Tide And Its Takers

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Tide And Its Takers

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.
to Ramses’s past advance, south would be “ be- 124 Literally,
“sitting,” the term also used for ‘ besiehind him.” ging,” which may
be the meaning here, 114
 JAMES HENRY BREASTED 37 another with him, and he
found that 2,500 spans of chariotry had surrounded him™> in four
bodies on his every side..... % He hurled them down, one upon
another, into the waters of the Orontes.!”" Had the enemy now
quickly pressed in upon him from the west he must inevitably have
been likewise pushed back upon the river. He certainly had not more
than a few hundred troops, but these were the best of his army, and
with these he repeatedly charged impetuously down to the river.
Meantime his camp had of course fallen into the hands of the
enemy, as we shall see (No. 30), and it was certainly this which
saved him. The weakness of oriental armies in the matter of plunder
is well known. Thutmose III. would have captured Megiddo on the
day of his battle there, as he himself says, had his troops not been
lured from the pursuit by the plunder on the field. Mohammed would
have won the battle of Ohod, had his troops not thrown discipline to
the winds and given themselves to the pillaging of the enemy’s
camp, which they had taken at the first assault. Such occurrences
are legion in oriental history. The battle of Kadesh is but another
example. While Ramses’s unexpected and impetuous offensive has
swept the enemy’s right into the river, their center is diverted by the
rich plunder of the camp. It is the offensive of Ramses at this stage
of the battle to which the reliefs give so much attention. They depict
him at the moment when he drove the enemy’s right into the river,
with great vivacity and realism, introducing lively incidents which it
would here delay us too long to discuss. A body of troops, which it is
difficult to connect with any of the four divisions, now unexpectedly
arrives and begins Ramses’s rescue. They are the first infantry which
plays any important part in the battle, but they have also chariotry;
they are depicted in all the reliefs, arriving at the camp in perfect
discipline, with the following inscription” over them: 30. τς λοι δα, PY
DS TUS Ke MOIS sieges, Ca ieee ape ΜᾺ Veet dl Foi Stet ss eccen on
ΩΣ 125Ramses himself makes a similar statement in the Poem (11.
35, 36): 1 found that the 2,500 spans of char127 Ramses himself
repeats this statement, Poem, 1, 38. 128 They will be taken up later
in the discussion of the iotry, in whose midst I was, were prostrated
before my horses;”’ and again in 1. 54. 126 The omitted portion is
rather conventional description: “He slaughtered them, making them
heaps beneath his horses. He slew all the chiefs of all the countries,
the allies of the vanquished chief of Kheta, together with his own
nobles, his infantry, and his chariotry. He overthrew them prostrate
upon their faces; he hurled them, etc ,” as above. reliefs. 129 Abu
Simbel: CHAmpP., Mon., 32 = ROSELL., Mon. stor., 97=LD., III, 187;
Ramesseum: LD., ΠῚ, 155; Luxor: CHAmMP., Mon., 327= ROsELL.,
Mon. stor., 107. I had also Griinau’s photographs of Abu Simbel. See
infra, Plates I, IV and VI. 115
 38 Tue BattTLe or ΚΑΡΈΒΗ Var. ISL AT Al RCE RU HELM se
srt Klmlles ieee IS ev πὰ Ja JS Y falls er NSS Ferre NG icone ΔΚ |S
The arrival of the recruits’ of Pharaoh, L. P. H., from’ the land of
Amor. They found that the vanquished of Kheta had surrounded the
camp of Pharaoh L. P. H.,'* on his (or its) west side,'’** while his
majesty was camping alone, without an army with him. . (portion
omitted = No. 18). The recruits cut off the vanquished, wretched foe
of Kheta, while they were entering into the camp. The officers of
Pharaoh, L. P. H., slew them, and let not one of them escape. Their’
heart was filled’ with the great valor of Pharaoh,” L. P. H., their good
lord. These troops do not belong to the divisions of Re or Ptah, for
they are clearly distinguished from them in the section above
omitted (see No. 18). They are possibly a portion of the fugitive
division of Amon, now returning on finding that they are no longer
pursued by the enemy. In this case it is difficult to understand why
they should be designated as just arriving ‘‘from Amor,” farther
south. They arrived just as the enemy were taking possession of the
abandoned camp of Ramses from the west. Taking the now
dismounted Asiatic chariotry, at the moment when they were
beginning the pillage of the camp, the ‘‘recruits” surprised and easily
cut them to pieces. They would, of course, immediately reinforce
Ramses, and together with the rallying fragments of the division of
Amon, which might now come in on the west, considerably augment
his strength. Seeing this the Hittite king made 130 Literally, δ
youths,” n‘rwn’ = pws Ξ 134The variant is supported only by Luxor
while Abu Simbel and Ramesseum have first form, Since above was
stereotyped Griinau’s photo shows the h in ynh and that ‘should be
removed. But it makes absolutely no sense, while the variant fits in
perfectly. Hence I am inclined to think the first form a corruption in
the scribal text. 131 The preposition (m) is unquestionably to be so
rendered here (not ‘“‘in’’). This isthe usual idiom for “arrive” or
“return from.’’ Thus in the tomb of Hui (LD., Text ITI, 303) over the
arrival of Ethiopian envoys, we find: ‘Arrival from (yytm) Kush ....
landing at the Southern City.’’ Or on the stela of Ykwdydy (Berlin,
1199, Ausf. Verz., p. 89) 135 Photo shows sn. 136 Photo shows mh.
