Abstract

This dissertation investigates land and tenancy disputes in Gedeo, southern

Ethiopia, between 1941 and 1974. Such disputes were a deeply entrenched feature

of Ethiopian land tenure systems until the revolution, and despite its importance

the subject has not received the attention it deserves. Based on local court archival

documents and oral interviews, the dissertation seeks to understand how these

conflicts shaped agrarian relationships in Gedeo during this crucial period.

The study highlights how differential access to resources created

disharmony within Gedeo. It not only contributed to the proliferation o f disputes

but also eroded community cohesion, one o f the consequences o f w hich was that

when Ethiopia was invaded by Italy in 1935 it was too divided and weak to defend

itself effectively from external aggression. The post-liberation period was a

formative time in the history o f Gedeo. During this time the gabbar system was

gradually replaced by landlord-tenant relationships. There was significant

economic development largely due to the increasing importance o f the coffee

trade, but also land and tenancy disputes became a dominant feature o f this period.

Although land disputes were common in many other parts o f Ethiopia, tenancy

disputes in the south are described in the existing literature as distinctive from

those in northern Ethiopia. The existing works mainly discuss tenancy

relationships in the south from an ethnic perspective. This factor might have

exacerbated the rivalries; however, it was not the main factor. This dissertation

argues that competition for available resources was at the heart o f the problem.

The increased polarisation o f landlord-tenant conflict continued to damage

agrarian relationships. The inability o f the government to deal with the problem

made the situation worse and as a result tenants were obliged to find alternative

3
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ways to express their grievances. In February 1960 when the M ichele uprising

erupted the government rushed to intervene with the heavy use o f security forces.

Nevertheless the tenancy problem did not show sign o f improvement until it was

resolved finally and fundamentally by revolutionary means in 1974.

 B o u n d By
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020 8992 3965
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CONTESTED LAND: LAND AND TENANCY DISPUTES IN
GEDEO, SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA (1941-1974)

BY

BERHANU TESFAYE-ARAGAW

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO

THE SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES;

(SOAS)

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

APRIL 2009
 Abstract

This dissertation investigates land and tenancy disputes in Gedeo, southern

Ethiopia, between 1941 and 1974. Such disputes were a deeply entrenched feature

of Ethiopian land tenure systems until the revolution, and despite its importance

the subject has not received the attention it deserves. Based on local court archival

documents and oral interviews, the dissertation seeks to understand how these

conflicts shaped agrarian relationships in Gedeo during this crucial period.

The study highlights how differential access to resources created

disharmony within Gedeo. It not only contributed to the proliferation o f disputes

but also eroded community cohesion, one of the consequences o f which was that

when Ethiopia was invaded by Italy in 1935 it was too divided and weak to defend

itself effectively from external aggression. The post-liberation period was a

formative time in the histoiy o f Gedeo. During this time the gdbbar system was

gradually replaced by landlord-tenant relationships. There was significant

economic development largely due to the increasing importance o f the coffee

trade, but also land and tenancy disputes became a dominant feature o f this period.

Although land disputes were common in many other parts o f Ethiopia, tenancy

disputes in the south are described in the existing literature as distinctive from

those in northern Ethiopia. The existing works mainly discuss tenancy

relationships in the south from an ethnic perspective. This factor might have

exacerbated the rivalries; however, it was not the main cause o f conflict. This

dissertation argues that competition for available resources was at the heart of the

problem. The increased polarisation of landlord-tenant conflict continued to

damage agrarian relationships. The inability of the government to deal with the

problem made the situation worse and as a result tenants were obliged to find

3
alternative ways to express their grievances. In February I960, when the Mechele

uprising erupted, the government rushed to intervene with the heavy use of

security forces. Nevertheless the tenancy problem did not show sign of

improvement until it was resolved finally and fundamentally by revolutionary

means in 1974.

4
 C ontents

Illustrations 6
Maps 6
Acknowledgments 7
Abbreviations 9
Some conventions 10
Transliterations 11
Glossary 12

Introduction 19

Chapter One: Environmental and historical background o f the Gedeo 45

Chapter Two: From incorporation to the Italian occupation: the political

economy o f gdbbar and qdlad, access to land, and
controversies 1890s to 1941 93

Chapter Three: Land disputes and litigation, 1941-1974 141

Chapter Four: Tenancy relations and court disputes, 1941 -1974 205

Chapter Five: From crisis to revolution, 1960-74 264

Conclusions 314

Sources 323

5
 I llu s tr a tio n s

Figures

1. Typical Gedeo landscape 59

2. Y oung ensdt crops ready for transplanting 59

3. A typical ensdt farm 60

4. Goto (work party); the digging axe is still the favoured

farming tool 65

5. M ature ensdt tree ready for harvesting 73

6. Photographs (6a-e) showing how both the roots and trunk o f the
ensdt tree are processed into qoc'o 75

7. Transporting qoc'o to the m arket 78

8. A Gedeo patriot who fought the Italians in the southern front 134

M aps

1. Ethiopia, 1974 16

2. Ethiopia since 1991 17

3. The four w ar ads o f Gedeo 18

4. M echele (showing the location o f the 1960 peasant uprising) 263

6
 A ck n ow led gm en ts

I have received a great deal o f support from a number o f individuals and

institutions in the preparation of this dissertation. It is impractical to thank all of

them here. However, I am deeply grateful to my supervisor Dr. Wayne Dooling

who was very generous with his time and knowledge and supported me at each

stage in completing this work. The History Department at SOAS has been a truly

stimulating place for the study of African history. Part of the fieldwork for this

research has been supported by SOAS and the University of London Central

Research Fund, and I would like to thank these institutions for their important

financial assistance.

Above all I am grateful to all my informants in Gedeo, who kindly

provided me with highly invaluable information. I am particularly indebted to my

host, Alamayahu Baqate and his wife Etenashe Alamayahu, with whom I lived

during my stay in Grissa. Adugna Kebede, who is the fleldworker o f the Ministry

of Agriculture, deserves a special mention here. His professional dedication was

exemplary; his excellent working relationship with the peasants o f Grissa paved

the way for me to undertake the most interesting fieldwork in Grissa and complete

my research with few problems.

The archival research for this dissertation was conducted in Dilla, and I

would like to thank all the archivists, who assisted me personally during my

research and had painstakingly preserved such unique documents. Special thanks

go to A to Samuel, the president of the Gedeo Zone Court, who allowed me to

access their archives even during weekends. In addition I was also provided with

access to a photocopier, which was very helpful. The Gedeo Zone Administration

also provided me with all the support I needed to facilitate my research.

7
 I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my friend, Sheila Gijsen,

who helped me a great deal in the preparation of this dissertation. Sheila’s

contribution was immense, and in fact without her input this dissertation would

not have taken its present shape. Sheila began to read and comment on the style of

my writing from the earliest days o f my doctoral studies to the final drafts of this

dissertation. Her interest and support became a source o f motivation for me to see

it through to completion. I would like also to thank the staff at the Blue Anchor

Library, where Sheila is a staff member. I am particularly grateful to Patricia

Holland and Julian Heather. Many thanks also to my friends Sunita Sardiwal and

John Kennedy for their support.

Intellectually, I have benefited a great deal from Svein Ege’s many

comments and suggestions. He has been a source of constant encouragement and

inspiration since our first encounter, when I was studying for my MA at Addis

Ababa University. His deep understanding of Ethiopian peasant history is enviable

and he has always been happy to share this knowledge and expertise.

I am grateful to my family for their understanding and support during the

long and arduous years o f a PhD study. A very special thanks goes to my wife

Tafesework Tegagne, who supported me in many ways during those difficult

times. My mother, Leke Kebede, has always been special. She came to England

from Ethiopia and helped me a great deal by looking after my son Eliab, who was

bom during the duration o f this study. Last but not least I would also like to thank

my older son, Mekebeb, for his understanding and support.

 A b b rev ia tio n s

CSA Central Statistical Agency

DAAA Darasa Awraja Administrative Archives

DACCA Darasa Awraja Civil Court Archives

EC Ethiopian Calendar

EMA Ethiopian Mapping Agency

EPRDF Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Forces

IES Institute of Ethiopian Studies

MLRA Ministry o f Land Reform and Administration

SNNPR Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region

9
 Some conventions

Ethiopian calendar (EC)

The Ethiopian calendar differs from the Gregorian one. The year has twelve equal

months (thirty days each) and one short month which is five days long (six days in

leap years). It therefore differs from the Gregorian calendar by seven to eight

years and the dates have a discrepancy of from anything six to eleven days. Since

the Ethiopian New Year starts in September, there is always a disparity when

computing its equivalent in Gregorian. For example, 2001 in the Ethiopian

calendar is 2008/2009 in the Gregorian.

Ethiopian names

Ethiopians do not use surnames to identify an individual. The first name followed

by their father’s name is used to distinguish a person. Additional identification can

be made by using the grandfather’s name.

10
 Transliteration

There is no single standardised system o f transliteration o f Ethiopian characters.

In this dissertation the system developed by the Institute o f Ethiopian Studies (IES)

has been used with some modifications.

Vowels

The seven orders o f the Ethiopic alphabet are represented as follows

1st order ba

2nd order bu

3rd order bi

4th order ba

5th order be

6th order be

7th order bo

C onsonants

The explosive variants are given as follows

q ‘I’flA, qabale

n naft’a nna

f (into

c CEi.rfC c'afe

p' p'aulos

s' 0<itJ& s'ahai

11
 Glossary

abba ‘father’; (e.g. abba-gdda, father of gdda) head o f the elected gdda.

Afd-negiis (lit. ‘mouth of the king’); highest judge.

alaqa ‘head o f a church’ ; also in land tenure a person who was

responsible for paying taxes for land held by group o f people,
usually siblings.

asir alaqa (lit. ‘head o f the ten’) ; lowest military title.

as'ma rest land inherited from one’s ancestor’s tfs'm(bone) implies that the
land was the inalienable right of the inheritor.

asrat tithe, land tax.

at’b ya danna local judge.

ato a title equivalent to ‘M r’.

awraja {awraja gizat) an administrative unit below taqlay gizat.

balabat (lit. ‘one who has a father’) government officials recruited from the
local hereditary chiefs.

balambaras a traditional title given to low level administrators,

baldrest owner of rest land, landlord,

baldwuldta lit. ‘one who did a favour’; one who served the government in a
different capacity, usually applied in the context o f land grants for
government officials and patriots who had served their country.

bdqolo maize.

birr the standard Ethiopian monetary unit.

bala a juicy substance squeezed out o f qoc'o, used to make porridge.

c'iqa slmm (lit. ‘authority of the nrud’); local head man.

c'isdnna tenant who accessed land through a sharecropping agreement, also

in Gedeo provided additional free labour seivices to the landlord.

daga an agro-ecology zone; 3000-4000 metres above sea level.

ddjazmach (lit. ‘commander o f the gate’); a traditional title given to both

military and political appointees of the state.

12
emdt a title equivalent to ‘M rs’.

endarase (lit. ‘in my place’); plenipotentiary, parliamentary representative.

ensdt ensete edule, a banana-like tree widely cultivated for food in south
and south west Ethiopia, the main staple o f the Gedeo. Known also
as the “false banana”.

eqnel a sharecropping tenancy arrangement in which the tenant’s

obligation was to pay half o f the harvest from the land.

erbo a sharecropping tenancy arrangement in which the tenant’s

obligation was to pay a quarter o f the harvest, but in Gedeo there
were extra burdens such as free labour services.

fitawrari (lit. ‘commander of the front’) a traditional political and military

title.

gdbbar a tribute-paying peasant either in the form o f labour or produce. In

the south it implied a major burden.

gdda Oromo socio-political system based on age grade. The Gedeo gdda
which is believed to have been borrowed from the Oromo was
weaker and only had a spiritual role.

gesho a plant grown in the back garden commonly used in the preparation
of tala a ( traditional Ethiopian beer).

gasha a varying unit of land measurement, normally approximately 40

hectares.

girazmach (lit.‘commander of the left flank’); a traditional political and

military title given to highest officials.

goddre taro; widely cultivated for food in south and south west Ethiopia,
it has broad peltate leaves and a large starchy edible tuber.

golo (G) work party.

gossa (G) clan or tribe.

gult a tribute-collecting right awarded to important office holders 01*

soldiers; it does not confer access to land however.

hamsa alaqa (lit. ‘commander of the fifty’); military title or rank.

hayicha (G) village head man; a traditional title of the Gedeo political system.

kdtdma town, or military garrison in the south. These later evolved into
urban centres.

13
kudad (hudad) land which was cultivated by corvee labour.

lam fertile, cultivated or developed land.

lam t’a f semi-fertile, partly cultivated land.

maddria land granted provisionally to soldiers and other government

officials in lieu o f their salary.

mamere priest o f the Ethiopian orthodox church.

mikitle wdrdda an administrative unit below wdrdda.

minzir a co-owner of rest land who paid taxes through the alaqa.

nac' labash (lit. “wearer of white uniform”); local militia.

na, (lit. “gun bearer”); soldiers of the imperial anny settled in the south
after the incorporation.

negus king.

outiba (G) indigenous land tenure system of the Gedeo, an inalienable

land right.

the lowest administrative unit.

qdlad a rope or wire used to measure land, but also used as a description
o f the process o f land measurement and distribution.

qannazmach (lit. ‘commander of the right flank’); a traditional Ethiopian

military and political title.

qoc'o processed ensdt which is used to make bread.

qoro local official below the balabat.

qunna grain measurement unit which varies greatly from place to place.

ras (lit. ‘head’); a traditional political andmilitary title below the king.

rest a kinship-based communal land tenure system common in northern

Ethiopia. In the south it simply refers to land owned on a
permanent basis.

resta gult hereditary gult right.

samon land set aside for the church or held by priests and other
ecclesiastical groups in their service of the church.

14
siso a sharecropping tenancy agreement in which the tenant agreed to
pay one third of the harvest.
t'dbdqa legal representative or solicitor.

td f uncultivated or undeveloped land.

t’d qlay gizat administrative unit, province.

t’e f Eragrostis te f (latin); a crop indegenious to Ethiopia used to make

Ethiopians favourite bread, enjdra.

t’into (G) a share o f land given to an individual.

wabi a person who may be allowed by the court tointervene inland or

tenancy litigation upon the invitation of either of the parties, to
guarantee the veracity o f their claims,

wdkil agent (see ydrest wdkil).

wdrdda an administrative unit below Awraja.

\\>ayna-ddga an agro-ecology zone below ddga\ 2000-3000 metres above sea

level.

wayzaro a title equivalent to ‘M rs’. [Similar to emtit]

wurs inheritance.

ydqdlad wdkil a person who represents a holder of qdlad land.

ydrest wdkil a person who represents a baldrest (landlord) and collects taxes and
other due from the tenants on his behalf.

yat’e za margdfia a nominal fee paid by tenants before erbo assessors carried out
their task.

zufan chelot (Crown Court) the summit o f the Ethiopian judicial system which
was presided over by the Emperor himself.

G = Gedeo

15
 Ethiopia
SAUDI In te rn a tio n a l b o u n d a ry
P ro v tn c a b o u n d a r y
ARABIA N a tio n a l c a p ita l
P ro v in c e c a p ita l
A |barah R a ilro a d
R o ad

v YEMEN
\ (SANA)
7e«»r__

YEMEN
"*J4GBAY (A DEN>
CONDOR
Gondar^

DJBOUTI
A r R u j iy r t j G u ll ol A d e n

G O J A*M

'B a rb a ra

H ir g a y s i

h Arer

w - r -- * G .r*

ILUBABOR

Arb» M ind
GAMO
GOFA

) Laktr
( RudoU

GANDA IND IAN O C E A N

M ogaditcia

B ase 504021 1-79

Map 1. Ethiopia, 1974

Source: M a p s o f E th io p ia A c ro ss Time, "E thiopia B etw een 1 9 6 0 -7 4 ”

/ / w w w .an g elfire.co m /n y/eth io cro w n /m a p s.h tm l [a c c e s s e d N o vem b er 5, 2 0 0 8 ]

16
 I ETHIOPIA

SOMALIA

IG A X P A

Map 2. Ethiopia since 1991

Source: O C H A regional support o ffice, “E thiopia” w w w .hum anitarianinfo.org/iaw g-

nairobi/M aps/Ethiopia20A 1 .pdf [ a c c e s s e d N o v em b er 5, 20 0 8 ].

17
 Wanauo

Kochare

Map 3. The fo u r Wdrads o f Gedeo

S ource: G o o g le E arth

18
 Introduction

This dissertation investigates land and tenancy disputes in Gedeo in southern

Ethiopia, from 1941 to 1974. The years from 1941 to 1974 represent a crucial

period in Ethiopian history, both nationally as well as locally. The year 1941 saw

the end of the five year occupation of Ethiopia by Fascist Italy and the restoration

o f the monarchy, while 1974 saw the outbreak of the Ethiopian Revolution which

overthrew Emperor Haile Sellassie (r. 1930-1974), one o f the longest-ruling

monarchs in recent history. The revolution was highly significant for the peasants

o f Gedeo as it was followed by radical land reform which abolished landlordism

and tenancy.1

Based primarily on local court archival sources and oral interview research,

the dissertation seeks to explain the nature o f land and tenancy conflicts in this

period. Although disputes relating to land and tenancy have not been peculiar to

southern Ethiopia and there has also been a long history o f land litigation in

northern Ethiopia,2 Gedeo provides an excellent opportunity to closely examine

this largely unexplored theme.

After becoming fully incorporated into the modem Ethiopian empire state

at the end of the nineteenth century, Gedeo emerged as one of the most

agriculturally prosperous areas o f southern Ethiopia. By wisely combining food

and cash crop production, Gedeo was not only able to sustain an unprecedented

growth o f population but also participated successfully both in the internal as well

1 Bahru Zewde, A H istory o f M odern Ethiopia, 1855-199f 2nd ed. (Oxford: James
Currey, 2.001), 178; E.J. Keller, R evolutionary Ethiopia: From E m pire to P eople's R epublic
(Bloom ington, [Ind.]: Indiana University Press, 1988), 194; R.L. Hess, Ethiopia: The
M odernization o f A u tocracy (Ithaca, N..Y.: Cornell U .P., 1970), 51-74.

2 Donald Crummey, L an d a n d Society in the Christian Kingdom o f E thiopia: From the

Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University o f Illinois Press, 2000), 192-194.

19
as external market through its coffee trade. In this relatively short period of time

Gedeo passed through a highly complex and tumultuous phase in its history.3

As a settled agrarian community Gedeo provided a suitable environment,

upon which the state could impose its institutions, and it speedily became

integrated into the Ethiopian political and economic systems. The incorporation of

Gedeo was soon followed by the imposition of the gdbbar (tribute-paying

peasant)4 system, which forced the Gedeo farming households to supply labour

and produce for the maintenance o f the state and its functionaries, mainly the

naft’a nnas (soldiers of the imperial army) and other clerical and ecclesiastical

groups. Naft’d nna-gdbbar became the dominant form o f agrarian relationship in

Gedeo until 1941.

Even in the 1920s the state had already moved a stage farther, from tribute

dependency to the control o f land. By introducing what was known as qalad5

(measurement of land) the state distributed land directly to its functionaries, laying

the foundation for the emergence of a landlord-tenant form of agrarian

relationship, which did not evolve fully until after 1941. This phase was

particularly relevant, because the way in which qalad was imposed and

implemented was controversial and divisive. When the political and social

3 For the history o f G edeo’s incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire see Charles W.
M cClellan, State Transformation a n d N ational Integration: Gedeo an d the Ethiopian Empire,
1895-1935 (Michigan: M ichigan State University, 1988), 13-31; see also D. L. Donham, "Old
Abyssinia and the N ew Ethiopian Empire: Themes in Social History", in The Southern M arches o f
Im perial E thiopia: E ssays in H istory & Social Anthropology, ed. D. L. Donham and W endy James
(Oxford: James Currey, 2002), 3-48.

4 G d b b a r: the basic definition o f this term means “tribute paying peasant.” It was adopted
from northern Ethiopia; how ever in the south a g d b b a r had many more obligations than his
equivalent in the north. Chapter two deals with this extensively.

5 The term q a la d refers to a rope made o f leather or wire which w as used to measure land
for redistribution among state functionaries. H ow ever in Gedeo it was also used to mark a
distinction between the indigenous tenure system s which existed earlier (such as ou tiba) and the
new system s (such as m adaria an d sam on) which were introduced as a result o f the im position o f
qalad.

20
implications of this began to be felt, local relationships were severely affected and

disputes became a dominant feature. The deteriorating relationship between

landlords and tenants made Gedeo the scene of an organised peasant protest,

which was uncommon among southern Ethiopian peasants in this period (one

exception being the Bale peasant uprising which was fuelled by an external

connection).6

The way in which landlord-tenant relationships developed in this part of

southern Ethiopia from 1941 to 1974 is interesting. Landlord-tenant relationships

in the south, including Gedeo, have been depicted in both popular and scholarly

works as differing from those in northern Ethiopia.7 It is generally believed that in

the north o f the country landlords and tenants belonged to similar ethnic and social

groups, and that this prevented tenancy relationships from becoming polarised. In

the south the dichotomy between the two was regarded as being wider, hi his

seminal work on the rest system (a kinship based communal land tenure) in

Gojjam, Allan Hoben has shown how tenancy in northern Ethiopia differed from

the situation in the south, Hoben demonstrated that tenants in Gojjam did not

constitute a particular group or class of landless people, but like other peasants in

Gojjam could access rest land. Unlike their counterparts in the south they were not

subjected to a multitude o f demands from their landlords, such as for free labour

services and the supply o f firewood.8

6 Gebru Tareke, E thiopia: P o w er and P rotest: P easant R evolts in the Twentieth Century
(Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1991), 125-159.

7 For contrasting view s o f north vs. south see Donald L. Donham, M arxist M odern : An
E thnographic H istory o f the Ethiopian Revolution (Oxford: James Currey, 1999), 31-35.

8 Allan Hoben, L an d Tenure am ong the Amhara o f E thiopia (Berkeley: University o f

California Press, 1973).

21
 It is generally assumed that the type of tenancy which Hoben described

was common in most o f the rest areas o f northern Ethiopia.9 Peasants entered into

tenancy agreements because of the particular circumstances in which they found

themselves, as in the case of young men who had to wait until they were provided

with rest land before they married, or households with extra labour available

which wanted to access additional land through tenancy. Understanding why

landlord-tenancy relationships in Gedeo evolved in a somewhat different maimer

from those in northern Ethiopia is important not only in acquiring a more

complete picture o f the system but also for comparative purposes.

Gedeo offers a key area to test some of the prevailing assumptions

regarding how land tenure evolved in southern Ethiopia. The dominant view

regarding the southern Ethiopian system o f land tenure is that it had evolved to a

more private form o f landownership in contradistinction to the rest system of

northern Ethiopia, which is generally believed to be a communal kinship-based

system .10 This has wider implications in terms of property rights, as due to the

communal nature of the rest system peasants in the north were allowed to access

land regardless of their political and economic status within the community. In the

south, by contrast, because o f the move towards private forms of land ownership

many peasants became landless tenants. This view emphasises not only a private

form o f land tenure but also the ethnic dimension, because it was believed that the

people who owned most o f the lands in the south were people who had an ethnic

9 Crummey, L an d an d Society, 8-12.

10 For a discussion o f this trend see Bahru Zewde, "Economic Origins o f the Absolutist
Stale in Ethiopia, 1916-1935," Journal o f Ethiopian Studies XVII (1984), 1-29; and also Shiferaw
B ekele, "The Evolution o f Land Tenure in the Imperial Era" in Shiferaw B ekele, ed,, An Economic
H istory o f M odern E thiopia / V o ll, the Im perial Era, 1941-74 (Dakar: Codesria, 1995), 73-142.

22
affiliation with the ruling class which was in power in Ethiopia until the 1974

revolution.11

In general the issue of land and tenancy was the dominant discourse

among opponents of the government of Haile Sellassie prior to the revolution.

University students, intellectuals and other enlightened Ethiopians felt that

Ethiopia was a deeply “feudal” society dominated by few individuals who

controlled the greater proportion of the country’s best land. The only way for the

country to progress was therefore by eradication of the monarchy and the

landlords.12 Land reform in particular was given central importance, not only to

deal with problems o f landlordism and tenancy but also as a vital vehicle for

achieving a just society through the equitable distribution o f land. Hence “land to

the tiller” emerged as the most popular slogan of the anti-monarchical

establishment.13

The Land Reform ideas were drafted long before Emperor Haile Sellasie

was overthrown by the military junta, who called themselves the Ddrg, in

September 1974. In March 1975, to the surprise o f those who identified

themselves as “progressive”, the military government announced radical and

leftist land reforms which enabled them to consolidate their power in a time of

great uncertainty. This move by the military stunned their opponents, who

"Gebru, P o w er an d Protest, 67-85; Donham, M arxist Modern, 31-35.

l2For a scholarly debate about feudalism see the follow ing. Donald Crummey,
"Abyssinian Feudalism," P a st a n d P resen t 89 (1980), 15-138; Gene Ellis, "The Feudal Paradigm
as a Hindrance to Understanding Ethiopia," The Journal o f African H istory 14, 2 (1976), 275-295;
Contrary to Ellis, Keller argues that Ethiopia was a feudal society until the early twentieth century,
Keller, R evolutionary E thiopia, 55-58; Addis Hiwet, Ethiopia: From A u tocracy to Revolution
(London: R eview o f African Political Economy, 1975), 3-4; Rene Lefort, E thiopia: An H eretical
R evolution? (London: Zed, 1983), 83-129.

13 Randi Ronning Balsvik, H aile Sellassie's Students: The Intellectual a n d Social

B ackground to Revolution, 1952-1977 (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1985), 150-152.

23
believed that it was they, as the intellectuals and educated people equipped to lead

the country, who should take the lead in introducing radical measures such as this.

However, land reform was crucial in maintaining the power o f the Darg\ without

such a measure it would probably never have gained the popular support it

enjoyed in the early years. Until land reform was announced the revolution was

seen largely as an urban affair, but through this measure it was exported easily

into the isolated areas of the countryside.14

The land reform measures brought all land under state control and

eliminated the myriad tenures that had been widespread features of the Ethiopian

land tenure system before the revolution. The reforms stated that up to ten

hectares of land were to be awarded to all peasants who were prepared to develop

it through their own and family labour. Peasants would enjoy usufruct rights only

on land and tenancy and rural wage labour was made illegal. Land and tenancy

litigation, the central theme of this dissertation, was eventually terminated by this

radical land reform. This was probably one of the greatest achievements of the

1975 land reform. Even today Gedeo peasants owe a great debt to the land reform

and the Ddrg which introduced it.15

It is generally assumed that the land reform brought about by the

revolution benefited the peasants in the south rather than in the north. According

to this view, the whole daily life of a southern Ethiopian peasant was one of

exploitation and coercion, and it was due to this great inequality, which was

14 Donham, M arxist Modern, 31-32; Christopher S. Clapham, Transformation an d

Continuity in R evolutionary Ethiopia(Cambndg&\ Cambridge University Press, 1988), 35; Marina
Ottaway, "Land Reform in Ethiopia 1974-1977." The African Studies R eview X X , 3 (1977), 79-90.

15 Interview with Taddasse Jibicho, Sisota, July 2004.

24
expressed in ethnic and religious terms, that the revolution was able to gain

ground.16

Gedeo and Southern Ethiopia: historiographical development

The most prominent issue in Ethiopian historiography is the alleged gulf between

north and south. Northern Ethiopia, which has been the centre o f the Ethiopian

state for millennia, has a rich literary culture spanning many centuries. As a result

o f this Ethiopia’s well developed literary tradition has been celebrated as unique

among sub-Sahara African countries. Despite their limitations, royal chronicles

and church documents have enabled Ethiopian historians to reconstruct a

fascinating history, thanks to excellent scholarship supported by a large volume of

foreign literature.17 The ascendancy of political history over other fields of

historical enquiry is evident in this context, as many of these works were written

by people who held important positions within the power structure. These works

have guided the development of modem Ethiopian historiography. Due to the

origin of these sources the trend in Ethiopian historiography has been to focus on

the themes of high politics, power, kingship, religion, wars, and diplomacy, while

northern Ethiopia has been the focal point around which these narratives have

been constructed. Until recently it was uncommon to undertake historical study if

there were no adequate indigenous written sources or foreign literature. This could

16 Donham, M arxist M odem , 31.

17 James C. McCann, P eo p le o f the Plow : An A gricultural H istory o f Ethiopia, 1800-1990

(Madison, Wis: U niversity o f W isconsin Press, 1995), 8-9; for a good discussion o f foreign
sources especially o f travellers see Svein Ege, Class, State a n d P o w er in Africa: A C ase Study o f
the K ingdom o fS h a w a (Ethiopia) A bout 1840 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 9-17.

25
perhaps be cited as one of the main shortcomings of modem Ethiopian

historiography.18

Nevertheless, Ethiopia’s modem historiography has attempted to widen its

limited horizon and there has been a commendable improvement both in terms of

its breadth as well as depth. Peoples, cultures and geographic areas which received

less attention in the past are now increasingly incorporated into Ethiopian studies;

an example is the study o f the Oromo.19 Similarly, themes which were overlooked

in the past are becoming more attractive and as a result some are now common

themes o f Ethiopian historiography. This is particularly true in the case of

agricultural, environmental and economic history.20 As new fields o f enquiry have

flourished, new ground has been charted in methodological terms by making use

o f untapped historical sources such as environmental and intellectual history.21

However, before discussing these new trends, I would first like to show that there

has been a longstanding interest in understanding economic history in general and

land tenure as a subfield within this broad category.

18 M ohammed Hassen, The O romo o f E thiopia: A History* 1570-1860 (Trenton, NJ: The
Red Sea Press, 1994), 1-3.

19 Donald Crummey, "Ethiopian Historiography in the Latter H alf o f the Twentieth

Century: A North American Perspective," Journal o f Ethiopian Studies X X X IV , N o 1 (2001), 7-24;
see also Bahru Zewde, "A Century o f Ethiopian Historiography " Journal o f Ethiopian Studies
XXXIII, N o.2 (2000), 1-26.

20 Shiferaw, "The Evolution o f Land Tenure", 72-142; James McCann, Green Land,
Brown Land, Black Land: An E nvironm ental H istory o f Africa, 1800-1990 (Oxford: James Currey,
1999), 79-108; See also James McCann, A Tale o f Two Forests: N arratives o f D eforestation in
Ethiopia, 1840-1996 (Boston, MA: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1998).

21 Bahru Zewde, P ioneers o f Change in Ethiopia: The Reform ist Intellectuals o f the Early
Twentieth Century (Oxford: James Currey, 2002); McCann, Green Land, Brown Land, Black
Land, 79-108.

26
 Until the 1960s the central focus of Ethiopian studies was the state. This

has perhaps been largely motivated by the “the survival o f Ethiopia’s

independence” in the face o f European colonial aggression.22 Hence most of the

research effort at the time was directed towards an understanding of the dynamics

o f the Ethiopian state and how it managed to save the country from colonial

bondage. As a result of this focus, Ethiopian historiography has been criticised for

its lack of vigour in studying cultures, communities and modes o f production

which existed outside the dominant groups.23 This is not to say that there was no

interest in general issues such as land tenure, economic history and similar topics.

Although the underlying objectives of such studies was to understand the material

basis o f the state, these works made an immense contribution in preparing the way

for the more systematic research undertaken in later years.

Joanna Mantel-Niecko’s main objective was precisely to understand the

importance of land as the economic foundation of Ethiopia’s imperial state. She

was baffled by the lack of academic endeavour directed towards the understanding

of a hugely important area o f economic and social history. Mantel-Niecko drew

her inspiration from Gabra Wald Engeda Warq, who was the director of the

Ethiopian Land Revenue department and the author of the invaluable work “The

System o f Land Tenure and Taxation in Ethiopia” (1944). Mantel-Niecko's work,

which was published in 1975, is among the few well researched and thoroughly

analysed contributions to the highly complex topic of Ethiopian land tenure

systems. Like her contemporaries, Mantel-Niecko was unable to expand her

22 Crummey, "Ethiopian Historiography", 7-24.

23 For a furious attack on Ethiopian historiography see M ohammed, The O romo o f

Ethiopia, 1-3,

27
research beyond the land tenure systems o f the north as she was restricted by the

nature of her sources.24

Prior to that, Richard Pankhurst, whose contribution to Ethiopian studies in

general and history in particular is unparalleled, had published his works on the

economic history of Ethiopian in two volumes. The first volume (1961) covered

the period before 1800, while the second (1968) deals with the period from 1800-

1935.25 Pankhurst's works have been criticised harshly for their lack o f analytical

framework and their loose and descriptive nature. In spite o f this, however, they

have remained a major work of reference. Pankhurst’s State and Land in

Ethiopian H istoiy, published in 1966, reiterated the contemporary view which

stressed the importance of land in the political system of Ethiopia.26

In the 1960s more systematic and focused studies began to emerge. Allen

Hoben’s work on the rest land tenure system in northern Ethiopian brought to

light the deficiencies in our knowledge about the system. Hoben’s work, which

was a result o f a highly focused study o f the rest system in one particular area in

Gojjam, provides a wealth of information about the tenancy system and land

litigation that is o f particular relevance to this study.27 Weissleder’s PhD

dissertation, “The Political Ecology o f Amhara Domination” which was

completed in 1965 is also very important, as he provides insight into the nature of

2<l Joanna M antel-Niecko, The R ole o f L and Tenure in the System o f E thiopean Im perial
G overnm ent in M odern Times (Warszawa: W ydawnictwa Uniwersytetu W arszawskiego, 1980), 9-
11.

25 Richard Pankhurst, An Introduction to the Economic H istory o f E thiopia; fro m E arly

Times to 1800 (London: 1961); Richard Pankhurst, E conom ic H istory o f Ethiopia, 1800-1935
(Addis Ababa: Haile Selassie I University Press, 1968).

26 Richard Pankhurst, State a n d L an d in Ethiopian H istory, M onographs in Ethiopian

L and Tenure No. 3 (Addis Ababa: The Institute o f Ethiopian Studies and Faculty o f Law, Haile
Sellassie I University in association with Oxford University Press, 1966).

27 Hoben, L and Tenure.

28
 • * * 28
tenancy in the central provinces, focusing mainly on north Shawa. Dan Bauer’s

study of a broadly similar system in a different location in the north was an

equally important contribution to the field.29

A major breakthrough was only achieved in the 1990s, however, with the

publication o f a number o f important books. In 1991 Gebru Tareke published his

work dealing with three major peasant rebellions in post 1941 Ethiopia. This book

is also o f particular relevance to this study. In 1960 there was similar uprising by

the peasants of Gedeo, which is the focus of chapter five,30 In 1994 Haile Mariam

Larebo published the dissertation he had defended at SOAS in 1990, Its main

focus was Italian agricultural policy in Ethiopia during their five-year occupation

o f the country from 1935 to 1941. This work gives insight into a number of

ambitious agricultural programmes which the Italians failed to execute. He also

provides some valuable information about land confiscated by the Italians in

Gedeo.31 hi 1995 James M cCann’s influential book People o f the Plow was

published.32 McCann had made his mark a little earlier with the publication of his

first book From Poverty to Famine in Northeast Ethiopia: a Rural Histoiy, 1900-

1935 in 1987. hi this work McCann demonstrated the important role that micro-

level histoiy can play in tracing the socio-economic changes which are

28 W olfgang W eissleder, "The Poltical Ecology o f Amhara Domination" (Ph.D.

dissertation, U niversity o f Chicago, 1965).

29 Dan Franz Bauer, H ou seh old an d Society in E thiopia 2nd ed. (East Lansing: African
Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1985).

30 Gebru, P o w er an d P rotest.

31 Haile Mariam Larebo, The Building o f an Empire: Italian L an d P o lic y a n d P ra ctice in

Ethiopia, 1935-1941 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 81.

32 McCann, P eo p le o f the P low .

33James McCann, From P overty to Famine in N ortheast Ethiopia: A R ural H istoiy, 1900-
1935 (Philadelphia: University o f Pennsylvania Press, 1987).

29
instrumental in understanding the general crisis that afflicted many northern

Ethiopian peasants. M cCann’s political economy approach has a methodological

relevance to this study, as it emphasises how changes in ecology and demography

hugely affect agricultural practices and vice versa.

Since the publication of McCann's books, agricultural history is no longer

treated as a mere backdrop to political and social history but has now earned a

prominent position within Ethiopian historiography. M cCann’s focus in the later

book was the plough and how its use shaped the Ethiopian landscape. His chapter

“The plow in the forest” is of particular interest to this study because it

demonstrates the versatility and adaptability o f this technology beyond the open

fields o f northern Ethiopia, which had been its home for thousands o f years, and

into the ensdt (a banana-like tree cultivated for food) growing region of the

south.34 However in the case o f Gedeo the plough supplemented but did not

replace the most favoured tool of the Gedeo, the digging axe.35

The most recent addition to this growing field o f enquiry is Donald

Cmmmey’s Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom o f Ethiopia?6 Although a

social history, Crummey's book focuses on two of the most important institutions

of northern Ethiopia, gult and rest. Throughout the book the quest is to understand

the ways in which Ethiopian peasants sustained their rulers. This work, a

culmination of Crummey's long career as a distinguished historian of Ethiopia, is

of great value in interpreting the highly complex issue of land tenure and property

rights in Ethiopian historiography. Crummey’s book, which covered the period

from the thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries, focuses on northern Ethiopia. The

34 McCann, P eople o f the P low , 147-190.

35 McCann, P eo p le o f the Plow, 47-48.

36 Crummey, L an d a n d Society.

30
work has great analytical depth and is based on the hoard o f archival materials

which were products of the long Ethiopian literary tradition. The book presents

Crummey's masterful interpretation of the findings o f other Ethiopian historians

and anthropologists such as Merid, Taddesse, and Hoben.37 In the last chapters of

the book Crummey provides a general overview of the evolution o f the Ethiopian

land tenure system in the twentieth century. This is of great importance in

identifying where the south in general and Gedeo in particular fits within this

broad framework.38

Despite the great advance in our knowledge represented by these works,

there remain huge gaps to be addressed, particularly in relation to southern

Ethiopia. The above works are o f limited assistance in understanding

developments in the southern half o f the country. The dearth o f literature

concerning southern Ethiopia, which is not restricted to agricultural history or land

tenure, is especially acute for the period before the incorporation. The last decade

of the nineteenth century is regarded by historians as an important landmark in the

history of many societies in southern Ethiopia. The closing years o f the nineteenth

century marked the period when most o f the southern people were incorporated

into what came to be known as the modem Ethiopian Empire State, and this event

has been taken as a point of departure in the study o f the incorporated areas.

However there has been a focus on the centre while the communities in the south

have been regarded as peripheral.39 Hence the histoiy of most o f the people of the

37 Merid W olde Aregay, "Land Tenure and Agricultural Productivity, 1500-1850,"

Journal o f Ethiopian Studies 17 (1986), 115-129; Taddesse Tamrat, Church an d State in Ethiopia,
1270-1527 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, University o f London, 1968., 1972), 98-103.

38 Crummey, L an d a n d Society, 226-253.

39 Charles W. M cClellan, "The Ethiopian Occupation o f Northern Sidamo-Recruitment

and Motivation," in P roceedings o f the Fifth International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, ed.
Robert L.Hess (C hicago-USA : 1978), 513; Donham, "Old Abyssinia", 37.

31
south has rarely been studied or investigated on its own terms but only from the

perspective o f the centre.40 This part of Ethiopia does not fit within the

mainstream historiographical tradition of Ethiopia, and little research has been

conducted, while the period before the nineteenth century has remained either

unknown or subsumed under the histories o f bigger communities such as the

Oromo and the Sidama. 41

The Southern Marches o f Imperial Ethiopia (1985) aimed to address this

deficit and to bridge the gap between north and south. The work is pioneering in

many ways oil account of its multi-disciplinary nature, and was the result of

cooperation between historians, anthropologists and sociologists, though sadly

none of the authors were Ethiopian.42 One of the claims made by this book is that

it demonstrates the value of “history from below.” Most of the contributions in

this book are about communities which are referred by historians as “peripheries”

and had not been documented before, and is an attempt to redress the balance.

