff, and
several general officers in command of divisions and brigades, and
all these marched upon Gwalior by a given route. The second
column of the army, under Major-General Gray, consisted of the 3rd
Buffs, the 50th Regiment, and the 9th Lancers. Also five regiments
of Bengal native infantry, two regiments of Bengal native cavalry,
and several batteries of European artillery, commissariat, and
medical departments marched from Cawnpore and Allahabad and
other stations in November, and were concentrated for the first time
in brigades on a very extensive plain about half-way between
Gwalior and Cawnpore. There we halted, encamped, and remained
for nearly three weeks.
Our brigade was composed of the 50th Regiment and the 50th
and 58th Regiments of Native Infantry, and under the command of
Brigadier Black, of the Bengal army. That officer had for many years
held a civil appointment, and candidly confessed that he knew
nothing of the duties of a military command and much less of
manœuvring a body of men. At this time General Gray had us out
daily at brigade field-days, allowing each brigadier to select his own
manœuvres. I was the second in command of our brigade, and our
zealous brigadier used to come daily to my tent, and, with all
simplicity and candour, confess that he really could not attempt to
manœuvre his men unless I assisted him by giving him a regular
lesson of what he was to do each day. I, of course, consented to do
so, and wrote him out five or six simple manœuvres for each day,
and explained them over and over again until he appeared to
understand them perfectly. He used then to leave me and to study
his lesson for the rest of the evening, and so well that, when he
appeared on parade next day, from memory he put his brigade
through the required movements with perfect confidence and
without once making a mistake, and he continued this daily, while
we remained in that encampment.
During the whole of this time we knew that the main body of our
army under Sir Hugh Gough was halted and encamped within twenty
miles of us, on a different road to our right, and employed daily like
ourselves in field-days. Native troopers, with dispatches, passed
between both divisions almost daily. I never knew the reason of this
delay; but it was by many believed to be caused by awaiting the
result of pending negotiations. At last we again got en route, our
division still keeping the main road from Cawnpore to Gwalior
through the Antre Pass, with orders to examine that formidable
position before we attempted to enter it. While halted and
encamped on the evening of the 25th December our brigadier had a
serious accident. He was examining his pistols, when one of them
suddenly went off and wounded him severely in the head. This
obliged him to be sent at once to the rear to the nearest military
station, and I was on the same day appointed by General Gray to
the command of the brigade, with the rank of brigadier. Such is the
fate and chance of war, and I was delighted with my promotion and
prospects, for we were now more than ever certain of meeting our
enemy, the Mahrattas, in battle.
But before I go further I must mention that on leaving Cawnpore I
wrote to my agent, John Allan, at Calcutta, requesting him to insure
my life in favour of my dear wife for £6,000, and while delayed in
camp Mr. Allan sent me the necessary papers for me and our
surgeon to fill up and sign, to enable him to complete the insurance.
This was duly done and the papers returned to him, and by return of
post I had another letter from Mr. Allan, saying all was right, that I
might make myself perfectly easy. But on the very evening of my
promotion as brigadier I received another letter from Mr. Allan,
informing me that the insurance office (being now confident of our
going into action) had declined the insurance on my life without an
additional high premium, and begging to know what he was to do. I
instantly wrote to him declining, and saying that I would take my
chance, as I had often done before.
On the morning of the fourth day after this, namely, on the 29th
of December, we came in sight of the Antre Pass, and General Gray,
with a strong escort of cavalry, having been sent on to reconnoitre,
soon returned at full speed to inform the Commander-in-Chief that
the pass was strongly occupied by the enemy, with many guns in