“T came from Thebes” (to Abydos); and so often. Hence 137 Photo
shows ‘ ’. Ep. Meyer is right in his contention ( Aegyptiaca, Festschr.
5 ‘ 138 Moreover, they appear too early in the action to f. Ebers., p.
69) that Amor did not include Kadesh. ast ΘΕΙ͂Ν Ὁ ᾿ have belonged
to the division of Ptah. 182Certainly miscopied from gmnsn. We have
here 139The Poem (Il. 45-54) represents Ramses as addressgmnsn
ynhk, as we have gmnf ynh in Nos, 27 and 29. See ing his fleeing
troops, calling upon them to halt, and witgmny (also without m
complement in Poem, Kar., 1, 30). ness his victory, etc. It is
probable, therefore, that they 133 Luxor omits this phrase. did turn
back and support him, 116
 JAMES HENRY BREASTED 39 another desperate attempt to
destroy Ramses before the arrival of the latter’s reinforcements. It is
related by the Poem as follows (ll. 38-44): Lo, the wretched,
vanquished chief of Kheta stood in the midst of his infantry and his
chariotry, beholding the battle of his majesty, while his majesty was
alone by himself, not having his infantry with him, nor chariotry. He
stood turned about for fear of his majesty. Then he caused to go
numerous chiefs, each one among them having his chariotry, and
being equipped with the weapons of warfare: the chief of Arvad, him
of Masa, the chief of Yawen (Ionians), him of Lycia, the chief of
Dardeny, him of Keshkesh, the chief of Carchemish, the chief of
Kerkesh,“° him of Aleppo, (being) all the brethren of him of Kheta,
united in one body, being 1,000 spans of chariotry. The Poem then
narrates in highly colored language the overthrow of these
reinforcements, without indicating where they were thrown in, or
how they were used; but Ramses must now have had sufficient
troops to hold his own against them. He must have maintained the
unequal struggle in all for about three hours,’ when he finally led at
least six assaults against the enemy, the last of which seems to have
been especially successful; for after the battle has been raging for
some time, the Poem says: Then his majesty advanced swiftly and
charged into the foe of the vanquished of Kheta. At the sixth "ἢ
charge among them, being like Baal behind them in the hour of his
might, I made slaughter among them, and there was none that
escaped me. (Poem, 1]. 58, 59.) While this passage does not at all
explain the direction or place of the assaults, it indicates what was
evidently the fact during the long three hours of desperate fighting,
viz., that it was only by prodigies of personal valor that Ramses held
his scanty forces together. Of this three hours’ combat we have been
able above to follow little more than those incidents which exhibited
the splendid personal courage of Ramses in his almost single-handed
struggle; for, I repeat, it is in these that the sources are chiefly
interested. As soon as the reinforcements arrive, and the action
becomes more general and extended, no longer centering in the
Pharaoh’s onset, the court narrators, whose function it is to
immortalize the deeds of their lord, have no occasion to record it.