There is an emphasis on the type o f relationships the southern communities had

had with the centre since their incorporation into the modem Ethiopian empire and

on the differences between the core and the periphery. There is little offered

concerning other historical ties o f the two regions. The introductory chapter,

which was written by Donliam, is provocative and insightful, and provides a

40 Bahru, A H isto iy o f M odern Ethiopia, 60-68; Donliam, "Old Abyssinia", 17-24.

41 Ernesta Cerulli, P eoples o f South-West. E thiopia a n d Its B orderland, Ethnographic

Survey o f A frica N orth-Eastern Africa; (London: International African Institute, 1956), 118-132;
M. F. Perham, The G overnm ent o f Ethiopia, 2nd ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1969), 315;
Mordechai Abir, E thiopia: The E ra o f the Princes: The Challenge o f Islam a n d the Re-U nification
o f the Christian Empire, 1769-1855 (London: Longmans, 1968), 81.

42 Donald L. Donham and W endy James, The Southern M arches o f Im perial Ethiopia:
E ssays in H istory a n d S ocial Anthropo!og}> (Oxford: James Currey, 2002).

32
coherent multidisciplinary background for what might otherwise appear to be an

eclectic collection o f writings.43

Charles McClellan's article 011 the Gedeo in particular is o f great interest to

this study.44 This article was based on original research McClellan conducted for

his PhD dissertation at MSU (Michigan State University) in 1978. Although

McClellan's dissertation was published earlier as a monograph for the African

studies series at MSU, the material for this work and many other subsequent

articles was drawn largely from the same source. McClellan’s works are generally

regarded as a major contribution, especially in the highly complex and sensitive

area of ndftahha-gabbar relationships.

As indicated earlier, the pillar of McClellan’s work was his PhD

dissertation published under the title State Transformation and National

Integration: Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire, 1895-1935.45 This dissertation set

out to address the crucial period of Gedeo history from the incorporation up to the

Italian invasion in 1935. McClellan mainly concentrated on the centre-periphery

line of enquiry and as a result did not provide as much information about the

Gedeo people themselves, and especially their early history. Nevertheless his

work remains a major contribution to our understanding o f gabbar-naft'anna

relationships in Gedeo and has widely influenced others who wanted to

understand the inner workings o f these institutions in other parts o f Ethiopia

where there have been similar historical processes. Unfortunately, McClellan

43Donham, "Old Abyssinia", 3-48.

44 Charles W. M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations: Gedeo in the Early

Twentieth Century," in The Southern M arches o f Im perial E thiopia: E ssays in H istory an d Social
A nthroplogy, ed. D, L. and W endy James Donham (Oxford: James Currey, 2002), 175-195.

45 The dissertation which was submitted to M SU was entitled as “Reaction to Ethiopian

Expansionism: The case o f Darassa, 1895-1935” (PhD thesis, M ichigan State University, 1978).

33
abandoned his research on Gedeo quite early in his career in favour of

reinterpreting studies already undertaken.

The other author who made an important contribution to Gedeo historical

studies, as well as to wider issues of Ethiopian history, was Lap'iso G. Delebo. His

contribution was significant in that unlike many other Ethiopian authors he wrote

in Amharic. Lap'iso did this without the benefit of an academic institutional base.

His chapter on the Gedeo peasant uprising was part of larger project, published

under the Amharic title of Ydetyop'ya gdbbar siratna Jimir capitalism 1900-1966)

(Ethiopia’s Gdbbar System and Nascent Capitalism, 1908-1974). Lap'iso used

both archival sources and oral informants. He gave credit to the role played by

missionaries in enhancing the peasants’ consciousness, which encouraged them to

uphold their rights. He also argued that access to modem firearms was crucial to

the Mechele peasants when they clashed with their landlords in 1960. We will

examine both these issues in the last chapter o f this dissertation, which focuses on

the Mechele peasant uprising.46

In addition to the above works, which are directly related in many ways to

this project, this dissertation has also benefited a great deal from others, both

within and beyond Ethiopian studies, especially from Africa and Asia.47 This

category includes Svein Ege’s down-to-earth approach in his many works about

north Shawa (Ethiopia), 48 and also James Scott's and Samuel Popkin’s studies of

peasant rebellion in South East Asia. The contrast between the “moral economy”

1,6 Lap'iso G. D elebo, Ydetyop'ya g d b b a r siratna Jim ir capitalism 1900-1966(Am haric)

(Addis Ababa: 1983 E.C.), 174-175.

47 Laurel L. Rose, The P olitics o f Harmony: L and D ispute Strategies in Sw aziland,

African Studies Series; (Cambridge: Cambridge U .P., 1992).

48 Ege, C la ss; Svein Ege, "Land, Law and Tactics: A Case Study from A yne, Northern
Shawa" (paper presented at the 13th International Conference o f Ethiopian Studies, Kyoto, 12-17
December 1997, Kyoto, Japan, 1997), 35-56.

34
and the “rational peasant” theories is especially instructive in examining the 1960

Gedeo peasant rebellion.49

Sources and methodology used in this study

A great deal o f the work for this dissertation needed to be done at a local level, not

only for the sake o f shifting the focus from the centre to the periphery, but more

importantly because micro-level studies are the foundation and the essential basis

of a thorough investigation. Researching history at a local level is challenging.

One challenge relates to the scarcity of sources and their accessibility. Although

local sources are not as scarce as often assumed, one has to hunt for them and they

are not as readily accessible as the ones we find in university libraries or archival

centres. Considerable effort is required to uncover and utilise these sources. Also,

the methodology has to be adjusted according to the particular demands posed by

local circumstances.

It is vital to establish a relationship o f trust with the peasants if reliable and

useful results are to be obtained from informants. Any question about land could

easily be interpreted as a government ploy to discover the exact holding o f each

peasant. When I was conducting fieldwork in Gedeo (2004) there was a rumour

that the government was planning to issue certificates to the peasants which would

show the exact size o f their land. The peasants initially associated my work with

the government, but they changed their minds when I started to live among them.

They then realised that that my work had nothing to do with the government

because they have never known a government official to stay in their villages for

49 James C. Scott, The M oral E conom y o f the Peasant: R ebellion a n d Subsistence in

Southeast A sia (N ew Haven: Yale University Press, 1976); Samuel L. Popkin, The R ational
Peasant: The P o litica l Econom y o f R ural Society in Vietnam (Berkeley: University o f California
Press, 1979).

35
days let alone for weeks. The government officials themselves, who gave me a

work permit to conduct my research in Gedeo, viewed me with suspicion in case I

was working for the opposition.

To summarise, this study combines the use o f conventional methods of

historical research with the highly informative method of participant observation

borrowed from social anthropology.50 Social anthropologists spend time living

within the community they have chosen to study, eating the same food and

observing all the various activities that a peasant household has to undertake in its

daily life. This might sound appropriate only for contemporary studies, but in

areas such as Gedeo this approach can be o f great benefit to historians too. This is

because although changes in the peasants' way of life have occurred over time,

there has been also a great deal of continuity. Most importantly this method not

only revealed my previously limited understanding of the peasant world, but

offered the very basic tools needed to interpret and put into context information

gathered from the written sources. For instance, after nearly one month of

observing how ensc.it production takes place from planting to harvesting it became

clear that an understanding o f certain aspects o f the peasants’ way o f life can only

be gained through first hand observation. Nothing in the literature fully describes

how this extremely labour intensive job is accomplished. Moreover, the way ensat

agriculture is earned out has not changed significantly between the nineteenth

century and today, a continuity which is significant for historians.

Before settling in one village in rural Gedeo (summer 2004) many places

were visited, most o f them for the second time since conducting the initial

50 It was Svein E ge who advised me to live among peasants; as he said it was'an

im m ensely rewarding w ay o f learning about peasant life.

36
fieldwork in 1999-2000.51 Many informants were interviewed concerning their

own histoiy and aspects of Gedeo peasant agriculture, and living in Grissa for

three months offered insight into the traditional Gedeo way o f life. This village

was appealing from a research point of view because, thanks to its distance from

neighbouring towns and the difficulty o f the uphill journey on foot, unlike other

qdbales (the lowest administrative unit) in Wonago it had the characteristics of a

remote village.52 Grissa still preserved most o f its rural features, whereas the

majority o f villages in Gedeo, especially those bordering towns and those located

along the main road from Dilla to Addis Ababa, have increasingly been infiltrated

by the urban culture which arrived as a result o f the coffee trade. It emerged that

Grissa had more to offer than its rural nature. For instance the village still plays a

central role in the spiritual life of Gedeo peasants, as a meeting place for the

highlanders from the dciga, (an agro-ecology zone between 3000-4000 meters

above sea level) and for the peasants from the lower altitudes, the wdyna-daga (an

agro-ecology zone between 2000-3000 meters above sea level) when the abba-

gdda (father o f gelda) conducts religious observances.53 In addition Grissa stands

out agriculturally because of the quality o f ensdt it produces.

The most interesting aspect of Grissa however is that its location is

between the downhill areas which adjoin Dilla town and the highlands of Buie

51 I had the opportunity to visits many parts o f Gedeo before I started my research for this
dissertation. This came as result o f my job at Dilla College. I was also able to take students on field
trips to demonstrate the value o f local history and to teach them about historical m ethodologies in
the use o f oral information.

52 Adugna Kebede, field staff for the Ministry o f Agriculture o f W anago Wavdda
convinced me to do my work in Grissa. O f all the Ministry o f Agriculture workers I encountered in
various places in Gedeo it was he who had the best relationship with the peasants, who accepted
him as a person working for them and not only for the government. It was the trust he established
with them which helped me to gain acceptance by them in a short period o f time; I ow e a great
debt to Adugna.

53 Ethiopian Mapping Authority (EM A), N ational A tlas o f E thiopia (Addis Ababa, 1988),
4.

37
which meant that only a short walk separated the two different agro-ecology zones,

Grissa being between the ddga and the wdyna-daga. The view from the Gedeo

highlands is spectacular and one can easily see Buie, at the summit o f which was

the most important military garrison during the early years o f the incorporation of

the region. It has a commanding position from which most o f the territory of

Gedeo can be seen and also the lowland all the way to the Lake Abaya area which

is inhabited by Guji pastoralists. Staying in the village was also practical, because

after visiting various places and talking to peasants during the day, in the evening

company was provided by the host, the very knowledgeable Alamayahu, who was

able to answer all the questions which had arisen and sometimes added

information which he felt would enrich my understanding o f Gedeo society and

their way o f life.

The oral sources used in this dissertation helped in many ways, both by

enriching the existing written sources as well as by filling the gaps left by such

sources. They are crucial for the study of societies such as the Gedeos where

writing did not play a major part in their history, but should not be seen as a

substitute for written sources. Oral sources as a distinct type o f historical source

provide an alternative path to the past, and in the case of the Gedeo the paucity of

information means that it is impossible to comprehend the past without the use of

such sources.

Conducting oral historical research, however, is no less challenging than

dealing with written sources, both from a methodological point o f view as well

and in terms of the nature of the information itself. Historians need to be as

rigorous as possible when dealing with this kind of source and they should be

38
subjected to the same amount of scrutiny as written accounts.54 The information

gathered in the process should be verified thoroughly, not only by checking and

counter checking against the available written sources, but also against each other.

For example, informants tended to romanticize some of their distant past, although

the era from the incorporation until the revolution is generally regarded as a time

o f great tragedy. They are also inclined to glorify what they believe to have been

crucial phases in their recent histoiy, for example the 1960 peasant uprising.

On the positive side, informants appear to have been highly reliable in

relation to biographical information and family history. There was also a high

degree o f authenticity of information in relation to changes in agricultural

practices, farming methods, labour and access to land. Informants were

interviewed on wider issues of Gedeo history, both on a one-to-one basis and in

groups. Although elderly people were the main focus of attention, however, in

some cases younger informants were also found to be very valuable. Women

informants were very rare and it proved to be very difficult to involve them as

much as required. The only way to gain access to female informants was through

their husbands (or other male relatives) because the men felt that women do not

add anything o f value to the discussion, hence what was given by themselves

should be sufficient. Given the position o f women within Gedeo society it may not

be surprising that such views were also shared by women informants themselves.

54 For a critical approach to oral history in the African context see the follow ing L. White,
Speaking with Vampires: Rum or a n d H istory in C olonial A frica (Berkeley: U niversity o f
California Press, 2000), 51-53; Charles Van Onselen, "The Reconstruction o f a Rural Life from
Oral Testimony: Critical N otes on the M ethodology Employed in the Study o f a B lack South
African Sharecropper." The Journal o f P easan t Studies 20, 3 (1993), 494-514; For general
m ethodological and theoretical discussions o f oral history see the follow ing: Paul Thompson, The
Voice o f the P ast: O ral history (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 119-172; Grele J. Ronald,
“M ovem ent without aim: M ethodological and theoretical problems in oral history” Robert Perks &
A. Thomson eds., The O ral H isto iy R eader (London/New York: Routledge, 2002), 38-52.

39
 Archival sources were used extensively in this work. Unlike many other

African countries where the chiefs played a principal role in disputes, in the

Ethiopian context government courts were the arena for land and tenancy disputes.

There was no other legally recognised body which had such prerogatives apart

from low level mediation. Hence using court archives for such a study was

essential. The main sources o f archival materials were the Gedeo Administration

Office, the Ministry of Agriculture, the courts at different levels, the Ministry of

Finance and the churches.

Experience gained during research in north Shawa guided the search for

sources in Gedeo. Those investigations were somewhat frustrated, as when I

carrying out the research for my MA thesis on a similar topic I was informed that

all documents, even dating back to the pre-1935 period, had been destroyed during

the 1974 revolution and in the 1991 government change.55 Gedeo and many other

parts o f southern Ethiopia were outside the war zone and I had hoped that a

considerable quantity o f documents would have survived the turmoil. However, it

transpired that more than 98 percent o f the Gedeo (Darassa until 1974) Awraja (an

administrative unit below taqlay gizat) archives were incinerated in peace time.

According to the archivist the office had been a base for the EPRDF (Ethiopian

People Revolutionary Democratic Forces) army and the soldiers had burnt the

documents because they felt that they belonged to the defunct government. There

was only one folder which survived the destruction, which mainly consisted o f a

list o f landlords who had been involved in the 1960 tenant-landlord conflict in

Mechele and related maters. Other ministries’ documents had not been destroyed,

but only the Awraja Court litigation documents were organised in a coherent

55 Berhanu Tesfaye, "A Historical Study o f Land and Agriculture in Gera Midir, Manz to
1974" (M A Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1996).

40
manner. For instance the Ministry o f Finance and Ministry o f Agriculture still

retained a few documents but most of the new employees had no idea where the

bulk of the archives were kept. Therefore my effort was focused on the court

archives.

The court documents are litigation archives either on land issues or

tenancy matters. The majority of the archives were on tenancy matters and this by

itself tells the magnitude of the problem. This was the only government office in

Gedeo which still kept the pre-1974 files in some degree o f order.56 Court

documents are very valuable sources o f information in the detailed study o f the

history o f a particular area. Since most o f the cases were between individuals the

details they contain are quite illuminating; for far too long researchers in Ethiopia

have largely neglected these kinds of sources.57

Although they furnish useful information for historians, due to their nature

land and tenancy dispute court cases are also complex and challenging for

historians. In most cases the documents contain summaries o f legal arguments

rather than every detail necessary to glean a fuller picture o f the issues concerned.

In many court cases the plaintiff did not present the charges in a straightforward

manner; also disputants had the freedom to present their evidence with different

biases which at times made court archives unnecessarily difficult to understand.

For example, a number o f court cases were initiated as tenancy disputes cases but

later changed course and evolved into disputes about land rights or inheritance

561 ow e a great debt to the President o f Gedeo Zone Court and the archivists who helped
me to access the documents without restriction by opening their offices including during weekends.

57 There are few exceptions to this which utilised this category o f sources extensively.
Examples are Tekalign W olde-Mariam, "A City and Its Hinterlands: The Political Econom y o f
Land Tenure, Agriculture and Food Supply for Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (1887-1974)" (PhD thesis,
Boston University, 1995); Tim Carmichael, "Approaching Ethiopian History: Addis Ababa and
Local Governance in Harar, C .1900 to 1950" (PhD thesis, Michigan Stale University, 2001).

41
matters. This was further complicated by the fact that the courts did not impose

any restriction on procedural grounds; rather they simply followed developments

as they unfolded. However in later decades, especially after the 60s, there were

developments whereby the court insisted that the plaintiffs or the defendants

should be more specific about their case, and state its nature, be it land or tenancy.

In spite o f that the court documents clearly show the evolving nature of

government bureaucracy during this period and also from a historical perspective

they represent a very vivid transition from a semi-oral/written to a fully fledged

written world.

Aim and structure of the dissertation

The aim of this dissertation is to understand the nature of land tenure and tenancy

relationships in Gedeo. Rather than describing and analysing these as separate

institutions, both were examined from the perspective of disputes. Disputes were

not only an overriding feature of both but also provided insight into how these key

institutions operated in that specific place and time, hi this way a clearer picture

could be gained o f the inner workings of the society at local level.

As both land and labour are crucial resources for a peasant community

such as the Gedeo, any problem associated with these was disputed vigorously.

Conflict by nature engages both parties passionately; apart from fighting for

resources of great importance, there is also a large socio-psychological element to

the struggle. Losing a court case not only had repercussions from an emotional

point of view for the individual involved but also affected his/her own standing

with the family and community. Consequently, when we closely examine court

documents, we see that a great deal of effort was expended in winning cases.

42
Marshalling all available evidence was the norm. Thus in land and tenancy

disputes both parties involved in the dispute reveal the historical family

background, using all kinds of evidence to help them to prove their point and

ultimately triumph in court. Wining a court case, be it a land issue or a tenancy

matter, was not only about evidence, but about evidence supported by the

historical context.

The dissertation is organised into five chapters plus an introduction and

conclusion. Although this study is mainly focused on land and tenancy disputes in

Gedeo between the 1941 and 1974, in order to set the scene as well as to

understand the general context the period before this has been briefly discussed.

Also, since history does not occur in a vacuum, it is important to have a sense of

the place. This is gained by examining the ecology and other physical aspects of

the region which have significantly shaped its histoiy. In the first chapter there is a

discussion not only of the ecology of Gedeo, which is fundamental to any

agricultural history, but also of the early history of the Gedeo people themselves

as told from their own viewpoint, including information about social organisation

from domestic level upwards.

After Gedeo was incorporated into the modem Ethiopian empire state the

imposition o f the gdbbar institution, and the evolution of what is normally known

as a ndft 'ahna-gabbar relationship were major historical developments. Soon after,

with the introduction o f qdlad, Gedeo entered into another phase o f history as a

kind of dual tenure system evolved. In these formative years the seeds of

protracted disputes were sown. These issues are dealt with in chapter two. In

chapter three, which is mainly about land disputes, the focus is on court disputes.

43
These are mainly between individuals, although there were some attempts by the

state to recover land “hidden” among various individuals for various reasons.

The main focus o f chapter four is the issue of landlord and tenant disputes.

As in the preceding chapter, this is based mainly on the examination o f court

archives. This chapter discusses tenancy issues which were a fundamental

problem for most Gedeo people in the qdlad zone. In addition to examining the

evolution o f tenancy and tenancy relationships during this period it also explains

the circumstances which led to a short-lived uprising in the Mechele area of

Gedeo in 1960. hi the final chapter the uprising is examined not as a mere incident

but as a culmination o f the long-standing acrimonious relationship between

landlords (ndft’anna) and tenants.

44
 Chapter One

Environmental and Historical Background of the Gedeo

The aim o f this chapter is to provide information about Gedeo’s geographical and

historical background. By discussing its patterns of settlement and ecology it

shows how Gedeo provided an ideal milieu for the Ethiopian state to successfully

implant its institutions and extend its influence. At the turn o f the nineteenth

century, when Gedeo came under direct Ethiopian administration, its agricultural

system was well developed. Gedeo’s ecology, which shares much in common

with the northern and central Ethiopian cool highlands, became attractive

settlements for soldiers from the imperial army who were known as naft'annas}

It was not only its agricultural potential which made Gedeo attractive to

the Ethiopian administration; equally, its social and political institutions, which

were products o f the long history of the Gedeo people, made integration into the

Ethiopian state straightforward. The dynamic nature of Gedeo history can be

demonstrated by the existence o f a number of institutions which encompass the

economic, social and political life of the community. The Gedeo possessed

important institutions such as the gdda (age grade system) which had a political as

well as a spiritual role in the community. In addition to the gdda system, they also

had an elaborate and complex system of administration which functioned across

their seven clans.2 The abba-gada (head of the incumbent gdda) served as a

1 M cClellan, State Transformation, 13-31; For a general discussion o f Ethiopia’s

expansion into the south see Donham, "Old Abyssinia", 3-48,

2 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

45
symbol o f unity by overriding the deeply fragmented clan politics which

characterised the histoiy o f the Gedeo before the system’s incorporation.

Previous academic research has focused mainly on the larger southern

communities, such as the Oromos, and there has been little attempt to investigate

the history o f small communities like the Gedeos, This chapter will attempt to

understand the history of the Gedeo people from their own viewpoint. Many

Gedeos have a deep and corroborative knowledge o f their historic past and discuss

it with vigour and enthusiasm, regarding themselves as having a common origin

and destiny. Equally o f note about the Gedeos’ understanding o f their history is

that their distant past was intricately connected with their neighbours, particularly

the Oromo and the Sidama.4

However, the role o f human agents in the development of agriculture is

only one part o f the story because agriculture has been shaped as much by natural

factors as by human actions. In order to understand the distinctive nature of Gedeo

agriculture it has to be examined within the given ecological and environmental

parameters.5 hi what kind of physical environment were the Gedeo peasants

fanning? How are Gedeo peasant farming systems suited to the environment, to

the nature o f the soil, and to the landscape in general? The Gedeo had a stable

3 When Hinnant first went to Gedeo in the early 1970s to study their g a d a system, he felt
that due to the growth o f co ffee farming and commercialisation the system had changed
significantly, and instead he decided to study the Guji gdd a system which he thought was much
more intact and had preserved many o f its original features. John T, Hinnant, "The Gada System o f
the Guji o f Southern Ethiopia". (PhD thesis, University o f Chicago, 1977), i.

4 M ost Gedeo believe that they are related to their neighbours, particularly the Oromo.
Som e informants trace a very long genealogy which they have in comm on with som e Oromo clans.
Despite this claim, the G edeo show a strong sense o f identity as Gedeos. The Gedeo also have an
open society which has had a very amicable relationship with their powerful neighbours, the
Oromos. A ccording to them, the recent conflict which took place in the 1990s happened due to the
new ethnic boundary drawn up by the present government. Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15
June 2004; and Badesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abicha, 9 July 2004.

5 John Tosh, T h e Cash-Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal’,

African Affairs, 79, no. 314 (1980), 80.

46
agricultural system, and, as a result, the drought and famine which afflicted many

peasant communities did not occupy a place in the history o f Gedeo. The

ecological niche which enabled the Gedeo to develop their particular form of

agriculture set them apart from the Guji pastoralists whose economic system was

more fragile. Although nature determines what kind of crops can be cultivated as

well as what kind o f fanning methods to employ, the role o f human beings in

making these decision should also be recognised within this context.6

As in any peasant community, an understanding o f the Gedeo peasant

household is vital in order to appreciate how decisions were made, not only in

tenns o f what to cultivate for domestic consumption and what to grow for the

market, but also the delegation of work and how to respond to demands by outside

agents, such as the modem state, or the clan chief (before the incorporation),7 As

Gedeo society entered the twentieth century important changes began to take place

which probably stretched the Gedeo household to its limits and required

adjustment to new conditions as the state made increasing economic demands.

Gedeo was transformed from a small farming community contained within a

narrow mountain range to a relatively large area with more potential for

agriculture. By doing this, the Gedeo were able to integrate into the domestic as

well as the wider international markets.

6 For a discussion o f relations between ecology and agriculture see the follow ing works:
McCann, P eople o f the Plow, 5-7; David M. Anderson & D ouglas H. Johnson, ’E cology and
Society in Northeast African History' in The E cology o f Survival: Case Studies fro m N ortheast
African H istory, ed. D ouglas H. Johnson & David M. Anderson (London: W estview , 1988), 1-24;
Paul Richards, Indigenous A gricultural Revolution: E cology a n d F o o d P roduction in West Africa
(London: Hutchinson, 1985), 10-17.

7 For the labour process o f African agriculture see Elias C. Mandala, Work an d C ontrol in
a P easan t World: A H istory o f the L ow er Tchiri Valley in M alaw i 1859-1960 (Madison: University
o f W isconsin Press, 1990), 3-12.

47
Early history of the Gedeo

Little is known about the early history of the Gedeo. Other than a few references

in some of the literature there has never been a systematic study o f the Gedeo

before the twentieth century. The study o f the Gedeo, like many other small ethnic

groups in the south, is either unknown or subsumed under studies of the Sidama;

in fact the name Sidama appeared to have been used for a long time to describe

the cultures and histories of the diverse communities in this part o f southern

Ethiopia.8

The name Darassa (the former name of Gedeo) rarely appeared as a

distinct name to describe the Gedeo community. As the main focus of enquiry was

on the major ethnic groups such the Oromo or to a lesser extent Sidama, the

literature attempted to complete the gaps of knowledge about the small ethnic

groups by extrapolation rather than in-depth study.9 For instance, E. Cerulli (based

on Abba Bahrey’s account o f the history o f the Oromo) claimed that the western

boundaries of the Kingdom o f Bali in the sixteenth century must have extended as

far as the River Gallan (which finally enters Lake Abaya west o f Gedeo) and

beyond. From this assumption she deduced that the kingdom o f Bali must have

included groups such as the Sidama, Darassa, Gamo and others.10

The antiquity of the region could be demonstrated by the presence of a

number o f remains o f ancient times, but unfortunately due to the absence of a

coherent study, historians are still unable to integrate the results of the

5 Ernesta Cerulli, P eoples o f South-W est E thiopia an d Its B orderlan d, E thnographic

Survey o f A frica N orth-Eastern A frica (London: International African Institute, 1956), 118.

9 J.Spencer Trimingham, Islam in E thiopia (London: Frank Cass, 2 0 08), 179-185;

Trimingham says that before the Oromo invasion the whole o f the southern part o f Ethiopia was
inhabited by the Sidama.

10 Cerulli, P eo p les o f South-West, 118.

48
archaeological studies that have been conducted in the south into their work.

There are a number o f places o f historic importance; Tutufalla in Gedeo where

approximately 400 steles (an upright stone) were found is an example.11

Despite their close historical ties with both the neighbouring Oromos and

the Sidama, the Gedeos express a strong sense of identity. The name Gedeo itself

is a new invention which was introduced after the 1974 revolution in Ethiopia.12

The name Darassa has more historical significance than Gedeo, because according

to Gedeo oral information it was derived from the word Darasso, which was the

name o f the founding father of all the people of the Gedeo. Although there is some

degree of variation in accounts o f the early history of the Gedeo, the most

commonly accepted version says that Darasso had seven sons who were born to

his two wives.13 Their names were Darasha, Gorgorsha, Hanoma, Dooba’a (from

Abbo) Hemba’a, Logoda and Bakarro (from Akichu). These names later became

the names o f the seven clans (gossa) o f Gedeo (although some informants claimed

that there are more than seven clans). Each of these clans was also associated with

a defined territory which gradually disappeared due to the changing nature of

settlement patterns. The clans were organised into two groups or houses which

appear to have corresponded to the mothers who gave birth to the seven sons of

Darasso; the four house (Darasha, Gorgorsha, Hanoma, Dooba’a) and the three

11A French archaeological team has been working on this site for a long time, although
the results o f their research are still not accessible.

12 The revolutionary government encouraged such changes to help in redressing past

oppression. Unfortunately som e Gedeos have not been impressed by the change. To them the name
Gedeo does not have any meaning other than being the name o f a remote geographic place; it does
not sufficiently express their historic or cultural identity. But what is not clear and what most o f
them do not know is that the way in which this particular word was chosen as a name for the
community as a whole. Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999; he related a
less w ell known m eaning o f G edeo, which means the people who originated from three directions.

13 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i 5'u, 28 November 1999.

49
house (Hemba’a, Logoda and Bakarro ).14 Clan membership was hereditary, and

since marriage was outside one’s clan, a wife had to come from a different clan,

but she would remain member o f that clan. Her children belonged to their father’s

clan, however.15

The seven clans (gosa) o f the Gedeo were not always in mutual agreement

in many respects, particularly concerning land ownership. This was the main

source of tension, especially between Hemba’a and Darassha. H em ba’a’s clan

was mainly concentrated in the Dama and Michelle areas; Darasha’s however was

west of Michelle on the highlands towards the core areas of Gedeo territory. They

had a history o f both conflict and cooperation; during times o f outside threats they

cooperated for defence puiposes. Finally, the two were able to put aside their

differences, and as a result, the reconciliation concluded in a traditional ceremony

where a number o f cattle were slaughtered to seal the agreement.16

Although the different clans had a chequered history in terms of the

reconstruction of their past, they all agree on a common origin and identity. They

all claim that they were born from a single father, as explained above, and have a

strong sense o f identity. Before the Gedeo expanded into their present territory

they appeared to have been limited to the highland regions in what is now north

eastern Gedeo. From the highlands the Gedeo gradually descended down into the

south and south west in search o f more land.17

14 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004; Klaus W edekind, G enerating
narratives: interrelations o fb io w le d g e , text variants, and Cushitic fo c u s stra teg ies (Berlin:
M outon de Gruyter, 1990), 22.

15 M cClellan, State Transformation, 29.

16 Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

17 Berhanu Lameso, 'Alabdu-Sidama Relations: A Historical R eview, C. 1850-1974’ (M A

Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1993), 28.

50
 As they moved down along the mountains of present day Buie they began

to occupy a defined territory, mainly along clan lines. It was after this that they

began to quarrel among themselves on the issue o f land as the land they occupied

was not equally suitable for agriculture or big enough to accommodate the later

high growth o f the population. As a result, some of the larger clans needed more

space and conflict became inevitable and more frequent in the later years of their

history. However, the movement o f the Gedeo was gradual and small scale

compared with the large scale movement of the Oromo.18

According to linguistic classification, the Gedeo belong to what is known

as the East Highland Cushitic language group. Linguists classified the Gedeo

language as one of four others; Hadiyya, Kambata, Sidama and Burji. These

people were all found in south-central Ethiopia along the rift valley running from

north to south.19 The study of linguistics has helped to elucidate their history but

has also left a number o f questions unanswered. Linguists have not yet clearly

established the direction of these peoples’ movement; whether they moved from

south to north or vice versa. The most viable theory was based on the study of

shared features between the five language groups. For instance, the Gedeo shared

a number o f linguistic features with the Sidama. The Burji, who are a close

neighbour o f the Gedeo, spoke a language which had more in common with the

18 Interview with Gobiina Sole, Tumticha, 29 April 1999; For a historical study o f
population movem ent in southern Ethiopia see Merid W olde Aregay, 'Southern Ethiopia and the
Christian Kingdom 1508-1708, with Special Reference to the Galla Migrations and Their
Consequences' (PhD thesis, University o f London, 1971).

19 Grover Hudson, 'The Highland East Cushitic Family Vine', Sprache im d Geschichte in
A fr ik a l (1981), 97-121.

51
Sidama. Similarly, Kambata shared many linguistic features with the Sidama

despite being many kilometres away. 20

*

By studying such features, linguists produced the theory that Sidama must

have been the point o f dispersal both northwards (Hadiyya and Kambata) and

southwards (Gedeo and Burji); this tallies well with oral information from the

Gedeos. One informant described the movement of the Gedeos Irom their place of

origin to their present settlements as follows:21

First they set out from a place called Harssu Hawofa. They moved on
to another place called Haro Walabo and then they settled at Worqa,
then they moved down to Malgicha. After that, Kara Gudeba was the
next destination, then they moved to Shebo Banti, and then they came
to a place called Dalao. At Dalao they set up a shango (assembly) and
agreed on the names of the seven clans, and then dispersed in different
directions.

Some of theses place names are located on the top o f the highlands which

are normally regarded as the core areas of the Gedeo people. From the above

description as well as from other related references the place which is cited by

most Gedeo elders as their place of origin (i.e. Harssu Hawofa) is probably

located outside the present territories o f Gedeo. This is also depicted in one o f the

Gedeos’ traditional songs. The qcitala (a sort of thanksgiving) is among the many

ceremonies held annually with the presence o f the abba-gada:

Harsumaye Hawofamaye
Manamano Ja’loye Dufe22

20 Grover Hudson, H ighland E ast Cushitic D ictio n a iy (Hamburg: Buske, 1989), 3;

Wedekind, G enerating N arratives, 15-37.

21 Interview with Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

22 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004. This is one o f the traditional
ceremonies that the Gedeo still hold. The celebration was held at Grissa. During the celebration my
informant told me that in the previous year they prayed because there was a devastating coffee
disease w hich threatened production. The abba gdd a was approached to hold prayers and few days
after the qcitala took place there was heavy rain. The rain, which came as result o f the prayers,
washed away the w ebs that the spiders had w oven around the coffee trees. The spider pest was also

52
 We came from Harssu
And we crossed Hawofa
And we came here

This particular piece o f verse clearly depicts the Gedeos’ belief that they

originated from Harssu Hawofa and serves as a powerful and constant reminder of

their history. This particular festival has a long history, much associated with the

gada system o f the Gedeo, and the Gedeos attend the ceremony when they

encounter farming problems which would result in a poor harvest such as ensat

disease or a short and irregular rainfall, mainly affecting the coffee harvest, hi

such circumstances the incumbent abba-gdda has a responsibility to organise an

assembly of Gedeos in one of the shdngos (assembly) with the help of the lower

officials such as the hayicha (village head man) to summon elders from each

Gedeo clan to make sacrifices and prayers. Although there are no clear indications

as to whether the Gedeo abba-gdda had played any political role in the past, after

the incorporation his role has undoubtedly been restricted essentially to spiritual

matters.23

Thus, although the Gedeo clans competed with each other over land

occupation, they also shared many aspects of life. The seven clans of Gedeo

recognised the abba-gdda as their spiritual head. From existing sources we

understand that the Gedeo appear to have had only one gdda system whose

membership was open to all seven clans based 011 the rules o f the age-grade

destroyed by the heavy rain, the coffee trees revived, and the peasants managed to harvest their
beans. Therefore, the reason that another q a ta la was held at this time was to thank God for his
beneficence in the previous year. M eanwhile, during the ceremony I learned that there was som e
concern that year as w ell because the rain was unusually late.

23 Tsehai Berhane Selassie, 'The Balabat and the C offee Disease: Politics and Ritual in Darasa',
in Working P a p ers on Society a n d H istory in Im perial Ethiopia: The Southern P eriph ery From the
1880s to 1974, ed. D.L.Donham and W endy James (African Studies Centre, Cambridge: 1980),
202 .

53
system.24 Although the gdda system of the Gedeo had a lot of similarities with the

Oromo gdda system, it is not clear how the Gedeo adopted the system in the first

place. Informants claimed that the Gedeo adopted the institution from their

neighbour, the Guji Oromo.25 Guidi believed that the gdda system of the Gedeo

had an important role in the life of the Gedeo community; unfortunately he did not

provide details other than describing rituals and symbols.26

A political, military and judicial officialdom existed within the community. The

most well known were roga, ja ’Iqaba, ja ’laba and hayicha. The hayicha, which

still survives as an honorary title, no longer has any privileges for the office holder

as its function has been curtailed significantly in later years since the Gedeo have

been fully integrated into the Ethiopian system of administration. Such an

elaborate system o f military, political, judiciary as well as spiritual infrastructure

had to be supported economically by the rest of the farming population. As most

of the officials were required to provide services to the community, others had to

carry out their agricultural work. Even now it is common to give some kind of gift

24 Cerulli described in som e detail the seven age-grades based on the study o f the German
anthropologist Jensen who studied the g d d a system o f the Gedeo in the 1930s. The seven grades
are 1) Lumasa 2) Raba 3) Luba 4) Juba (Yuba) 5) Kolulu 6) Gudurru and 7) Cowoji. Guidi, an
Italian geographer who stayed for about eight months in Gedeo during the Fascist occupation o f
Ethiopia, claimed that there are only four age-grades and the first two last for eight years while the
remaining three last for four. Cerulli, P eoples o f South-W est, 124; see also Asmarom Legesse,
Oromo D em ocracy: An Indigenous African P o litica l System (Lawrenceville, N.J.: Red Sea Press,
2001); For the Guji g dd a system see Hinnant, T h e Gada System o f the Guji o f Southern Ethiopia1,
and also Joseph Van de Loo and Kola B ilow , Guji Oromo Culture in Southern E thiopia: R eligious
C apabilities in R ituals an d Songs, C ollectanea Instituti Anthropos (Berlin: Deitrich Reimer Verlag,
1991), 15-18; and also G.W .B. Huntingford, The G alla o f E thiopia the K ingdom s o fK a fa an d
Janjero (London: International African Institute, 1955), 41-65.

25 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999; and Jibicho Galano, Dama, 30 April
1999. See also Tsehai Berhane Selassie, 'The Balabat and the Coffee Disease: Politics and Ritual in
Darasa'; 199.

"6 Guido Guidi, 'Nel Sidamo Orientale', B ollettino D ella R .Societa G eografica Italiana IV, no.
VII (1939), 372-384.

54
to the elected abba-gdda, which harks back to old practices. However, as there is

no evidence to suggest that the Gedeo gdda system organised warfare to loot other

weaker communities it would have been able to support its members by gifts
77
donated voluntarily by the community.

Patterns of settlement and ecology

The history of the Gedeo people reveals it to be the product o f a long and complex

interaction with their neighbours. As the available evidence shows, geography has

greatly influenced the way history has unfolded in this part o f the region. Gedeo

is located at about 370 km south of the capital Addis Ababa and lies on the south

east of the Ethiopian Rift Valley which runs north to south, bisecting the country

approximately in the middle. A rugged and beautiful country, green throughout

the year, it occupies over 5890 sq. km. The density of the population in Gedeo is

among the highest in Ethiopia at 420 per sq km (against the national average

which is 62.4 per sq km), according to a population census taken in 1984. The

people of Gedeo have lived for centuries on the high mountains and hills

overlooking Lake Abaya towards the west. The highlands o f Gedeo are a very

hospitable place because o f their cool climate and rise imposingly over the

lowlands which border them.28

The highlands, which contain both Sidama and Gedeo, descend in a north-

south direction and the Gedeo live in the southernmost section o f these highlands.

The Sidama not only occupy a similar landscape to the Gedeos but their northern

27 M cClellan, State Transformation, 28-31.

28 O ffice o f the Population and Housing Census Commission, P opulation an d H ousing

Census 1984: A n alytical R eport on Sidam o (Addis Ababa: 1989), 35; According to G uidi’s
estimate the density o f G edeo’s population in 1937 was 40 to 45 per sq km. Guidi, 'Nel Sidamo
Orientale', 377.

55
neighbours share ties in cultural, historical and linguistic terms. The Gedeo also

share borders with others; the Guji in the south and south west, and the Jamjam

(another branch o f the Oromo group) in the east. The Gedeos also claim that like

the Sidama they do not simply share a physical space with the Oromos but also

share many other things, which are deeply embedded in the long and complex

histories of both communities.29

The narrow protruding nature of Gedeo means that it is squeezed between

two major Oromo clans; the Jamjam in the east and the Guji in the south and south

west.30Before the twentieth century most Gedeos settled at the top of the highlands

and settlement in large numbers in the lower zones only began after the

incorporation and the subsequent imposition o f qalad in the 1920s.31 However,

some informants interviewed in the lower zones pointed out that settlements began

in these areas well before the incorporation.32 As we shall see later in this and

subsequent chapters, the earlier settlers were forced out of their original home in

the highlands mainly due to demographic pressure.