Hence neither the Poem nor the Record makes the slightest
reference to the arrival of Ramses’s reinforcements, and we are
unable to present any plan of the battle from this point on. As far as
we know, the Hittite king made no attempt to prevent the division of
Ptah from reaching the field. Neither the Poem nor the Record refer
to its arrival in any way, and the only record of its coming is
preserved in the reliefs at Luxor (Plate V). 140Omitted by Sallier III,
and fragmentary in the hieroglyphic except at Abydos, which gives
complete reading. 141Sallier III has 2,500; Luxor and Abydos are
destroyed at this point; Karnak alone shows 1,000. If Sallier II is
correct, the whole incident is but a repetition of the first attack, in
which 2,500 chariots were inyolved. But the entire context indicates
that we have here a reinforcement of the Hittite attack; the papyrus,
which is Among the approaching reinforcements, hastening up in the
rear of the excessively inaccurate, has out of habit written 2,500
before the frequently recurring phrase “spans of chariotry.” 142 Tf
his messenger reached the division of Ptah, a mile or two north of
Shabtuna, by 4:00 Ρ. m., they could reach the field by a forced
march by 6:00 P. M., three hours after the battle began. 143 Not
eight, as given by MAsprErRo (Struggle, p. 393). On the rendering of
the ordinal, see SETHE, 4 Z., 38, 144. 144 The sudden change of
person is in all the originals 117
 40 Tue BATTLE OF KADESH Hittites, appear the words:
“Arrival of the vizier to [assist?] the army of [his majesty].” The vizier
thus leads the reinforcements into action.” The Asiatics, caught
between the opposing lines, were driven into the city, probably with
considerable loss. The Luxor relief shows them fleeing into the city,
but none of the other sources offers the slightest reference to the
movements of the troops at the close of the battle. The Record
closes all such narrative by simply averring that Ramses hurled them
all into the river; while the Poem goes on from that point, chiefly to
enlarge upon the Pharaoh’s personal prowess, with picturesque and
telling incidents, but gives little of the character of the subsequent
battle as a whole. We should have supposed that rather than allow
Ramses to escape from the snare so cleverly laid for him, the Hittite
king would have thrown in every man of the eight thousand infantry
in the midst of which he stood on the east side of the river watching
the battle (Plates II, IIT, and V, and p. 43). But with the exception of
the incidents in the camp the entire battle was one of chariotry; and
as we know nothing of the relative or comparative effectiveness of
infantry and chariotry at this early period, there may have been
reasons why the Hittite king could not employ his foot against the
Egyptian chariots. So clever a strategist as the Hittite leader had
shown himself to be would not have held back a great body of
infantry without what seemed to him a good reason, however it
might seem to us. When evening drew on the enemy took refuge in
the city, the battle was over, and Ramses was saved. The Poem“
goes on to describe how the scattered Egyptian fugitives crept back
and found the plain strewn: with the Asiatic dead, especially of the
personal and official circle about the Hittite king. This was
undoubtedly true; the Asiatics must have lost heavily in Ramses’s
camp, on the river north of the city, and at the arrival of the division
of Ptah; but Ramses’s loss was certainly also very heavy, and in view
of the disastrous surprise of the division of Re, probably much
greater than that of his enemies. What made the issue a success for
Ramses was his salvation from utter destruction, and that he
eventually also held possession of the field added little practical
advantage. In conclusion we must note briefly, but more fully than
was possible above, the more important characteristics of the reliefs,
as bearing upon the questions of place and time above discussed. As
I have already stated, we much need an accurate and exhaustive
publication of these scenes. The drawings of Weidenbach are so out
of proportion that they cannot be joined, and I have been obliged to
separate the different plates by an interval. The earlier publications,
though the plates fit together more accurately, are much more
inaccurate than Weidenbach. But they are all sufficiently accurate to
determine the movements of troops, as far as they are represented
in these 145CHAMP., Mon., 324 (in publication incorrectly num- 146
As we mentioned above, it is possible that the vizier bered 814). Our
Luxor relief (infra, Plate V) is taken from himself went south to bring
up the division of Ptah. Rosellini, who has omitted this inscription. It
belongs in 147 The position which I have assigned to this infantry
Plate V before the Egyptian chariot containing two men, on Map VIII
is based on the reliefs, which show that they approaching a line of
seven standard-bearers in the upper _ were posted on the river
opposite the point toward which left-hand corner. Ramses was
charging. 148 1]. 59 fF. 118
 Puate VI ἫΝ (3 Advance of | Pe κὦ Division il Pits of Peak.
5 =) a) AN \ | aie eels ' Wien ae OY EISEN NPS : S 7,4 al Ὶ (ἂν ye Ah
a δ: ἶ = Wa \ WGN \ ἘΣ ΠΤ i , \ i NB δὰ RS WS rab Y he πὰ ὑ ΓΞ, τῇ
Ι 58 Ping es Ip R RS ἢ 4 | i a 7) ANA [7 NAY jf Δ AUS J Δ Lich ae
Kacppetss
 Pirate VI PL XVII DecenniaL Pusxiications, V Ἢ { εν == ri)
“The stand which his mage sty ade while he was CAMPING ne
norbhwest of Ka des. AY L)| | >) [0 ἥν y/) e \Z\7 Ἐπὶ ἘΠῚ Be 7 ps -
al ry 5 i 7 ὡς (τ V YT 4 ¢ ἴα, Cay ΔΩ RB -f-tw-n Geerurrd from the
λοιπὰ «(ὁ Amor AINA? IWAN -\ i 1 ἃ ἢ ᾿ “Tre orrival che δ κι ᾿ Ail cS
= — TMLee Aa, ἣ ὶ YASS Ἂ x ΤΙ oN el ei sia XXVII Col XXVIII Col
XXVI Celene Asu Sipe, Revers, Generat View (Cuame., Mon., XVII,
bis) Leh ae ζω» πες
 JAMES HENRY BREASTED 41 scenes. A careful examination
shows that these reliefs ignore entirely or consider only loosely
relations both of time and place. Those of time are so disregarded
that the pictures become progressive, representing successive
incidents, like those found in later European painting,” as late as the
seventeenth century. But our reliefs become very confused at this
point, because they also neglect relations of place. This may be best
seen at Abu Simbel (Plate VI). In the lower half are the camp and
accompanying incidents; while the upper half contains the scene of
Ramses charging. At the right end of the camp (before the words:
“The Record, con.”) we have the pursuing Hittites driving in the royal
princes (see above pp. 34,35). At the other end (before the words:
“The Arrival, ete.”) are the incoming “recruits” who later in the battle
slew the Hittites in the camp. Now both these incidents took place at
the west end of the camp as the accompanying inscriptions show; in
order to represent them correctly, the artist would have been obliged
to make two drawings of the camp: one, the earlier, showing the
fugitive princes at the west end; and another, the later, showing the
incoming “recruits” likewise at the west end. But the artist does not
do this. He draws the camp and describes it in a short inscription as
in process of erection. This is the earliest instant. He then adds the
other successive incidents: at the right the Pharaoh’s session with his
officers and the beating of the Asiatic scouts; then, . also at the
right, and coming from nowhere apparently, the princes fleeing into
the camp; and finally the arrival of the “recruits,” at the other end,
the only place where he had room. Thus, with but little regard for
time or place, various incidents are loosely grouped about some
more important center. As is of course well known, this is only in
accord with the fundamental characteristic of Egyptian drawing:
inability to represent things or their parts, in their proper local
relations to each other. So complicated a scene as that of a moated
city on a river, with a battle raging about it, comes out remarkably
enough when depicted after this manner. At one end is Ramses
receiving prisoners and trophies after the battle; at the other end he
charges the enemy's right early in the action. As in the lower row we
can only affirm that these two incidents took place near the city. The
charge we know from the inscriptions was north of the city, and the
reception of prisoners in all probability likewise took place there.
Under these circumstances it is ὦ priori clear that safe topographical
conclusions can hardly be made from the reliefs. But let us
nevertheless make the attempt. According to the inscriptions,
Ramses was northwest of Kadesh when the battle took place.
Looking at the Abu Simbel reliefs (Plate VI) we shall see, then, that
the left end is therefore the north. This coincides, too, with the
direction of the messenger (extreme right) as he goes southward to
bring up the southern reinforcements, and also with the position of
the advance lines of the division of Ptah. This is also in accord with
the direction of the river. The north and south axis is apparently all
in order; but not so the east and west axis; for Ramses is here
shown on the east of the 149 For example, a progressive painting of
the incidents of Christ’s death and resurrection, Berlin No. 1222,
Schule von Soest, about 1470 to 1500 A. Ὁ. 119
 42 THe BattTLe oF KADESH river, whereas the sources
clearly state that his camp was on the west side of the river (No.
13), and by his camp these charges of Ramses took place. Or
granting that he is on the west of the river, he would then be south
of the city, which is again directly contradicted by the inscriptions.
The topography of the relief therefore cannot be harmonized with
the data of the inscriptional documents. But more than this: the
reliefs flatly contradict each other. Looking at the Luxor relief (Plate
V), we see Ramses charging on the right of the city. If he is here
north of the city, as he must be to accord with the inscriptions, he is
then on the west of the river. Or granting that he is on the south of
the city, he is then on the east of the river. In either case his position
is diametrically opposite to that shown in the other reliefs. It is out
of the question to suppose that Abu Simbel and the two Ramesseum
reliefs represent a different stage of the conflict and a different
position from that shown at Luxor. The Luxor relief shows Ramses
surrounded by four bodies of Asiatic chariotry, a situation which
arose at his camp early in the battle; the other reliefs all depict
exactly the same situation and therefore the same place. In all,
Ramses is in or beside his camp. The cause of the contradiction is
not far to seek. The artist was obliged by his own limitations to
begin by laying down the river horizontally along the middle of his
horizontal field. This done and the city located, he was ready to put
in Ramses and the combatants. When we remember that Ramses
hurled his foes down into the river,” there is no place to put Ramses
except OVER the river. Otherwise, in such primitive drawing, the
enemy before him would have had to fall wp into the river. Hence
whether Ramses is placed on the right or the left of the city, he must
necessarily be placed above the river, and his position on that side of
it has no topographical significance whatever.” Bearing in mind these
facts we may now rapidly note just what important moments in the