29 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999; Van de Loo and B ilow , Guji
O romo Culture in Southern E thiopia, 14-18; Donald N. Levine, G reater E thiopia: The Evolution
o f a M ultiethnic Society, 2nd edn. (Chicago: The University o f Chicago Press, 2000), 162,

30 Every year between October and December the Jamjam Oromo have to pass through
the Gedeo highlands to obtain a vital mineral known locally as bole for their cattle from inside
Guji territory which is located between D illa town and Lake Abaya (they believe that this mineral
which is salty in nature is nutritionally important for their livestock). The way the Jamjam travel
across Gedeo is very colourful activity. They travel in huge numbers singing and chanting a
traditional Oromo song throughout the journey, m ainly at night to avoid the day time traffic and
the scorching sun, especially in the lowlands. The volum e o f the caravan increases dramatically
when the moon becom es full; visibility is good and travelling is easier. The long caravan mainly
consists o f horsemen and footmen armed with spears looking like a traditional army marching to a
war front. This practice has continued for centuries and Gedeo has been served as the main
gateway to accessing this vital resource for the Jamjam.

31McClelIan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 188-191.

32 Interview with D oye Biflu, Sisota, 24 July 2004 and Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.
Kole traces his genealogy back to Darasso who was believed to be the father o f all Gedeos. I
interviewed him at Sugele near W onago and he claimed that they all came from an upland place
called D elao and the present settlement at Sugele was quite recent, a phenomenon o f the twentieth
century.

56
 The threat from the neighbouring communities, especially the Gujis and

the Sidamas, combined with the inhospitable nature of the lower zones, had

previously discouraged settlement by the Gedeos. Relations with the Sidama along

the Lagadara River had also been problematic. The Sidama, who probably had a

similar problem of a lack of territory for expansion, clashed with the Gedeo over

their attempt to settle across the river. The Gedeo were only able to establish a

boundary with the Sidama after the incorporation.33 The political incorporation of

the region meant that conflict between the different ethnic groups, particularly

over the issue o f land and other resources, gradually diminished as the state began

to interfere forcefully in defusing these tensions. Other than resolving ethnic

clashes, incorporation also enabled some groups, particularly o f the Gedeo, to

have more living space by eliminating major threats from their powerful

neighbours.34

The green and fertile landscape of Gedeo gives the impression that it has

been settled recently, in contrast to the northern Ethiopian landscape. Gedeo huts

and villages are not easily visible because they are hidden by tall ensdt and big

trees. As a result of this, an outside observer might gain the impression that Gedeo

is an undeveloped and thinly populated region. This is far from the truth and the

Gedeo ‘forest’ is largely shaped by cultivation and has a long and complex history.

It demonstrates a well developed system of agriculture which has supported one of

the densest populations in Ethiopia. The only flat and open space to be seen is in

33 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999. According to him, until the
1920s both Sidama and Gedeo had different claims regarding the boundary between the two
groups; the Sidama claimed that their land extended as far as Chuchu which is inside Gedeo. The
Gedeo on the other hand claimed that Beqoqa which is within Sidama territory marked the limit. It
was DdjaZamach Balcha who finally decided that Legadara w ould be a comm on boundary. The
peace deal was then made and cattle slaughtered to seal the reconciliation.

34Berhanu, 'Alabdu-Sidama Relations', 15-16.

57
places like Buie which is on the top of the plateau but even that terrain is

punctuated by irregular features. The altitude of Gedeo is as high as 4000 meters

above sea level on top o f the plateau near Buie and in contrast drops low (1580

meters) near Dilla town which is the capital of Gedeo, all within a distance of no

more than 60 kilometres.35

The ecology o f Gedeo is very suitable for agriculture and particularly the

growing o f ensat. The region could be classified into two major agro-ecological

zones, the daga, 3000-4000 meters above sea level, and the wdyna-daga, 2000-

3000 meters above sea level respectively.36 The ddga agro-ecology zone is found

on top of the highland which covers most o f what is known as the Buie Warcida

(an administrative unit below the Awrajci). In this zone, peasants predominantly

grow ensat although cereal products such as barley are also important. The wdyna-

ddga area on the other hand is the zone below the ddga and it is here that most of

Gedeo’s coffee is grown. It is also in this zone that settlement began mainly in the

early twentieth century. The concentration o f population is much higher here than

in the historic settlements in the highlands, which are classified as ddga according

to this inventory. One of the attributes of ensat is that it grows easily in both zones;

the only difference is that the yield differs from one ecology zone to the other.

For instance, the quality as well as the quantity of ensat in Grissa, which is a ddga

area, is superior to both that which grows on the plateau and the lower zones, but

it requires more time to mature.37

35 EM A, N ational Atlas, 4

36 EMA, N ational Atlas, 4; Temperature in the ddga zone ranges from 15.1 to 17.5
degrees centigrade, while in w ayna-ddga the variation is from 17.6 to 20 degrees centigrade.

37 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004; and Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July,
2004. M y informants in the lower zones claimed that the quality o f ensat from Grissa is much
superior and households in the lower zones were buying land there for that reason.

58
Figure I. Typical Gedeo landscape, Grissa, August 2004. Photograph taken by
the author.

Figure 2. Young ensat crop ready fo r transplanting, Grissa, August 2004. Photograph
taken by the author.

59
Figure 3. A typical ensat farm, Grissa, August 2004. Photograph taken by the author.

The description used by W illiam Shack in relation to the Gurage is just as

applicable to the Gedeo. Like the Gurage, the Gedeo are “people o f the ensat
o

culture” . The Gedeo as an agrarian community have been dependant on ensat for

long time. There are suggestions by archaeologists and historians that ensat is

among the earliest food crops cultivated in Ethiopia. This is not to say that the

Gedeos were am ong the first people to adopt the cultivation o f ensat, but rather to
■>Q

show that the Gedeo have a well developed system o f agriculture. Gedeo

agriculture has always been dynam ic and changes in farming patterns have

frequently occurred. However, ensat has been cultivated throughout the long

38 W illiam A. Shack, The G u rage: A P e o p le o f the E n sete C u ltu re (O xford: Oxford U .P .,

1966), 57-67; A lso see D essa leg n Rahmato, R e silien ce and Vulnerability: Ensat A griculture in
Southern E thiopia’, J o u rn a l o f E th iopian S tu d ies X X V III N o. 1 (1 9 9 5 ), 25.

}q Steven A. Brandt, N e w Perspectives on the O rigins o f Food Production in E thiopia’, in

F rom H unters to F arm ers: The C au ses a n d C on sequ en ces o f F o o d P ro d u ctio n in A frica
, ed. J. D. Clark and S. A. Brandt (B erkeley: U n iversity o f California Press, 1984), 2 4 8 -2 5 2 .

60
history of the Gedeo, and the Gedeo claim that they have been mainly dependent

on the cultivation o f ensat as their staple food for a long time. Unlike other ensat

cultures, the Gedeo do not mix cultivating ensat with rearing livestock, which

increases their dependence on it.40

The cultivation of ensat has been associated with the growth o f population

in Ethiopia,41 although it is not clear whether it was chosen as a farming strategy

by peasants confronted with an unprecedented growth o f population or it occurred

by coincidence.42 We do know that the Gedeos have cultivated ensat for a long

time and as well as providing a secure source of food it has also enabled the land

of Gedeo to sustain one o f the densest populations in the country. However, the

issue o f density o f population has to be treated cautiously because it is

misleading,43 For instance, within Gedeo there is a huge variation in terms of

population per square kilometre. Regions which were settled later have now

become more populated than the old settlements, showing how demographic

patterns shift over time with changing economic opportunities 44

40Helmer Smeds, 'The Ensete Planting Culture o f Eastern Sidamo, Ethiopia " ACTA
GEOGRAPHICA 13, N o 4 (1955), 15-28; For a broader discussion o f ensat farming see S. A.
Brandt, 'The Evolution o f Enset Farming' (paper presented at the Ethiopia in broader perspective:
papers o f the 13th International Conference o f Ethiopian Studies, Kyoto, 12-17 D ecem ber 1997,
Kyoto, Japan, 1997), 843-851; S. A. Brandt, 'New Perspectives', 173-190.

41D.R. Jones, 'Introduction to Banana, Abaca, and Enset', in D iseases o f Banana, A baca
an d Enset, ed. David Jones (Oxon: CABI Publishing, 2000), 32; According to this author, about
20% o f the Ethiopian population (10 million) depend on ensat for food.

42 Thomas Hakansson, 'Social and Political Aspects o f Intensive Agriculture in East

Africa: Som e M odels from Cultural Anthropology', A zania X X IV (1989), 12-20.

43 David Grigg, P opulation Growth and A grarian Change: An H isto rica l P ersp ective,
C am bridge G eograph ical Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 20-28; For a
discussion o f intensification o f crop production see Mats Widgren et ah, Islands o f Intensive
A griculture in E astern Africa: P a st & Present, Eastern African Studies. (Oxford: James Currey,
2003), 1-17.

44 See chapters three and four for more about this issue. For a general discussion o f
agricultural change and population pressure see Ester Boserup, The Conditions o f A gricultural
Growth: The E conom ics o f A grarian Change under Population P ressure (London: A llen & Unwin,
1965), 11-14.

61
 Gedeo receives plentiful rain throughout the year and although records

began relatively recently there is sufficient evidence to show that there is a

favourable rainfall distribution throughout the region. The two meteorological

stations in Gedeo began record keeping during the 1950s; the earliest records are

from Dilla and the data gathered shows that in general Gedeo receives the highest

amount of rainfall in the region, especially in the higher area. The second station

which is located in the coffee growing part o f Gedeo, Yirga C'afe, which has an

elevation of 1840m above sea level, has records which show that the annual

average rainfall was 1,970.2 mm for the years 1966-8 and 1970-3. The fact that

Dilla received less than Yirga C'afe might be due to its lower elevation which is

1,580 meters above sea level; nevertheless it still has one o f the highest rainfall

figures in the region. Gedeo also has a very good distribution o f rain throughout

the year. The region receives most o f its rainfall in April and May and the rainfall

is similar in the months o f September and October. Unfortunately, the figure from

the two meteorological stations may not reflect the overall pattern o f rainfall

throughout Gedeo because the two stations are located within the same agro­

ecology zone, Dilla and Yirga C'afe have been selected to monitor rainfall and

other vital data due to their importance as coffee growing areas in Gedeo. 45

Despite the abundance o f rainfall in Gedeo there are no major soil erosion

problems, although most o f the Gedeo landscape is characterised by steep slopes,

and in some places the land is almost vertical, which makes fanning difficult and

45 Daniel Gamachu, A spects o f Clim ate an d Water B udget in E thiopia (Addis Ababa:
Addis Ababa U.P., 1977), 7; T.J. Kingham, ’Rainfall Records o f the Southern Rift V alley, Ethiopia’
(Surbiton: Ministry o f Overseas Developm ent Land Resources D ivision, 1975), 265-266.

62
dangerous.46 The Gedeos also do not employ other soil conservation methods such

as terracing to protect their soil from erosion by rain or wind. What is apparent is

that farms in Gedeo are never left barren without ensat or other forms of

vegetation, meaning that the soil is not exposed which would result in erosion, hi

addition, ensat leaves also protect the soil, serving as an umbrella to shelter it

from hail and heavy rain. By facilitating the absorption o f water into the soil it

enriches its moisture content,47

It was also common to allow mature trees to remain on cultivated

farm land.48 According to fanners, leaving such trees within their farm was

important as some of the big trees, in addition to serving as shades, also have the

ability to conserve moisture in the soil, which is advantageous for ensat and other

plants, especially when rain is in short supply.49 The leaves of some o f these trees

also decompose quite quickly and that serves as a fertiliser for the soil. Above all

the Gedeo believe that the key to maintaining soil fertility is that ensat helps to

improve the soil by conserving moisture and nutrients around the roots.50

46 Hermann Amborn, ’Agricultural Intensification in the Burji-Konso Cluster o f South-

Western Ethiopia', A zania X X IV (1989), 79-80.
47 Interview with Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 20. Allan Hoben, 'The Cultural Construction
o f Environmental Policy: Paradigms & Politics in Ethiopia' in The Lie o f the Land: C hallenging
R eceived Wisdom on the African Environm ent, ed. M elissa Leach and Robin Mearns (London:
International African Institute in association with James Currey, 1996), 190-191.

48 Interview with Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

49 Informants, for example, compare ensat with coffee, which only began to be grown in
Gedeo in the first h alf o f the twentieth century and has the effect o f drying the soil w hile ensat
restores moisture to the soil and as result o f this the farm land where ensat is grown w ill always
remain m oist and fertile. Interview with Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2004; and Hirba Qorc'e,
Grissa, 14 July 2004.

50 Interview with W oke Bado, Grissa, 14 July 2004. Conversely, the peasants are aware o f the
adverse effects o f som e plants on soil condition and productivity. For instance, bamboo, which was
the most visible forest structure in Gedeo, has gradually disappeared and been replaced by
eucalyptus trees. Peasants claim that the leaves o f bamboo are adverse for coffee growing; in
addition it requires a great deal o f water which means it competes with coffee and ensat plants.
Likewise, although the eucalyptus tree had the advantage o f being useful for construction, it is now
seen by farmers as an enem y as it needs a large amount o f moisture.

63
 Land use in Gedeo is dictated mainly by ecological factors. The soil in

Gedeo is generally o f very good quality and well suited to the cultivation o f ensat.

Although many peasants survived on a subsistence level, due to the reliability of

ensat agriculture the Gedeo have never experienced a crisis in food supplies, and

as a result informants never recalled times of famine, even in the distant past.51

However, peasants should not be seen as purely concerned with a risk aversion

strategy. The history o f agriculture in Gedeo has shown that the land use system

has been very dynamic in terms of expanding into a different ecology zones and

adopting new crops.52 Although the people o f Gedeo claim that land scarcity has

been one of the characteristic features of their agricultural system, they have

nevertheless managed to produce a surplus which has enabled them to engage in

trade transactions with their neighbours.53

The predominance o f ensat in Gedeo agriculture meant that there was little

enthusiasm for adopting new technologies such as the plough, which is not suited

to ensat production, McCann suggested that the Gedeo like the Gurage or other

southern and south-western societies might have adopted the plough because the

elites preferred cereals such as t’e f ( a crop indegenious to Ethiopia used to make

Ethiopian bread, enjara ) over their traditional diet of q o c’o (processed ensat

which is used to make bread). Given the limited role the plough has in Gedeo

farming practices, this is incorrect. Although the Gedeo did come into direct

contact with the technology of the plough after the region was incorporated into

51 M esfin W olde Mariam, R ural Vulnerability to Famine in Ethiopia, 1958-197 (London:

Intermediate Technology Publications, 1986), 150.

52 James C. McCann, M aize a n d Grace: Africa's Encounter with a N ew W orld Crop, 1500-
2000 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 86.

53 Interview with Hordofa Gadico, W onago, 24 November 1999,

64
the Ethiopian empire, even today the plough has a very limited usage within

Gedeo, the digging axe being the single most important farming tool for the

m ajority o f Gedeo households. The main reason is that the plough is not suitable

for the cultivation o f perennial crops such as ensat upon which the Gedeo are still

highly dependant. Since ensat farms are by nature intensively cultivated, and

because ensat is harvested in stages, it is impractical to use an ox drawn plough.

Also the Gedeo landscape is not ideal for the technology o f the plough due to its

rugged nature. In addition, adopting the plough would mean that the Gedeo would

have to lose w hatever forest cover they have which serves as a shelter for their

ensat and coffee trees. The Gedeo do however use the plough where it is

appropriate.54

Figure 4. Golo (work party); the digging axe is still the fa vo u red fa rm in g tool,
Grissa, August 2004. Photograph taken by the author.

54 M cCann, P e o p le o f the P lo w , 4 5 -5 0 .

65
Domestic and labour organisation in peasant households

As in any peasant community, Gedeo peasant households existed as units of

consumption and production within the context of the Gedeo agricultural system.

One o f the challenges for historians is to find reliable historical sources to allow

us to reconstruct the nature o f Gedeo peasant households before the advent of the

Ethiopian state. However, imprecise they might be, our only sources are family

histories narrated by Gedeo elders. From such sources it is possible to understand

that Gedeo households played an important role in every aspect o f the life o f their

members. Although they manifested many social changes over the years,

households also represent a great deal o f continuity in many aspects.55

The need to understand what sociologists called ‘the morphology o f a

household’ is important because within Gedeo households there was a clearly

delineated allocation o f responsibilities.56 It is essential to understand the roles of

members of the household, both from the perspective of labour division as well as

such areas as property rights and decision making processes. It must also be noted

that kinship groups and neighbours provided reciprocal assistance during

harvesting and planting seasons.57

A typical household in Gedeo was normally formed by a married couple,

headed by the husband who also owned most o f the perishable as well as non-

perishable forms of property that belonged to the household. This included land,

55 In the area o f agricultural technology, for example, there have been few changes,
especially in the production o f ensat.

56 Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, A M odern E conom ic H isto iy o f Africa. Vol. I, the Nineteenth
Century (Dakar: CODESRIA, 1993), 12.

57 Dena Freeman, Initiating Change in H ighland Ethiopia: The C auses an d Consequences

o f Cultural Transformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 52-65; for a
theoretical discussion o f the role o f kinship and fam ily structure see Claude M eillassoux, Maidens,
M eal an d Money: Capitalism a n d the D om estic Community, Themes in the S ocial Sciences
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 8-32.

66
as land in general was exclusively owned by men. Although households obviously

varied across time as well as within a given time, a peasant household in Gedeo
• • ■ 58
was composed o f members o f the family who made differing contributions.

Like many other societies, household formation in Gedeo through

marriage was either constrained or encouraged depending upon the prevailing

political economy. The timing o f the formation o f a household was determined by

a number o f factors, but chiefly access to land. Marriage was crucial for Gedeo

peasant household formation and survival because the cultivation o f ensat in

particular required the labour of women. Women were the backbone o f the Gedeo

household economy; they played a number of key roles which enabled the

household to function smoothly as a viable economic and social unit. Other than

their biological and domestic roles, women played a crucial role in ensat

production, which was why Gedeo men did not start independent life before

marriage. A man never expected to gain access to land through marriage, as we

shall see in the next section; conversely, the monopoly o f property rights by men

meant that women would only be able to gain access to land and its fruits through

marriage and their labour.59

Informants pointed out that the conditions under which marriage took

place varied, not only from one household to another, but also changed over the

years according to the prevailing political economy. This means that, for example,

land-rich households tended to let their sons m any earlier, while households who

were short o f land might be forced to delay the marriage o f their sons. Although

ss W ally Seccom be, A Millennium o f F am ily Change: Feudalism to C apitalism in

N orthwestern E urope (London: Verso, 1992), 83.

59For a comparative view o f property, inheritance and wom en see Jack Goody,
"Inheritance, Property and Women: Some Comparative Considerations," in F am ily a n d
Inheritance: R ural Society in Western E urope, 1200-1800, ed. Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, and E. P.
Thomson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 10.

67
historically access to land played a crucial role in determining the formation of

new households, this has been a relatively recent phenomenon in Gedeo history,

because, before the Gedeo felt the demographic pressure, in the second half of the

nineteenth century access to land was not a limiting factor. In fact, some argue

that labour was perhaps more crucial, especially in the early years o f the Gedeos’

expansion into new territories when households with extra labour resources

developed land by claiming it from the forest. In some cases, households with

sufficient land but a serious shortage o f labour allowed their sons to m any at a

young age in order to enable them to import additional labour power to their work

force. Such pressures were more intense on households where death or ill health

had taken their toll, and hence, to remedy the situation, a young Gedeo boy who

was the senior son might be encouraged or pushed into an early marriage to fill the

gap left by his deceased father.60

Marriage was not allowed within the clan and a wife usually had to come

from a different clan. Rival clans also did not allow the exchange o f wives due to

a past history of anim osity.61 Gedeos normally regarded their daughters as

liabilities and some of them even describe them as outsiders. As we shall see in

another section, as a result o f this, land was always given to sons rather than

daughters, as a precautionary measure developed by the Gedeos to prevent land

from being accessed by another clan member via marriage. Therefore, a Gedeo

man did not expect to access any form o f landed property through marriage.62

60 Interview with Baqala W alda-Tsadiq, Shigado, 6 July, 2004; and W orassa Bushe, C'i
6'u, 30 N ovem ber 1999.

61 Interview with Turi Boko, C ’i5’u, 29 April 1999; and Badecha Leko, Tumticha, 29
April 1999.

62 For marriage customs in Christian northern Ethiopia see Ege, Class, 55.

68
 Marriage was not only the first and most important step in gaining access

to parental land, but it was also the most straightforward route to gaining property

rights. A young married couple were not usually given land as soon as they got

married. In the first year of their marriage the couple were normally considered to

be part of the main household and would continue to work and eat in the parental

home, at least for the first six months. During this time they would construct a

small hut near the family house which could eventually be the site for their future

house. The wife would continue to help his mother in all types o f work, especially

the harvesting and transportation o f ensat. She had to carry out all work under her

mother-in-law’s direction and as the new household took shape she had to juggle

her time between both houses. This was one of the reasons why a son was always

preferred to a daughter.63

Another feature o f the Gedeo marriage system was the prevalence of

polygamy. Unlike in Northern Ethiopia, which is mostly Christian and where

marriage is restricted to one spouse, in Gedeo polygamy was permitted.

Informants pointed out that in the nineteenth century it was common for warriors

and clan leaders to marry between eight to fourteen wives. As mentioned

elsewhere, unlike other agrarian systems, especially that o f the plough culture

where the labour of the male is more dominant, female labour power is crucial in

ensat agriculture. Having two or more wives was not a luxury for men to enjoy, as

some informants argued. They claimed that polygamy was a necessity because of

the immense challenge posed by the agricultural requirements o f a Gedeo

63 Interview with Fayisa Bado, MSkonisa, 18 June, 2004.

69
household.64 As a result, polygamy has been a norm, practiced by many peasants,

though it has declined significantly in recent years.65 According to the views of

my informants, the increasing economic difficulties made polygamy unsustainable,

especially as access to land became more challenging. Since polygamous men

were more likely to have more children than their monogamous counterparts they

came under enormous strain when their sons formed a household, because it was

the fathers’ responsibility to give land at marriage.66

The social role o f a woman was very crucial in rural Gedeo, as well as her

reproductive and agricultural role. The decline of polygamy did not change or

improve the status o f women as we shall see in due course, especially as ensat

production required a great deal of labour input from them. Despite their crucial

role, the Gedeo, like most societies, displayed a sexual hierarchy and showed a

preference for boys. I asked informants why boy children were preferred despite

the fact that a boy received family land and thus depleted its size, whereas a girl

received no parental wealth even in the form o f dowry payments. The typical

reason given by informants is that this had been perceived as a preventive measure

developed to protect land from being accessed by an outsider. A married son

stayed with the family and constructed a house nearby so that the name o f the

family as well as their land would be preserved and honoured, whereas upon

marriage a girl had to move to her husbands’ place, and as a result, could not

64 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999; Bora H essa, Grissa, 13 July 2004.
Bora justified w hy he w as polygam ous by saying that it is even difficult to “get som ething to eat
when your w ife has small children.”

65 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

66 Interview with Aragashe Hojamessa, Grissa, 20 July 2004; Turi Boko, C ’id’u, 29 April 1999.

70
provide much needed support for her parents. A married son and his wife 011 the

other hand provided support for his own weak and elderly family.67

Divorce was the highly stigmatised outcome o f a failed marriage, and

women were mostly blamed for it. The most usual reason was the failure to

produce a child. Bearing only girls could also be disastrous. For some, the

practice o f polygamy might come to a barren wife’s rescue, as there was a

likelihood of gaining a son from the later marriage, but nevertheless informants

cited examples o f women who were divorced by their husbands because the

woman was unable to bear a child.68

Informants, both women and men, believed that the division of labour

within the household was as old as ensat agriculture itself. This shows that the

way in which the allocation o f roles between the sexes that takes place within a

specific farming community is largely shaped by the type o f agriculture which that

community has adopted. In Gedeo the role of women and men in ensat production

has its own features, which may not necessarily be the case in other economies. It

requires the involvement o f both men and women at different stages in its

cultivation, being labour intensive and needing constant attention, particularly

from women.59

Before the twentieth century, Gedeo households mainly depended on ensat

production, not only as their main source o f food, but also to exchange for other

products which were difficult to obtain in Gedeo. Other crops such as barley, and

67 Barbara M iller made similar observations in India in the 1960s, regarding the transmission
o f fam ily property and name and econom ic support for the parents when they grow old or disabled.
Barbara D. Miller, The E ndangered Sex: N eglect o f F em ale Children in R u ral N orth India (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1981), 160.

68 Interview with Badesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abi£a, 9 July 2004.

69 Interview with: Eten&se Alamayahu, Grissa, 18 July, 2004; and Tafara A yise, Grissa, 14
July 2004.

71
vegetables such as cabbage, goddre (taro) etc. only played a supplementary role.70

The main use o f labour therefore was in ensdt cultivation, especially in harvesting

and processing for human consumption. One of the distinctive features of ensdt

agriculture in Gedeo is that the agricultural seasons are not as distinct, as is the

case in other crop production. Ensdt, like other crops, can only be planted in one

season, but is harvested at any time o f the year depending on the food

requirements o f the household. As a result of this, a farm always has some ensdt

trees which are in the process o f reaching maturation.71 When ensdt trees were

harvested, replacements had to be planted so that the family would not run short of

food. Peasants calculated in advance to ensure that there was always a sufficient

amount of ensdt to be harvested, and because o f the perennial nature o f ensdt,

plans were made six to eight years ahead which is the average time for the ensdt

tree to mature.72

One o f the great attributes o f ensdt is its versatility. Ensdt provided a staple

food, materials for shelter, and was used in herbal medicine and ceremonies. The

wide and long fronds o f the ensdt tree were used as thatch when they built their

huts. It was also used in the wrapping and packaging of qoc'o, meat and other

products to transport either home or to market. Other than serving as animal

fodder, it was also used as an umbrella for humans during heavy rains. The fibre

70
Interview with Badecha Leko, Tumtida, 29 April 1999; this informant claim ed that barley
ceased to be grown because o f a shortage o f land, and its place was taken by coffee,

71 Jones, 'Introduction to Banana, Abaca, and Enset', 33-34.

72
Interview with Gobana Sole, Tumticha, 29 April 1999; and Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July
2004. Gedeo peasants cultivate different varieties o f ensdt trees. According to informants, among
the varieties identified locally, ganticho is the most important. This type o f ensdt is valued most by
peasants because its qoc'o (yield) is much higher than the other varieties. A stara is another variety,
but it is less comm on as it is mainly planted for its medicinal value. Taricho and dam bicho are
other comm on varieties which are cultivated w idely by many households because they require less
labour and time to process than ganticho.

12
which is one o f the by-products o f ensdt was used for various purposes, such as in

the building o f huts. It also had a ceremonial function, especially when the abba-

gdda conducted his prayers. A long stretch o f green ensdt leaves had to be laid on

the ground (like a red carpet) for him when entered the special hut, which was

constructed for the occasion.

Figure 5. M atured ensdt tree ready fo r han'esting, Grissa, A ugust 2004.

Photograph taken by the author.

73 Interview w ith T addassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2 004.

73
 Men start the process of ensdt production by preparing the soil using a

digging axe, either by forming a work party (goto) or by using labour from the

household and close kin.74 Historically it was the men’s responsibility to add to

the stocks of the household’s cultivatable land by claiming it from the forest.

Ensdt is propagated vegetatively because the seeds of ensdt are sterile. Men carry

this out by selecting a few well grown ensat trees (about three years old) from the

farm and cutting the pseudostem about 50cm above the ground.75 The remaining

part on ground level is divided into four to eight parts and they are covered with

grass so that they would receive sufficient moisture and warmth. After a few

weeks, hundreds o f young ensdt shoots are produced which are called funfa (buds).

These suckers are transferred to another nursery and planted up separately to

enable them to grow faster.76 They have to stay in the nursery until finally being

planted on the main farm where they grow to full maturity and are harvested for

food.

Thus, the m en’s job has to be conducted according to the agricultural

calendar by following the seasons, whereas the women’s task o f harvesting takes

place at anytime throughout the year. The women’s job is also onerous because

unlike the Gurage,77 who harvest and store the product for a long period of time

(by burying the qoc'o in a pit), the Gedeo have not developed any kind of storage

74 In the subsequent section where I have described ensdt production in som e detail, note that,
although, written in the present tense, the process has varied little over centuries from that which I
was shown during m y research field study.

75 Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

76 Jones, 'Introduction to Banana, Abaca, and Enset', 33,

77 For a detailed discussion o f ensdt agriculture among the Gurages, including harvesting and
processing it for human consumption see Shack, The Garage, 50-82.

74
system, and as a result, the Gedeo women spend more time processing ensdt on

their farm than their Gurage counter parts.78

Figure 6a.

Photographs (6a-e.) show ing how' both the roots and trunk o f the ensdt tree are
processed into qoc'o, Grissa, July 2004. Photograph taken by the author.

8 Judith O lm stead, T h e V ersatile Ensete Plant: Its U se in the Gamu H igh lan d ’, J o u rn a l o f
E thiopian Studies, XII, N o. 1 (1 9 7 4 ), 149.

75
Figure 6b.

Figure 6c.

76
Figure 6d.

Figure 6e.

77
Figure 7. Transporting qoc'o (processed ensdt) to the market, Sisota, July 2004.
Photograph taken by the author.

In short, households in Gedeo have a clear division o f labour along gender

lines. Gedeo men are only involved in ensdt agriculture from the propagation

stage until it is about three years old and able to withstand weeds. After that, the
70
men might not visit the farm. W omen are also involved in ensdt cultivation

during the propagation season where their role is mainly restricted to transporting

the small plants from the nursery to the main farm, usually by carrying them on

their backs. Once the ensdt is planted, the main task for men is w eeding and this

normally continues during the vulnerable first three years o f the tree’s growth.80

70 Interview w ith A lam ayahu Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

80 The control o f farm pests has also been a task preform ed by men. The m ost devastating
enem y o f ensdt, w hich are very difficult for peasants to control are rodents ( f ilf iil). T he rodents

78
 Deciding which enscit tree should be cut down to process for food, or in

some cases exchanging qoc'o for household necessities, was mainly the

responsibility o f the women. The processing of ensdt for food is a painstaking and

highly labour intensive task. It has traditionally always been the exclusive

responsibility o f women to undertake the harvesting of ensdt. Since it is taboo for

Gedeo men to set foot on the farm while ensdt is being processed, households

might carry out the task by forming a work party. Converting an ensdt tree into

either cjoc'o or bula (a juicy substance squeezed out qoc'o), forms which are

suitable for human consumption, cannot be done overnight; it requires several

weeks o f hard work, and women as the domestic managers decide when to start

processing the ensdt by calculating the needs o f the household before the family

runs out of supplies.81

The labour intensive nature of ensdt production has necessitated cohesion

and mutual cooperation between married partners.82 Men and women have needed

to work together, not only to run a common household, but also as production

partners. The household’s food requirements were the overriding concern when

deciding how many ensdt trees had to be harvested and when it should be done,

and the men had to plan for the future and plant sufficient trees. One of the

advantages o f ensdt is that it can be harvested throughout the year.83

live underground and attack the ensdt plant’s roots; because o f this, peasants som etim es do not
discover the problem until som e o f their ensdt trees are badly damaged. Controlling rodents is a
most difficult and time consum ing task as they have to dig deep down either to kill them with
spears or suffocate them with smoke. Interview with Damaro Sabora, Sisota, 9 July 2004.

81 Interview with Etenase Alamayahu, Grissa, July, 2004.

82 For theories o f the intensication o f African agriculture see Mats Widgren, 'Towards a
Historical Geography o f Intensive Farming in Eastern Africa', in Islands o f Intensive Agriculture in
Eastern A frica, ed. Mats Widgren & John E.G. Sutton (Oxford: James Currey, 2004), 1-18,

83 Interview with Etenashe Alamayahu, Grissa, 18 July, 2004.

79
 The processing of ensdt for food involves a number o f stages. Most o f the

work is carried out on the farm before it is transported home for immediate

consumption. Firstly, women cut down selected ensdt trees using machetes. If

many women are involved in the process some begin pulverising the root (to turn

it into a powder-like substance known locally as gamamma) which has been

separated from the pseudo-stems. Others remove the fibres from the trunk by

decorticating it, and the starchy juice which remains {qoc’o) is stored separately

from the powder produced from the root (gamamma). The ensdt leaves are used to

cover the substances to hasten the fermentation process as the leaves prevent air

from circulating in the qoc'o and gamamma. After two weeks the women return to

the farm to mix the two products, qoc'o and gamamma, together. The gdtnamma's

main role is to speed up the process of fermentation. Then it will be left for some

more weeks on the farm, covered tightly with ensdt leaves, although in the interim

women might returned to the farm to check the level of fermentation.84

At least twice in the following two weeks, the qoc'o and gamamma

mixture has to be thoroughly remixed by the women, and when doing this they

have to move it to another location within the farm and place fresh ensdt leaves

over it. Then, after leaving it for about three weeks they return to the farm in order

to prepare the fermented qoc'o for transportation, either to home or to market.

This is essentially the women’s job, and is immensely taxing due to the rugged

and inhospitable nature of the Gedeo landscape. Some more prosperous

households who could afford a donkey or mule were not able to use them to

transport qoc'o the entire distance; women needed to carry the qoc’o to a

84 Interview with Alamayahu Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

80
convenient location so that it could be loaded onto pack animals for the remainder

o f the journey.85

After arriving home the qoc'o has to be processed in several stages before

it is ready for human consumption. Qoc'o can be prepared in different forms but

the most common use in Gedeo is in baking bread. To do this it has to be initially

cut to the size required. Then it has to be squeezed by hand so that it loses most of

its moisture before it can be used for cooking. Children, especially daughters, are

helpful from this stage onwards. Bread prepared from qoc'o is the main form of

food for the Gedeos, though sometimes bula, another by-product of ensdt, is used

to prepare porridge. Qoc'o supplemented by daily and meat products forms a

balanced diet.86

Gedeo households have never been self sufficient in everything they

require for their livelihood. Although food production was their overriding

concern and most o f their land and labour was dedicated to this effort, they also

related to their neighbours in an economic symbiosis. The Gedeos’ inability to

mix ensdt fanning with animal husbandly due to the scarcity o f land meant that

diary products had to be sourced from elsewhere, and the production of surplus

ensdt played a crucial role. The exchange of qoc'o for milk and butter from the

Guji, and to some extent the Jamjam, has been one o f the ancient fonns of

transaction which still survives on a limited scale.87 The Gedeos’ long term

dependence on imported diaiy products can be demonstrated by the presence of a

well developed market system which supplied a variety o f products including

85 Interview with AlamayShu Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

86 Interview with Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

87 Interview with Dadu Dukale, C'i tS'u, 2 December 1999.

81
meat. Informants recalled that dried meat used to come to Gedeo markets from as

far away as Arusi via Sidama. Although the market place served as a meeting

point to facilitate transactions, for instance with the Guji neighbours, the Gedeo

described how food transactions also took place at different levels. A Guji or a

Jamjam woman would come to Gedeo with aj ar o f butter or cheese and in return

would take back qoc'o. This was especially common during dry seasons where

food shortages were high.88 hi the west, the Gedeo exchanged their qoc’o for cloth

which came particularly from the south Omo region (Gofa) across Lake Abaya.

The Garbicho in Lake Abaya were very active in this trade.89

Although coffee became one of the most important products o f Gedeo, this

is a relatively recent development which took place after the region was fully

incorporated into the Ethiopian political and economic system. It is not clear how

coffee was introduced into the region; however, there is no evidence to suggest

that the Gedeo cultivated it before the incorporation.90 hi fact when we examine it

from an ecological perspective, there was no opportunity for the Gedeo to

cultivate it before the 20th century as their settlement was restricted only to the

higher altitude zone (dago). Unlike ensdt, coffee is more sensitive to ecological

conditions, and the Gedeo were only able to grow it after the 1920s when a

suitable area was opened up for settlement, as a result of what was known as the

qdlad measurement o f land by the government. The lower altitude zone, the

wdyna-ddga, is more suitable for crop diversification than the daga (higher

88 Interview with Gute Bedessie. He said that the Gedeos had never considered cattle rearing
as part o f their agriculture. E nsdt was and still is the single most important crop which the Gedeo
relied upon. Meat, milk and butter have always had to come from som ewhere. The Gedeo women
have to take w orqe (qoc'o) to market to exchange for these items and the Guji and the Jamjam
Oromos have been the main suppliers; the Sidama also had been another sources to a lesser extent.

89 Arnold Hodson, 'Southern Abyssinia', The G eographical Journal, LIII N o. 2 (1919), 68.

90 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 188-191.

82
altitude); as a result the Gedeo agricultural system became more dynamic as their

settlement was expanded into new areas. The next chapter will show how

incorporation and the qalad measurement of land laid the foundation for Gedeo to

emerge as a principal coffee producer.

The production o f surplus was not pursued for the sake o f accumulation;

rather the main objective as shown above was for exchange and trade. This is in

no way undervalues the role wealth played within the community. Wealth was

normally measured by the amount o f land one owned and the number o f ensat

trees one planted. If the ensdt trees were tall and fat it meant that the owner was a

hardworking and skilful farmer. The number of wives also gave an indication of

how wealthy and successful the person was. Informants pointed out that in the

Gedeo tradition a person who could afford many wives was one who had

developed more land to support them, hi later generations however, some men

practiced polygamy as a status symbol with little or no regard to their economic

status.91

Outiba : the indigenous land tenure system of the Gedeo

Land has been a central concern in the life o f the Gedeo peasant community;

unlike some other peasant societies whose economy has a degree o f diversification,

the Gedeo depend heavily on agriculture. Understanding the indigenous tenure

system of the Gedeo is therefore vital because the way land was accessed,

controlled and passed on to the next generation has never been consistent.

Moreover, the cultivation of long term crops such as ensdt requires security of

91 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004; Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28
April 1999.

83
tenure as such crops take years to mature.92 As the land tenure system of the

Gedeo has rarely been a subject o f investigation, there is very little information

about it and that which is available is generalised. The most common descriptive

term applied to the indigenous land tenure system o f the Gedeo is “communal”,
93
without specifying the rules governing the way land was administered.

The Gedeos use the term outiba to describe land which they occupied

before they were incorporated into the Ethiopian empire. This term was not

applied to land which was later classified by the government as unsettled and

undeveloped forested land. In the 1920s this land (non-outiba) was decreed to be

government land and subsequently measured and distributed to soldiers and other

functionaries in lieu o f their salaries (madciria). It came to be known as yaqalad

maret (meaning land measured and distributed by a rope called qalctd). This will

be discussed in greater detail in the next chapter. Therefore, land referred to as

outiba is clearly distinct from land which was occupied by naft'dnnas as a result

o f the distribution o f land by qalad. Although the concept of outiba is crucial to

an understanding o f the indigenous tenure system of the Gedeos, it has never been

discussed in previous studies.94

What is important here is that outiba, like any other type of land tenure,

had its own principles which had evolved over the years. Factors such as

demography, coupled with a shortage of land, had shaped the way land had been

92 Hans Ruthenberg, Farm ing System s in the Tropics, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980),
259.

93 Charles M cClellan in his many studies o f the Gedeo discussed their indigenous land tenure
system in som e detail. However, like many other authors who studied southern Ethiopia, he
preferred to apply the term “communal” for the indigenous land tenure system o f the Gedeo. He
rarely used outiba as a system o f land tenure w hich had its own rules and principles. M cClellan,
State Transform ation, 25.

94 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 176.

84
transferred from generation to generation. However, of prime importance for

Gedeos was the fact that outiba had provided a sense of security for generations to

those entitled (mainly men), even when land was in short supply.95

Before examining how individual families and households had been

exploiting outiba land over the years it is important to examine how land was

acquired initially by most Gedeos. Access to farming land before the

incorporation existed at two levels, i.e. at a clan level and at a household or

individual level. It has been suggested that clan leaders played an important role

in land acquisition and distribution to their members and also engaged in the

overall management of land. 96 However, the sketchy nature o f available

information means that it is difficult to know exactly what role they played and

the full extent o f their power.97 The role of clan leaders appears to have been

restricted to negotiating the acquisition of new territories; when the various clans

of the Gedeo acquired new territory either from another clan member or from

another rival ethnic group, decisions as to how the land was to be distributed were

made at a higher level. Clan leaders did not intercede on a domestic level whereby

parents passed their landed property down to their offspring following specific

rules.98

The history o f Gedeo has been dominated by the struggle for the available

land, both internally as well as externally. The Gedeo managed to retain the

highland plateau o f Buie for a long time and then began to expand into the

95 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i £'u, 28 November 1999.