progress of the battle the reliefs show. They show us first the camp
(Plates I, ΤΥ, and VI) with its rectangular barricade of shields. We
cannot stop to note the animated scenes of camp life within, but the
reader should notice the large rectangular pavilion of Ramses in the
middle. Several smaller tents of the officers are grouped about that
of Ramses. On the right” (Luxor, left) is Ramses, sitting, as the
Record states (No. 14) “upon a throne of gold.” This scene is, of
course, supposed to take place in the Pharaoh’s tent. Before him are
his courtiers and officers, near whom (below) the unfortunate Asiatic
spies are being beaten. Around them are grouped Ramses’s heavy
guard of foot, consisting of Egyptians (round-topped shields ) 150
The drawing of the river is quite incomplete in the Luxor publication
(Plate V). Its upper line should be continued downward and toward
the right under Ramses (as the photograph shows), so that Ramses
is above the river, as in all the other reliefs. 151 Literally, ‘‘caused
them to go down (or fall) into the waters.” 152Tf anyone doubts the
Egyptian’s astonishing unconsciousness of the proper relations of
place in a drawing, let him look at the naive drawing of Ramses’s
drawn bow, on Plate III; or his amazing feats of anatomy in drawing
the human form (ERMAN, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 399) ; or the
drawing of the fagade of a temple, showing the fagade viewed from
a point in front, combined with a view of its accompanying colossi
from two sides, those on the right from the right side, and those on
the left from the left side; thus introducing three view-points into
one drawing. 153 On Plate I this scene has been taken from the
right, and put into the upper left-hand corner to save space. 120
 JAMES Henry BREASTED 43 and Shardana mercenaries,
with round shields and horn-crested helmets. Near at hand is
Ramses’s war chariot, with his charioteer, awaiting his commands. It
was during this scene that the division of Re was attacked, and it
was thus employed that the messenger announcing the disaster
found Ramses. Following closely upon the arrival of this messenger,
of whom the reliefs make no mention, is the arrival of the fleeing
princes who burst into the camp at the west side (upper right-hand
corner; Luxor, upper left). Ramses’s guards are seen pulling their
pursuers from their chariots and slaying them (especially Plate 1).
On the left (Luxor, right) are the newly arrived chariotry and infantry
of the ‘recruits,’ who began Ramses’s rescue (pp. 37, 38). But this is
in slight anticipation and did not occur until after Ramses himself
was in action. The artist, having exhausted this horizontal field, must
take another in which to depict Ramses’s desperate defense, the
scene for which the reliefs chiefly exist. He shows the moated city,
bearing the words: ‘‘City of Kadesh”’ (Plate III). Below it the river is
swelled and widened, perhaps by a dam, which backs up the water’
from below, with the intent of strengthening the city’s defenses. The
line of water at the bottom’ may be the brook of El-Mukadiyeh.
Especially at Luxor the enemy may be seen surrounding Ramses ‘‘in
four bodies, on his every side” (No. 29), though this situation is
evident in them all. At Abu Simbel (Plate VI) and the Ramesseum
(Plate II) the Asiatic chariotry may be seen still crossing the river
south (to the right) of the city, though the stage of the conflict is
much later than the attack on the division of Re, for which purpose
the enemy first crossed there. Before Ramses the plain is strewn
with the slain, among whom the accompanying inscriptions furnish
the identity of a number of notable personages, among them several
commanders, beside the scribe, the charioteer, the chief of the body-
guard of the Hittite king; and finally even his own royal brother, who
falls at the river’s brink. On the opposite shore, their comrades draw
the more successful fugitives from the water, and a tall figure held
head downward, that he may disgorge the water he has swallowed,
is accompanied by the words: “The wretched chief of Aleppo, turned
upside down by his soldiers, after his majesty hurled him into the
water.” In the midst of heavy masses of infantry on the same bank
stands the Hittite king in his chariot, whom the Egyptian scribe
characterizes in these terms:’” “The vanquished, wretched chief of
Kheta, standing before his infantry and chariotry, with his face
turned round, and his heart afraid. He went not forth to battle, for
fear of his majesty, after he saw his majesty prevailing | against the
vanquished chief] of Kheta and all the chiefs of all the countries |
who] were with him.” The scribe has indicated at the Ramesseum
that this infantry numbers 8,000; but Abu Simbel has: ‘‘Other
warriors (tw-hi-r’) before him, 9,000.” "ἢ 15tThe absurdity of
identifying this backed-up water 155In both scenes at the
Ramesseum (Plates II and with the lake of Homs is evident at the
first glance. It III). It is also at Abydos. is filled with escaping men
and horses, whom we are to 156 The same incident is also narrated
in the Poem (ll. imagine as swimming across a lake two or three
miles 38 ff.) ; supra, p. 40. wide! We see chariotry galloping around
it to surround 157 T had no photograph of this inscription, and the
old Ramses, and we are to imagine they are doing it around a
publications (CHAMP., Mon., and ROSELL., Mon. stor.) may lake six
miles long and two or three miles wide! easily be in error. 121
 44 Tue Batryue or KADESH “Other” is, of course, in contrast
with those fighting in the battle. Abydos merely has: [The army?] of
the vanquished chief of Kheta, very numerous in men and horses.”
Meanwhile, as only Abu Simbel shows (Plate VI), the Pharaoh’s
messenger has reached the division of Ptah in the south; and their
arrival is noted at Luxor (see above, p. 32). Luxor and the
Ramesseum (Plate IT) also show a line of Egyptian chariots
attacking the enemy in Ramses’s rear. These may be the chariotry of
the division of Amon, now rallying to his support. These reliefs
effectually dispose of one fairy tale frequently attached to the battle,
viz., that Ramses was accompanied and assisted in the action by his
tame lion. So, for example, Maspero says: ‘‘The tame lion which
accompanied him on his expeditions did terrible work by his side,
and felled many an Asiatic with his teeth and claws.”’"* The story
goes back to classic times, for in a description of the battle scene in
the Ramesseum reliefs Diodorus says:"” ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ a “ , ‘ , , a ~ ε 7 aA καὶ
κατὰ μὲν τὸν πρῶτον τῶν τοίχων Tov βασιλέα κατεσκευάσθαι
πολιορκοῦντα τεῖχος ὑπὸ ποταμοῦ περίρρυτον καὶ προκινδυνεύοντα
πρός τινας ἀντιτεταγμένους μετὰ λέοντος, συναγωνιζομένου τοῦ
θηρίου -“ « ἊΣ a “ 5 ὁ Ld c > μι ἊΝ > “6 Ae) , , « 4 κατακληκτικῶς -
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λέοντα τρεφόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως συγκινδυνεύειν αὐτῷ κατὰ
τὰς μάχας καὶ τροπὴν ποιεῖν τῶν ἐναντίων διὰ τὴν ἀλκήν τινες ‘ ~ * “
col “ δ᾽ ἱστόρουν ὅτι καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ἀνδρεῖος ὧν καὶ φορτικῶς
ἑαυτὸν ἐγκωμιάζειν βουλόμενος, διὰ τῆς τοῦ , Ἐν . , > me estes 160
λέοντος εἰκόνος THY διάθησιν ἐαυτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐσήμαινεν. The
story was therefore questioned even in Hecatzeus’s™ time. The only
explanation for it is the fact that on the side of Ramses’s chariot at
Abu Simbel, Luxor, and in one of the Ramesseum reliefs (Plate III)
there is a decorative figure of a lion. It stands in the same position
on two different chariots at the same time during the council at Abu
Simbel (Plate VI), and a moment’s examination will convince anyone
that the figure is purely decorative. Such decorative lions are not
uncommon; thus, for example, on the seat of King Harmhab’s throne
at Silsileh™ appears a lion’s figure in the same way; and on the
sides of Ramses IT.’s throne at Luxor™ are two lions. It would be
absurd to affirm that these were living pets of the king. Ramses
really did possess a tame lion, which he had with him on this
expedition. The lion is shown lying with bound forepaws in the camp
behind the Pharaoh’s tent in all the scenes of the camp;™ but there
is no evidence that he had anything whatever to do with the battle.
There is 158 Struggle of the Nations, p. 393. 1°2CHAMP., Mon., 111.
For other examples see also 159 Vol. I, p. 48; ed. VoGEn, Vol. I, pp.
83, 84= DrnporF- ῬΈΤΕΙΕ, Decorative Art, 113. MUuuer, Vol. I, p.
40. See also the remark of TZETZES, 163 DaREssy, Rec., 21, 8. Rec.,
VIII, 202. 2 ΞΕ. ἡ τὰς . 3 164 At Abu Simbel (Plate VI) it is
incorrectly drawn as 160 Diodorus’s alternative explanation is, of
course, to ἢ bull or ox. be connected with the frequent use of the
lion, both in lit- f sean ° erature and sculpture, as a symbol of the
Pharaoh. In : 165 The words “‘slayer of his SERRE applied to the
sculpture its most common form was the sphinx. lion at Derr,
accompany the sacrifice of prisoners, and only Ε - Waa ἢ indicate
that the lion was allowed to slay them at the usual 161 Diodorus’s
description is drawn from Hecateens of sacrifice before the god. This
is a long way from the emAbdera. On this description see the planof
ROCHEMONTEIX —_p)!oyment of the lion in battle. See following
note. (Rec., VIII, 195). 122
 JAMES HENRY BREASTED 45 absolutely no other basis for
the tale,’ and in the scenes cited by Maspero™ only the decorative
lion is to be found. The battle once over, Ramses has the trophies,
the hands cut from the bodies of the slain, with the prisoners, and
spoil brought before him. This is shown in a small corner of the Abu
Simbel reliefs (Plate VI, under messengers), where we see him
standing in his chariot as the severed hands are cast down before
him. None of the other reliefs shows the incident, except Abydos,
where it is more fully represented than at Abu Simbel. The scene is
unpublished, but the accompanying inscriptions™ show that Ramses
commanded: “| Bring on] the prisoners which I myself captured,
while I was alone, having no army with my™ majesty, nor any prince
with me, nor any chariotry.” Besides these, there were brought also
captured “horses, chariots, bows, swords, and all the weapons of
war.” It is unfortunate that the Abydos reliefs are still unpublished,
but they are very fragmentary and Mariette gives sufficient
description of them to show that they contain the identical scenes
found in the others. He says:"” La muraille extérieure du temple n’a
été déblayée que récemment. Elle est tout entidre historique et se
rapporte ἃ une campagne de Ramsés contre les Khétas. .... Les deux
armées sont aux prises. Les Khétas, acculés entre deux bras du
fleuve, sont cernés et mis en fuite. Ceux qui suivent le bras inférieur
ne sont pas atteints. Les autres sont précipités dans les flots.