96 Interview with Taqabo Sota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

97 Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999; A lso see John W .Bruce, 'Do
Indigenous Tenure System s Constrain Agricultural Developm ent ?', in L a n d in African A grarian
System s, ed. Thomas J. and Crummey Bassett, D. (Madison: University o f W isconsin Press, 1993),
35.

98 Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999.

85
adjoining territories, particularly westwards where there was room. Although we

do not know when they started to move out and what other factors drove them, the

most obvious reason appears to have been demographic pressure, which pushed

the population away from the core areas. The Gedeos’ attempt to acquire land in

the lower zones, particularly in areas used by Guji herders, was a very slow

process and was not a coordinated effort on the part of the clan leaders to occupy

new territories, but rather an undertaking by enterprising individuals."

As land in the top highlands become scarce and fertility declined after

many years of fanning, the Gedeo began to expand into areas where there was the

potential for ensdt fanning under less competitive circumstances. These areas,

although fertile, were not of interest to their neighbours the Guji because the

nature of the landscape was not suitable for cattle grazing, although they came to

the area occasionally for them to feed. Most of these areas were claimed by the

Gedeos through a slow process of encroachment rather than w ar.100

In the north east, along the Laggadara River, the Gedeo battled with the

Sidama who were claiming territories across the river, a war waged until the end

o f the nineteenth century when the incorporation o f both groups by the Ethiopian

state finally put an end to the struggle for land. Since then, the River Laggadara

has been established as the boundary between the Sidama and Gedeo ethnic

groups.101 In some places, clan leaders appeared to have played a significant role

in relation to the distribution as well as the protection o f territories. When a new

territory was acquired under the clan leadership, the land was divided among the

99 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

100 M cClellan, State Transformation, 75-77.

101 M cClellan, State Transformation, 75.

86
clan members. We do not know how this was implemented or whether people who

actively participated in the war were given an extra share of land for their services.

For instance, one informant told me that the land on which he and his family lives

(in a place called Shakwa) was originally given to his grandfather by the clan

leaders. According to this informant, the reason for this was that since his

grandfather was a well-known warrior he was strategically instated by the clan in

order to protect the area from Sidama incursion.102 What we do know is that since

the earliest times, Gedeo has not been a land-abundant society; rather land scarcity

and a struggle to gain territory have been a major part of its history.103

Over time, access to farm land became increasingly more challenging.104

Individuals who were either in conflict with their kin from the highlands or who

were enterprising and wanted to expand their domain were given approval by their

clan leaders to acquire new land wherever possible. For instance, the story of

Woke, as described below, provides an insight as to how, through hard work,

enterprising individuals were also able to bypass the established system to access

land. Doye’s grandfather Woke managed to obtain a huge amount of land by

clearing the forest and becoming the first settler. He and his other neighbour Dolo,

who was a well known hunter, joined forces in order to survive in the difficult and

hostile environment. This invited jealousy and animosity from his own kin in his

original settlement in the highlands who demanded to have a share o f his newly

102 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i 6'u, 28 N ovem ber 1999.

103 Interview with Maryam Falaqa, Shakwa, 23 July 2004.

104 Thomas J. Bassett, "Introduction: The Land Question and Agricultural Transformation in
Sub-Saharan Africa," in L and in African A grarian Systems, ed. Thomas J.Basset and Donald
E.Crummey (M adison, W isconsin: The University o f W isconsin Press, 1993), 3.

87
acquired and well developed land, which was much larger and more fertile than

their depleted and congested land in the highlands.105

At an individual household level we can find precise information

concerning how land was accessed, controlled and disposed o f by individuals. We

realise from oral sources that outiba was not a simple system, but rather a system

which had developed a number o f control mechanisms whereby access to land

was governed by a set o f rules. The most important principle o f the Gedeo tenure

system is inheritance; that is, every married son was entitled to a share of land

whatever the size might be (although not an equal share). According to Gedeo

elders “what the father had eaten, his children should taste,”106 which means that

every son was entitled to a share o f land from his father’s plot. A newly married

son would receive land from his parents as a gift (we can assume daughters are

excluded; their main concern was to gain a marriage partner). The land gained

from parents as an endowment to start an independent life was crucial for many

households because land acquired this way was the main source o f their livelihood.

This does not mean that there were 110 other ways to acquire land; rather it shows

how inheritance was the most important form of land acquisition for the Gedeos

and one which has shown a great deal o f continuity.107

The distribution o f land to sons did not take place at a set time, however.

After the son married he would be allowed to construct a house near the parental

home and then when they felt that it was an appropriate time to allow the young

married couple to be independent they would be assigned land with some mature

ensat plants on it, so that the new household would not run out o f food before their

105 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

106 Interview with Jago Jilo, Grissa, 22 July 2004.

107 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i £'u, 28 N ovem ber 1999.
main crop was ready. That is why in Gedeo most people were still settled on land

which was originally acquired by their grandfathers or great grandfathers and most

villages in Gedeo are an outgrowth from a single homestead.108

The basic principle of inheritance remained the same, even in a

polygamous household, although there were some variations in the way

inheritance was implemented in practical terms. Normally, Gedeo men assigned

ensdt farms to each wife if they had more than one; this was because women

spend more time in the farm than men, and when a son married he was only

allowed to inherit land which had been tended by his biological mother. Since the

initial land allocation to each wife was not made uniformly it would have an

impact on the size o f the share each child would receive at marriage. It was

common, therefore, for children who were bom from the same father but different

mothers to inherit land of different sizes. There was also a practice which could be

equated to primogeniture whereby one son could receive more land than the others.

Informants insisted, however, that this did not always apply, because parents made

decisions based 011 other factors such as loyalty, honesty, responsibility and other

similar qualities which a father might feel should be possessed by the son who

succeeded him .109

The land tenure system o f the Gedeo was not only concerned about access

and control but also about protecting that which had been acquired. The Gedeo

practiced what was known as “wife inheritance”, which meant that a brother was

entitled to marry his sister-in-law if her husband died. According to informants,

this as a long standing tradition had been practiced more in earlier decades than in

108 Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

109 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999; and Bfidecha Leko, Tumticha, 29
April 1999.

89
the present.110 Tracing its historical genesis was very difficult; however, Gedeo

elders pointed out that the basic rationale for such a practice was to prevent land

being accessed by an outsider; if the widow remarried outside the husband’s

family, the chance o f losing the land to that individual was high. Some also argued

that other than protecting land there was an additional factor which upheld this

practice as a morally sound undertaking; if a brother died, leaving behind many

children, it was in their best interest that their uncle stepped in as a father figure so

that both their wellbeing and their possession of the land could be safeguarded.111

This is a generalised view of what appears to have been a common practice

among Gedeo households over a long period o f time. As pointed out earlier,

access to land was subjected to various changes, but when some options ceased to

be viable, new ones presented themselves depending upon shifts in the political

economy. Clearing the forest to acquire new land, which was a common practice

in the nineteenth century, was no longer a possibility in the twentieth. However,

as will be discussed in the next chapter, new forms of access to land emerged after

the 1920s with the emergence o f sharecropping tenancy. In short, the above

picture does not take into account the possibility o f other ways o f accessing land

for those people who were ambitious, or who had originally received a small share

of land due to the small size of their own parents’ land.112

110 Interview with Hayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999; and K ole Solale, Sugjile, 15
June 2004.

111 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

112 Donald L. Donham, Work an d P o w er in M aale, Ethiopia, 2nd ed. (N ew York: Columbia
U .P., 1994), 70; The practice in M aale according to Donham was that the eldest son received the
largest share, and although a similar situation existed in Gedeo, informants pointed out that this
should not be assumed to be a universal norm. There had been circumstances whereby younger
sons received a larger share due to a decision made by their father. Interview with Hirba Kalecha,
Grissa, 14 July 2004; and Hirba QorC'e, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

90
 Nevertheless, what was evident was that at the turn o f the nineteenth

century the position of the Gedeo household changed dramatically because of

pressure from the state. Although this did not have a direct effect on their land

tenure system, the household economy, whose principal existence was mainly the

maintenance o f its members, came under a huge strain as it struggled to support

the state and its functionaries. Now, extra labour and produce had to be generated

by households to meet the new demands. As the next chapter will show,

incorporation was not wholly negative; it also brought some benefits by bringing

to an end the pre-incorporation period of rivalries which dominated the region and

had been a particular menace for small communities such as the Gedeos.

Conclusion

Gedeo5s well developed agricultural economy was very attractive for the

Ethiopian empire which was expanding aggressively in the south in the last

decades o f the nineteenth century. The ecology as well as the infrastructure of

Gedeo provided an essential framework for the Ethiopian state to impose its

institutions. Although politically Gedeo was characterised by deep division and

fragmentation, the institutions which had been developed by the Gedeos were also

a useful means for the Ethiopian government to impose its system of

administration. They enabled the collection of tribute for its soldiers and

functionaries from the Gedeo farming households in an orderly manner and on a

regular basis. As the next chapter will show, the mobilisation of mass labour for

the construction and clearing of forests for building settlers’ garrison towns

(katamci in Amharic) was executed efficiently and smoothly, mainly through these

elaborate indigenous institutions.

91
 The Gedeo had weakened themselves by years of internal rivalry, and as a

result, when the Ethiopian state arrived in the area no clan had managed to

establish ascendancy over the others. Their relationship with their neighbours was

equally fraught and territorial disputes dominated external relationships with them.

However, ties which connected them to both the Sidama and the Oromo were far

more complex than simple territorial disputes. Although the phase following the

incorporation was traumatic because o f the extra burden imposed upon them

through the institution of gab bar, the state also improved security by controlling

clan rivalry. Hence, as the next chapter will demonstrate, the period from the

incorporation until the Italian invasion was a formative one, which shaped

Gedeo’s history until1974.

92
 Chapter Two
From Incorporation to the Italian Occupation: the Political
Economy of Gdbbar and Qdlad, Access to Land and Controversies
1890s-1941

The incorporation of Gedeo into the modem Ethiopian empire state was

accomplished as part of a grand scheme by Menilek (1889-1913) in his attempt to

create a unified empire under his leadership. Menilek, who is also commonly

known as the chief architect of the modern Ethiopian empire state, conducted a

series of military campaigns in order to bring the diverse peoples and cultures of

south, southeast and southwest Ethiopia under his control. M enilek’s expansion

into those regions was multifaceted; he had economic as well as territorial

ambition.1 After Gedeo was fully incorporated within the Ethiopian administration

it passed through various stages, this chapter being concerned with the gdbbar and

qdlad phases o f development, which shaped the history o f the region until the

1974 revolution.2

During the period from the incorporation until the introduction o f qdlad in

the 1920s there was a tribute dependency whereby Gedeo peasant households

supported the soldiers and other functionaries o f the state in all their needs.3 By

the 1920s, the system had moved a step beyond this and land began to be allocated

directly to the ndft'dhm and other groups of people who were associated with the

government. Before discussing the imposition o f qdlad it is useful to discuss the

For a comprehensive treatment o f Shawa, Ethiopia and M enilek see the follow ing works
R.H.Kofi Daikwah, Shewa, M enilek an d the Ethiopian Empire: 1813-1889 (London: Heinemann,
1975); Harold G. Marcus, The Life an d Times o f M enelik Ii: Ethiopia, 1844-1913 (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1975).

2For the history o f the creation o f the Modern Ethiopia Empire State see Bahru, A H isto iy
o f M odern E thiopia, 60-68; A lso see Donham, "Old Abyssinia", 3-50.

3 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 184-191.

93
nature o f the gdbbar system in Gedeo in some detail in order to understand how it

had failed to provide for the state’s requirements, and thus why it was deemed

necessary to introduce what was known as qdlad as an additional means of

resource extraction and allocation.4

The gdbbar system is generally viewed in a negative light. Undeniably it

was highly exploitative and burdensome for the peasant households upon which it

was forcefully imposed.5 However, this is an incomplete picture of the system

and allows little discussion as to why it was successfully imposed in large areas of

the south;6 the use of force alone does not explain why the system was able to

operate, because without protecting at least some o f the interests o f the local

people the system would have been impossible to maintain.

This chapter will demonstrate that the gdbbar system was not as negative

as traditionally portrayed.7 In fact, as will be shown in subsequent chapters,

sharecropping tenancy, which was considered superior to the gdbbar system,

made Gedeo peasant households even more vulnerable and insecure; whereas

despite the burdensome nature o f the gdbbar system, households were more stable

4 Charles W. M cClellan, 'Land, Labour, and Coffee: The South's R ole in Ethiopian Self-
Reliance, 1889-1935', African E conom ic H isto ty no. 9 (1980), 70-71; For a more detailed study o f
the process see M cClellan, State Transformation, 81-100.

5 For a discussion o f the conditions o f g d b b a r in the eyes o f Ethiopia’s pre-war

intellectuals see Bahru, P ioneers o f Change, 124.

6 Bahru, A H isto iy o f M odern Ethiopia, 92; For instance, Bahru cited the opinion o f a
foreign based newspaper, The Times o f London, which described the system as ‘a far worse evil
than slavery’; the problem with this kind o f view is that w e do not know on what basis this
particular journalist arrived at that conclusion. Teshale Tibebu, The M aking o f M odern E thiopia
1896-1974 (Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press Inc., 1995), 33-36.

7 For a traditional view o f the g d b b a r system see John M. Cohen and D ov Weintraub,
L an d an d P easants in Im perial E thiopia: The S ocial B ackground to a Revolution (Assen: Van
Gorcum, 1975), 37.

94
because their right to land was recognised.8 As will be shown in this and

subsequent chapters, the reason the Gedeos did not rise against the system during

the heyday of gdbbar was not, as often assumed, due to a lack o f access to modem

firearms, but rather because it implied an assurance that their rights to their

property would continue in the tradition which had been in existence prior to the

incorporation.9 Thus, despite the exploitative nature of the gdbbar system, Gedeo

households were not only able to survive but had also managed to transfer their

land to their children without interference from any outside power, in accordance

with the rules laid out in the outiba tenure system. I argue that this pragmatic

attitude on the part o f the state was the key factor in the success of the system by

preventing mass opposition from the local people.

In the 1920s when qdlad was introduced in Gedeo, the idea was not to

replace the gdbbar system but rather to increase die exploitative potential of the

state and its military and ecclesiastical groups, by extending the system into areas

which had not been previously reached. The introduction o f qdlad not only

expanded the resource base o f the state and the elite but also enabled them to

maximise the exploitation of the labour forces by bringing a wide and fertile area

into their domain. Nevertheless, as will be demonstrated, the introduction o f qdlad

was not a smooth process and there was opposition to its implementation. The

8 Guluma Gemeda, 'Land, Agriculture and Class Formation in the Gibe R egion, South
western Ethiopia', in Land, L iteracy a n d the State in Sudanic Africa, ed. Donald Crummey
(Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2005), 152.

9 M cClellan, State Transformation, 73; McClellan thought that the main reason the
Gedeos did not rise in mass rebellion against the settlers was because o f the latter’s superiority in
firearms.

95
main opposition however came not from ordinary Gedeos, but from the elite

(balabats) who were recruited by the state as local administrators.10

As in the case o f the gdbbar system, the process o f the measurement and

distribution o f land by qdlad has not been investigated adequately. As a result, our

understanding o f the process is based on generalisations.11 Qdlad has been

presented as a process whereby land was removed from the local people and then

distributed to the ndffdnnas as a madaria land in lieu of salaries from the

10
government, to whom they were in service. If the qdlad was a process o f land

seizure, what kind o f land was seized and from whom and on what grounds? The

basic assumption regarding the imposition of qdlad that it was an underhand act,

whereby the state engaged in a systematic reallocation of resources to its loyal

followers, has never been queried. There has been little effort to establish whether

the state confiscated land which was held at the time by local people, or whether

land which was not owned by anyone before the introduction o f qdlad was

distributed. Previous research has not ventured away from the dominant and

established paradigm and examined exactly what was meant by land alienation.

10 M cClellan, State Transformation, 81-100; There is no concrete evidence regarding the

opposition to the im position o f q d la d from ordinary Gedeos. M cClellan suggested that this type o f
resistance against q d la d was minimal and m ostly indirect, such as destroying posts intended to
delineate boundaries and so on.

11 For example Addis H iwet describes the process from incorporation to the introduction
o f q d la d as follow s “... After the conquest and the effective occupation and incorporation o f the
south, south-west and south-eastern areas, a classical system o f Feudal Serfdom was established.
An extensive process o f land confiscation and enserfment o f the indigenous peasants took place”.
B y Feudal Serfdom he meant the g d b b a r system and q d la d is referred to as the process o f an
extensive confiscation o f land from the local people. Addis Hiwet, Ethiopia, 31-32.

12 For a similar process in Jimma see Guluma Gemeda, 'Land, Agriculture and Society in
the Gibe Region; South western Ethiopia, C. 1850-1974' ( PhD thesis, M ichigan State University,
1996), 186- 190.

96
Firstly, however, it is essential to understand the nature of the gdbbar system in

Gedeo in some detail.13

Incorporation and the imposition of gdbbar

Expansion and conquest were not new developments in Ethiopian history; in

modern Ethiopian history, Tewodros (1855-68) aspired without success to unify

Ethiopia,14 Yohamiis (1872-89) had some successful ventures in this regard;

however, Menilek finally achieved what his predecessors, the kings o f Shawa,

attempted over a long period of tim e.15 Menilek’s expansion was made in direct

response to both internal and external challenges. Internally there were competing

interest groups although the defeat of Negus (King) Takla-Haymanot o f Gojjam at

the battle o f Embabo in January 1882 had removed one o f the barriers to Menilek

becoming emperor o f Ethiopia. This development also gave Menilek uncontested

and unlimited economic access to the rich regions of southwest Ethiopia.16

Finally, the death of Yohannis IV at Matama in 1889 while fighting the

Mahadists o f the Sudan gave Menilek a chance to assert his claim to the Ethiopian

throne.17 The elimination o f internal competitors meant that he was able to realise

his dream o f being crowned King of Kings in Ethiopia as no serious protagonists

13 For a detailed discussion o f q a la d and gd b b a r see M antel-Niecko, The R ole o f L and

Tenure, 93.

14 Sven Rubenson, The Survival o f Ethiopian Independence, Lund Studies in International

H istory; (London: Heinemann, 1976), 172-287.

15 For the history o f Shawan expansion see Ege, Class, 191-220; A lso see Abir, Ethiopia:
The Era o f the P rinces, 144-182; Merid W. Aregay, 'The Early History o f Ethiopia's Coffee Trade
and the R ise o f Shawa', The Journal o f African H istory 29, 1 (1988), 19-25.

Ic Bahru, A H isto iy o f M odern E thiopia, 62.

17 Zewde Gabre-Sellassie, Yohannes Iv o f Ethiopia: A P o litica l B iography (Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1975), 238-249; A lso see Izabela Anna Orlowska, 'Re-Imagining Empire:
Ethiopian Political Culture under Yohannis Iv, 1872-89' (Ph D thesis, University o f London 2006,
2006), 212.

97
remained. However, he had yet to fulfil his other objective which was territorial

expansion. The main challenge for him was the growing interest of European

powers in Ethiopia and the Horn. Menilek responded to their challenges

systematically through a combination of war and diplomacy. He succeeded in

curbing both French and British imperialism with skilful diplomacy, often by

playing one against the other, whilst he was obliged to use force against the

Italians. After he scored a resounding victory against the Italians at Adwa in 1896,

it was clear that he was a force to be reckoned with, and despite their distaste, the

European powers were obliged to recognise Ethiopia’s importance in world

politics.18

His expansion to the south, southeast and southwest was met with varied

resistance, and the reactions o f the local people depended largely on their own

level of development and organisation. In places where there was strong

leadership expansion he was met with fierce resistance and the reaction of the

Ethiopian forces was equally uncompromising. Superior force was used to break

local resistance and in some places violence was the norm. This also determined

what followed; in places where resistance had been strong the system imposed

later was usually repressive. Two examples in this category were the Kingdoms of

Walayta in the south and Kaffa in southwest. The former was finally incorporated

in 1894 after a major military campaign launched by Menilek himself. The

massacre and devastation o f Walayta set an example to others who might want to

offer resistance, and was repeated three years later when Kaffa was incorporated.

18 For a detailed treatment o f this period see R. A. Caulk and Bahru Zew de (ed.), 'Between
the Jaw s o f Hyenas: A D iplom atic H isto iy o f Ethiopia, 1876-1896' (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
2002).

98
It took almost nine months and three major military campaigns to weaken and

finally break the resistance of this highly organised ancient kingdom .19

In contrast to the above, some local leaders felt that offering resistance was

costly and pointless and opted to negotiate; in this case Menilek not only refrained

from sending in his army but also gave them internal autonomy providing that

they fulfilled his obligations. Jimma was a famous example o f this approach and

its ruler Abba Jiffar enjoyed a great deal o f autonomy. As a result, his kingdom

thrived as an important trading centre, mainly for slaves and coffee. The case of

Gedeo differed from both of these contrasting scenarios. Because of its

fragmented political structure it was unable to put up strong resistance, but also

the absence o f a well organised leadership denied them the ability to negotiate

what sort o f system might be imposed.20

However, local sources provide two different narrative versions regarding

the final incorporation of the Gedeo into the Ethiopian empire.21 One version

claims that resistance was offered against the Ethiopian forces at the initial stage

of the incorporation. However, the invading power was mighty both in firepower

and organisation, and therefore the Gedeo were overwhelmed and defeated.22

The other version is rather different. According to the information

provided by one of my informants from a place called Sisota, the incorporation of

Gedeo was not only peaceful, unlike in many other cases, but also the Gedeo took

19 Bahru, A H istory o f M odern Ethiopia, 64.

20 For the history o f Jimma see Herbert S.Lewis, Jim ma A bba Jifar, an O rom o Monarchy:
Ethiopia, 1830-1932 (Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, Inc., 2001). A lso see Guluma, 'Land,
Agriculture and Society in the Gibe Region', 145.

21 M cClellan, S tate Transformation, 21-31; M cClellan only recognises the forceful

conquest o f Gedeo. Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

22 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999; Kole Soliile, Sugale, 15 June
2004.

99
the initiative. The presence of another powerful force in the area was regarded as

potentially useful because the Gedeos were in danger from external incursions. At

the time o f the incorporation the Gedeo not only had troubles with the

neighbouring communities o f Gujis and Sidamas but also internal conflict among

the seven clans o f the Gedeo. This informant claimed that it was his grandfather

who first brought the “Amharas” (sometimes the Gedeo use this word to mean

Ethiopians) to Sisota. He said that due to the problem of kin rivalry his

grandfather was experiencing difficulty in protecting the large tract of land which

he had developed him self by clearing the forest before the arrival o f Ethiopian

forces in the region. He said that since the Ethiopian force had already camped at

Shesha (an early garrison town, in what is now called Sidama) the Gedeos were

already well aware o f their presence before being formally incorporated into the

empire.23

As part o f reconnaissance activity the Ethiopian army had been conducting

occasional raids against the elusive but more powerful Oromo pastoralists in the

lowland below the Gedeo territory. The grandfather o f this informant travelled to

Shesha, which was a military base for the Ethiopian army, to inform them that the

Gedeo were in need o f the establishment of law and order. The invitation was

well received and a force was sent to stabilise the area. His grandfather was thus

not only able to protect his land from being taken over by rivals but also earn

him self the position of qoro (a local authority below the balabaf) within the

government in recognition o f his contribution. This is of course only one

individual’s account o f the process o f the incorporation o f Gedeo. It does suggest

23 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004. M ost o f these early garrison towns in
the south later evolved into important urban centres. As will be discussed below , the first garrison
town for Gedeo was B uie which is still the capital o f Buie wcirada.

100
however that the conquest of Gedeo was easier to accomplish than, for instance,

that o f Walayta, discussed above.24

The conditions within Gedeo were also conducive to domination by the

Ethiopian army. At the time of the Ethiopian advance, the Gedeo were loosely

organised and without any cohesive unity which would have enabled them to

defend themselves from outside attack. They had already been weakened from

years of internal division and rivalry, both among the seven clans but also with

other neighbouring ethnic groups. This left the Gedeo with little bargaining power

in negotiating with the Ethiopian forces regarding the type o f structure to be

imposed on them. Information is lacking about the initial stages o f the

incorporation and, as indicated elsewhere, the official sources are silent about

Gedeo. What we do know is that the gdbbar system which followed the

incorporation was very oppressive.25

Dajazmach (lit. commander o f the gate) Lulsagad was M enilek’s general

who held responsibility for the incorporation of G edeo.26 He was the governor of

the vast region known as Sidamo. The incorporation of Gedeo was not conducted

as a separate undertaking but would have been carried out along with other

communities which were later administered by the Sidamo province. The gdbbar

system was implemented immediately after the Gedeo came under Ethiopian

administration. Local leaders such as the abba~ gada (highest religious authority

of Gedeo) and heads o f the various Gedeo clans were contacted and given

instructions regarding cooperation with the Ethiopian forces. We do not know

24 Marcus, The Life an d Times o f M enelik li, 190.

25 Haile Miriam, The B uilding o f an Em pire, 41.

20 M cClellan, State Transformation, 22.

101
how long it took for the system to be introduced throughout Gedeo, but by the

time Lulsagad was replaced by Dajazmach Balcha in 1908 it is believed that the

gdbbar system had already been firmly established.27

The ndft'anna- gdbbar relationship in Gedeo

As discussed above, the ndft'anna-gdbbar 28 system was introduced in Gedeo

following the incorporation of the region into the Ethiopian empire in the last

decade of the nineteenth century.29 The term “ndft'anna-gdbbar” and “gdbbar”30

are used interchangeably in most of the secondary works. For the sake of

simplicity I will refer to the “gdbbar” system from here onwards. In this section

an outline o f the main features of the gdbbar system which played such a pivotal

role in the history of the Gedeo will be provided, and by doing so we will attempt

to clarify its nature. The analysis will be from the perspective o f the peasant

households upon which it was imposed. In addition, this will give an opportunity

to re-examine and challenge previously held assumptions about the system, most

of which resulted from inadequate analysis.

The gdbbar system was the political and economic system imposed 011

Gedeo after it was incorporated into a larger state. It was not only about the

collection of tribute (as the term “gdbbar” implies, meaning “tribute-paying

27 Tsehai Brhaneselassie, 'The Life and Career o f Dajazmac Balca Aba Nafso', Journal o f
E thiopian Studies IX, no. No. 2 (1971), 180-184; Pankhurst, State an d L a n d in Ethiopian H isto iy,
143.

28 M cClellan, 'Land, Labour, and C offee’; Charles W. M cClellan, 'Perspectives on the

Neftenya a-Gabbar System: The Darasa, Ethiopia', A frica (Rome) (1978), 426-440.

29 Bahru, A H isto iy o f M odern Ethiopia, 92.

30 See the follow ing works Cohen and Weintraub, L and a n d P easan ts, 37; Also see
Patrick Gilkes, The D yin g Lion: Feudalism a n d M odernisation in E thiopia (London: Julian
Friedmann, 1975); 105-106.

102
peasant”) but also those granted gdbbar rights were expected to discharge certain

duties towards the state, mainly security and judicial. The first to gain from the

new system as recipients were soldiers o f the Imperial army, normally known as

ndft'dnnas (literally “rifle men”) who were mostly drawn from the north, but were

not necessarily Amharas, coming from various different ethnic groups; Guraghe,

Oromo and others. These were the people who were instrumental in incorporating

the south firmly into what has come be to be known as modem Ethiopia.31

The gdbbar system enabled the state to administer the newly incorporated

areas in a pragmatic way. As a method o f tribute collection, the system did not

require the Gedeo peasant households to reorganise production or to produce new

crops in order to fulfil their obligation, either towards the state or to the grantees

(mainly ndft'dnnas), but only demanded what was available from them. This

minimised the level o f opposition from local people. It also relieved the state of

the chore o f transporting cash or other forms o f payment to its soldiers and

officials in the newly expanding areas. A low level o f infrastructure was needed,

which was advantageous because as the empire stretched physically across a wide

geographic space, the challenge o f supplying an army would have been great. The

ndft'dnnas were freed from the burden o f supporting themselves and their families

by farming the land and would become professional soldiers.32

The gdbbar system was introduced in Gedeo relatively easily. This can be

contrasted with the more problematic issue of qalad (land measurement and

distribution), the introduction o f which was opposed by the local balabat (local

31 M cClellan, State Transformation, 37-53; A lso see his other work, M cClellan, 'The
Ethiopian Occupation o f Northern Sidamo', 521.

32 Gabra-Wald Engeda-Warq, 'Ethiopia's Traditional System o f Land Tenure and

Taxation', E thiopia Obsen>er Vol. V, no. N o 4 (1962); 306.

103
officials who were selected by the state from among the Gedeos) and as well as

the peasants. There were a number o f reasons for its relative success which will

be highlighted in this section.

The gdbbar system was implemented successfully because it did not

attempt to revise the traditional land ownership rights of the communities as the

peasants were allowed to retain their indigenous land tenure systems. Since the

system was only about tribute collection and control, communities grudgingly

accepted the system as long as it did not interfere with the fundamental issue of

land rights. There was no outright opposition to its implementation. This is

contrary to the commonly held view about the imposition o f the system which

claims that force was the main reason behind its success, derived from the

assumption that as the south had been incorporated by force, likewise the gdbbar

system was maintained by the use of force. However, a number o f compromises

were made both on the part o f the peasants and the balabats.33

In order to understand the internal workings of the gdbbar system it is

firstly essential to identity the groups who were directly involved in the system.

The three important groups were the n a ff anna, the balabat and the ordinary

Gedeo peasants or gabbars34 A harmonious relationship between these three was

essential for the system to operate smoothly, and each o f these groups had

interests as well as obligations within the system. Although the ndft'dnnas were

the most privileged within the gdbbar system, followed by local balabats and

33 Addis Hiwet, E thiopia, 31.

34 Tsehai Berhane Selassie, 'The Balabat and the Coffee Disease: Politics and Ritual in
Darasa', in Working P a p ers on Society a n d H isto iy in Im perial E thiopia: The Southern P eriphery
fro m the 1880s to 1974 ed. D. L. and W. J. Donham (Cambridge: Cambridge, African Studies
Centre), 197-202.

104
qoros (local officials below the balabat), even the Gedeo peasants who were at the

bottom o f the hierarchy (i.e. gabbars) had some of their rights protected.

The ndft'dnnas were among the key beneficiaries o f the system. They had

an obvious interest in making the system more effective because their survival

was dependent largely on its existence. The rapid expansion o f M enilek’s empire

meant that the territories which were annexed in the south were far removed from

the military’s home base, and since the government had neither the resources nor

the infrastructure to supply the army with essentials, the army’s survival had to

depend on resources drawn from local areas. Since the soldiers were not paid

salaries by the imperial government for their services, a mechanism had to be

developed through which resources were generated locally to support them.35

Thus, the gdbbar system provided a means to achieve M enilek’s grand

goal o f empire building. Gdbbar as an institution was not at all new in Ethiopia.

It had had a long period o f existence, probably as old as the land tenure system of

the north in the heartland o f historic Ethiopia.36 Therefore, as the empire expanded

further to the south, southeast and southwest it was not necessary to invent a new

system to deal with the situation, but rather to adapt age old institutions which

were flexible enough to accommodate these new circumstances. By these means

the ndft'dnnas not only managed to support themselves by collecting tributes from

the newly incorporated areas but also began to send asrat (tithe) tax to the capital,

Addis Ababa.37 According to the practice, each naft'dnna was allocated a certain

35 For an historical discussion o f the association o f land grants for military services see
Taddesse Tamrat, Church a n d State, 98-103.

36 In his recent study, Crummey traced the origin o f the term g d b b a r in the reign o f Iyasu
the Great, Crummey, L an d a n d Society, 225.

37 Gabra-Wald, 'Ethiopia's', 302-339; Mahtama-Sellassie W alda-Masqal, 'The Land

System o f Ethiopia', Ethiopia Obsen>er v o l.l, no. N o 9 (1957), 295.

105
number o f peasant fanning households, and in order for the household to be

allocated, it had to posses land and to be able to function as a fann household

from which to draw support.

The process o f enumeration and classification o f households in order to

allocate each to a ndft'ahna was made through the balabat and qoros. These, as

we shall see, were important groups who fonned the bridge between the Ethiopian

state and the local people. Gdbbar was allocated to individual ndft'dnnas

depending on their status and merit.38 There is no accurate information about the

number o f gabbars who were given to each ndft'dnna. However, McClellan

confirmed that the information reported by his informants and field data he

collected from Gedeo corroborated the following general fonnula; “300 gabbars

for a shambal [commander o f the thousand], 100 for a meto aleka [commander of

the hundred], 50 for a hamsa aldqa [commander o f the fifty] and fewer for

common soldiers.” Usually local variations also occurred, but the reasons for this

are not clearly indicated.39 It is also not possible to tell whether the family

requirements of the ndft'dnnas were taken into consideration.40

We know very little about the nature o f Gedeo households during the time

of the imposition o f the gdbbar system. As a result, it is not clear on which criteria

each was assigned to a ndft’dnnas or other functionary of the state. There are a few

indications that assessments were made individually. McClellan has touched upon

this issue and pointed out that some o f the poorer were counted as half a gdbbar,

38 M cClellan, State Transformation, 64.

39 M cClellan, State Transformation, 64-65; See also Marcus, The Life a n d Times o f
M enelik Ii, 192; Marcus pointed out that, according to information gathered from an informant
who claimed to have been a ndft'aha in Sidamo during the governorship o f D djazm ach Balcha a
private soldier received seven or eight gabbars. Although Gedeo was within Sidamo province it is
not clear whether they were from Gedeo or other districts.

40 M cClellan, State Transformation, 65.

106
and only required to fulfil half o f what is required from a full gdbbar. However,

we know with some degree of certainty that a functioning household with land

and sufficient labour was the pre-requisite for the system to work.41

Whatever the status o f the ndft'dnna within the army, the Gedeo household

which was allocated as gdbbar was expected to fulfil the needs o f the ndft'dnna

and his family. A few civilians and priests were also given gdbbar households for

their maintenance; however there is no quantitative data which shows how many

officials gained this privilege. The proportion of gabbars to ndft'dnna is also

relevant in understanding the impact the system had on individual households.

From existing sources we understand that the process o f assigning gabbars to

ndft'dnnas (soldiers or civilian functionaries of the government) was based not

only on rank but also 011 m erit42 Therefore, the government used the system not

only as payment for their seivices but also to reward those who had made extra

contributions. This had important implications for the gabbars, because since

there were no clear rules to regulate how many seivices baldgdbbars (owner of

gdbbar) were allowed to request from their respective gabbars, beyond doubt the

system was open to abuse.

For reasons o f simplicity, tribute collected from gabbars in Gedeo can be

categorised into two types; either tribute in kind, mainly produce (qoc'o, 43 grains,

chickens, eggs, or honey) or tribute in the form of labour. Some informants also

reported that as part of the gdbbar’s obligation they were required to accompany

41 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery R elations’, 180.

42 M ahtamS-Sellassie Walda-Masqal, Zekra N agar (Addis Ababa: 1962 E.C.), 114.

43 Helmer Smeds, 'The Ensete Planting Culture o f Eastern Sidamo, Ethiopia' ACTA
GEOGRAPHICA 13, N o 4 (1955), 23-25.

107
their master when he was ordered by the government to go to war.44 Since there

were no rules which governed the mode of relationship between a ndft'dnna and

his gabbars it was assumed generally that the law was in the hands o f the superior.

The absence o f a detailed study about the conditions under which gabbars were

exploited makes it very difficult to acquire a general picture. Countrywide, the

system was not uniform. There were variations according to regional and other

factors but even the way in which the gabbars were exploited varied from

individual to individual. In Gedeo for instance, informants pointed out that

balagabbars did not all treat their gabbars in the same way; some were kind and

considerate but most o f them were very harsh and cruel.45

Regarding the conditions o f gabbars in Gedeo, what we do know is that

the system was onerous and undermined their morale. It is worth taking note of

the most common obligations which a gdbbar was expected to discharge to his

superior. An English traveller, Boyes, who passed through southern Ethiopia at

the turn o f the 19th century, observed the conditions o f the gabbars when he

visited Balcha in Sidamo.

This country w as... governed by the Abyssinians, who

seemed to have a very good time, apparently having nothing
to do but drink tej, while the Natives did all the work -
building houses, cultivating the crops, herding the cattle or
anything else their masters required. In fact, the Natives
were practically in a state of slavery, and I was told that in

44 Interview with W ordofa Qumbi, M echele, 5 December 1999. He said that as a part o f
fulfilling one o f the obligations o f a g d b b a r his father was ordered to follow his master {ndft'dnna)
to the “GondSr Zamacha” (probably the battle o f Dabra Tabbor). W ordofa was only ten years old
at the time when he accompanied his father to the campaign by carrying provisions.

45 Interview with T'et'o Ganale, Bufi'essa, 5 December 1999; Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6
July, 2004; and Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

108
 addition to providing their lord with food and drink, they
were taxed five dollars per head per annum.46

Labour services were the most onerous burden for the gabbars in Gedeo.

As described by Boyes and others, there were no restrictions concerning the

amount and nature o f work a gdbbar could be asked to carry out for the ndft'dnnas.

Households that did not fulfil other requirements, such as the provision of tribute

in produce form, were required to make up the deficit by providing manpower.

Such households were the poorest and the most vulnerable and they were the ones

who were liable to flounder under such pressure. It is also known that tax from a

Gedeo household was rarely collected in cash 47 This is not surprising owing to

the fact that money had a limited role in the overall economy in this period; it was

from a practical viewpoint that households were required to pay in kind. There is

no evidence however to show that attempts were made to force peasants to pay

dues in the form of commodities which were unavailable in their area for

ecological reasons, and which they had difficulty obtaining.

The labour seivices of a Gedeo household, which had become a gdbbar of

a ndft'dnna, were not necessarily restricted to the head o f the household.48

Previous studies referred to women as having a very small role in the gdbbar

system. For instance, on a number o f occasions McClellan refers to work

connected with growing and collecting ensdt, coffee, firewood, transporting

produce for marketing, grinding grain and so forth, but he does not note who did

46 John B oyes, M y A byssinian Journey, A Journey through A byssinia fro m the R e d Sea to
N airobi in 1906 in the D ays o f E m peror M enelik (Nairobi: n.d), 33; Quoted also in M cClellan,
State Transformation, 57.

47 M cClellan, State Transformation, 67.

48 Interview with Salo Dube, Segado, 6 July, 2004; and Wudo Jibicho, Grissa, 21 July
2004 .

109
what task. 49 hi reality it was the women who carried out most o f this work.

Hence, the wife o f a gdbbar and in some cases their children were not excluded

from exploitation. Informants pointed out that the women’s burden might be more

onerous than that of the husband. The wife of a gdbbar would participate in most

activities, which ranged from domestic to key agricultural tasks.50 The most

challenging work for the wife of a gdbbar was ensat processing which requires

much painstaking hard work. After processing ensat the women might also be

required to transport the heavy qoc'o on their backs to the towns where most of the

ndft'dnna lived.51

The gdbbar system was successfully imposed on Gedeo thanks mainly to

the balabats and the qoros who were recruited from the local population.52 They

played an important role by bridging the gap between the state and the local

people. Both the balabats and the qoros also played a crucial role in implementing

the system because their knowledge and influence 011 the community was of great

assistance. Balabat was not a new concept; its introduction in the south was in

keeping with other notions and institutions which were brought to the south

through the process o f incorporation. However, the creation o f such offices was

crucial because local knowledge and influence made the process much smoother.53

49 M cClellan, State Transformation, 66-77.

50 Interview with Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; and K ole Solale, Sugale, 15
June 2004.

51 Interview with Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; and Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6
July, 2004.