L’armée ennemie est captive avec tous ses baggages (face du Nord).
Une partie des fuyards tombe dans un campement égyptien dont les
troupes n’avaient pas pris part ἃ la bataille. On y voit des soldats
indigénes et des auxiliaires composés de Schardanas. Quelques
régiments sont en marche, probablement pour rejoindre le gros du
détachement déja campé (face de l’Ouest). Mariette publishes only
the following three scenes: Plate 30: Empty chariot of Ramses held
by charioteer and orderlies, as in all the other reliefs. Plate 31:
Shardana guard as at Abu Simbel. Plate 32: Lower line of chariots
and two lines of infantry from the arrival of the “recruits,” as in all
the other reliefs. A hitherto unnoticed relief belonging to this series
is on a palimpsest wall at Karnak (Plate VII). It is so injured by the
later reliefs which Ramses himself had cut over them, that one can
only recognize fragments of the scenes already found in the other
reliefs. Comparing it with Luxor (Plate IV), these identical fragments
are: 166 Besides being here in the Pharaoh’s camp behind 167
CHAMP., Mon., 25; ROSELL., Mon. stor., 87. his tent, the lion is found
also at Abu Simbel with the 168 Mar. Ab., Vol. II, p.10. 189
Publication has “his.” Pharaoh on the march (CHAmMpP., Mon., 15);
at Bet el-Walli beside the Pharaoh’s throne (ibid., 62); and finally at
Derr 110 Voyage dans la haute Egypte, Vol. I, p. 72. in two scenes
(LD., III, 1836 and 184a, and CHAmp., Not. 171 On the outside of
the south wall of the great hypoDescr., I, 90), where the king is
sacrificing prisoners to style hall. The plate is drawn from a
photograph taken Amonre. In these last scenes he is accompanied
by the by Borchardt. More could doubtless be seen on the wall
inscription: ‘‘The lion, follower of his majesty, slayer of itself, and
doubtless further traces could be found outside his enemies,” and he
is biting one of the prisoners. of the limits of this photograph. 123
 46 Tue Battie oF KADESH AA BB CC DD EE FF garment. GG
Traces of sunshade-bearers behind Ramses. HH Legs and feet from
line of Shardana of the guard. Egyptian stabbing an Asiatic before
Ramses’s tent. Guard in the council scene, lower row. Beating of the
Asiatic scouts. Bowing officials before Ramses. Head and shoulders
of Ramses as seated on his throne. Charioteer before him; part of
felloe of chariot wheel in skirt of charioteer’s Below is the line of
water also found at the Ramesseum and Abydos. The only variation
from Luxor is that the council scene in the tent was here on the right
of the camp, instead of on the left as at Luxor.” But it is clear that
the same incidents which we find in all the others, filled this last
series. These Kadesh scenes seem to have commonly suffered
alterations. Besides the total erasure of the above Karnak series, the
photographs show that the camp at Luxor was placed over Ramses’s
charge; and the charge on the first pylon at the Ramesseum is cut
over an earlier one placed much higher. It was evidently filled with
cement, which has now fallen out, leaving the original lines so clear
and deep that Weidenbach saw and sketched them (in Plate II), and
they are clearly visible in a photograph. The Poem claims that
Ramses renewed the action the next morning (ll. 92 ff.), describes
the battle in brief, vague, and purely conventional terms,
representing Ramses as victorious, and then states that the Hittite
king Sued for peace in a humble letter to Ramses. Thereupon
Ramses assembled his officers, proudly read to them the letter, and
returned in triumph to Egypt. To none of these alleged events of the
next day do the Record or the reliefs’ make the slightest reference,
and the narrative of them bears all the ear-marks of scribal flattery.