52 B alabat was the highest office given to the Gedeo elite and the first person appointed to
this position was Shunde. B elo w him there were several qoros who were selected according to the
clan structure o f the Gedeo; thus there was one qoro for each clan. For a further discussion o f these
concepts see M cClellan, State Transformation, 23.

53 See Tsehai, B alabat, 198.

110
 Gedeo’s first balabat was a man called Shunde who appeared to have

come from the same clan who held the office o f the abba-gada (head of the

incumbent gada) for the whole of the seven clans of Gedeo at the time o f the

incorporation.54 Following his appointment to the new office the blessing from

the abba-gada earned him the required legitimacy and recognition among his own

people in accordance with the Gedeo tradition.55 In the initial stages there was no

attempt to impose the gdbbar system. Tributes were simply gathered collectively

using the newly created roles o f the balabat and qoros. The initial stages of

Gedeo’s annexation were executed from a nearby military base at Shesha in

Sidama. After the Gedeo’s submission was secured Ddjazmach Lulsagad decided

to establish a base inside Gedeo. He chose Buie because of its topography (on the

high peak o f the Gedeo highlands) which had an imposing character over the

surrounding lowlands. Buie had great strategic importance in overseeing the

surrounding Oromo pastoralists who were more difficult to control than the Gedeo

and other settled agrarian communities, and the first task o f the newly appointed

local officials was to mobilise the Gedeo people to clear the land and establish

Buie as a military base.56

The appointees as office holders o f a government post were expected to

collect tribute from those under their jurisdiction, hi return the state allowed them

certain rights. They were permitted to retain a third of the tribute collected from

the gabbars within their gult. As a result, they were also known as siso-holders

54 M cClellan, State Transformation, 23.

55 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

56 M cClellan, State Transformation, 23.

Ill
(one third).57 Although it is not easy to exactly define the role o f the balabat and

the qoros within the structure of the newly formed system, their status in the

hierarchy was as intermediaries between the gabbars (the Gedeo peasants) at the

bottom and the ndft'dnna and other civilian and religious functionaries o f the state

at the top.58

If the gdbbar system was onerous, harsh, and highly exploitative how were

Gedeo peasant households able to accommodate it? As shown earlier, the key to

the success o f the gdbbar system lay in its recognition o f a household’s rights to

their land. The indigenous land tenure system o f the Gedeo was not affected by

the imposition o f the gdbbar system. Since the gdbbar system had nothing to do

with land tenure and its main concern was tribute extraction and the control of

households, the traditional outiba system o f the Gedeo continued to operate under

the gdbbar regime. This indigenous land tenure system o f the Gedeo has been

overlooked by previous studies, because gdbbar was assumed to encompass

everything including land.59 hi fact, the gdbbar system did impinge on land issues

as it was a system by which the government supported itself and its functionaries

by diverting the resources o f readily exploitable functioning households. There

was no desire on the part o f the government or the ndft’dnnas to control land

directly at this stage.50

Not all households coped well with the burden imposed by the gdbbar

system. There is evidence which indicates that some gdbbar households were

57 Addis H iwot, E thiopia, 30-48; M cClellan, State Transformation, 60.

58 John Markakis, E thiopia: A natom y o f a Traditional P o lity (Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1974), 115-116.

59 Yeraswork A dm assie, Twenty Years to Nowhere: P roperty Rights, L an d M anagem ent

an d Conservation in E thiopia (Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2000), 100.

60 Guluma, 'Land, Agriculture and Class Formation’, 152,

112
forced to flee their homes and property as a result of the heavy handed nature of

the baldgdbbar. McClellan has argued that the exploitative nature of the

ndftannci-gabbar system forced many Gedeo peasants to migrate to the nearby

forest zones. He also described how similar processes in the neighbouring areas

such as Burji and Borana caused the disintegration of many households.

According to him the Burjis had settled in Moyale in Kenya as a result of such

forced migration. This indicates the onerous nature o f the system and the fact that

some households were unable to assimilate the duties imposed 011 them as a result

o f the gdbbar system.61

In the 1920s Balcha decided to introduce qdlad in Gedeo with the idea of

widening the resource base of the system rather than replacing it altogether.62

Dajazmach Balcha, who was the governor of Sidamo (including Gedeo) 011 three

separate occasions (1898-1908, 1910-1914 and 1917-1928), was especially know

for his forceful imposition of qdlad in the face of opposition. Although Balcha

was the chief architect of qdlad his successors, Ras (lit.head) Biru Walda Gabrael

(1928-1931) and Ras Dasta Damfaw (1932-1936), also promoted similar policies

in Sidamo in general.63 However, it is important to emphasise that the system

differed historically and geographically in that gdbbar was introduced in the core

settled areas of Gedeo whereas qdlad was imposed later in the unsettled and

uncultivated parts of Gedeo.

In both cases the objective was to extract resources from the local people.

The method differed from a practical point of view. The main focus o f the gdbbar

system was a fanning household, which was capable o f providing reliably for all

61 M cClellan, State Transformation, 74.

62 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations’, 184.

03 M cClellan, State Transformation, 82.

113
the needs o f the baldgdbbar, whereas in the case o f qdlad the system only allowed

the holder to have direct access to land. The owner of qdlad land had to arrange

labour independently in order to develop it, as a result of which a sharecropping

tenancy was evolved. Before discussing the details of how qdlad was introduced

in Gedeo there are a number of important factors which should be mentioned to

place the introduction o f qdlad in its historical context and show how it was the

next logical step for Balcha to take.

The imposition of qdlad and opposition to its implementation

The introduction of qdlad was a major initiative taken by the state and had a

number o f consequences for the history of Gedeo. Other than expanding the

resource base o f the state it was an essential governmental undertaking for a

number o f reasons. Although the gdbbar system had transferred the cost of

running an expanding empire onto the peasants, it was neither economically

beneficial for the settlers nor a viable source o f revenue for the government.

Although the gdbbar system enabled the state to support a large army at the

expense o f the local people, it soon failed to satisfy the needs o f an increasing

empire and a demanding settler population.64

The number of settlers in Gedeo had never been static and had increased

over the years, particularly at times when one governor was removed and another

appointed in his place. There appeared to have been a general tendency among the

governors to bring a large number of their followers with them into the new area

they were appointed to govern. For instance, when Balcha was transferred from

64 Pankhurst, E conom ic H istory o f Ethiopia, 1800-1935, 15; A lso see Charles W.

M cClellan, 'Articulating Econom ic M odernisation and National Integration at the Periphery: Addis
Ababa and Sidamo's Provincial Centers', A fic a n Studies R eview 33, No. 1 (1990), 33.

114
Sidamo to Harar, he was replaced by Ras Biru, Biru, as was customary, brought

with him a huge number o f his followers from Wollega to Sidamo. As a result

some of them finally settled in Gedeo, which, being a settled agrarian community

was a favoured destination. Similarly, although Balcha would have taken some of

his followers to Harar, nevertheless most remained behind. Thus the burden on

the local population increased over time since the settlers had to be provisioned

locally.65

Even before the coming o f additional numbers of ndft'dnnas to the region,

the gdbbar system had reached its full capacity by the 1920s, and was insufficient

to accommodate the growing number o f soldiers, followers and their families.

Few gabbars could have been reallocated when their previous grantees left the

area.66 The evidence is slim on this issue, but informants or their descendants who

are now in Gedeo indicated that they came into the area as followers of one of the

governors earlier appointed to the region. The number o f ndft'dnnas who left the

area when their governor was transferred from the region however appeared to

have been small. This did not ease the demand for more local resources to support

the new settlers, especially in the case o f Balcha who was returned to Sidamo

within a short period. The father o f one o f my informants came from Wollega to

Gedeo in 1928 with Ras Biru, who replaced Balcha as governor o f Sidamo, and

according to this informant his father’s intention was to gain qdlad land and settle

in Gedeo. In his own words; “My father, as a ndft'dnna and follower o f Ras Biru,

came from Wollega in the hope o f acquiring qdlad land, however, by the time we

arrived there was nothing left, the land having already been distributed among

65 Interview with Baqala W alda-Tsadiq, Segado, 6 July, 2004.

66 M cClellan, 'Perspectives on the Neftenya-Gabbar System ’, 438.

115
Balcha’s followers, in particular to the Agamjjas.” 67 Therefore, the idea of

acquiring qdlad rights seems to have been abandoned by this time. This statement

which was corroborated by many informants demonstrates the fact that it had

become increasingly difficult to accommodate latecomers to Gedeo into the

system as well as to satisfy the land ownership rights o f earlier settlers by

distributing the available land68.

In the 1920s, the political system achieved stability and Gedeo as a settled

agricultural community provided ideal conditions mider which it could flourish.

Certainly the gdbbar system was more entrenched in Gedeo than in other

communities whose livelihood was mainly based on animal husbandly, as

exemplified by the failed attempt to establish a similar system among the nomadic

pastoralists o f the Guji Oromos. Although tribute in cattle had been collected,

either peacefully with the cooperation of local chiefs or by conducting occasional

raids, the pastoral area which is adjacent to Gedeo continued to be difficult to

administer for some time until systematic exploitation was instituted.69

Tribute appropriation from gabbars had limitations for the ndft'dnnas.

Since tribute in the early years of the period was only collected in two forms (i.e.

either in labour or produce), such tribute had to be utilised immediately. For

instance, the most common form of produce collected from a Gedeo household

was qoc'o. Food was useful for the ndft'dnnas' own consumption; however, it was

difficult to store for future use or to sell or exchange in the market for other goods.

In the light of this limitation some gdbbar right holders appear to have encouraged

67 Interview with Baqala W alda-Tsadiq, Shigado, 6 July, 2004.

68 Intervew with Baqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July
2004; and D ogola Dagoma, C'abicha, 9 July 2004.

69 Berhanu, 'Alabdu-Sidama Relations', 26.

116
their gabbars to pay in the form of cash, but we do not know how well the Gedeo

responded to this, and how widespread this practice was, given the very limited

role money had in the overall economy at the time.70

As the ndft'dnnas or settlers did not own land at this time, the labour

services from their gdbbar were normally used for non agricultural purposes.

Thus, before the introduction of the qdlad system, labour services were mainly

restricted either to domestic services for the ndft’dnnas such as constructing

houses, and fencing, or communal works for the government such as constructing

churches, clearing forest for the establishment o f katama (settler towns) and so

forth. There was no opportunity for the gdbbar holder to use this critical resource

(free labour) for productive activity as was the case later when the qdlad system

was introduced.71

Owning land provided the ndft’dnnas with one o f the most important

incentives in promoting loyalty to their superior and ultimately to the system.

Although we have not studied the background of the ndft’dnnas, especially the

ordinary soldiers, most o f them appeared to have relinquished their claim to land

in their birth place. Owning land for such people was therefore o f fundamental

importance both from a social as well as economic standpoint.72

Despite his longstanding association with the region, Balcha did not begin

the measurement and distribution of land until the third term of his governorship

o f Sidamo. It is not clear whether the process started before Balcha, but we know

from later archival sources as well as people’s testimonies that Balcha was the

70 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 181.

71 Interview with Fayisa Bado, Makonisa, 18 June, 2004; and Galgalu W asse, Grissa, 22 July
2004.

72 M cClellan, S tate Transformation, 48-53.

117
chief architect of the qdlad system in Gedeo.73 Balcha is well remembered as a

governor of Sidamo and it was the qdlad dispute in particular which made his

regime more eventful than others,74 One source from the former Gedeo Awraja

administration, which contains lists of land owners in this area, claimed that the
7S
land was originally given by Balcha between 1905 and 1908.

The government in Addis Ababa ordered the regional governors to carry

out the measurement and distribution of land; probably similar orders were made

to other parts o f the country, with the aim of generating more resources which the

capital needed. Qdlad was not intended necessarily as a land distributive

mechanism but as a tax allocation regime. In the case of Gedeo, the main intention

was to distribute resources, particularly land; however, the government did not

clarify how such resources would be exploited and channelled to the capital.

Unlike under the gdbbar system, where an asrat (tithe) payment was collected for

the state from each gdbbar household by local officials, in the case of the qdlad

system the local people who carried the burden of taxation were alienated from the

process.76 If the land which was measured was given to the ndft'dnna and other

state functionaries as madaria (land granted in lieu of salary) how was the state

going to generate the resources it required? In other words, the people who

seemed to have benefited from the process were people who already had many

privileges and were exempt from paying various taxes to the state; it was unclear

how the state was going to benefit.

73 Seme W aldS Yohannis V. Seme Nagaya, DACCA, 14/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

74 Nationally Balcha was one o f the m ost distinguished heroes o f the battle o f Adwa.

75 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.G.).

76 M ahtama-Sellassie, Zekra N agar, 131.

118
 The land, was measured and redistributed either as madaria for the

ndft'dnnas or other civilians, or samon to award the clergy for their services to the

church.77 There is also the suggestion that land was made available for sale

through the qdlad system, but this is another area about which we lack detailed

information. There were some contentious issues; for instance, some of the

ndft'dnnas appear to have been unwilling to receive qalad land as madaria

because it was not suitable for development. In contrast there were apparently

people who were interested in buying such land from the government despite the

problem of labour supply, but this is difficult to confirm from available archival

and oral data. Even later documents do not give an insight as to whether such

land was originally bought from the state. However, this does not mean that land

sale was unknown in pre 1935 Gedeo; land sales among individuals were very

common as can be seen from a number of court records.78 However, we do not

know whether such lands were originally bought from the government or from

other individuals. The available sources do not provide adequate information

concerning how the process of land measurement and distribution actually took

place. We lack details of how much land was available through the process, who

gained what, and what rules were laid down for the distribution and allocation of
*70
madaria lands.

77 Gabra-Wald, “Ethiopia’s 306.

78 See chapter three for more details; Asaged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, D ACCA, 17/42
(Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

79 M cClellan, State Transformation, 82.

119
Which areas were affected by qdlad ?

Theoretically the areas which were affected by the qdlad system were areas which

were designated as undeveloped, uncultivated or unsettled before the

incorporation.80 This was mainly applied to the downward-sloping area between

the highlands of Gedeo and the present Dilla town in Wanago warada, a long

stretch of land bordered on the east by the core areas of Gedeo and by the Gujis on

the west.

One of the challenging issues at the time of the implementation of qdlad

was the absence of clearly defined boundaries between the Gedeos and

neighbouring ethnic groups. The reason for this is that ethnic boundaries had not

been delineated between these groups before the incorporation. The nature of such

boundaries before the nineteenth century was very fluid, and this remains the case

in contemporary times.81 A recent attempt to impose a fixed boundaiy between the

Gedeo and the Guji resulted in bloody conflict between the two, despite there

being no history of such conflict. Therefore, it is problematic to try to understand

the history o f these groups within the framework of fixed boundaries because

historically the boundaries have been shifting constantly between them, depending

011 a number of internal as well as external factors. It is important to take this into

account when one talks about land alienation, because the process of land

alienation was not as straightforward as commonly assumed due to the complex

nature of ethnic boundaries. When we refer to the land alienation which took place

80 Haile Mariam, The Building o f an E m pire, 41; Gilkes, The D yin g Lion, 111; Gilkes
confused g d b b a r and madaria.

81 M alcolm Shaw, Title to T erritoiy in Africa: International Legal Issues (Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1986), 27-30; Shaw argues that the notion o f fixed European-style boundary was
not known in Africa before colonialism.

120
it is difficult to determine to which ethnic group, the Gedeos, the Gujis or the

Sidamas, the land had belonged.

The importance of the introduction of qdlad was that the ncift 'cinna-

gabbar system was extended further into areas beyond those where it had existed

during the early years of the incorporation. It consolidated the system by

expanding the areas of effective control, although immediate economic benefit

had yet to be realised. In addition, many areas which had not been developed

before this time now became habitable and became productive agriculturally.

This was not the case until qdlad was introduced due to the limitations inherent in

the gdbbar system for which settled farming households were a pre-requisite. Its

complete reliance on tribute payment meant that it was by nature confined to

settled agrarian communities, which was why it was not introduced with an equal

degree o f success among itinerant pastoral communities.83

The process of land measurement and distribution had never been smooth;

it was hampered by disputes, sabotage and lengthy legal battles which came

mainly from the Gedeo balabat C'umburo Shunde, who succeeded his father,

Shunde, in 1910. From the outset, the concept of land measurement was resented

by the Gedeos. Due to the complex nature of the issue it is difficult to clearly

establish the source of contention between the naft'dna and the local opponents,

led by C'umburo. What we do know is that C'umburo Shunde resisted because he

felt that the land which was being measured and distributed was outiba, which

means it belonged to the Gedeo people, hi other words, even if it was forested it

should not be regarded as “no man’s land”. Thus, the qalad system became a

82Addis H iwet, E thiopia, 31-32.

s3 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Peripheiy Relations', 184-190; A lso see Donham, Work

an d P ow er, 34-3 8.

121
source o f controversy between the naft'annas who were led by the governor

Balcha and the Gedeo balabat C'umburo who had the backing o f his own people

but was not in a powerful position to win the battle.84

From Balcha’s point of view, the land which was the subject of qalad

measurement was unsettled, uncultivated and lay beyond the traditional

boundaries o f the Gedeo. C'umburo Shunde opposed him by arguing that the land

formed part o f Gedeo territory and as outiba land it was no different from the core

area and should not be the subject of qalad measurement. To the Gedeo people

outiba land was inalienable because it was handed down to them by their
85
predecessors. An interesting piece of evidence which was found in a post-war

legal land dispute describes the process of land measurement in a vivid manner.

The witness for this case was called to testify in court to establish the ownership

of the land since the time of qalad. The witness explained that:

When the surveyors came to our village to measure land the villagers
came out in force, preventing them from doing their job. The villagers
explained to them that this was outiba land and they should not
measure it. The surveyors asked if there were elders in the village
who knew about this; the elders were invited and testified on behalf of
the villagers, which ended the confrontation and the surveyors
returned to where they had come from.86

This shows that the process of land measurement and the imposition of

qcilad was not without its problems. The statement also underlines the fact that at

least theoretically the distinction between outiba and unsettled land had already

been made. Therefore, it is possible to assume that when qalad was introduced in

84 M cClellan, State Transformation, 81-100,

85 W /Gabre’el Mangasha v. Gobana Abe, DACCA, 232/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

86 Gamada Diko v. Kabada Wondimu, DACCA, 10/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

122
Gedeo the outiba areas, which were the original settlements of Gedeo, were not

affected. There were insufficient guidelines indicating where the boundary of

outiba land should be drawn and this confusion caused problems with the local

people.

Gedeo informants also claimed that the “Amharas” used tactics to convince

them that the land which was measured by qalad had belonged to Gujis rather

than the Gedeos from the outset. Thus, they managed to persuade a gada official

from the Gujis to confirm in writing that the land belonged to the Guji and thus

the Gedeo had no rights, a tactic devised by Balcha, according to my informants.87

The areas which were not recognised by the government as outiba lands

were not totally devoid of settlements. McClellan used the term “squatter

population” to describe those settlements.88 According to the local informants

such settlements had already been created much earlier, before the area was

incorporated into the Ethiopian state. Sisota Dayo, who still lives on land

originally cleared and occupied by his grandfather, said that Woke, his grandfather,

had done this in cooperation with his neighbour Dolo some time before the

gdbbar system was introduced into the area. A similar story was also told by an

informant in Sakoricha, where the informant’s great grandfather was reported to

87 Some informants claimed that the government did not approve the im position o f qalad. A
few o f these informants also pointed out that M enilek was aware o f B alcha’s action and told him to
restore the land to the Gedeos. Interview with T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999; and Taddassa
Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2004.

88 M cClellan, State Transformation, 91; this description does not take into account the way
land had been accessed by many Gedeo households and clans since earlier times. A s there had
never been a fixed Gedeo boundary it is difficult to describe this group o f people as “squatters”.
Land in Gedeo had been acquired by a multitude o f methods, and as shown in chapter one, an
enterprising individual could acquire land elsewhere either with or without the sanction o f their
clan authority.

123
have been established by the clan leaders to protect the boundary from Sidama

incursions.89

The ethnic boundary between the Guji and the Gedeo in the west of Gedeo

was difficult to delineate. Due to their pastoral way of life the Guji tended to

travel in and out of the area, and thus it was difficult to define their territorial limit

in relation to their neighbours. Before the incorporation and for a few years after,

territorial disputes continued to flare up between Guji and Gedeo, and at some

point Balcha was forced to intervene to settle the issue.90 This provided Balcha

with an excuse to start the process of land measurement and distribution in order

to eliminate the contention between the two. Few Gedeo today like to speak about

this area as Guji territory, other than a group of informants near Wonago town

who admitted that all the fertile land on which they were now settled had belonged

to the Oromo of Guji before the incorporation.91

There are no surviving written documents for the pre-1935 period which

indicate direct opposition to the qalad system in Gedeo. Since there was no

attempt made to confiscate land which the peasants owned, opposition to the

measurement of land by qalad was confined to marginal areas which lay between

the core areas and the forest zone, and was not as powerftil as it had been later in

the 1960s. The land which was now alienated by qalad had been an area of

contention between the Guji and the Gedeo for some time before the area came

under direct Ethiopian rule. Settling on a permanent basis on this land was

unthinkable before this period because of the threat from their powerful neighbour

89 Interview with Maryam FSlaqa, Saqua, 23 July 2004: and D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

90 Berhanu Lameso, 'Alabdu-Sidama Relations', 27.

91 Interview with K ole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004; Butica Biliqe, Sugale, 15 June 2004; and
Arareso T ’aro, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

124
the Guji; however, this did not stop the Gedeos and Sidamas using every

opportunity to expand into these areas when the Guji had problems such as

draught or famine. However, large scale alienation by the government only

happened after qalad was introduced into the area; pre-qalad settlement of Gedeo

in these areas had been gradual and had not affected the pasture lands of the Gujis.

After previous attempts to impose the gabbar system had failed, the Gujis had

retreated deep into the lowlands and therefore the area was now underutilised by

both ethnic groups. Thus, qalad was imposed on contested land which did not

constitute the core of Gedeo territory.92

Opposition to qalad was minimal and mostly indirect and unorganised. The

only sustained opposition came from the elite of Gedeo led by the balabat,

C'umburo, who had been excluded from both the consultation concerning the new

system and its implementation. It is not clear why their services were not required,

as being government officials their role was vital to the success of the process of

qalad measurement. Although there was insufficient reason to launch a sustained

legal battle against Balcha and other regional officials, the alienation of the Gedeo

from this land was a major source of concern for C'umburo, fermenting his

opposition to the system. The Gedeo peasants themselves had a suffered serious

land scarcity problems in the core highlands and therefore demographic pressure

was the root of their opposition.

C'umburo’s opposition to the implementation of the qalad system was

through legal means and he took his extended legal battle to the highest authorities,

92 Interview with Wordofa Qumbi, MicTle, 5 December 1999; and Turi Boko, C ’ic’u, 29 April
1999. A number o f informants claimed that the boundary between Sidama and Gedeo was the
Qabado River (which is now w ell inside Sidama territory) before Balcha decreed that it should be
the Lagadara River.

93 See chapter five for the 1960 uprising.

125
although he achieved little. In fact, although orders from Addis Ababa released

him from prison, they did not however save him from being publicly humiliated

and even given 40 strokes of the lash by Ras Bira who was the governor of

Sidamo at the time. His courage and determination was described by one

informant as a case of “never mind my back, you can lash my belly as well”.94 As

balabat C'umburo was expected to have allied himself with the ruling elites to

protect his own interests. However, he decided to take a different course of action

which earned him popularity and fame among his people and he is regarded as not

so much a government official but as their hero.

Although informants claimed (which is difficult to corroborate from the

available sources) that the government in Addis Ababa told Balcha that the land

should be restored to the Gedeos, nothing changed.95 Meanwhile, the Gedeo

perpetuated their legal fight against the imposition of the qalad. They appealed to

Empress Zawditu, Menilek’s daughter, who ruled 1916-1930. The only positive

response to the Gedeo’s long-standing appeal was that a fact-finding mission was

sent during Zawditu’s time with the objective of investigating how qalad had been

imposed. It is not clear who ordered it and who the investigators were but the

committee did not find any anomalies in its implementation. Finally, after a

decade and a h a lfs duration, the battle against the qalad system ended

unsatisfactorily, to the disappointment of many Gedeos, with the death of the

leading opponent, C'umburo Shunde.96

94 Interview with Bdgdjo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999.

95 Interview with Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2004; and T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April
1999.

96 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

126
 The downward sloping areas which were measured and distributed to

n a ff annas and other settlers were suitable for a variety of crops but later became

the main coffee growing area of Gedeo. It is difficult to attribute the change of

land use to any particular development. McClellan identifies Balcha5s short stay

as the governor of Harar as an important period in which he came to the

conclusion that Sidamo’s best interest lay in promoting coffee as a cash crop. He

also pointed out how individual n a ff annas or northern settlers encouraged the

Gedeo fanners to clear the forest for coffee plantations. McClellan added another

dimension to his account of the transition to coffee production; the dwindling of

wildlife in the region due to unregulated hunting practices by northerners,

combined with the relative fall of revenues for the central government, created the

need to subsidise the shortfall by introducing coffee as an alternative source of

income. 97

The settlers who had land use rights on the qalad lands had the authority to

choose what to plant and could find their own sources of labour. This is the main

distinction between the qalad and the gdbbar system which has not been explored

in depth by previous studies.98 It was also assumed that the settlers who came to

Gedeo in the early years of the incorporation had already been granted the services

of gdbbars, so when they later received qalad lands they had the human resources

to develop them. Since the gdbbars continued to give them food and other

products they were in a better position to develop their new land acquired through

the qalad system. However, in later years, after all gdbbars had been allocated to

97 M cClellan, 'Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations', 175-195.

98 M cClellan, State Transformation, 48-53.

127
the n a ff annas, there was a shortage of labour sources for those who received only

qalad land.

Starting the production process on qcilad land was time-consuming, mainly

owing to the nature of Gedeo agriculture which required the qalad owner to wait

for years to reap any benefit from his crops. McClellan has pointed out that

naff 'annas preferred to be granted gabbar rather than qalad land. Some were even

forced to abandon their qalad due to lack of labour, and were forced to wait until

gabbar land was available. Access to free labour was no problem for those who

already had gabbar rights as well as qalad land. As some of the evidence shows,

the gabbar holders transported their gdbbars from distant places to work 011 their

plot in another locality. In one post-war court document, a witness was called to

give evidence concerning a land dispute between two individuals. The witness,

who was called to establish the ownership rights of the plaintiff, confirmed that he

knew that the land was owned and cultivated by the plaintiff using his gdbbars,

including those from a distant place called Galalicho."

This was perhaps an early example of the beginning of the practice of

using the labour of gdbbars for direct agricultural purposes, rather than for

domestic work. Using the labour of the gdbbars on farms, which were mainly

located at some distance from their homes, was an extra burden for the peasants

which in most cases would impinge on their own personal agricultural obligations.

As one informant reported, his parents used to travel to Fesha Ganat, roughly

50kms from their home in Grissa, to work on the qalad of a n a ff anna. They had

to carry provisions which would enable them to survive for weeks until they had

finished the task assigned to them. Sometimes women were obliged to accompany

99 W ote Ejo V. Falaqa Yizbat', DACCA, 133/44 (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

128
men and the wives would also help with food preparation and some of the

agricultural work. If the work required more labour, gdbbars from other areas

could also be ordered to come and work. The big naft'annas had a representative

ydgdbbar aldqa (head of gdbbars) who would organise the nature and duration of

the gdbbars ’ labour.100

Although a tenancy relationship appears to have started before the war, it

began to evolve in a dynamic way in the post-war period, as we shall see in

subsequent chapters. In the early years, conditions appear to have been less harsh

than normally assiuned; the inability of the settlers to attract sharecroppers to farm

the newly acquired qalad land was a testimony to this fact. The gabbar system

was a relatively superior one for the Gedeo peasants, despite overcrowding in the

core areas and the relatively poor yields which resulted from over cultivation.

They were more secure than peasants in the qalad lands where tenants lived under

a constant threat from their landlords who had the power to evict them.

In 1935 when Ethiopia was invaded by Fascist Italy, naft'anna-gabbar was

still the dominant form of agrarian relationship in Gedeo. As will be discussed in

the following section, the legacies of both gabbar and qalad were to be felt more

as invasion was looming. The way the southern people viewed the Italian

incursion and the part they played in both the conflict and in the resistance

movement was largely shaped by these historical developments.

100 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

129
The impact of the Italian invasion on Gedeo 1935-41

The period following the battle of Adwa in 1896 until 1935 was generally

peaceful. Menilelc had achieved what he set out to accomplish and Ethiopia, at

least in her modem history, had become a unified empire under one leader. The

European powers which surrounded Ethiopia, namely Britain, France and Italy,

had recognised Ethiopia as an independent state. However, internally there was a

great deal of uncertainty surrounding Menilek’s succession to the throne. At this

time, due to ill health, Menilelc was inactive in Ethiopian politics and in fact

virtually absent from it between 1909 and 1913 when his death was made public.

Successive rulers failed to bring any stability to the central authority.101 Finally,

Ras Tafari Makonnen emerged from the long internal power struggle which had
101
dominated the internal political scene of Ethiopia for over two decades. hi

1930, Tafari finally realised his longstanding dream of being crowned Emperor

Haile Sellassie of Ethiopia; however, only five years later his country had fallen

prey to an invading foreign power.

Ethiopia’s long history of defending itself against external aggression

came to an end with the Fascist invasion of the country in 1935. Ethiopia was

101 The power struggle started with T'aytu who was M enilek’s wife. She w as an extraordinary
woman who shaped Ethiopian policy during M enilek’s time in many ways. She was famous for a
number o f events in Ethiopian history, in particular her sharp and critical stance against the
W uchale treaty which was the source o f the major controversy between Ethiopia and Italy which
finally precipitated the historic battle o f Adwa in 1896, However, the inactivity o f M enilek left her
with little influence, and as a result, when she lost her bid to control the government, directly or
indirectly, she withdrew altogether in 1910. Iyasu, who was M enilek’s grandson and designated
heir to the throne, came to power in 1911. However, his controversial reign w as ended abruptly
and tragically in an orchestrated coup in 1916. He was succeeded by Zawditu, M enilek’s daughter,
who became empress o f Ethiopia until 1930. Tafari was made designated heir to the throne and
when Zawditu died in 1930 he finally became emperor o f Ethiopia. For more details see Bahru, A
H istory o f M o d em Ethiopia, 111-136.

102 Tafari, as a great-grandson o f Negus (King) Sahle-Sellassie o f Shawa (r. 1813-1847),

M enilek’s grandfather, had uncontested lineage to the Ethiopian throne. His father, Ras Makonnen,
was a leading politician and one o f the right hands o f Emperor Menilek. Harold G. Marcus, Haile
Sellassie I: The F orm ative Years, 1892-1936 (Lawrenceville, N.J.: Red Sea Press, 1995), 3.

130
forced to accept that it was confronting an immensely well organised and well

armed European army which was prepared to spare no expense in its quest to

conquer and rule, but also to avenge its Italy’s previous humiliation at Adwa in

1896.103 It was a major humiliation for a country which had prided itself on being

the only independent black nation unconquered by European powers. However, in

1935 the situation both internally as well as externally was different to that which

prevailed in the 1890s. Not only was Ethiopia unprepared on a military level, but

also local relationships were extremely fragmented which made defence against a

major foreign aggressor more difficult.104

The officials in Gedeo, who had been entrusted with the task of mobilising

the people in the defence of the country, were confronted with this grim fact only

after the Fascist invasion of Ethiopia had become a reality. The local community

had already been divided because of the gabbar system and even more deeply as a

result of the unpopular qalad imposition. The introduction of qalad had been more

divisive because most Gedeos were excluded from the process and as a result they

felt increasingly alienated and lost any interest in the preservation and protection

of the state and their country. This placed the local officials in the difficult

position of attempting to mobilise a disaffected section of the community to fight

a major war.

Due to inequalities in land distribution there was also a degree of

dissatisfaction within the ndftanna group. As the chief architect of the process of

qalad measurement, Balcha had not only given the best land to his own loyal

troops (the Barued Bet, also known as Blacha’s loyal regiment), who were mainly

103 Caulk, 'Between the Jaw s o f Hyenas', 483-564; Rubenson, The Survival o f Ethiopian
Independence, 399-406.

104 Bahru , A H istory o f M odern Ethiopia, 159-160.

131
recruited from his birth place Agamja, but also the larger share o f the land which

was made available in the process went to this group. The local resource

allocation process was a very delicate matter and became divisive. Officials failed

to anticipate the wider and long term repercussions on the community, which only

became apparent when the great crisis occurred.105

The Fascist invading force capitalised successfully 011 the lack of internal

unity among the population. The Italians also attacked the traditional Ethiopian

institutions and especially directed their propaganda against Ethiopian agricultural

systems. They felt that through important reforms under their rule they could

achieve their long-standing dream of empire building. According to Fascist

rhetoric the traditional Ethiopian agriculture system was a barrier to modern

development, and therefore once they controlled the country they would create

economic reforms by introducing stringent measures. In particular they targeted

the gabbar system in the south as a major issue. They felt that gabbar was an

outmoded institution designed by the Abyssinians to dominate and exploit the

southern people, and argued that abolishing it was a priority. The Italians were

prepared to exploit any internal divisions inside Ethiopia, which they though

might assist them to advance their own interests by weakening opposition, and

thus more emphasis was given to ethnic and religious divisions.106

Ras Dasta Damt'aw (1932-1936),107 who was the governor of the vast

region of Sidamo at the time, was in charge of mobilising the people in the south

against the advancing Italian anny. Ras Dasta, who was very close to Emperor

105 Interview with Baqald Walda-Tsadiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

106 Haile Mariam Larebo, The Building o f an Empire, 28-81.

107 M cClellan, S tate Transformation, 82.

132
Haile Sellassie, was also married to his daughter, Princess Tananna Warq Haile

Sellassie. As a governor of Sidamo he is remembered for increasing the coffee

trade by improving the infrastructure of Sidamo. In addition, he was also known

for amassing a substantial amount of gult (tribute collecting rights) rights in

Sidamo, some o f which were located in Gedeo. On his way to the southern front

via Gedeo, Ras Dasta passed an order that all able bodied men should gather at an

important market place called C ’uc’u in Gedeo, which is located on the outskirts

of Dilla town. According to informants, the call was very well received and

naftdnnasx gdbbars and tenants massed from all comers of Gedeo (although as

C’uc’u was an important market place the huge turnout might not have been

surprising). Ras Dasta made the passionate plea that, as their country was being

invaded by an enemy, all those who were physically capable were responsible for

defending it and he asked them to follow his lead towards the southern front.108

The naftannas as soldiers had little choice other than marching to the war

front, and so the majority went to Dollo to fight the Italians, under their

commander Ras Dasta Damt'aw.109 It is also assumed that some of the important

naftannas went to the front accompanied by their armed retainers, but it is not

clear whether the peasants cooperated out of fear of later punishment or of their

own accord, having accepted the call of their governor. However, as one

informant admitted, the Gedeo did not receive the mobilisation order with

enthusiasm, because they did not have reason to go to war. As a result, although

some Gedeos went to Dollo (the southern front) to fight the Italians with their

108 Interview with Fayisa Bado, Makonisa, 18 June, 2004; and B&gajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28
November 1999.

109Alberto Sbacchi, L egacy o f Bitterness: Ethiopia an d Fascist Italy, 1935-1941

(Lawrenceville, N.J.: Red Sea Press, 1997), 173-176.

133
landlord, the majority o f the Gedeos remained at home. This reality contradicts

the national myth; when the country celebrates its past anti-Fascist struggle and

observes liberation days, the national rhetoric boasts that all Ethiopians, regardless

o f ethnic and religious differences, took up arms against the Italians.110

Figure 8. A Gedeo p atriot w ho fo u g h t the Italians in the southern front (1935-41)

The sym bol on his earring show's that he was a patriot. Grissa, August 2004.
Photograph taken by the author.

After the Italians succeeded in invading the country they exploited ethnic

differences to consolidate their position, and according to Gedeo informants, this

worked effectively for most o f the five-year period o f their occupation. Other

than presenting themselves as champions o f the southern people against what they

110 Interview w ith Fayisa Bado, M akonisa, 18 June, 2004.

134
termed Abyssinian or Amhara domination, the Italians began to take practical

measures which won them great support from the local people. Their attack on the

existing agricultural system was the most obvious and popular one. The Italians

declared that the Gedeo peasants were no longer required to fulfil any of their

obligations to the naftannas which had been imposed upon them since the

incorporation,111

In addition, the Italians also used land to reward loyalty and punish

enemies. An obvious target was land which belonged to members of the royal

family and other important local officials. Although details are lacking, Haile

Larebo has quoted a figure from an Italian source which claims that approximately

49,655 hectares of land had been confiscated in Gedeo alone which later became a

state domain. No other details are available concerning the specific location of the

land or its subsequent use, whether it was re-redistributed to their loyal followers

or used for the commercial farms which the Italians tried to run.112

There are also examples of the Italians’ involvement with individual land

matters with the intention of vengeance against people who went to the war fronts

by accepting the government’s call. As an informant in Shegado relates, his father

went to Dollo during the invasion to fight the Italians alongside Ras Daseta,

because his father had one gasha of madaria land (a unit of land measurement,

about 40 hectares) in a place called Daqo (in Gedeo). He would have risked

losing his land if he had chosen not to fight. Unfortunately, his father died in

111 Interview with Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004; Fayisa Bado, M akonissa, 18 June, 2004;
and Bfiqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

112 Haile Mariam Larebo, The Building o f an Empire, 81; Also see Alberto Sbacchi, Ethiopia
under M ussolini: Fascism an d the C olonial Experience (London: Zed, 1985), 104; Sbacchi stated
that the Italians confiscated Ras Dasta Damtau’s land in Sidamo, but did not specify the exact
location.

135
battle when he was only fifteen years old. The death of his father meant that he

had to carry the responsibility for leading the household, which also meant that his

mother wished him to marry at his young age. When the Italians discovered that

his father had been a naft’anna and had died fighting them they took revenge by

confiscating all the family’s land. Subsequently, his mother decided to postpone

her son’s marriage and fight the case legally. After they confiscated the land the

local Italian officials sold it to a Gedeo man called Badecha Wudo as a reward for

loyalty.113

Reduced to a state of landlessness, his mother then appealed against the

decision; having lost all appeals at a local level she had to go to Nazret (90 lan

east of Addis Ababa and about 390 Kms north of Dilla) where the higher officials

resided at the time. She and her son (my informant) had to stay one and half years

in Nazret until they eventually won the appeal. When they came back to Gedeo

they were informed that if she wanted to take her land back she had to reimburse

Badecha Wudo for the money he had paid to the Italians when he first bought the

land from them. She paid accordingly and the land was restored to her.114

However, the Italian policy towards many ordinary Gedeos was in general

favourable for most of the five-year period of their occupation.115 The Gedeos felt

that by abolishing the gabbar system the Italians had restored their rights on their

land and recognised the fruits of their labour. The Italians had also shown a strong

interest in coffee production and had encouraged the peasants to continue to

113 Interview with Btiqala Walda-Tsadiq, Shigiido, 6 July, 2004.

114 Interview with Baqala W alda-Tsadiq, Shigado, 6 July, 2004.

1,5 For example, Donham says that despite the forced labour policy regime which the Italians
follow ed in M aale, southern Ethiopia, the M aales felt that the Italians were their liberators.
Donham, Work a n d Power, 44.

136
cultivate it 011 the land previously occupied by the naft’annas. The attitude of the

Gedeos towards the Italians was generally positive and in fact contemporary

Gedeo informants refer to the period as a time of “freedom” . However, this

smooth relationship with the Gedeo people began to tarnish as the cost of empire

building soared.116

The grand ambition of Fascist Italy to turn Ethiopia into an agricultural

success was soon frustrated due to ill-conceived and poorly executed projects.117

In Gedeo for instance, the Italians had established a cotton farm in the hot

lowlands between Lake Abaya and Dilla town. The main challenge for the Italians

was a lack o f agricultural labourers who were willing to work in this inhospitable

area. Labour was also needed for other projects such as road construction. In the

early period of the projects the Italians introduced wages to attract more labourers,

but the dangerous nature of the work deterred many people. It was especially

difficult for them to attract people to work in the cotton plantations which were

inside territory used by the Guji as an important grazing ground for their cattle.

The Guji herdsmen were mostly mobile and reluctant to perform settled

agricultural work. Thus, the Italians relied on the Gedeo peasants for the work in

the cotton farms, but that became unsustainable, as most Gedeos were unwilling to

work there, especially during the peak season where the threat from malaria

infestation was very high. The Italians then resorted to a forced labour regime

whereby most Gedeo were ordered to work on the cotton farms in rotas. One

informant in the Makonissa area said that initially when ordered by the Italians to

work in the cotton farms they were told they would only stay for five days, but in

116 Interview with Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004; and Arareso T'aro, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

117 For a very good discussion o f the failure o f Italian plans see Haile Mariam, The Building o f
an E m pire.

137
most cases they were forced to stay longer until a replacement arrived from

another area.118 Thus, people were stranded for days without having sufficient

provisions to survive. The forced labour regime not only failed to solve the

shortage of labour but also soured the positive relationship that the Italians had

previously enjoyed with the Gedeos.119

When Italy’s five-year occupation ended abruptly in 1941, their legacy

was interpreted differently. From the governmental point of view, humiliation

under Fascism meant that modernising the country was given greater priority. As

a result, Haile Sellassie accelerated a programme of reforms which had been

started in pre- war times. The radical reforms in agriculture and their impact will

be examined in the next chapter. Paradoxically, from the point of the local Gedeo

people, the demise of Italian rule was seen as an end to the “years o f freedom”.

From this view point, liberation meant the return of the n a ff anna and the

resumption of an unhappy pre-war situation. Some informants claim that after the

war the n a ff annas felt more self-important because it was they who had

dispatched the enemy. Those Gedeos who had opted not to fight were obliged to

maintain a low profile.120

118 Interview with Fayisa Bado, Makonisa, 18 June, 2004.

119 Interview with Sao Robe, Qome, 30 June 2004; and Oudo Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

120 Interview with Fayisa Bado, Makonissa, 18 June, 2004.

138
Conclusion

The gabbar system was largely successful in enabling the expanding empire to

generate the resources which were needed for its consolidation. The system was

crucial economically for the naft'annas because it enabled them to have free

access to resources such as labour and produce. Socially, owning gdbbars was

important for the status of the naft'annas. The balabat, who had some level of

authority traditionally, were able to gain more power and economic benefits from

the gabbar system thanks to the gult granting mechanism. However, the peasants

of Gedeo who were made gdbbars lost a number of their rights. Coercion,

exploitation and degradation were prevalent and there were only rare chances to

escape from this highly exploitative system, hi spite of the onerous nature of the

gabbar system, its recognition of their indigenous rights to the outiba land

enabled them to survive and hand down their landed property to their offspring.

The imposition of qalad was a major development in Gedeo during this

period. It not only consolidated the ndft'anna-gabbar system but also expanded

the area of state domination. The Gedeo did not like the imposition of qalad from

two perspectives; firstly they felt that it denied them their traditional right to

expand into virgin territory. Secondly, they were excluded from having any share

in the resource allocation process. Qalad also increased the exploitative nature of

the system through sharecropping tenancies which became more prevalent in the

post-war period. Nevertheless, ordinary Gedeos did not realise its impact at the

time and opposition to it was restricted to the elite of Gedeo. The main

consequence of qalad imposition was perhaps in further deepening the local

divisions which had started as a result of the gabbar system. This lack of cohesion

139
manifested itself more conspicuously when the country was invaded by Fascist

Italy in 1935.

The post-liberation period was the most dynamic period of the twentieth

century. Various developments took place during this crucial time in Gedeo’s

history. During this period the ndft'dnna-gdbbar form of relationship gradually

declined, to be replaced by that of landlord-tenant. As the period was relatively

peaceful compared with previously there were significant developments in

agriculture, commerce, urbanisation and so o n .121 The post-liberation period

appears superficially to be a time of peace, but paradoxically the phenomenon of

constant litigation concerning land rights and tenancy matters deeply eroded rural

production relationships until the 1974 revolution. The following two chapters

focus on land and tenancy disputes after 1941.

121 For the evolution o f towns in Sidamo since the incorporation see Richard Pankhurst,
H istory o f E thiopian Towns from the Mid-Nineteenth Centiuy to 1935, A thiopische Forschungen;
(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1985), 196-198.

140
 Chapter Three

Land Disputes and Litigation, 1941-1974

1941 marked the end of the five-year occupation of Ethiopia by Fascist Italy and

the restoration of Emperor Haile Sellassie to the throne. One of the legacies of the

invasion was that it increased the government’s quest for change. Haile Sellassie

envisaged the creation of a highly centralised state through major bureaucratic

reforms, and although the country was weakened due to the effects of the war, the

aftermath o f the conflict was however a favourable time for new initiatives.1 The

people who were regarded as bulwarks against progress before the war had either

died during its duration, or had experienced an erosion of their traditional power

base, and hence the stage was set for reform.2 Haile Sellassie was quick to use

this opportunity and he initiated many changes across a number of areas,

prioritising agriculture.3 Such measures, regarding land and taxation, had a direct

effect on the Gedeo rural community.4

One major change was that maddria (i.e. land granted to soldiers and other

state officials in lieu of their salary) land holders were allowed to convert their

conditional right into the rest form of ownership.5 This was a step taken by the

1 John M. Cohen and Peter H. Koehn, Ethiopian Provincial a n d M unicipal Government:

Im perial P atterns an d Postrevolutionary Changes, ed. Harold G. Marcus (East Lansing, Michigan
African Studies Center, 1980), 8-9.

2 Crummey, L and a n d Society, 237-240.

3For a discussion o f the land reform laws o f the post-liberation period see Aster Akalu,
The P rocess o f L an d N ationalization in Ethiopia: Land Nationalization a n d the Peasants(lA\n&.
CWK Gleerup, 1982), 38-46.

4 For the 1941 Proclamation see Gabra-Wald, "Ethiopia's", 325; Harjinder Singh,
A gricultural P roblem s in E thiopia (Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1987), 76-81; See also Eshetu
Chole, "Towards a History o f the Fiscal Policy o f the Pre-Revolutionary Ethiopian State: 1941-
74," Journal o f Ethiopian L aw XVII (1984), 88-104.

141
government in an effort to dismantle the old practice o f land grants for

government office holders under the assumption that the country could easily be

modernised by creating a professional class who could run the bureaucracy more

efficiently than previously. The first measure was therefore to cease the practice of

rewarding holders of government office by the gift of a piece of land.

Nevertheless a sizeable number of people in Gedeo already owned such land

before 1941, so the changes failed to bring about any major redistribution of

resources within the community. There was no change of ownership of land, and

previous land rights were made more secure.6 When an individual was granted the

right to change his maddria land to rest the latter became a more secure form of

property which no longer required the recipient to provide services to the

government in return for enjoying the benefit of land possession. As well as being

permanent, rest lands unlike maddria lands were easily transferable in a variety of

ways to a third person such as by selling or inheritance. However, it is not clear

whether productivity was increased by the introduction of a more secure form of

land ownership.

It has frequently been assumed that such changes were a major step

towards a private form of land ownership.7 However, when we actually examine

the nature of the edict it was not specifically designed to promote a “private” form

of land ownership, either directly or indirectly. Therefore any change in relation to

5 See M antel-Niecko, The Role o f Land Tenure, 98; see also Mahtama-Sellassie, "Land
Tenure and Taxation", 285; See also Michael Stahl, "Ethiopia: Political Contradictions in
Agricultural Development" (Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, 1974), 49.

6 Tekalign, "A City and Its Hinterlands", 239.

7 See Shiferaw, "The Evolution o f Land Tenure", 110; Bahru, A H istory o f Modern
E thiopia, 191; and Bahru, "Economic Origins o f the Absolutist State", 12; There was no particular
development as far as Gedeo was concerned which made the land tenure system private. On the
other hand Teklaign (see above) described the land tenure systems o f post-war period as the move
towards the Amhara form o f land tenure. This might have been the case in his area, but the
situation in Gedo was different due to the presence o f a multi-layered tenure system.

142
land tenure is hard to attribute exclusively to measures taken by the government.

In fact the sources do not show a fundamental change in the system in comparison

to the pre-war period.8 This can easily be demonstrated by looking at the

terminology used frequently by disputants both before and after the war, the most

common of which being maddria, samort, rest, and outiba.

One o f the distinguishing features of this period was the proliferation of

court disputes, which were mainly concerned with land and tenancy issues (see

chapter four), and there appears to have been a parallel between Gedeo and other

parts of Ethiopia in this regard. The court cases examined in this chapter show that

land ownership rights were highly precarious. The main threat to security was not

the government, but individuals who were increasingly obliged to engage against

each other in fierce competition for the available resources. Land disputes in

general were of two types, interpersonal and government versus individuals. The

great majority of cases were disputes between individuals; although the

government might also have initiated legal action its motives were not however

identical to those of individual disputants.

The right of individuals to land ownership was not always revoked, either

by powerful individuals or the state, as normally assumed. As the archives show,

land was not simply taken away from a person on dubious grounds or by the order

of a certain powerful authority. Contrary to assumptions the state did not always

use its power arbitrarily to reward some and to punish others.9 As the last section

indicates even people who were alleged to have occupied government land

without proper legal rights were not condemned to lose the land outright without a

8 According to Cohen and Weintraub 65% o f the Ethiopian population owned private
land. They admitted that their data was poor and did not explain how they arrived at this figure
however. John M. Cohen and Weintraub, L and and Peasants, 34.

9 Giimada Diko V. Kabada Wondimu, DACCA, 10/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

143
“due process of law”; they had to be charged formally at court and the prosecuting

government body had to support its allegation with evidence.

One of the most notable features of the state after the war was its ability to

extract more resources than in previous times.10 This was achieved in many ways;

the most effective one was by classifying land according to its fertility and

imposing taxes accordingly.11 Before this period tax had not been properly

assessed or collected but centralisation now enabled the state to channel more

revenue directly into the treasury by removing power from local officials.

Ironically, although this solved many problems for the state it also created a

number of others which as we shall see later became a source of dispute in a

number of land issues, and several people took advantage of loopholes in the

system to register their names as land owners.12

This chapter will explore in some detail the nature of land disputes in

Gedeo after the war. By using court documents and presenting examples of some

of the disputes it will show not only the nature of the land tenure system in Gedeo

but also how access to land was a highly contentious issue. As access to land

became more difficult over time people used various strategies to obtain this vital

resource. Land disputes were common among many peasant communities across

the country; however, this study of one particular part of Ethiopia highlights their

complex nature and the need to understand the issue at a micro level.

8 Markakis, E thiopia, 118.

1'According to Gabra-Wald the size o f a q a la d was about 66 to 75square metres. But this
was not a standard unit applied throughout Ethiopia. See Gabra-Wald, 303.

12 Peter Schwab, D ecision-M aking in Ethiopia: A Study o f the P o litica l P rocess (London:
C. Hurst, 1972), 146; Schwab cited a case in Gedeo where land assessment was very difficult
because o f the power o f landlords.

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Land tenure after the war; change and continuity

The dynamic nature of the land tenure system in Gedeo continued after the war by

embracing both change and continuity. Dualism {outiba and q a la d /3 continued to

be the most important feature of Gedeo land tenure in this period, as it had been

prior to 1941. For the majority of Gedeos the means of accessing land did not

show major changes compared with the pre-war situation, but rather the process

intensified after the war as more people needed land. As a result, most Gedeos still

resided in the core areas where land was held as outiba under terms laid down by

tradition. The gabbar system continued to decline and the measures taken by the

state after the war brought about its final demise, but the pace was much slower

than normally assumed. Also, despite changes made to the gabbar system the

Gedeo still continued to access land in the core areas in accordance with the

principles of outiba, although this had become increasingly challenging after the

war due to demographic pressure.14

In 1942 and 1944 when the government announced tax reforms its

intention was to generate more revenue and channel it directly into its treasury. By

removing local intermediaries in the tax collection processes the government

hoped to boost its income. Meanwhile the measures were also intended to benefit

the gabbars who resided in the core areas of Gedeo where peasants continued to

fulfil many obligations to their gult right holders, such as tribute and other labour

13Q a la d is not a type o f land tenure system; I used this term here in a similar way to the
Gedeos. They apply this term when they refer the land outside o f the core areas or outiba areas o f
Gedeo, see chapter two for more details. These two land dispute cases for instance show the
difference between the two land tenure systems which coexisted in Gedeo during this period;
Ganale Tetu v. Jilo Gunayo, DACCA, 381/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.); and Balam barass Ababa
Gondare v. Shoda Baresso, DACCA, 635/45 (Dilla, 1945 B.C.)

14 Population pressure was not a new phenomenon, but many Gedeo informants believed
that settlement in the lower zone intensified after the war. See chapters one and two for more
details. Interview with Bora Hessa, Grissa, 13 July 2004; and Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July,
2004.

145
obligations, which were legacies of the pre-war period. Nevertheless there was no

guarantee that peasants benefited from such measures, because even after the

proclamation o f the amended tax reform in 1966, its full implementation was

doubtfiil as there were many reports that old practices appeared to have been

continued in some form until the revolution.15

However, important changes had taken place in the qalad areas where

most of the land had been occupied as maddria land by the naft’a nnas (including

other state functionaries) since the 1920s.16 Among the measures taken by the

government after the war was that it now allowed maddria landholders to convert

part, and later most, of their maddria into rest.17 Most maddria landholders were

soldiers who had fought the liberation war against Italy, and the government used

the opportunity to reward them for their contribution during these difficult times.

Maddria land holders who were associated with the army were no longer obliged

to provide their services as was the case before the war. This was because the

government had already created a professional national army which was financed

directly by the state treasury.18 Thus the traditional practice of attaching services

to land ownership gradually dwindled as a result of this measure. Also, when they

were given a chance of converting part of their maddria into rest, their rights to

that land became more secure. As rest holders they were no longer exempted from

15See the follow ing works regarding the impact o f these reforms; Crummey, L and and
Society, 240-205; and Gilkes, The D ying Lion, 69; The 1966 Amended Tax Reform was especially
important for many Gedeo gabbars because they were only required to pay taxes directly to the
state treasury.

16 M cClellan, State Transformation, 81.

17 Askale Abaye Y. Assdfa Gassassa, DACCA, 128/34 (Dilla, 1934 E.C.).

18 M. F. Perham, The G overnment o f Ethiopia, 2nd ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1969),
354 .

146
tax, and like any other land owner they were liable to pay all dues to the state. 19

Since rest was the most secure form of property (in contrast with madaria land) in

Gedeo the measure was very successful from the point of view of both the

government and the madaria land holders. 20

The conversion of madaria land into rest was not always straightforward

however. 21 The case of Adnaw Margia demonstrates the complexity of the

process and the disparity between governmental promises and reality. When

Adnaw initiated the process of conversion he first applied to the Sidamo T'aqlay

Gizat (Regional Administration) to allow him to change from madaria to rest

according to the edict introduced by the government.22 Adnaw was able to convert

part of his madaria land in 1945 E.C (1952/3), but at this time he was only able to

convert one third of his gasha of land. After a second edict he applied to convert

the remaining madaria land into r e st23 Adnaw was required to provide detailed

information about the land and its location, and the individuals who had land

bordering on his own. In addition he was asked if there were others who had a

vested interest or who opposed the conversion into rest. He initially obtained a

letter from a man called Gudicho Shobo, the balabat where the land was located.

This letter contained the history of the land in question. The balabat

Gudicho Shobo said in this letter that the land was originally given to Adnaw

Margia’s father Girazmach (lit. commander of the left flank) Margia as madaria

19 Schwab, D ecision-M aking in E thiopia, 66-67.

20 Mahtama Sellassie Walda Masqiil, "Land Tenure and Taxation", 295-301.

21 There are also some land dispute cases where litigation was initiated due to the illegal
sale o f m adaria land. Damana Damssie v. Gole Halchoye, DACCA, 130/41 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

22 For a discussion o f post-war government land grant proclamations see Tekalign, "A
City and Its Hinterlands", 239-245.

23 Askale Abaye v. Assafa Gassassa, DACCA, 128/34 (Dilla, 1934 E.C.).

147
land during the time of Dajazmach Balcha. He was awarded one gasha of

madaria land because of his membership in the Barud Bet regiment, a famous

regiment which was loyal to Balcha and had fought the Italians.24 In later years the

land was passed on to Adnaw; he also became a member of the militia (nac'

labash) although it was not clear that whether he was allowed to retain the

madaria land o f his father because of his own military post.25

Adnaw was also required to provide a statement from the tenants who

actually worked on the land. The head tenant as their spokesman stated that the

land which Adnaw wanted to convert to rest was fanned by a group of tenants. He

further said;

this land has been madaria land belonging to Adnaw’s father since
1928 E.C. [1935/36] After the Italians left the land was transferred to
A to (a title equivalent to Mr) Adnaw, to whom I have paid erbo
(quarter) for the last four years. As a result I will not claim this land as
my rest. In the previous years after qalad was introduced the land was
given as madaria land. I would like to confirm that I have not
bequeathed this land to anybody else as my rest and I will not dispute
with A to Adnaw on this land as my rest.16

The above statement was instrumental not only in avoiding possible future

disputes, but also in providing historical insight, to show how madaria land

evolved into rest land. The legal process of the conversion of madaria land into

rest was very stringent as the above case shows.27 Unusually the land was not

passed from father to son directly, but through the involvement of an authority

which authorised the transfer of the land to Adnaw; unfortunately there is no more

24 M cClellan, State Transformation, 39.

25 Adnaw Margia V. T'ilahun Worqu, DACCA, 21/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

26 Adnaw Margia V. T'ilahun Worqu, DACCA, 21/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

27 Damana D am ssie V . Gole Halchoye, DACCA, 130/41 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

148
information available to enable us to leam on what grounds the land was allowed

to be held by him.28 In fact other evidence shows that most of the lands which

were originally given as madaria land did remain in the hands of their family

which raises the question of whether there was any really important difference

between madaria and rest rights.29

The above example demonstrates how implementing governmental changes

required energy, resources and time. As mentioned earlier, this period was

dominated by land and tenancy issues, and courts played a central role.30

However before dealing directly with land dispute issues it is important to

consider the nature o f the courts so that we can understand how they conducted

their work, particularly in the sensitive areas of land and tenancy.

The role of courts in land disputes

One of the distinguishing features of the post-liberation period in Gedeo was the

proliferation of land disputes. Government courts were the arena for land disputes

of various kinds but despite the important role courts played during the period, our

current level of knowledge is very meagre. The history of the Ethiopian legal

28 Schwab, D ecision-M aking in Ethiopia, 66.

29 W alda Sellassie W alda Sanbat V. Kabada M ola, DACCA, 338/53(D illa, 1953 E.C.)
This case came to court because o f the failure o f an agreement signed between the plaintiff and the
defendant regarding the sharing o f madaria land. When the agreement was initially signed the
defendant agreed to share his one gasha m adaria land with the plaintiff and in return the plaintiff
agreed to fulfil som e obligations towards the government on behalf o f the defendant. When the
plaintiff (W alda Sellassie) failed to discharge his obligations the defendant (Kabada ) took the land
away, and W alda Sellasse retaliated by taking legal action against Kabada. Although the court
finally decided in favour o f Kabada it did not question the way in which the m adaria land had
been passed on to another individual (in this case to Walda Sellassie) without the approval the
government, although such lands were not intended to be passed on to a third person.

30 In contrast in Swaziland, for example, government courts do not deal with land dispute
matters, it is mainly the chiefs and the council ( the libandla) who have the jurisdiction to hear land
matters; see Laurel L. R ose, The Politics o f Harmony: L and D ispute Strategies in Sw aziland,
African Studies S e r ie s ; (Cambridge (Britain); N ew York: Cambridge U .P., 1992), 37.

149
system has not been the subject of major historical enquiry and as a result we

know very little about how courts dealt with complex issues such as land disputes,

either from a procedural point of view or from other legal perspectives.31

In the government’s bid to modernise the country through centralisation

and the bureaucratisation of its various departments legal reforms were given a

pivotal role.32 However the codification process of Ethiopian Civil Law did not

take place until nearly two decades after liberation33 and it was only in 1960 that

the Civil Code o f Ethiopia appears to have been formally adopted.34 Despite the

inclusion of Ethiopian customary laws and practices the backbone of the 1960

civil code of Ethiopia was European Romano-Germanic family law.35 Even after

becoming formally operational its application seems to have been delayed and

hampered by a number of factors, especially the lack of properly trained personnel

who could interpret the law as required.36 In addition the government had

problems with finance and administration. It is also claimed that the newly

31 Aberra Jembere, An Introduction to the Legal H istory o f Ethiopia, 1434-1974 (Munster;

London: Lit Verlag, 2000), 1.

32 Paul H. Brietzke, Law, Development, and the Ethiopian Revolution (Lewisburg/London:

Bucknell U.P. A ssociated University Presses, 1982), 67.

33 Markakis pointed out that the codification o f law began with the drafting o f a criminal
law system in the 1930s, Markakis, Ethiopia, 296; regarding the codification o f private law see
Reinhard Zimmermann, Roman Law, Contem porary Law, European Law: The Civilian Tradition
Today (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 14-18; See also Peter Stein, Roman Law in
European H isto iy (N ew York: Cambridge University Press, 1999); 110-113.

34 Kenneth R. Redden, The Legal System o f Ethiopia (Virginia: The M ichie Co., 1968), 49;
Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen an d Subject: Contem porary Africa a n d the L egacy o f Late
Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 111-137; Mamdani belives that the
customary law o f Ethiopia was replaced with modem civil code only after the 1974 Revolution.

35 Aberra, The L egal H istory o f Ethiopia, 10-16.

36 Redden said that in 1963 there were only 19 university- trained lawyers in the whole o f
Ethiopia. H ow ever all 19 lawyers occupied an important postion in the government. According to
him the problem was somewhat mitigated as “ Ethiopians are litigious by nature, the remaining
hundreds o f thousands o f practicing advocates, prosecutors and judges, who serviced a population
in excess o f 20 million, had little if any formal legal education,” Redden, The L egal System o f
Ethiopia, 191.

150
adopted law was not implemented fully because it was too complex to serve the

needs of ordinary Ethiopians as it was adopted from a highly developed legal

system.37

The archives show little evidence that the new legal system was used in

land and tenancy disputes in places like G edeo.38 However, it is very difficult to

establish why it was not used by the judges in lower courts and whether it was

because of lack of expertise 01*for financial and administrative reasons. A careful

study of the land dispute documents reveals that there was in fact no specific body

of law to which the Ethiopian courts adhered. This is unsurprising in view of the

fact that courts were poorly organised and staffed by untrained personnel who had

no knowledge of legal matters beyond basic literacy or at most a church

education.39

Although the courts dealt with all kinds of disputes, dispute about land has

always been at the forefront of their task. This is not because people were unable

to resolve their problems privately through traditional mediation, as they have

always done, but due to the highly sensitive nature of land issues, courts were

given the power by the government to deal with them. People also felt that when

issues of crucial importance arose between them the government courts were the

ultimate battle ground. This does not mean that the role of traditional mediation

37 Paul H. Brietzke, "Private Law in Ethiopia," Journal o f Ethiopian Law, 18, No. 2
(1974), 149-167; Aberra felt that the reason why the Civil Code was not implemented was because
o f problems associated with lack o f resources, whereas P. Brietzke felt that it was too sophisticated
to serve the needs o f ordinary Ethiopians. See also Aberra, The Legal H istory o f Ethiopia, 10-13.

38 In a very few land dispute cases disputants did cite the relevant code from the book, but
when they presented their case or offered their defence they did not interpret and apply the law
accordingly. Ganale Tetu V. Jilo Gunayo, DACCA, 381/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

39 Comparing Ethiopian law with the W est Brietzke claims that “ ... customary Ethiopian
processes place a greater emphasis upon correct procedures and the persuasive presentation o f
facts rather than com plex interpretation o f substantive rules, upon a quick, flexible, and local
conciliation or arbitration which restores social harmony rather than the implementation o f abstract
concepts o f ju stic e .. Brietzke, Law, 32.

151
was completely taken over by modem courts or made illegal by the law, but the

crucial importance of land meant that the courts passed the final verdict.40

One of the obvious reasons why land ownership was a highly contentious

area was that it was in short supply.41 Evidence shows that land became

increasingly scarce especially after 1941 and as a result the desire to gain land

intensified. The reason for this is that the post-war period was a time of stability

where agriculture, commerce and trade expanded and towns and market centres

flourished in Gedeo. This was particularly encouraged by the development of

coffee as a cash crop (it has become Gedeo’s most important product) and the

construction of a motorway which connected Gedeo to the international market

via Addis Ababa, the capital. The population also increased remarkably during

this period.

Most of the evidence which shows that population growth was substantial

during our period is qualitative in nature. Informants claimed that their parents had

come from the core areas in the highlands in search of land because accessing

outiba land was becoming increasingly difficult. Some informants who were

among the first generation of settlers said that land shortage was the main driving

force for them to move into the lower zone. This confirms the findings of the few

available quantitative sources which show a similar trend. The Italian geographer,

Guidi, who spent about seven months in Gedeo in 1937, estimated the Gedeo

population to be about 40-45,000, Although the figure looks small he was

surprised by the high density of the settlements. The 1984 census put the figure at

40 Afaworq Mangistu v. Tiro Jabo, DACCA, 105/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

41 D essalegn Rahraato, Agrarian Reform in Ethiopia (Trenton, N.J.: Red Sea Press, 1985),
19; He said that insecurity o f tenure was the main cause o f disputes, and he drew his conclusion
from the perspective o f the northern Ethiopian land tenure system.

152
453,099 and showed the density of Gedeo’s population to be among the highest in

Ethiopia.42

These factors all impacted upon the competition for the available land.43

As access to land in the core areas became restricted the land in the qalad areas

began to absorb the newcomers who were also lured by the prospect o f better land;

this was one o f the reasons why land in the qalcid area was much more contentious

than in the outiba area.44

Scarcity is cited as a major reason for land to be intensely contested, and it

is certainly likely to have been the driving force behind most o f the disputes.

However it may not give us a complete explanation as to why land litigation was

so endemic among Ethiopian society at large 45 The question here should be seen

in a much broader setting which requires us to place the issue within the larger

framework of property rights.46 The lack of a clear and unambiguous definition

and delineation of property meant that there was always an opportunity for dispute.

It was not surprising therefore that disputes arose in some parts o f Gedeo more

than others, especially from the qalad areas rather than the outiba. The Gedeos

never fully accepted the way qalad land was partitioned and distributed solely to

42 Interveiw with Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July,
2004; and Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6 July, 2004. Guidi,5We/ Sidamo O rientate”, 377; Office o f
the Population and Housing Census Commission, Population an d H ousing Census 1984, 35.

43 For a similar argument see Sara Berry, Chiefs Know Their Boundaries : E ssays on
P roperty, P o w er a n d the P a st in Asante, 1896-1996 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), xix-xxi.

44 M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations”, 194.

45 According to Cohen and Weintraub “The lack o f adequate measurements, the chaos o f
the present registration system , and the general combativeness o f northern and southern peasants
over claims and boundaries, create much insecurity and litigation.” Cohen and Weintraub, Land
and P easants, 57.

46 For a discussion o f property rights and issues with security o f rights see David L.
Weimer, "The Political Economy o f Property Rights," in The P olitical Econom y o f P roperty Rights:
Institutional Change a n d C redibility in the Reform o f Centrally P lan n ed E conom ies, ed. David L.
W eimer (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1997), 1-19.

153
naft annas. This was reflected indirectly in many land disputes and more directly

in the 1960 conflict at Michele which resulted in the death of many peasants and

the destruction o f much property,47

The fact that in the pre-1941 period lands were acquired or transferred

under loose or ill-defined agreements left openings for opportunistic would-be

owners to start litigation as the competition for land intensified. Hence disputes

over land became a very important feature of this period, as a means to gain

access to this increasingly important resource. Although it is difficult to present

statistics in support of this contention it is clear that land litigation increased

significantly in later years, from the late 1950s until the end of our period. 4 8

The way courts were structured and operated within the Ethiopian context

is also worthy of consideration. A hierarchical structure existed from the highest

court in Addis Ababa presided over by the Emperor, down to the local level; the

at’bya danha (local judge) court was at the bottom of the hierarchy. The view of

the government was that citizens would be better served by accessing courts at a

village level.49 However, due to a system of appeal and counter appeal a simple

case which started at the bottom of the hierarchy might eventually be heard in the

highest court. This was advantageous in instances of injustice or dissatisfaction

with the outcome of lower courts, but gradually became problematic especially for

people who had limited resources, because by using the appeal system cases were

perpetuated for years before they were resolved. This was also compounded by the

47 See chapter five for a detailed discussion o f the uprising.

48 D essalegn, A grarian Reform in Ethiopia, 19.

49 Aberra, The L egal H istory o f Ethiopia, 219-241.

154
government’s limited ability to enforce the courts’ decisions; thus individuals

were unable to break out of an endless cycle of dispute and litigation.50

The plaintiff was usually required by the court to estimate the size of the

land in question and its equivalent in money (e.g. 1 gasha. = 5,000 birr, the

standard Ethiopian monetary unit). This was in order to help determine at which

level of court the case should first be heard.51 On initiating a land dispute some

plaintiffs intentionally overestimated the size and value of the land to make it an

expensive and difficult process for the defendants, as it would incur major

expenses to travel for every hearing, notwithstanding the payment of the expenses

of several witnesses. In most cases defendants simply gave their response to the

main issue but at times, especially if they were economically fortunate and had

acquired professional help or representation, they might argue about procedural

issues or the estimate of the land’s value and claim that it should be higher or

lower.52

Supporting evidence was the key to winning court battles.53 However the

production of evidence in itself did not mean that a satisfactory conclusion was

reached in court disputes; how such evidence was interpreted also mattered. The

most common types of evidence which were presented to the court were

50 There were abundant stories o f land litigation whereby fam ilies “inherited”
unconcluded court cases. People had been locked into a cycle o f litigation for generations; most o f
these cases were only resolved by the revolution and subsequent land reform.

51 For the court structure o f Ethiopia in both the pre -and post-liberation period see Aberra,
The L egal H istory o f E thiopia, 219-241.

52 This is among the few cases where procedural knowledge was used to win a dispute.
Mintdsnot Kabade v. Dana Shartu, DACCA, 61/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C.).

53 Heinrich Scholler, The Special Court o f Ethiopia, 1920-1935, Athiopistische

Forschungen (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1985), 89-90; According to Scholler the
issue o f proof, which is built into the traditional law o f Ethiopia, is very important.

155
1. Tax receipts, particularly land assessment receipts. Land assessment

receipts were given high importance because government officials usually

assessed land fertility at intervals of some years by classifying the land

according to different levels of fertility [lam (fertile), lam-t q/'(semi-fertile)

and t ’a f (uncultivated)].54 This was considered to be the most reliable

information for use in court. The main function of this assessment was for

taxation purposes; however it contained other important information about

the land, i.e. its location, the name of local governors, the tenure type, the

size and fertility, the name of people who owned adjoining land etc. From

the available court archives it is possible to tell that land assessment had

taken place in 1942 E.C. (1950), 1945 E.C. (1953) and 1955 E.C. (1963).

As well as the fertility level of the land the person who owned or owns the

land was registered according to the tenure system on that land, hi the case

of land which was considered to be rest land the person who was

responsible in paying taxes was registered as the alaqa (chief or head) and

others (usually brothers) as m im ir (followers). However courts did not

always accept land assessment receipts at face value, because as was

revealed in some disputes, people were discovered to be illegally

registered as the rninzir of a piece of land.55 There were instances where

such registration was challenged by opponents and as a result the court

nullified their registration as fraudulent. The registration of land tax in line

with the northern Shawan type of system {alaqa and minzir) was

interpreted by some researchers as a move towards the Amhara form of

54 G&bra-Wald, "Ethiopia's", 302-339.

55 For a historical explantion o f these terms see Mantel-Niecko, The R ole o f L and Tenure, 105.

156
 land tenure. 56 From the government’s viewpoint it had practical

importance in terms of reducing the burden of tax collection by giving

some responsibility to the alaqa.

2. The second most common kind of evidence was that of personal witnesses.

These were people who knew about the land, or who were present when

the land was sold. If it was an inheritance and the relevant document was

lost, people who were present at the time served as witnesses. In some

cases a written document was not in itself be considered to be credible

unless reinforced by eye witnesses’ accounts.

3. Any other written document, such as sale agreements, wills, and so forth.

As noted earlier, land disputes cases could be grouped into two major divisions,

interpersonal and government vs. individuals. Although the cases in which the

government was involved were not numerous, they are however significant. By

becoming involved in disputes the state attempted to use the legal system it had

erected not only to protect its own interests and the interest of others but also as a

demonstration that it was not above the law. Since the bulk of the archival

material falls in the first category i.e. interpersonal land disputes, this chapter will

be mainly devoted to this group of cases.

Interpersonal land disputes

At what point did individual disputants decide to take legal action to resolve their

differences? Taking a case to court was a last resort when other forms of conflict

resolution had failed. Most legal documents do not show what efforts were made

56 TekaIign,"A City and Its Hinterlands", 239.

57 According to Gabra-Wald this system was abolished by Emperor Haile Selassie. See Gabra-
Wald, "Ethiopia’s", 311.

157
preceding the presentation of the case to a government court. Attempting to settle

disputes privately through mediation or in other traditional ways was not seen as a

precondition for disputants before entering into a court battle, but such a step

could be taken by the individuals involved at any time including during the court

proceedings, and courts imposed no restrictions in this regard.58

The interpersonal land disputes which came before the courts were widely

varied. Archival documents reveal the kind of land dispute cases that government

courts dealt with and the way in which the disputants presented their arguments to

the courts, as well as how the courts weighed evidence and reached their verdict.

However their varied and complex nature also means that they pose

methodological problems such as how they should be approached in order to

extract the most useful information for historical reconstruction. When a plaintiff

lodged a case the courts usually registered it according to the issue he/she

presented. However, interpersonal land disputes appeared in court under very

general and vague titles. For example all inheritance cases were given a similar

title, and if the dispute was about erbo the document would be labelled

accordingly. This was a misleading approach because there are a number of court

cases which originated as an erbo dispute and later evolved into a land dispute.59

As a result of this it is difficult to establish even the basic issue behind any dispute;

thorough investigation is needed to discover whether the issue was a land or

tenancy dispute.

Interpersonal land disputes which came before the courts in Gedeo could

be grouped broadly into the following categories

5SAfaworq Mangistu V. Tiro Jabo DACCA, 105/53 (D illa,1953 E.C.).

59 Worq Yit'aru Dubale v. D inge Bushe, DACCA, 307/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

158
1. Land sale

2. Inheritance (viwra)

3. Other varied issues, but were grouped under the general title of land dispute.

1. Land sale

Land sale was one of the most common methods of land transfer between

individuals in Gedeo both before and after 1941.60 We do not know whether there

was a marked difference in terms of the volume of transactions for the two periods.

However based on the impression of informants as well as information from the

archives we can safely assume that it was widely practiced after 1941.61 The

improved economic situation and demographic pressure meant that accessing land

by various means intensified. We have only limited information about land sale

during the pre-war period, but court archives used for this study indicate that land

sale was practiced on a limited scale. However we cannot identify the factors

which motivated individuals to become involved in such transactions. McClellan

claimed that due to the introduction of qalad, land became available and as a

result Dcijjzacmach Balcha, the regional governor of Sidamo, sold land to

individuals; however McClellan does not provide evidence in support of this.62

The local archives only referred to land acquisition during Balchas’ time as a gift

to soldiers and other functionaries of the government in the form o f madaria and

samon lands; there is no mention of any purchase from the state. In contrast the

few archives of the post-war period show that land sale was common. These

60 For a history o f land sale in Ethiopia see Crummey, L and an d Society, 182-187.

61 Asaged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.); Interview
with Badesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abicha, 9 July 2004; and Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

62 M cClellan, State Transformation, 90.

159
sources referred to land sale during the pre-war period as well but only mentioned

individual transactions, and therefore in this section we shall focus on disputes

which arose in connection with such transfers.

Land dispute documents do not give much information about the

individuals involved in the transaction and therefore it is difficult to identify

whether a particular group or class of people were actively pursuing the

accumulation o f land by purchase. Land transfer appeared to take place among

individuals regardless of their social, political and economic position within the

community. In addition, although court dispute cases provide some background

history about the land, there is very little information regarding the details of the

transactions. Some of the case studies which will be examined shortly show that

the selling of land was not a smooth process and the transaction rarely seemed to

have happened by following simple market principles such as supply and

demand.64 Contention appeared to have been an intrinsic part of any land sale;

however, it is not easy to establish the reason why there was a high degree of

correlation between lands which were transferred by sale and the eruption of legal

disputes 65

Conflict could start from the early phases of the transaction, although as

can be seen from the case studies given below disputes tended to take place at two

different stages, either at the time of the initial transfer or many years after the

transfer had taken place. In both cases the challenge usually came from close

family members. The main objective of contention during the initial stages was to

63 A saged Endala V. Tirunase Tassdma, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

64 Adam Habib v. T'aqabo Bela, DACCA, 742/57 (Dilla, 1957 E.C.).

65 Fayessa Araresso v. Bonja Dukale, DACCA, 25/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.). This dispute
started in court before the land was even transferred to the buyer.

160
block the sale of land to a person outside the family. It seems that family members

made a persistent attempt to avoid the placing of land outside their own control, hr

the two cases presented below disputes took place at a later stage, many years

after these lands were transferred by sale to the new owners.66

The first case, which illustrates many of the above points, was initiated at

court in 1942 E.C (1949) between the plaintiff Asaged Endala and the defendant, a

woman named Emdt (Mrs) Tirunash Tassama. The land which was the subject of

this dispute was initially transferred by sale from the previous owner in 1921 E.C.

(1929). This land appeared to have been a subject of dispute for a long period of

time until the case came to the Darassa (now Gedeo) Awraja court. In this latest

dispute the plaintiff first presented a short history of the land in question and how

the land had been transferred from his father to himself and his other brothers.

This case was initiated as a simple land dispute but the details provided both by

the defendant and the plaintiff and also by witnesses’ statements illustrate other

issues around the subject of land tenure.67

The plaintiff, Asaged Endala (son of the first buyer) initiated a legal action

on September 20th 1949, at the Awraja Court in Dilla against the defendant named

Emdt Tirunash Tassama over half a gasha of land (one gasha is approximately 40

hectares), claiming that the estimated value of the land was equivalent to 300 birr.

He stated his case as follows;

My father Balambaras (a traditional title given to low level

administrators) Endala Wondimagnahu bought one gasha of
land from a woman called Wayzaro (a title equivalent to Mrs)
Balynesh Sede in a place called Bonde qabale in 1921 E.C.

66 Mintasnot Kabade v. Dana Shartu, DACCA, 61/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C.).

67 Asaged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

161
 (1929) The price of this gasha of land was 450 Mari Theresa
taller (Austrian currency). 8 Later my father allowed A to Bahru,
who was also responsible for the sale, to use the land. Then later
my father took over the land himself and had been paying all
taxes until the Italian occupation. Before his death in 1935 E.C
[1943] my father divided the land among the five sons and since
he favoured me I was given half a gasha and the other half was
divided among my four brothers. Now in my absence for some
unknown reason the defendant accused my brother at Jamjam
Awraja Court and took over the land. I am now presenting my
case to this court to consider the issue before the land is
completely transferred to the defendant.69

The above statement by the plaintiff not only concerns the relevant land

dispute but also illustrates a number of points about land tenure in pre- and post­

war Gedeo. It shows that there had been a great deal of continuity over decades.