The whole incident may have found its source in the fact that
Ramses drew up a body of his troops to cover his retreat in the
morning, and that they may have had to protect the rear from
harassing by Hittite pursuers. However this may be, Ramses’s
immediate retreat to the south, admitted by the Poem (ll. 87, 88), is
clear evidence that he was too crippled to continue the campaign
further. The Hittite king may possibly have proposed a cessation of
hostilities, but this is doubtful.“ To state that in the battle of the
second day he 1τῷ This is on the supposition that the figures AA
belong in the camp by Ramses’s tent, as in the other reliefs; but
they might also be a pair from the hand-to-hand struggle in the
lower right-hand corner at Luxor (Plate V). In that case the
arrangement is exactly as at Luxor. 173 MAsPERO’s reference
(Struggle, p. 394) of the scene of Ramses’s charge to the second
day’s battle is impossible. This scene, as above noted, shows
Ramses alone, surrounded by Asiatic chariotry, a predicament in
which he found himself only in the first day’s battle. Tosuppose that
such a situation occurred in the second day’s battle is not only
absurd, but is flatly contradicted by the accompanying inscriptions,
which place it in the first day’s battle, when the southern troops had
not yet come up. 174 MULLER (Asien, p. 216, n. 1) would refer this
event to the treaty of peace in the year 21, explaining its presence in
the Poem by the theory that we have only a later redaction of the
Poem, in which the scribe, overlooking the interval, has attached the
peace compact directly to the battle of Kadesh. The objection to this
is that there is no statement of a treaty in theletter. The Hittite king’s
letter only avers, with the usual oriental flattery, that they are the
servants of Pharaoh, and begs him to slay no more of his servants.
This may be based on a proposal by the Hittite king of a cessation of
hostilities. 124
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 JAMES HENRY BREASTED 47 ‘““was on the point of
perishing,”’™ or to refer to “the surrender of Qodshu”’® (Kadesh) is
pure romancing. For the first statement there is not a particle of
evidence; and not even the Poem has the face to claim that Kadesh
was captured. For sixteen years after this battle, Ramses was
obliged to maintain incessant campaigning in Syria, in order to stop
the Hittite advance and wring from them a peace on equal terms.
Meantime he evidently found compensation in the fame which his
exploit at Kadesh brought him, for he had it recorded in splendid
reliefs on all his greater temples and assumed among his titles in his
royal titulary the proud epithet: ‘“Prostrater of the lands and
countries, while he was alone, having no other with Nao eae
However confused our knowledge of the latter half of this battle may
be, the movements which led up to it are determined clearly and
with certainty. These movements show that already in the fourteenth
century B. C. the commanders of the time understood the value of
placing troops advantageously before battle; that they further
already comprehended the immense superiority to be gained by
clever maneuvers masked from the enemy; and that they had
therefore, even at this remote date, made contributions to that
supposed science, which was brought to such perfection by
Napoleon—the science of winning the victory before the battle.
ADDENDUM Since I read the above essay at the Hamburg Congress
of Orientalists (in September, 1902), Professor Petrie’s note on the
battle has appeared (PSBA., December, 1902, pp. 317 f.). As there
has been much delay in the printing of my essay owing to my
absence since the Congress in Europe, I am here able to add
Professor Petrie’s note to the bibliography above (pp. 4,5). I see that
we are in agreement on the flank movement of the Asiatics around
the city of Kadesh; but the location of the city in the lake is, I think,
clearly refuted by the evidence above adduced (pp. 13-21). There is
no evidence that the king turned back to the flying division of Re; on
the contrary, the sources state that the fleeing division of Re “fled
northward to the place where his majesty was” (No. 25), and the
reliefs show the fugitives as they reached the camp. Again the onset
of Ramses is designated: “The stand which his majesty made, while
he was camping on the northwest of Kadesh.” He would not have
been on the ‘‘northwest of Kadesh,” while making this ‘‘stand,” if he
had turned back to the division of Re. Furthermore, I know of
nothing in the sources upon which Professor Petrie’s account of
Ramses’s pursuit of the enemy around the southwest end of the
lake, and northeastward to Homs, could be based. It would, in the
first place— putting Ramses’s camp on the northwest of the island’
(see Map III)—involve a 175 MASPERO, Struggle, p. 394. 176 Tbid.,
p. 395. 178 In accordance with Professor Petrie’s location of the 177
Around a column in the Ramesseum, SHARPE, Eg. City on the island.
Inscr., Vol. II, p. 53. 125
 48 THE BATTLE or KADESH march of twenty-one or twenty-
two miles to reach camp, immediately followed by a hard battle and
a pursuit of some nineteen miles all in one day! This physical
impossibility and the lack of all support for it in the inscriptions,'”
force me to differ with my friend, Professor Petrie, on this point.
That my own account of the outcome of the battle is quite
unsatisfying, I am perfectly aware, but for this the sources are
responsible; and I do not think that more can be safely drawn from
them. But I am glad to see that we at least agree on the important
initial flank movement by the Asiatics. 1791 can only suppose that
Professor Petrie has drawn his theory from the reliefs. 126
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