As the plaintiff claimed, the land was passed to him from his father and as a

favoured son he was given half of the gasha while the rest of his brothers

distributed the remaining half gasha among themselves. This kind of inheritance

of land passed down from father to son or sons was very common practice. It

appears however that the decision to favour one son over the other was peculiar to

the plaintiffs father rather than a rule established by the indigenous tenure

systems. Informants also pointed out that sometimes fathers would give an extra

share o f land to a son whom they believed was more responsible and caring,

which shows that there were varied practices of land distribution.70

Returning to the main issue of this particular dispute, it is evident that the

case was the continuation of a long standing battle. The reason the case came to

68 This had been a common currency in Ethiopia until it was fully replaced by Ethiopian birr
w hich is the official currency.

69 Asaged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

70 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999; Badecha Leko, Tumticha, 29
April 1999; and Gobana Sole, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

162
Dilla, from Jamjam, a neighbouring Awraja, was because of a new arrangement in

the administrative structure which took place in the early 1940s; since the land

now fell within the jurisdiction of Darassa (Gedeo) it had to be heard in that

Awraja.

The statement by the plaintiff fails to tell the full story concerning the loss

of his land to the defendant. According to him his inability to defend the case

personally at the previous hearing had caused this to happen.71 Although his

brother on that occasion had appeared in court, his inability to provide an effective

defence meant that the court decided the land should be awarded to the defendant.

Although he did not provide details he felt that his brother had deliberately

intended to inflict damage upon him by sabotaging the case. It is clear from the

plaintiffs statement that he and his brother were not on good terms, possibly

because the plaintiffs original share of land was larger than his other brothers.

The defendant’s main argument was that the decision made at the previous court,

at Jamjam, should be respected as final and binding, and she felt that the case

should not start afresh. This argument was not accepted by the court, and the case

proceeded with the hearing of evidence.

It was the usual practice for both the plaintiff and the defendant to present

evidence o f their right to a particular piece of land. Usually the court required both

sides to present evidence either as verbal statements or written documents. (It was

rare to present a written document of any kind concerning land transactions which

took place before the war, however.)72 Usually, therefore, the evidence of

7iThe plaintiff did not make it clear why he was unable to defend the case in person in the
previous court hearing. It appears however that his absence was deliberate as his strategy was to
spoil his brother’s chance o f winning the case.

12 In another court case the court turned down the appeal o f a defendant because the defendant
asked the plaintiff to present a written agreement which showed that he had bought the land from

163
witnesses was verbal and consisted of statements from people who were familiar

with the region who had participated in that particular transaction, or were

personally present when the land sale took place,73 In this case the plaintiff

presented four witnesses, one of whom had known the history of the land since the

time of Dajjazmach Balcha. Although most of the witnesses testified in a similar

manner, one gave additional historical details which had not been mentioned by

the plaintiff or the defendant and which make the story more interesting.

According to his statement;

I know both the plaintiff and the defendant and I also know the
land about which there is a dispute. This land first belonged to
Emdt Balaynash and a man called A to Kabtyimar looked after it.
A to Bahru, who married the daughter of Emdt Balaynash,
borrowed money from Balambaras Endala and I was a guarantor
for that. Then later he could not pay back the money he had
borrowed from the defendant’s father, and I was imprisoned.
Therefore he sold the land to Balambaras Endala to bail me out.
I was also present when he sold the land to Balambaras Endala.
From that day until now the land was in the hands of the
plaintiffs father and their sons. Since I also have land which
borders on this land I am familiar with the issue.74

The defendant also claimed that the way the father of the plaintiff

Balambaras Endala acquired the land in the first place was inappropriate and

therefore she wanted witnesses to be heard. From the above testimony the land

was sold outside the family to the father of the plaintiff because of pressure of

debt, in contradiction of established practice.75

him. The court considered this to be an unfair manoeuvre on the defendant’s part as he had asked
this question intentionally knowing that all documents belonging to the pre-war period had been
burned during the Italian occupation. Esate Minwalkulat V. C'aka N am e, D A C C A , 325/41 (Dilla,
1942 E.C.).

73 Ashagre Takla Maryam v. Shabo Dukale, DACCA, 145/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

74 A saged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

75 Eshate M inwalkulat v. C'aka Name, DACCA, 325/41 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

164
 As can be judged from the above discussion land sale was a fraught area.

Transferring land by sale was not a straightforward process from the point of view

of either sellers 01* buyers. When considering selling land to anyone interested

sellers were expected to give priority to family members. When preparing to

purchase land buyers had to ensure that the seller took all the necessary steps to

avoid future disputes before engaging in the transaction; protecting what they had

acquired at a later date would not only be complex but also could cost them dearly

both financially as well as in terms of time. As the above case has shown the land

was bought by the father of the plaintiff, Balambaras Endala, after the previous

landowner had financial problems. Hence the attempt by one member of the

family of the sellers to render the sale illegal did not succeed. Unfortunately the

written account is so brief that we cannot establish exactly why it failed. However

we know that the buyers remained in control of the land and it was confirmed by

statements of the witnesses that the land had been in their possession for an

uninterrupted period o f time.

A superficial understanding of the transfer of land by sale gives the

impression that it was a well established and efficient medium o f property transfer.

However, as the following case shows, acquiring land by purchase remained

problematic.

In a similar land dispute case the land in question was initially offered for

sale to an outsider. This potential sale was blocked by one of the members of the

seller’s family, who unlike in the example above succeeded in interrupting the

transaction and bought the land themselves. We do not know what actual legal

basis was used to stop sales to outsiders but nevertheless the practice was common

165
as we can see both from this and the previous case. However what is not clear is

whether the sellers would be financially disadvantaged by selling their land to a

family member or kin as opposed to an outside person. This seems likely; the

available sources do not provide detailed information, but close inspection of

individual cases suggests that vendors gained financially when they sold their land

to non family members and kin.

In the following case the main aim of the plaintiff was to regain control of

land which had been sold by his mother many years ago. The dispute was between

Eshate Minwalkulat and three defendants.76 When the plaintiff initiated the case

he stated that the dispute was about erbo, a common trigger for land disputes in

Gedeo during this period, and he accused the defendants as his tenants who of

failing to pay the land rent due to him. The real motive of the plaintiff was not

apparent until later during the course of the dispute. When the defendants

appeared in court they responded to the charge by saying that they had no

knowledge o f the plaintiff as their landlord and asked the court to pass the case to

their wabi,77 to whom they had been paying rent. Hence a man called Wayassa

Dabala appeared in court by invitation from the accused tenants. Now the case

evolved from an erbo dispute to a land ownership conflict between the plaintiff
no
and the wabi.

In the middle of the dispute another person entered the game, a second

wabi, Kassaye Zamilcaele, who according to the defendants owned the land jointly

76 Eshate M inwalkulat v. C'aka Name, DACCA, 325/41 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

77 A person who may be allowed by the court to intervene in land or tenancy dispute upon
the invitation o f o f either o f the parties. See chapter four for more discussion about the
involvement o f wabis.

78 Walata Gabrael v. Tero Adayo, DACCA, 31/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

166
with Wayassa Dabala. Now the truth began to emerge. The land which the

plaintiff Eshate claimed to be his initially belonged to his mother, but later was

bought by the two defendants. After Kassaye and Wayassa confirmed their

purchase of the land, these two further added that their wives were sisters of the

plaintiffs mother. Thus by buying the land from Eshate’s mother it had remained

within the family.

The plaintiff argued that his mother had not actually sold to the two wabis

and hence contested the sale. When he was challenged as to how the defendants

were able to use the land as their own property, he claimed that she gave them the

land on a walad-aged (lease) basis. The court asked both sides to present their

evidence. When the defendants were unable to produce a written agreement about

the sale, the plaintiff, Eshate, demanded that without such evidence the sale should

not be recognised by the court as legitimate. The court considered this to be an

unfair manoeuvre 011 the part of Eshate because he had made this stipulation

knowing that all documents belonging to the pre-war period had been destroyed

by fire during the Italian occupation. Under these circumstances the court felt that

personal witnesses would be sufficient to decide the case, and nine of them

testified. However none of the statements of the witnesses supported Eshate and

therefore he lost his attempt to win back land which his mother had sold legally

many years ago.79

This case illustrates two major points about land dispute in Gedeo. One is

that a dispute could be initiated on many grounds; it demonstrates clearly that

initiating a land dispute on spurious grounds was not difficult at all. This case was

not unusual in that the apparent cause of dispute (erbo non-payment) was initially

79 Eshate M inwalkulat v. C'aka Name, DACCA, 325/41 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

167
used to mask the real dispute which centred around Eshate’s attempts to regain

land his mother had actually sold. The defendants, who had bought the land

legally, were forced to endure a lengthy and expensive court battle without

sufficient reason. Even though the court decided in their favour by reaffirming

their rights to the land once they had had produced evidence, this case illustrates

the high degree of insecurity associated with land ownership rights. Both the

plaintiffs evidence and his argument were weak, but in spite of that he was able

to engage his opponents in a lengthy court dispute. The other important point is

the centrality of evidence to the outcome of court battles. As can be seen from this

case the dispute was not won by procedural knowledge, but by the defendants’ use

of strong verbal evidence in their favour.80

As we have seen in these two examples people who acquired land by

purchase did not find it easy to protect their property from challenges from other

contenders.81 This suggests that land sale, although a common practice, might not

necessarily have been the preferred option when the individual wanted to meet

other social and economic obligations. Although the system continued,

transferring land through sale became increasingly less important compared to

other modes of transfer as we will see in the next section, hi the meantime there

was a gradual regulation of the procedures of transfer, and particular attention was

given to the provision of written sales agreements, which would provide greater

security for buyers. Despite such clarification, disputes about land continued to

dominate court proceedings and people were able to find a multiplicity of excuses

for initiating a case, with the overall aim of blocking land transfer.

80 Tamana Darsahe v. Zanabach Fulase, DACCA, 42/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

81 Tafassa Makuria v. Adula Worba, DACCA, 12/61 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

168
 In fact one case which came to court many decades after the sales

transaction took place shows that written sales agreements, which were given

central importance in land disputes, began to be challenged retrospectively by

claiming that the agreement had been the result of fraudulent activity on the part

of the defendants. The case below illustrates how a well-written sales agreement

might not be sufficient to protect one’s ownership rights, and how an individual

might have a difficult task to ensure that the land was their legitimate property.

The following case was the most protracted of all the cases I examined because

the dispute reached the Zufan Chelot (Crown Court) at Addis Ababa, which was

the pinnacle of Ethiopia’s court system, normally presided over by Emperor Haile

Sellassie himself or other leading ju d g es.82

The case was initiated by a woman named Emat Warqnashe Walda Mikael,

who accused the tenants who were cultivating the land of non-payment of erbo,

although the case proved to be infinitely more complex. The accused tenants did

not reply to the main charges, they simply passed the case to the people they

themselves identified as the owners of the land, through what was known as the

wabi system.83 Two women appeared at court as wabis for the tenants, Emdt

Falaqach Saboqa and Emdt Elfnashe Gabra Sellassie. The relationship between the

two landladies was not stated in the case file; however, they claimed that they

were joint owners o f the land. According to the defendants they had bought the

82 Aberra, The L egal H istory o f Ethiopia, 219-228 ; Dassalane Korojo V. Borqo Ginje,
DACCA, 285/54 (D illa, 285/54).

83 There w ill be further discussion about the w abi system in the next chapter in relation to
tenancy disputes, because it featured widely in relation to such disputes. Tafara Endala v. Huqa
Shongola, DAC CA , 228/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

169
land from the father of the plaintiff, a transaction which had taken place twenty

years before this case came to court.84

The two women argued that the plaintiff was aware of the sale especially

as there had been previous contention about this which had resulted in a mediation

effort which was settled in their favour. Despite this the plaintiff remained

dissatisfied and thus started a fresh court dispute. The defendants claimed that the

mediation effort was concluded by the signing of a binding agreement in the

presence o f her brother which they had both signed and which recognised that the

land belonged to the defendants. They claimed that the reason why her brother had

not appeared him self in court was because he knew that the land belonged to them

and had been acquired legally. When they produced written evidence the plaintiff

then changed her strategy and argued that such evidence was not genuine and

wished to challenge them on these grounds. As a result of this counter-claim by

the plaintiff the dispute centred around the process of verifying the authenticity of

the evidence, and a lengthy court battle ensued.85

As she refused to accept the authenticity of the written evidence presented

by the defendants the plaintiff asked the court to send it to technical examiners.

This manoeuvre seemed to have worked very well in terms o f prolonging the case,

and since there was no facility to handle the examination in Gedeo or in the bigger

towns such as Yirga Alam or Awassa, the court had to send it to Addis Ababa.

However, when the results arrived the examination was found to be inconclusive

which suited the plaintiff. The court then felt that the case should be settled by

84
Worqnashe W /Mikael v. Falaqach Stiboqa and Elfenaashe G /Sellassie, DACCA,
102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

85 Worqndshe W /M ikael v. Falaqach Saboqa and Elfenaashe G/Sellassie, DACCA,

102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

170
hearing the accounts of personal witnesses, as a result of which the ownership

right of the defendants was finally confirmed. Unfortunately despite

overwhelming evidence the plaintiff had been able to prolong the case far longer

than was warranted by appealing to the higher courts. In fact when she made her

first appeal to the regional court, the court felt that since the technical report was

inclusive the land should be awarded to the plaintiff. That was however short lived

because the case was again overturned by the counter appeal made by the

defendants, which resulted in the witnesses’ verbal evidence being heard.86

Thus the Court o f Appeal at Addis Ababa overturned the decision of the

High Court of Sidamo and ruled that the decision of the Awraja Court at Dilla in

favour of the defendants should stand. The plaintiff remained unsatisfied and

therefore she decided to appeal to the Zufan Chelot. 87 Here the case was initially

reviewed by a group of judges to determine whether there were sufficient grounds

for a further appeal to take place. A committee of three judges who reviewed the

case wrote a letter to the plaintiff stating that the first decision made by the

Awraja Court and later confirmed by the Court of Appeal at Addis Ababa was

after all appropriate; therefore the case would not be taken further.88

This case is significant from a number of points. Regarding the

transactions made in earlier times, it was very difficult for the owners to support

their claims to the land because documents were either destroyed during the war,

or the transaction had been made verbally, and because of the length of time

86 Worqnashe W /M ikael v. Falaqach Saboqa and Elfenaashe G /Sellassie, DACCA,

102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

S7Redden, The L egal System o f Ethiopia, 43.

88
WorqnSshe W /M ikael v. Falaqach Saboqa and Elfenaashe G /Sellassie, DACCA,
102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

171
which had elapsed it was problematic to find witnesses who were present at the

time. We know also that there was no government authority which was

responsible for recording land transactions and which could provide authoritative

evidence so that such disputes could easily be averted or settled. Land property

rights could be subjected to contention at any time irrespective of how the land

had been acquired. Owners frequently had to pass through a gruelling legal

process to confirm that the land belonged to them. Initiating a case was not after

all difficult; in the above case for example it was enough for the plaintiff to say

that the documents were not genuine to justify considerably prolonging the legal

battle. Although the plaintiff lost the case the punishment was far less significant

than the trouble she had caused the defendants, in view of the effort and the

expense involved. Courts normally awarded compensation to victorious litigants

but most of the time the amount was nominal, for example the plaintiff in this case

only had to pay 15 birr per head in compensation to the defendants. It is not clear

how the amount was calculated, but nevertheless the winners seemed to have been

satisfied with the bigger prize, which was the land, and did not query the amount

offered.

Hardly surprisingly land acquisition through purchase did not show signs

of increasing, even in the later decades when it was generally believed that the

economic environment was more secure. This does not mean that land transfer

between individuals was totally abandoned. On the contrary it seemed to have

been intensified; however, land sale seems to have given way to other modes of

transfer as we shall see in due course. The court system appeared to be

encouraging rather than discouraging disputes, especially when we consider the

172
endless appeals and counter appeals which were used as a delaying tactics in all

types of cases whatever their magnitude.

In such an insecure environment it is doubtful whether individuals engaged

in such transactions casually without taking extra precautions or opting for

another safer method of property transfer, as will be discussed shortly. Meanwhile

since the buying and selling of land could not totally be avoided some individuals

took additional precautions by legalizing their transactions in court. Therefore a

dual approach began to be used to counter the problem; the first was that the

person who intended to sell their land officially invited any potential claimants to

state their case in court, before the sale was finalised. The second method was for

both buyers and sellers to go to court with the intention of seeking confirmation of

a transaction already made so that future disputes could be avoided.

The first point mentioned above can be illustrated by the following case

whereby the buyer and seller agreed to go to court and officially invite any

individual who might object to the transfer to stake their own claim. This case was

presented in court as an inheritance case but in fact a study of the documents

revealed it to be a land sale.89 The owner of the land was Alamayahu W/Masqal.

Alamayahu stated that his intention was to either sell or bequeath the land to any

person he wished, but before he did that he wanted to make sure that 110 one stood

in his way.

I Alamayahu W/Masqal possess land in Darassa Awraja gizat,

within the Balabatinat of Balambaras Assafa Chumburo, and
the C ’iqa Shumenat (local head man) of Badecha Oudo, at a

89 The overlapping nature o f land sale and inheritance w ill be discussed in the next section;
the example here is used as a land sale agreement rather than an inheritance one. It is also possible
to view this particular case from an inheritance point o f view , but the main point made here is that
due to the proliferation o f disputes buyers urged vendors to go to court to legalise the transaction
so that future conflict could be averted.

173
 place called Daqo. My seven other siblings and I inherited this
land from my mother Emat Get’e W/Tsadiq, but now I want to
bequeath or sell [emphasis my own] my own share of land
including all plants on it to any person I wish. Before 1 signed
this agreement I asked them to state at Gedeo Court if they
opposed the sale or had an interest in buying it themselves. But
none expressed interest.90

The person who wished to acquire land also appeared in court, and he was

identified as Ato Baqala Sintayahu. The transaction had not yet taken place and

therefore it was with the intention of forestalling those who were likely to cause

disruption of the sale that this case came to court. In the final judgement it was

stated that Ato Alamayahu retained the right to bequeath or sell the land, all his

siblings having been sent notice to appear in court if they objected, but none

having appeared.91 Thus in this case the transfer could only take place after the

court had clarified the matter.

In a slightly different scenario court rulings were used to prevent future

disputes from occurring even after the transaction had taken place.92 When the

parties in a land sale sought to legalise the transaction in court they would also

demand that the court invite anyone who had an interest in the land or opposed the

transfer. In one such case which was presented to the Gedeo Awraja Court in

T ’iqmet 21, 1949E.C. (October 31, 1956) the two sides applied jointly and asked

the court to recognise and legalise the transaction. As shown clearly in the

agreement the land was first bought by Ato Taddassa Alecham for birr 700. He

decided to share the land with a man called Ato Zawdie Habta Gyorgis, who was

required to pay half of the price. Ato Taddassa stated that “I sold half of my at’sma

90 Taddassa Alcam V. Zawde Habta Wold, DACCA, 103/49 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

91 Al&mayahu W alda Masqal and Baqala Sintayahu, DACCA, 634/45 (Dilla, 1945 B.C.).

92 Fayesa Arariso V. Bonja Dukale, DACCA, 25/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

174
rest, to Ato Zawdie, so that we could use the land together.” The term at’sma rest

was common terminology in the core rest areas of northern Ethiopia such as Manz.

The words at’s ma rest (literally “bone of my ancestors”) implied that the land had

been inherited from forefathers. In fact he had bought the land himself from

someone else, and it was not an at’s md rest, but he probably used this term to

indicate that the land was his indisputable property. It was specifically stated that

if at some future date one partner wanted to sell their share they should give

priority to the other man rather than to an outsider, and all financial obligations

such as tax were to be met together. Thus legalisation was used to clarify matters

and avoid future litigation.93

2. Inheritance

Inheritance was probably the oldest and the most widely used mode of land

transfer which also continued to be practiced in the period under discussion.94

From the court dispute documents we can see how inheritance was used in two

different contexts. The first one was the most straightforward type where parents

bequeathed their property, mainly land, to their offspring, as illustrated in the first

case discussed above. We have seen that the land about which Asaged Endala was

disputing was inherited from his father and as he pointed out he managed to

receive a larger share than the rest of his brothers. The principles of inheritance

and how their land was to be divided among their children depended largely on

the personal decision o f the parents. Asaged said that as a favoured son he was

allowed to receive a bigger share of the land. While confirming that this practice

93 Taddassa Alcam V . Zawde Habta Wold, DACCA, 103/49 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

94 Crummey, L an d an d Society, 189-190; Dage Bunshe v. Debo Busho, DACCA, 392/53

(Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

175
was common, informants also pointed out that equal sharing as well as

disinheriting (though rare) of offspring were also practiced.95

The other type of “inheritance” which was found in greater abundance in

land dispute documents was the one which was used as a convenient means of

transferring land to non-family members.96 “Inheritance” in this situation differed

from the traditional concept as it meant an alternative form of sale and was not

dependent upon the death of the previous landowner. In theory such transfer of

land should not be different from land sale; however, an increasing number of

people used inheritance as a preferred alternative to transfer of land by sale and

this method became more common than other modes of land transfer during this

period.97 At least with this method possible competition for the ownership of the

land in question was limited to the current owner’s family members.98 The greater

insecurity which was associated with land sale encouraged people to resort to this

type of land transfer.99

However, even in inheritance cases disputes could arise. The most

straightforward inheritance-related disputes happened when disagreements arose

among inheritors or when they interpreted the will left by their parents differently

and subjectively. One case which can illustrate the point regarding disagreement

about a will was the case of Lagassa Saboqa (plaintiff) and Badane Sheto (tenant

95 A saged Endala V. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.); Interview
with Bursa Danbobe, Bula, 3 December 1999; and Badecha Leko, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

96 Eshate Minwalkulat v. C'akaName, DACCA, 325/41 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

97 B&qla Oda v. Dango D alo, DACCA, 52/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

98 Interview with Bursa Danbobe, Bula, 3 December 1999.

99 Goody, "Inheritance, Property and W omen”, 1-9; for example Jack G oody discusses
inheritance as a mode o f property transfer only between family members as was practiced in
Europe 1200-1800.

176
and defendant).100 This case originated at the Waradct Court as an erbo dispute

between a landlord and a tenant and moved to the Awraja Court at Dilla as an

appeal. However, as gradually emerged, the case was a result of sibling rivalry

rather than a dispute about erbo rent. The tenant, who was accused for no apparent

reason and had been paying erbo in full, summoned the plaintiff’s brother as his

wabi, Lagassa’s brother appeared in court as the tenant’s wabi and it became clear

that Lagassa’s real motive was to use the cover of a spurious erbo dispute to try to

take the land from his brother.

When asked by the court what evidence he had he presented a copy of

their father’s will which stated clearly how the land was to be divided among his

children. The issue was not an erbo dispute as the plaintiff had initially claimed.

Rather it was a disagreement based on the way the will was interpreted by the two

brothers and there was nothing relevant to the tenant in this dispute. The main

argument of the plaintiff was that the land should be his and the tenant should pay

rent to him rather than his brother.101 He argued that the will left by their father

clearly indicated that. When both sides disagreed over the content of the will, the

court ordered that it should be read out in court in the presence o f the other

inheritors, and in addition the two copies of the will which had been kept by the

two independent individuals, Emat Warqinash Danbalo and a cleric, Mamere

Asagede.102 The crucial evidence in the above case was the will left by their father

and all copies including the one which the wabi brought to court showed that there

100 Lagassa Saboqa v. Badane Shito, DACCA, 28/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

101 Lagassa Saboqa v. Badane Shito, DACCA, 28/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.); there was also similar
argument in the dispute between Warq Agannahu Walda-Yas V, Gobana Robe, DACCA, 57/59
(Dilla, 1959E.C.).

102 Lagassa Saboqa v. Badane Shito, DACCA, 28/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

177
were no contradictions. Additional supporting testimonies were also heard from

the two neutral persons who had safeguarded copies of the will. The court ruled

that it did not discover any anomalies in the way the will had been implemented,

and therefore the case was dismissed and the wabi freed. Significantly, copies of

the will had been lodged with different people, a precaution which was a

testimony to the fact that disputes were frequent, even among siblings, and

therefore their father sensibly took the precaution of lodging copies of the will

among various individuals.

As indicated above, acquiring land in the name of inheritance rather than

purchase became more popular, and in fact when we study the available sources

especially in the 1960s and early 70s, immediately before the land reform, land

sales appear to have been eclipsed by inheritance, which offered a higher level of

security. When both parties agreed to transfer land by inheritance they also agreed,

as in the case of land sale, how much money should be paid for the land. This was

the value of the land if it were to be sold on the open market. Since their

relationship was only based on the need to engage in the transaction it is safe to

assume that the land might not fetch a better price than if it was transferred by a

straightforward sale. As the agreements show, individuals who acquired land

either by purchase or inheritance were both concerned about making their land

more secure once it had been transferred to their possession.103 Therefore the first

precaution was to make the inheritance agreement as watertight as possible; this

was done by including in the agreement a heavy penalty to be imposed on the

landowner if it was challenged at any time in the future.104 This means that if the

103 Walata Yohannis W/Maryam V. Negatwa Dasta, DACCA, 97/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

104 Malasa Lama v. Dayamo Yama, DACCA, 68/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

178
bequeather broke the agreement or if anyone challenged the inheritor of the land

after the land was transferred, it was the responsibility o f the legator or first owner

to deal with such problems. This aptly illustrates how concerned individuals were

about land security.

The example below elaborates the above points. A person called Ato Malasa

Lama made an agreement with four individuals, who were brothers, to inherit their

land after an agreed amount of money had been paid. Let us examine the content

of the agreement;

Rest inheritance agreement

Bequeathers (awrashoch): 1. Ato Mamo Yame, 2. Ato Dayamo Yame,

3. Ato Lalimo Yame and 4. Ato Kana Yame

Inheritor (warcisK): Ato Malasa Lama

.... The rest land which is found in ... [details of location]... which was
handed down to us from our grandfathers and fathers, we now
bequeath to the person mentioned above, including the crops on it. For
this we have received 330 birr which is sufficient for our pensions. If
we are found to be breaking this agreement we will be penalised by
paying 500 birr to the government and we will also compensate the
inheritor for his loss. We made this agreement not with weak
consciences or under any other influence such as alcohol. We give Ato
Baqala Gabra-Madhen as our guarantor.. . 105

As this agreement shows the transfer was made under the name of

inheritance and for that Ato Malasa had paid 330 birr to the four brothers which

had been agreed to be the value of their land and the crops on it.106 From this

agreement we can surmise that the three individuals who bequeathed the land to

the inheritor were probably approaching retirement because it was stated that the

money was sufficient to cover their pensions. The amount of money to be paid to

105 Malasa Lama v. Dayamo Yame, DACCA, 68/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

106 M ogas Ababa V. Masalach Abara, DACCA, 4/56, (Dilla, 1956E.C.).

179
the government as a penalty if they broke the agreement was 500 birr, more than

the value of the land and the crops at the time of the transfer. This clearly shows

that security was a major concern and as a result, the inheritor Ato Malasa seemed

to have gained everything which he wanted from this agreement. What is

surprising is that no reprisals were mentioned against him if similar transgression

took place on his part i.e. if he himself broke the agreement for whatever reason.

The agreement was one sided and this raises questions concerning who had the

upper hand in this kind of land transfer; the landowners or individual buyers with

money? Was the agreement made without them understanding the responsibilities

and risks entailed? In addition to the heavy financial penalty if they renegued on

their agreement they provided a personal guarantor in the form of Ato Baqala

Gabra-Madhen. There were also witnesses who were present when the two sides

exchanged the inheritance. Later the agreement was endorsed by the local court

where the land was located.107

Despite such precautions, trouble started a few months after the transfer was

completed involving one of the four brothers, Ato Dayoma Yama. From the

charges brought by Ato Malasa Lama, who was now the legal owner of the land,

Dayoma had illegally harvested coffee from land which was no longer his, thus

breaking the above agreement which he had signed with his other brothers. Since

the first dispute between the two was seen by the local court we do not have the

details of the story, but we leam that the Warad court found Ato Dayoma guilty

and fined him 200 birr to be paid to Ato Malasa in compensation. However the

dispute did not end there because Malasa again claimed that in 1959 E.C. (1966/7)

Dayoma had committed a similar offense which led to a further court hearing.

107 Malasa Lama v. Dayamo Yame, DACCA, 68/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

180
Although this case was abandoned when both agreed to finalise the matter through

mediation, it however shows that disputes could not be avoided completely

despite having a well written agreement. Nevertheless the agreement served the

interests of Ato Malasa well because he won the first battle easily by using it as

evidence. Why Dayoma initiated a second dispute is not clear. In his defence he

wrote to the court denying the very existence of an agreement and claiming that

the court should not take the agreement into account without hearing personal

witnesses. It seems that Dayoma was trying to fight a losing battle, and in fact at

one point he said that he was threatened by Malasa to force him to sign the

agreement. He felt that his ignorance had led to him signing such an unfair

agreement.108

A well-written agreement was given utmost importance in many land

transfer agreements especially during the last two decades of our period.

Nevertheless as court disputes could not be avoided with any degree of certainty

on the basis of good agreements alone, buyers or people who wanted to acquire

land in a variety of ways increasingly looked for extra protection. Litigation was

complex by nature, costly and could continue for an indefinite period of time. This

can be illustrated by one case which originated in court as an inheritance

dispute.109 Dispute erupted soon after the inheritance agreement was concluded,

while the parties were in the process of legalising the inheritance agreement in

court. The main reason for using this court case as an example is that both parties

agreed to the inclusion of an additional clause, which was not included in many

108 Malasa Lama v. Dayamo Yame, DACCA, 68/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

109 Sagaye Tafaia and Waqo Ddnbe V, Alamu Tora and Kifle Boru, D ACCA, 43/59, (Dilla,
1959 E.C.).

181
other agreements, such as the one discussed above.110 It related to potential

disputes which might well arise in the future and stated who should take

responsibility for dealing with such disputes if they occurred and what penalty

should be paid were this task not to be fulfilled. It shows a high degree of

apprehension on the part of the inheritors because disputes were extremely likely

to start at some stage after transfer. Hence they hoped that by addressing their

concerns clearly and unambiguously in the written agreements they would gain

protection from one of the major problems for landowners who acquired land in

this way. This is how it read;

I Ganale owned land within the Goro Mildtle Warada (an

administrative unit below warada), the Balabatnat of Balambars
Oudo Bare, and within my aldqinat, in a place called Munit qabale.
The land is bordered by [details of people who owned land on all
sides]... I have bequeathed this land which has coffee and ensat trees
to Ato Kifle Boru, and I received 500 birr for that.

If any one comes to claim this land as theirs I will defend and
repel them, and if not I will replace it with similar land from my
own found nearby [emphasis my own]. The agreement shall be
enforced as of today.11

Although this agreement has not been quoted in full it however contains all

the usual details which agreements of such nature were required to contain. The

children who could potentially claim this land were named and an additional

statement was added to help dispel the worry of the heir Ato Kifle Boru. They

stated that the agreement was read out for them in the presence o f witnesses and

that they would not in future raise any issue in relation to the transfer of the land.

The penalty was again high; Ganale agreed to pay 500 birr to the government and

1,0 Alamayahu W /Masqal V. Baqala Sintayahu, DACCA, 634/45 (D illa, 1945 B.C.).

111 Sagaye Tafara and Waqo Danbe V. Alamu Tora and Kifle B om , DACCA, 43/59, (Dilla,
1959 E.C.).

182
200 birr to Ato Kifle if clauses of the agreement were broken at some future

time.112

We will conclude this section by highlighting important points concerning

land sale and inheritance as modes of land transfer between individuals. Although

inheritance as a method of land transfer did not provide complete protection

against disputes, it eclipsed land sale as a preferred option. Inheritance was

advantageous compared to sale in two ways, both of which benefited the new

owner rather than the person who transferred their land in exchange for money.

The first was that the landowners had more control over who was potentially

likely to stake a rival claim 011 their land. Hence when an individual who was not

a family member wanted to acquire land by inheritance they could ask the

landowner to list all potential claimants and preferably could demand that all of

them to be present when the agreement was signed. By including those potential

claimants in the agreement they felt that it was possible to gain better protection

for their land.113

Secondly inheritance was more efficient than land sale; when parties

concluded an inheritance agreement the procedures were simpler and usually

straightforward as demonstrated by the examples above. This is clearer if we

compare it with land sale, because in the case of sale transactions, if one wanted to

make sure that the land was safeguarded from any future claim by family

members and kin groups, the sellers and buyer had to make their intention

manifest, preferably by giving priority to anyone within the family or kin group

who might be interested in buying the land. This shows that acquiring land by sale

112 Sagaye Tafara and Waqo Danbe V. Alamu Tora and Kifle Boru, DAC CA , 43/59, (Dilla,
1959 E.C.).

113 Chaicho Titera v. Bura Gale, DACCA, 540/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

183
was not only a lengthy process but was also an intrinsically insecure arrangement

which discouraged an increasing number of people from acquiring land by

purchase. However in order to have a broader understanding of the contentious

nature of land rights in Gedeo it is important to see beyond that which has been

discussed above. As levels of land insecurity increased land owners were forced to

rely more heavily on the courts in their struggle to establish control over their own

land. As the following section shows, contention about land was boundless and no

land was immune from this phenomenon.

3. Other causes of land disputes

Disputes about land could come to court in diverse ways; in the above discussion

we considered disputes in relation to land transfer. Below we will see examples of

how contention about land could start without the land changing hands. A variety

of factors could trigger litigation over land issues and it is not practical to address

them all.114 Nevertheless by discussing some concrete examples it is possible to

illustrate how land ownership was a highly precarious phenomenon.115 Disputes

shaped the life of the community as much as other aspects of day-to-day existence

and give some insight into how the community functioned in all walks of life.

This might also lead us to raise questions about the various institutions which

underpinned society for a long period of time.

As we move further towards the last phase of our historic period the

strategies of disputants became sophisticated. The heavy reliance of courts on

evidence, particularly written, was exploited by individuals who acquired

114 W ote Ejo V. Falaqa Yizbat'e, DACCA, 133/44 (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

115 M am ere A sged W / Takele v. Zawde W/ Aragaye, D ACCA, 232/54 (Dilla, 1954 E.C.).

184
documents such as tax receipts on a fraudulent basis; this can clearly be detected

from the archives especially of the later period. Opportunistic conspiracy with

government officials was rife. For example when officials came to the area to

cany out land measurement, mainly for taxation purposes, people who were

occupying land on a tenancy or contract basis managed to get their names

registered as landowners and later used such documents as crucial evidence in

land dispute cases.

As seen from various examples the main cause o f insecurity did not come

from the government but rather was a result of contention among fellow

individuals.116 hi fact as more examples in the next section show, it was

individuals who intensified the competition for this scarce resource rather than the

state. The sources demonstrated unambiguously that some individuals had the

desire as well as the time and resources to use every possible avenue available to

take over another’s land.117

The example given below particularly focuses on three major points

concerning land disputes in Gedeo. Firstly, it demonstrates how easily crucial

evidence such as tax receipts or land assessment receipts were acquired. Secondly

it shows how some sectors of the population, particularly women, were vulnerable

to such kinds o f attacks; and thirdly how the intensification o f competition for

access to land led to the breakdown of trust and personal relationships.

In this example one of the main protagonists in the dispute, Halake

Baresso, had been a tenant for a long period of time before he claimed the land as

his own private property. In fact because of his good relationship with the

116 Teshale, The M aking o f M odem Ethiopia, 33-37.

117 Jusso Kudo v. Shanto W oke, DACCA, 2/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

185
landlords this tenant had been given special status as the leader of the other

tenants who fanned the land. Due to this special relationship with the landowner

he was even entrusted with the collection of rent from the other tenants and given

the task o f dealing with problems which might arise in relation to the land.

Nothing happened until the death of the main landlord, but after he died and the

land was transferred to two women the situation began to deteriorate and problems

surfaced between this head of the tenants and the women who had inherited the

land.

Being unable to control the head tenant, the women felt that taking the

case to court was their best option; the plaintiff of this case was Aya Dube. She

represented both herself and her sick mother Dulcu Aboye. She accused the head

tenant, Halake Baresso, and eight other male defendants of failing to pay the erbo

owed on two gashas (one gasha = 40 hectares) of land. Her father had shared the

two gasha of land as balarest (landlord) with her uncle until his death in 1945 E.C.

(1953). With the death of the plaintiff’s father her uncle Ato Kassaye Kulundu

became responsible for the family and their land. Since the Gedeo practiced what

was known as “wife inheritance” her uncle married her mother after the death of

his brother and thence the land was fully controlled by Ato Kassaye. While the

land was under his control, Ato Kassaye also made a future arrangement regarding

how the land should be shared between mother and daughter, which accorded

them one gasha each. This agreement was made some time before his death. He

also added that since both of the heirs were women he entrusted to Ato Halake

Baresso the task o f collecting dues from the tenants and paying taxes to the
110
government accordingly.

1,8 Aya Dube V . HalSko Biiresso, DACCA, 3/64 (Dilla, 1964 E.C.).

186
 This agreement was signed and a copy was given to an elder (Ato Guye Buie)

who was present at the time as an observer. When Ato Kassaye, the plaintiffs

uncle died in 1952 E.C. (1960). Ato Halake Baresso continued to act as the

women’s representative until 1955E.C. (1963). hi that year a land assessment took

place in their area, after which the plaintiff and her mother lost their rights to the

land when the head of the tenants and others registered their own names as the

balarests of the two gasha of lands. The plaintiff marshalled the following

supporting evidence:

1. The 1942 E.C. tax receipt which showed that her father was minzir to the

rest and her uncle alaqa for the two gasha of land they are claiming as

theirs.

2. The agreement signed by her uncle which showed that one gasha of land

was given to the plaintiff and the other to her mother.

3. Three witnesses who could testify for herself and her mother in court.

These people were present when her uncle signed the will in which he

granted them the lands. One witness had been entrusted with the

responsibility of keeping a copy of the signed will, hi addition the plaintiff

claimed that the three witnesses had always known the land to be the

property of her father and later her uncle.

4. She also presented a court document which showed that she was the legal

heir to her father’s property.

187
O f these four pieces of evidence the one which is of particular interest here is

number 2. It read as follows;

I Ato Kassaye ICulundu gave the upper gasha of land which

was her father’s [his brother] before his death, and also the
lower gasha o f land to both Aya Dube [daughter of his brother]
and her mother Duku Aboye. Duku Aboye is my sister-in-law,
whom I married after the death of my brother according to our
culture. Both lands are in Sare qdbdle and I assigned Ato Halake
Baresso the task of being their representatives as both are
women. He collects rents from the tenants and pays tax to the
119
government accordingly.

The three witnesses were invited to the court to testify. They all reiterated

the facts as they had been presented by the plaintiffs. The court stressed that the

defendants had annexed the land illegally and the judges ruled unanimously that

they should restore it to the plaintiffs. Kassaye Kulundu had married his sister in

law specifically to avoid loss of the land in the event of an outsider marrying her.

The defendants had been reaping the benefits from someone else’s land for a long

time and they were ordered to make repayment, including 100 birr compensation

in damages to the plaintiffs. Sadly this decision by the court was not implemented
* » 1jr \
because of the revolution, although it had taken years to arrive at a judgement.

The above case demonstrates how the acquisition of useful fake evidence

such as tax or land assessment receipts was made easy because the system lacked

stringent rules concerning the registration of landowners. The procedure was not

only lax but also open to fraud on the part of the government officials, which

contributed significantly to the proliferation of disputes. The judges themselves

119 Aya Dube V. Halako Baresso, DACCA, 3/64 (Dilla, 1964 B.C.).

120 Aya Dube V. Halako Baresso, DACCA, 3/64 (Dilla, 1964 E.C.).

188
stated that as women they were particularly vulnerable but made no special
I9 1
allowances for that.

Access to farming land was organised in a variety o f different ways, such

as by gifting, mortgage and through tenancy.122 Some of these arrangements were

initially made through good will, but later ended up in bitter disputes and lengthy

court wrangling, as exemplified by the following case where the father gave his

son land to use although he specified no details especially concerning the intended

duration o f this arrangement. When the father, Fotossa Kutula, asked his son,

Hordofa Fotossa, to return the land he had loaned him some years ago, the son

refused by saying that he had been given the land on a permanent basis and did

not therefore intend to return it to his father after such a long period of time. The

son claimed that he had rights to the land for two reasons. Firstly, he argued that

because the land had been under his control for so many years it should remain his;

however he failed to cite any relevant article from the civil code which supported

his position. The second argument was that since he had been fanning the land he

had improved it by planting many coffee and ensat plants and would lose a long

term investment were it to be returned.123

This case first started at Warada where the court decided in the son’s

favour; however since his father was unhappy about the outcome he appealed to

the Awraja Court at Dilla. The decision of the Warada Court was overturned by

the Awraja Court’s decisions 011 two grounds; the first was that the son did not

possess any supporting evidence, whether written or personal to verify that the

121 Bizunashe Lencho v. Batyo M eje, DACCA, 31/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

122 Bayana Abdi v. Guyo Abdi, DACCA, 121/44 (Dilla, 1943 E.C.).

123 Fotossa Qetala v. Hordofa Fotossa, DACCA, 66/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

189
land had been given to him on a permanent basis. Secondly, it was discovered,

and confirmed by witnesses, that his father had planted the crops. In addition the

son had never paid tax on the land in his name so the father easily won the case.

This would have undoubtedly created a strain on the father-son relationship but

land disputes were a familiar part of the peasants’ life and therefore there was

nothing unusual about such conflicts.124

Although kinship and family ties enabled cooperation and mutual support

they also fostered rivalries and conflict. This point can be illustrated by one court

case; the case was initiated by two women who lost their land to one of their

cousins. According to the two plaintiffs, Tanssa Danbobe and Waji Danbobe, the

land belonged to their father who was partially blind and as a result unable to

work on the farm. Since he did not have a son himself his brother offered to

provide the services of one of his own sons who would perform work 011 the farm

and other tasks. 125

Problems started immediately after the death of the landowner because his

brother’s son Alako Korma, who was now the defendant in this case, and who had

been in the service of the plaintiffs father until his death, felt that he should be

allowed to retain the land. Rather than returning the land to his cousins he

continued to use it after his uncle had died. The two women felt that their only

means of regaining their land was to go to court, and hence a dispute was initiated

between the two daughters and their cousin. The plaintiffs charged the defendant

011 the grounds that he had illegally obtained land which belonged to their father

124 Fotossa Qetala v. Hordofa Fotossa, DACCA, 66/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

125 Court documents unfortunately do not give information about the details o f the
arrangement, for example the amount paid to the son in return for the services he rendered. Tanssa
Danbobe v. Alako Korma, DACCA, 65/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

190
who had been weak and blind and was now deceased. They claimed also that

Alako did this knowing that they were women and had little power, and with the

deliberate intention of acquiring land which should have been returned to them.

They particularly stressed their own vulnerability, perhaps with the intention of

gaining sympathy from the judges. 126

The defendant argued that since he was the one who had been working on

the land for a long period o f time he deserved to continue to do so, especially as

he felt that it was he who had developed the land through his own labour. He also

argued that although he had admittedly never paid tax on this land, the services he

had provided to the deceased owner entitled him to own it. This case was easily

won by the plaintiffs, because the defendant lacked the appropriate evidence

which would have enabled him to contest the case effectively.

This case illustrates the central role possession of evidence played in land

disputes in court as well as the way in which land dispute cases were initiated in a

variety of ways. The defendant lost the case because of a lack of evidence and

thus a weak argument. It was unlikely that the court would decide in his favour

without him producing a will or other strong evidence. In addition the judges

sympathized with the two women, because they felt that the defendant had

attempted to take their land having identified their vulnerability.

In conclusion, land litigation was commonly regarded as a useful

mechanism for accessing and distributing land; however, as demonstrated above,

litigation did not necessarily lead to a successful outcome for the individual.

Individuals also became involved in litigation to protect what they already had.

Property rights were very fluid and open to varied interpretations. So far land

126 Tanssa Danbobe v. Alako Korma, DACCA, 65/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

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litigation has been discussed on an individual level; however as the following

section will show, the state also involved itself in the process.

Government vs. individuals

Land disputes in Gedeo were not necessarily restricted to disagreements between

private individuals; the government also took part in some land dispute cases,

usually with the objective of recovering land which had been lost to individuals on

various grounds.

The two government bodies which were actively involved in land disputes

were the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Land Reform and

Administration (MLRA). The former was mainly involved in tax matters whereas

the latter dealt with individuals who were thought to have owned lands without

having the necessary legal basis for their ownership rights. The MLRA assumed

that during the time of land measurement by qalad mistakes were made which

resulted in some individuals owning more land than their just entitlement. The

problem was partly one of inaccurate measurement,127 and also some individuals

had annexed land without permission from the government due to the inefficiency

of the system. In addition, when the government undertook subsequent corrective

measures to recover some of the lost lands, these individuals again failed to

declare the exact amount of land they possessed and were thus able to avoid

paying the appropriate tax.

In reality both ministries had a very limited capacity; they had neither the

necessary information about each individual’s holding nor the resources in terms

of finance and professional expertise to deal with highly complex issues such as

127 M ahtama-Sellassie, Zekra Netgar, 106.

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land ownership and taxation matters, hi spite of their limitations however they

became involved in disputes with some success. Some of the cases were initiated

in conjunction with an individual who had an interest in gaining rights to the land;

in other cases these government departments were acting independently. However,

in both types of case personal interest was a motivating factor, as one example

demonstrates. A s'ir alaqa Shanqut'e Dajane and the Awraja Ministry of Finance

went to court against a person called A to Balaw Ashene, alleging that the

defendant simply took over land which belonged to the plaintiff. Although the

Ministry of Finance representative presented the first charge against the defendant

the department was not represented for most of the hearings and the case later

became an issue between the two individuals.128

The objective of the Ministry of Finance was to make the defendant liable

for unpaid taxes on land he was using which belonged to the co-plaintiff, without

his informing the government treasury. From the co-plaintiffs viewpoint, his own

case was likely to be strengthened by the support of the Ministiy of Finance.

Shanqut'e began summarising the history of the ownership of the disputed land by

going back to the time of qalad measurement of land which was the most common

point of reference in any land disputes in Gedeo. Shanqut'e claimed that when the

area was measured the land in question was situated within the gasha of a person

called Mako Anno. The plaintiff claimed that this land had been overlooked when

officials assessed land in 1942 E.C. (1950) for taxation purposes, but when

another land assessment took place in 1955 E.C. (1963) this land was recovered

with the help of the local C'eqa Shum,129 Following this the government gave him

the land as rewards for his services (baldwulata in Amharic) and it was identified

12S Yas'ir A laqa Shanqut'e Dajane V, Balat'e Ashine, DACCA, 19/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

129 Markakis, Ethiopia, 312-315.

193
by assessment receipt number 28535. Since the 1955 E.C. (1963) land assessment

he had paid all taxes in his own name. However the defendant Ato Balaw had

simply continued to use the land illegally.

The court ordered all parties to present their evidence. In the middle of the

dispute the Ministry of Finance lost motivation and ceased to participate in the

litigation. According to the defendant the land had initially belonged to a person

called Malco Anno, and was known to be his land both before and after qalad was

introduced in the area. The land was not therefore registered as extra land when

the rest of the qalad lands were later remeasured and reassessed after the

discovery that in the initial qalad measurement some land had been given to

people erroneously.130 However, this particular land was not t’cif (uncultivated)

and surplus, as it belonged to Mako. It was later transferred from Mako to the

defendant by inheritance (which might mean by purchase). The defendant also

presented a tax receipt in his name for the years 1955 to 1959 E.C. (1963 to 1967);

the plaintiff however presented a similar receipt for those years.

Witnesses claimed that they had known the land since before the time

qalad was imposed on the area and that it belonged to Mako Anno. Latterly the

defendant had inherited the land from him and it had been his since then. The

court had little trouble in deciding that the land should remain in the hands of the

defendant due to the strength of the witnesses’ evidence. However, the court did

not proceed to investigate the means whereby the main plaintiff had somehow

managed to acquire a land assessment receipt in his name while the owner also

130 M ahtama-Sellassie, Zekra N agar, 105-107.

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produced similar receipts which showed that the land had been assessed with

himself as the named owner.131

The MLRA was another government body which became actively

involved in land dispute cases around a wide range of issues, and had been

established for this purpose. As the examples below demonstrate the MLRA had

been concerned to recover land which it believed had been occupied and used by

individuals without legal sanction. On Hamle 18, 1962 E.C. (July 25, 1970) a

legal representative of the Sidamo MLRA charged a man called Ato Baraqo Aba

Ganji at Darassa Awraja Court, Dilla in a land case over one gasha of land in

which the value of the land was estimated to be the equivalent of 6500 Ethiopian

birr. The land concerned was located in Buie warada and this man was accused

with 11 other individuals of allegedly illegally occupying 12 X

A gasha of

government land between them. The hearing was at Sidamo High court because

the case involved people from other neighbouring Awrajas as well. The verdict

favoured the MLRA because the 12 individuals had not produced the required

evidence to justify their occupation of the land; the court believed that they had

concealed their possession of it and as a result had never paid tax on it. They were

accused o f deliberately hiding the exact amount of land they possessed when land

assessors came to their area on two occasions, in 1937 E.C. (1945) and in 1942

E.C. (1950). The MLRA representative said that the primary reason why he

charged Baraqo on this occasion was the failure on the part of the government to

enforce the previous decision given by the High Court o f Sidamo on T ’iqmit 5,

1958 E.C. (October 15, 1965) He further explained that after losing the land by

court decision Baraqo had never appealed. The land which had been under his

131 Yas'ir A laqa Shanqut'e Dajane V. Balat'e Ashine, DACCA, 19/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

195
illegal possession was then given to a lady called Wayzdro Tisame Gabrayes as a

substitute for land which she had somehow lost (the reason was not given).

Following the decision of the court the local balabat handed the land over to her,

the land was assessed for tax as her rest, and the tax liable to be paid assessed

accordingly.132

However when Wayzdro Tisame asked Baraqo to pay compensation for

benefitting from the land during the time the land had been awarded to her by the

government, he refused. She took him to court for the alaba (benefit) from the

land and the court ordered him to pay all the alaba of the land due to her.

However he appealed to the Sidamo High Court by stating that the Awraja Court’s

decision was inappropriate and claiming that he was the balarest himself. When

he appealed to the High Court of Sidamo he produced the 1955 E.C. (1963) tax

assessment receipt as evidence of ownership of the land on which it was shown

that the land was assessed in his name as his personal rest. The Court accepted his

claims because he had supported his appeal with a tax assessment receipt; but

what the court did not realise was that the same individual had lost his right to the

land as a result o f a decision by the same court four years previously. When the

court allowed him to proceed with his appeal Wayzdro Tisame returned to the

MLRA and asked them to fight the case 011 her behalf. At this juncture the MLRA

agreed to intervene and stated clearly to the Awraja Court that the case had

already been settled previously, after a decision had been given by the High Court

of Sidamo four years previously. The court was asked to reacquaint itself with the

matter before allowing the case to proceed.

132 Sidamo R egion M LRA v. Baraqo Aba Gauge, DACCA, 119/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C,).

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 We have examined the previous dispute between the 12 individuals and

the MLRA in some detail because it provides an insight into the way land

assessment exercises were used as an opportunity by some to gain access to the

increasingly important resource, land. In addition this particular dispute reveals

how individuals were prepared to use all possible strategies in order to protect and

maximize their chances, whether by finding the loopholes within the system or by

manipulating government officials to their own advantage.

The case of the 12 individuals started after two men named Asir Alaqa (lit.

head of the ten) Wubeshat Maldconen and A to Ayala Tibabu managed to convince

the MLRA that about 12 V%gasha of land was being illegally occupied by them,

which had resulted in a long term loss in taxes by the government. The motive of

the two individuals was not actually to address the tax loss suffered by the

government but rather to pursue their own personal goals because the government

had already promised them to give them land as a reward for their services in a

different capacity, but had failed to do so as suitable land had yet to be found.

Therefore rather than waiting for an indefinite period o f time until the

government’s promise was fulfilled, the two people used their own knowledge to

help in uncovering “hidden” lands. This type of “intelligence” had been used by

the government quite successfully to achieve both its own objectives as well as the

objectives of people who were in need of land, 134

From this case as well as from many other land dispute cases it is clear that

when land assessments took place, especially in 1937 E.C. (1945) and 1942 E.C.

133 An individual called A ba Jazoge Dido was also implicated as he promised the government
to expose those individuals who were occupying government land illegally, and his name was
mentioned in connection with the uncovering o f the undeclared 12 Vi gasha o f land.

134 Seme W aldS Yohannis V. Seme NSgaya, DACCA, 14/61 (Dilla, 1961 B.C.).

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(1950), many people managed to conceal the amount they really owned to avoid

paying taxes. However, in the 1955 E.C. (1963) tax assessment the process

became more stringent and as a result lots of “hidden” lands were found. The main

reason for this was that the number of people who were seeking land had soared,

partly as a result o f the government’s own miscalculated policy; the government

had already promised land to a large a number of people but the majority were

disappointed as there was insufficient land to be awarded. Thus the government

adopted a strategy which encouraged people to involve themselves in helping to

search for “hidden” lands as in the event of a successful court outcome they stood

a strong chance o f being granted the land themselves. However there seemed to

have been an exaggerated assumption regarding the amount o f the so-called

“hidden” lands, as charges tended to be made without there being sufficient

grounds to prove the case. 135

Regarding the above case, four of the 12 defendants charged had already

lost their rights to their respective land as a result of investigations made in the

area,136 Although they claimed that the land each of them had occupied was their

rest, due to their inability to substantiate their claims with evidence of ownership

rights their right of occupation was terminated. The land was not taken away from

them immediately, however instead they agreed to continue to use their respective

holdings as before and pay all the taxes to the government treasury. They

confirmed that the land actually belonged to the government and if the

government in the future wanted to take it away from them for its own purpose

133 For a similar process in Southwestern Shawa (Bacho) see Tekalign, "A City and Its
Hinterlands”, 239-247.

136 Sidamo R egion M LRA v. Baraqo Aba Gange, DACCA, 119/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

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they would not offer opposition. To that effect they signed a document which was

later attached to their file as evidence. What happened after that was confusing,

because in the same year in which the land was claimed to have been uncovered it

was found to be registered as the rest of these individuals. Later the court

discovered that some government officials had helped them by illegally assessing

the land as their rest. The court found out that the two officials were government

employees, one being the Head of the Warada Ministry o f Finance (A to Yirdaw

Giram) and the other the Vice Governor of the Mikitile Warada (Ato Makuria

Ayala). Thus the court found that both officials had clearly colluded with the four

defendants in their illegal occupation of government land.

Two individuals, Ato Sera Robe and Ato Guyo Robe were mentioned

separately as their case was different to the others in that these two defendants

managed to present some legal basis for their occupation of the five gasha of land

which they were accused of owning illegally. They claimed in court that the five

gasha had originally been their rest, but during the Italian occupation of the

country they fled the area fearing that they would be attacked by enemy planes,

and after liberation they had been unable to pay the tax on the land due to ill

health. When they applied to the Warada Gizat in 1945 E.C. (1953) this stoiy was

found to be sufficiently acceptable to gain them a legal right to the land they had

occupied, and the then secretary of the Warada Gizat Ato Adinaw Hailu allowed

them to have the land assessed in their own names and to pay taxes accordingly.

However, the High Court of Sidamo noted that in both cases government

officials had inappropriately played a role in helping these individuals to provide

legal grounds for taking over former government land. The court then clearly

indicated the correct legal procedure. Initially, the individual should apply to the

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appropriate court. Then the court would serve notices in the newspaper to enquire

whether anyone had an interest in the land, and then if there was no objection the

court could order the property to be registered as the claimant’s legal property.

The court believed that the way the land had been allocated previously, by the

personal decision of government officials, was illegal, and it strongly criticized

some of the bureaucracy who had fraudulently helped individuals and ordered that

they should be penalised for their actions. The Head of the Warada Finance, Ato

Yirdaw Girum, was ordered to pay 50 birr penalty to the government, the 12 Vi

gasha of land was put under the control of a local government representative as an

area of government land, and all crops harvested from the land were to be

collected as revenue for the state, 137 A portion of this land which had formerly

been occupied by Baraqo was given later to Wdyzaro Tisame as a substitute for

land she had lost elsewhere. 138

The above cases have demonstrated that the involvement of the

government in land disputes was further confirmation of how land ownership

rights were highly precarious in Gedeo, The absence o f any organised record

about individual land holdings made things worse and a result the government

made many land grant promises before it actually knew how much land it had in

its reserve. Hence it contributed to the proliferation of unnecessary land litigation.

Since individual land seekers knew that the government could not honour

its promise o f finding land to award them, they felt that the best option was to

accuse other individuals of trying to take over their land, usually without even

137 The court said that they were powerless to punish one o f the officials who had helped
the defendants to acquire the land because he was retired when the case was seen by the court,

138 Sidamo Region M LRA v. Baraqo Aba Gange, DACCA, 119/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

200
having the necessary background information. This was illustrated by the case of

the Malco Anno, who was forced to undergo an unexpected and unnecessary

lengthy court battle to confirm that the land he occupied was not illegal. Again in

this case the plaintiff As'ir alaqa Shanqut'e Dajane not only obtained a crucial

document in a. fraudulent maimer but also had some success in gaining the support

of a government department to give credibility to his disguised intent to take over

the land of a genuine owner, Malco Anno. The courts who uncovered most of the

fraud and inefficiency, appeared to have done their job to the best of their ability.

However since the problem was overwhelming it is doubtful how much effect

they had in rectifying the overall trend.

Conclusion

The post-liberation era was a formative period, not only from a national

perspective but also in terms of developments at a local level. The modernisation

effort of Haile Sellassie, which was largely focused on establishing an efficient

bureaucratic infrastructure, enabled the state to extend its influence down to the

local level. As a result the state managed to extract more revenues than had been

the case before the war. Such revenues were crucially important to finance the

modernisation effort of the government. Some of the measures taken by the state

also had a direct impact on Gedeo especially the one made in relation to

agricultural taxation. It not only hastened the demise of the naftanna-gabbar

agrarian relationship, which was dominant before the war, but also reduced

significantly the power of local officials.

Unfortunately the period also witnessed an unpleasant development

whereby land ownership became increasingly contentious. As a result disputes

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became fractious and highly protracted in nature and became a burden in the lives

of ordinary people. A multitude of reasons can be given for the proliferation of

land disputes in Ethiopia, ranging from the absence of land maps or organised

land registers to the lack of a government body which was responsible for

handling these issues adequately. Land disputes were often based on very flimsy

evidence or sometimes started for dubious or even fabricated reasons.139 Since

some of the population had the time, resources and desire to indulge themselves in

such activities even a legitimate owner could easily be challenged and might face

losing his or her land.140 As land disputes could be initiated 011 spurious grounds

individuals were motivated to make attempts to annex another’s property. When

such people failed to win their case the punishment was not damaging, but if they

won the prize justified the effort, and therefore the system unintentionally

encouraged lengthy litigation.

The courts were not efficient due to lack of resources in tenns of

manpower and organisation. This might have impacted upon their ability to deal

with issues quickly and fairly. Nevertheless there is no evidence to indicate that

they distorted the law to favour one ethnic group over another. Courts examined

cases and settled disputes by weighing evidence which was presented by the

parties involved. As a result many of the reforms or laws introduced by the

government failed to be implemented by officials themselves, not always with bad

intentions, but primarily because they lacked the knowledge and expertise to

interpret the law as required.

!39Kidanoa W alda Gabrael V. Taddassa Dasseta, DACCA, 198/53 (D illa, 1953 E.C.).

140 W ote Ejo V. Falaqa Yizbat', DACCA, 133/44 (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

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 The proliferation of land disputes shows that land was a highly valuable

resource for the majority of the people as their livelihood depended on it. It also

indicates that insecurity of tenure was very high. Although it is difficult to

measure its impact on productivity it can be assumed that under these

circumstances it was unlikely for individual landowners to invest in improvements

on their land to increase its output.

Insecurity of tenure was also made worse by the government providing

easy access to crucial documents such as tax receipts, which offered opportunities

for exploitation by corrupt officialdom. Also the government was not able to

control crucial resources such as land because it was ignorant about who owned

which land and the absence of a centralised record system meant that there was no

one with the authority to provide definitive answers when problems arose between

individuals. In fact the government’s lack of control and inefficiency could easily

be demonstrated by its own practices such as granting land to an individual which

was in fact already owned by someone else.

Despite the rampant nature of land disputes, movement of land between

owners was not halted. Nevertheless their impact on the smooth transfer of

property particularly through sale should not be underestimated. The likelihood of

dispute discouraged sale as a method of land transfer which also impacted

negatively upon the government’s ability to generate revenue from such

transactions. The evidence shows that land sale existed even before the war when

money appeared to have been in short supply; however it failed to flourish in the

post-war period although the general economic atmosphere might have been more

conducive due to the development of commerce and trade. People were positive

about land transfers between themselves which might indicate that there was

203
economic improvement; however none of the preferred methods of transfer were

found to provide complete protection from contention and dispute. Therefore they

seem to have been experimenting and searching for better modes of transfer which

would ensure them protection. Inheritance as a preferred mode of land transfer

eclipsed the practice of selling but nevertheless failed to provide complete

protection. However individuals continued to use it because it enabled them to at

least to minimise the number of protagonists. However the most sensitive court

disputes in Gedeo were not about land tenure issues as such but mainly about

tenancy matters, which is the subject of the next chapter.

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 Chapter Four

Tenancy Relations and Court Disputes, 1941-1974

Relationships between landlords and tenants were difficult throughout this period,

and due to their problematic coexistence courts were inundated with cases.1As the

previous chapter has shown, although land disputes were a major issue in Gedeo,

tenancy disputes were more prevalent and intense.2 Tenancy dispute has been the

subject of various analyses especially in Gedeo but also in many other parts of

southern Ethiopia.3 In northern Ethiopia it was generally believed that both tenants

and landlords belonged to similar ethnic and social groups; tenancy disputes in the

south however have frequently been interpreted in terms of ethnic and religious

differences.4 Thus, when discussing tenancy disputes in the context of Gedeo it is

important to assess the relevance of these factors in understanding the problem of

landlord-tenant relationships.5

1 Although there is a lack o f reliable official statistical evidence to support this claim,
when I was studying in the A w raja Court archives for this research the ratio o f erbo disputes case
files to land and other similar issues were roughly 3:1. See Sandra Fullerton Joireman, P roperty
Rights & P o litica l D evelopm ent in E thiopia & E ritrea (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), 91; she
quoted a figure taken from the M LRA (Ministry o f Land Reform and Administration) that 78% o f
people in Sidamo (including Gedeo) became tenant farmers, See also Marina Ottaway and David
Ottaway, E th iopia: E m pire in Revolution (N ew York: Africana, 1978), 16.

2Benti Getahun, A ddis Ababa: Migration and the M aking o f a M ultiethnic Metropolis,
1941-1974 (Lawrenceville, N.J.: Red Sea, 2007), 73.

3 Joireman, P roperty R ights, 98; she claims that “Ethnicity was also an indication that a
person was a member o f the landlord class.”

4 Cohen and Weintraub, L and and Peasants, 50; they said that issues connected with
tenancy were not a major problem in the north because the tenure system allowed peasants to
access land. “Where tenancy does appear, it is associated with submerged caste groups, religious
minorities, or young restagnas who seek more land.” See also Ghelawdewos Araia, Ethiopia: The
P olitica l E conom y o f Transition (London: University Press o f America, 1995), 9.

5 Presenting any evidence either in support or against such a view is very hard. In the
archives there is no single reference about ethnicity either in relation to tenancy or other forms o f
dispute in court. There is however a feeling among a sizeable number o f Gedeos that past
inequalities were largely drawn along ethnic lines and that they were subjected to exploitation
mainly because they belonged to a different ethnic and religious group to their landlords and the
people in power.

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 This chapter also draws evidence from local court documents but its main

focus is on aspects of tenancy, and it especially seeks to understand the nature of

the landlord-tenant disputes which came before the courts. It examines how the

courts dealt with tenancy disputes and whether tenants were treated differently

landlords. As mentioned above, dispute between landlords and tenants has

traditionally been interpreted in ethnic terms, i.e. that landlords and tenants were

from distinct and different ethnic groups, and their relationship was governed by

their allegiance to a certain ethnic group. As a result previous research has made

few attempts to understand the nature of the conflict other than from a mainly

ethnic perspective, hi contrast, this chapter approaches tenancy problems

essentially from the perspective of the disputes themselves rather than by

investigating the social or other backgrounds of the disputants. The aim was not to

ignore those variables but to understand the root causes of disagreements, which

did not necessarily emanate from ethnic or social differences.

Tenancy had become the dominant form of agrarian relationship in the

qalad region of Gedeo from 1941- 74. It had existed on a limited scale before the

war but did not evolve ftilly until later in the post-war period.6 There are a

number of reasons for this. The number of peasants who entered into tenancy

relationships increased substantially in this period, mainly in direct response to the

expansion of agriculture in the qalad area. The land in this part of Gedeo had

already been occupied mostly as madaria (land given in lieu o f salaries) by

naft’a nnas and other civilians well before the war, but was not fully developed

until the post-liberation period.7 The prospect of fanning land superior to that in

the outiba areas meant that tenants were no longer as hesitant as previously to

6 M cClellan, "Perspectives on the Neftenya-Gabbar System", 439-440.

7 See chapter two for a more detailed discussion about m adaria land.

206
work for landlords. The increasing difficulty of accessing family land in the

outiba areas also meant that young people who wanted to form their own

households were forced to look for new opportunities and a sharecropping tenancy

was the obvious solution.8

hi general this period witnessed the gradual decline of the naftanna-

gabbar relationship which was the dominant form of agrarian relationship before

the war;9 at the same time it also manifested the growing importance of landlord-

tenant relationships, though the latter was not a direct successor to the former.10

These two relationships existed separately depending 011 the nature of the land

tenure system; under the naftanna-gabbar relationship land was owned by

peasants and not naftanna, whereas under the landlord-tenant relationship the land

was owned by the landlords {naftanna).11 Thus these two forms of agrarian

relationship were distinct from each other; the naftanna-gabbar relationship was

a feature of the outiba or core areas of Gedeo whereas the landlord-tenant

relationship was prevalent in the qalad areas of Gedeo.12

Landlord-tenancy disputes soon became a common feature of

sharecropping tenancies in Gedeo. After the war with the modernisation and

in te r v iew with Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

9 M cClellan, "Perspectives on the Neftenya-Gabbar System", 439.

10 Bahru, "Economic Origins o f the Absolutist State ", 12.

11 The literature lacks unanimity in regards with the demise o f naftanfia-gabbar

relationships after 1941. Some feel that it continued until the revolution, w hile M cClellan claims
that the Italians abolished g a b b a r and landlord-tenancy relationships came into being after the war.
McClellan, "Perspectives on the Neftenya-Gabbar System", 439-440; See the follow ing for a
discussion o f these two issues. Eshetu, "Towards a History o f the Fiscal Policy", 88-106; Bahru,
"Economic Origins o f the Absolutist State ", 1-29.

l2M cClellan has shown that the two agrarian relationships had evolved separately.
However he did not recognise that the fundamental reason behind the existence o f two forms o f
relationship was land tenure. See the follow ing chapter, M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery
Relations”, 175-195.

207
bureaucratisation of government departments it became the prerogative of courts

to deal with tenancy disputes. This chapter will show that although disputes

between landlords and tenants were complex and pervasive, at the core of their

differences was the desire to take control of land, the vital resource. Ethnic,

linguistic and religious differences might have contributed to the conflicts to some
IT
degree, as depicted in the literature; however, the particular sources examined in

this study suggested that, whatever other factors might have played a small part,

the main focus of disputes was a struggle for land.14 Before examining actual

tenancy cases in detail the chapter first outlines the evolution o f sharecropping

tenancy, and then describes the nature of tenancy relationships which were

prevalent in Gedeo until the revolution.

The Evolution of tenancy relations in Gedeo

The most common form of tenancy in Gedeo was erbo, a system by which tenants

were expected to give a quarter of their produce to the landlord after completion

of assessment.15 The landlord only provided the land; the tenant was responsible

for everything from the daily running of the farm to organising labour, seed

acquisition and buying tools. The tenant was usually expected to give additional

free labour services to the landlord, such as helping with agricultural work on land

which the landlord might own elsewhere, constructing houses and fences, or the

13 For a very through discussion o f the ethnic makeup o f the naftannas see McClellan,
State Transformation, 51.

14 M ost o f my informants tend to describe the period before 1974 as the time o f the
balarest, or naftannas and despite their resentments about the period most o f them believe that
access to land and the control over this vital resource was at the centre o f their discordant
relationships. Interview with T'eko Jabo, Grissa, 16 July 2004; and Shao Robe, Qome, 30 June
2004.

15 Gabra-Wald, "Ethiopia's", 313.

208
supply of firewood on a weekly basis. In some cases if the landlord resided in the

same village as the tenants he could also access the labour of the tenant’s family if

he wished.16

However, as this chapter demonstrates, tenants were not only burdened

with a multitude of obligations, but also their relationship with the landlord was

marred by conflict. As some of the written tenancy agreements show, the

condition of tenants was little different from that of gab bars. 17 Landlords also

used such written tenancy agreements to support an erbo claim in a government

court, which demonstrates that exploiting free labour services, although abolished

officially by the government, was not illegal. Therefore although tenancy was

viewed as an improvement on the “evils” of the gabbar system, in reality tenants

were subjected to a great deal of coercion and exploitation.

The basic issue which needs to be underlined here is that, unlike the

gabbar system, tenancy was not imposed, but rather evolved out of the particular

set of circumstances which arose in the qalad areas of Gedeo. 18 Gabbar, as

indicated earlier, was instituted by state order on Gedeo farming households, but

tenancies were forged independently between tenants and landlords without the

involvement of the state. Therefore, tenancy required at least the willingness of

’^Interview with Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004. Gobana believes that tenancy
started in Gedeo only after dajazm ach Balcha introduced qalad.

17 N o wonder som e writers confused g abbar and tenancy. Consider this; “Tenancy was
harsher in such areas as A r si,.,. Especially Amhara naftannas in Kambata were noted for their
untold cruelty. Som e o f them were so notorious that they yoked their gabbars like oxen and
farmed with them.” Therefore for this author there is no distinction between a g a b b a r and a tenant.
Benti, A ddis A baba, 12>.

18 G abbar was predominantly the status o f many peasants in Gedeo until 1935; however
in the post-liberation period due to the gradual erosion o f the ga b b a r system, many o f them
became free from the g id t holders and transformed into an independent peasants paying tax
directly to the government treasury. The development in the qa la d region was different because
land was owned in this part o f Gedeo by the naftannas, therefore peasants took up tenancy as an
alternative method o f gaining access to land.

209
the landlord to rent the land to a tenant; likewise a tenant had to be interested in

entering into a sharecropping agreement with a landlord.19 Tenancy was not

introduced due to the need to replace the role of the gcibbar,2®as free labour

services were not abolished altogether, but survived within the tenancy system. It

also meant that those landowners who had cultivated their land by exploiting free

labour from their gabbars or landlords who did not have gabbar rights had to find

a tenant who would agree to work on their land in a sharecropping arrangement.

As tenancy gradually assumed greater importance tenants found themselves giving

free labour services and discharging many other obligations to their landlords such

as the supplying of fire wood, perhaps with little or no distinction from their
• 01
previous role as gabbar peasants.

Given the highly polarised naftanna-gabbar relationship, from whose

shadow the tenancy system emerged, it is not surprising that tenancy was initially

unable to take root in G edeo.22 Before 1935 peasants had no incentives to take up

tenancy as an opportunity until they were overwhelmed by the pressure for land

which had become prevalent in the highland areas. However as agriculture later

developed in the qalad areas, the land in this part o f Gedeo became more desirable

and peasants saw the opportunity for diversifying their production by growing

food as well as cash crops which had been impossible in the upland areas. Thus a

combination of “push factors” in the highland areas and the “pull factors” in the

19 The term landlord is used in a general sense to loosely describe all kinds o f
landownership rights in Gedeo. Since the way people owned land in Gedeo varied considerably
during this period, using the term landlord for this diverse group will hopefully avoid confusion
and sim plify the discussion. U nlike landlords the position o f tenants was much more
straightforward, and therefore there is no need for further qualification.

20 M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations", 192.

21 Dama W aqo V. Kurabachaw W alda Michael, DACCA, 12/62 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

22 M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations", 189.

210
qalad areas had contributed to the growth of tenancy relationships in Gedeo

during the post- war period.23

As some informants state, even those tenants who lived in the qalad areas

and who had no land in the outiba areas were gradually forced to give up any

potential claim to outiba land because of the increasing difficulty of accessing

land in Gedeo.24 If they were on good tenns with their kin they might possibly

reach some kind of deal whereby they (the kin) would restrict their claims to lands

which they effectively occupied. 25 However, in most cases conflicts and

disagreements were rife. This point is illustrated by the case of Warera who settled

in Shegado after the war. He claimed that he came to Shegado from Grissa in the

core highland area, where land was apparently in short supply, and pointed out

that the amount of land which his father was able to provide was very small and

that he and his brother were in disharmony as a result. Then he added that “when

an Amhara landowner offered me a chance to farm in Shegado I decided to take it.

In fact later on I abandoned all claims to my parents’ land in Grissa”. He claimed

that he made this move because he wanted his other brothers to have a better share

of the land. Many informants interviewed claimed that the reason they came from

23 For a similar development in northern Ethiopia see James McCann, H ousehold

Economy, D em ography, a n d The "Push”F actor in Northern Ethiopian H istory, 1916-1935,
Working P a p ers in African Studies; (Boston, Mass.: African Studies Center, B oston University,
1983), 1-29.

24 Interview with Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; and Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June
2004.

25 Interview with Shalo Dube, ShegSdo, 6 July, 2004. Shalo said that the land his brother
received was so sm all that he moved to the south during the resettlement programme in the 1960s,
which is described in the follow ing chapter.

211
the core highlands to the qalad zone was in search of bigger and better land, and

as a result they took up tenancy as a means to access such lands.26

Nevertheless the available evidence shows that tenants in the earlier period

especially in the 1930s and early 40s were sceptical about the tenancy relationship

because they were not sure whether it was a workable solution. Therefore in most

cases they preferred to enter into tenancy agreements whilst retaining some of

their outiba land from the highland areas. This was because o f the high degree of

uncertainty over the outcome of the newly emerging tenancy arrangements, and in

some cases tenants became disillusioned and simply abandoned their tenancies.27

The case o f Balambaras Kidane Abesie shows that he and his tenant Guyo

Gabi entered into a tenancy agreement during the time of Dajjazmach Balcha

concerning the qalad land which he had been given by the government for his

services. Balambaras Kidane claimed that the tenant was not a resident tenant on

his farm, but rather used to come from his place (not specified) to farm his qalad

land in C'ebecha qabale.

Before this tenant took over my farm it was very well cultivated and
there were plenty of coffee trees; but he neglected the farm because he
had land in another place, therefore I demand the court to order the
tenant to appear at court and pay me 500 birr of erbo payment
including all other expenses I incurred to hire a solicitor (tabaqa in
Amharic) and court fees.28

26 Interview with Warera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; Bursa Danbobe, Bula, 3
December 1999; andTuri Boko, C ’ic ’u, 29 April 1999.

27 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004; Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April
1999; and Gashu Badasse, Grissa, 22 July 2004.

28 B alam baras Kidane Abessie V. Gayou Gabi, DACCA, 157/57(D illa, 1944 E.C.).

212
 Unfortunately this particular court document does not reveal much about the

tenant other than that he owned land elsewhere. Without knowing fully this

tenant’s situation it is difficult to establish without doubt that tenancy and gabbar

did overlap at some point, but he had begun his tenancy 011 the land well before

the Italian invasion and appeared to have continued his tenancy until he left the

farm in 1944 E.C. (19 52).29 This was the most common strategy adopted by

tenants in Gedeo during the early phases of tenancy relationships. Informants

interviewed near Dilla town also corroborated that most had settled in the qalad

zone on their landlord’s land in gradual stages without totally abandoning their
OA
outiba land.

However as both the economic and the political activities of Gedeo began to

centre on important towns which sprang up along the Addis Ababa-Dilla main

road, tenants also began to settle in large numbers in the downland areas where

these towns flourished. The more fertile soil available in the downland areas

which enabled greater crop diversity appeared to have been important in this

regard, and in addition, as one informant recalled, the Christian missionaries who

started their activities in the Dilla area in the late 1940s played a significant role in

attracting many people. The medical services they provided to the local people

especially in combating malaria made the area more attractive.31

In general informants agree that the Gedeos, who had traditionally been

accustomed to living on top of the highlands, began to settle in significant

29 B alam baras Kidane Abessie V. Gayou Gabi, DACCA, 157/57, (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

30 Interview with Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004; and Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July
2004,

31 Interview with Hordofa Gadico, W onago, 24 November 1999.

213
numbers in the lower zone after 1941.32 As tenants began to show a willingness to

settle in these areas landlords encouraged them to construct their houses near their

farm so that they could start to lead a normal life. The details of arrangements

between the tenant and land owner varied greatly depending on many other factors.

Some landlords might also have their own home near their farm especially in

southern Gedeo where a great deal of landlords lived on their land. This gave them

easy access to the family labour of the tenant household. In other cases the tenant

simply lived and worked on the land of the landlord and paid erbo o f a quarter of

their produce either directly or through the qalad wakil (a person who represented

a holder of qalad land).33

Understanding the nature of landlord-tenant relationships is challenging due

to the varied ways in which they interacted.34 Although the demand for land

increased over years, particularly after liberation, it is difficult to capture the

evolving nature of tenancy in full solely from the court archives from which the

bulk of the information for this study is derived. However it is still possible to

gain a reasonable overview by close study of some examples of written tenancy

agreements.

32 Intervew with Hat'essa Ganale, Buc'issa, 5 December 1999; H ayicha Danbela Abe,
Andida, 30 April 1999 and Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

33 Interview with Hirba Kalecha, Grissa, 14 July 2004, he told me that his father was
y d q a la d tawalcy for one gasha o f land.

34 The literature dealing with landlord tenancy relationships reveals how the nature o f
their relationships was multi-dimensional. This section deals only with areas w hich were
problematic and became the trigger for court disputes. For further discussion see Anjan Kumar
Datta, L and a n d L abour Relations in South-West Bangladesh: Resources, P o w er a n d Conflict
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), 65.

214
Tenancy agreements

Conflict was endemic to landlord-tenant relationships in Gedeo.35 Because of this

the majority of court cases in Gedeo were concerned with tenancy problems, and

as will be examined later in this chapter, a very large amount of these documents

concerned erbo disputes. Why were tenancy relationships so problematic? There

is no simple answer to this question.36 Tenants and landowners needed each other;

tenants needed access to land in order to gain a living, and likewise landowners

required labour in order to develop and exploit their land. Both parties depended

greatly on the land and what it produced, but their mutual need for each other did

not improve their relationship.

Tenants seemed to have refused to accept the rights of the landlord to the

land, and used every possible opportunity to avoid paying rent.37 In the landlords’

view the land had been acquired by “legitimate” conquest and not by “alienating”

it from local people as was normally assumed.38 They considered themselves to be

the first settlers (aqm) on the land, a view which was also deeply embedded in the

concept o f land tenure systems of both in south as well as the north.39 In reality

most of the landlords (a great deal of which were n a ff annas) were government

employees who were providing services to the state, and despite their peasant

background the political system which awarded them the privilege of access to

35 Hoben, L an d Tenure, 137-13; Hoben showed that tenancy relationships in Daga Damot
(Gojjam) did not involve the kind o f subordination which was common in other agrarian systems.
This is a very interesting contrast to cases in southern Ethiopia.

36 Schwab, D ecision-M aking in E thiopia, 8.

37 Meju Aba Siro v. Jarsso Bariso, DACCA, 393/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.); Interview with
Badecha Leko, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

38 See chapter two for the controversy surrounding the imposition o f q a la d which enabled
most landlords to access land.

39 M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations", 175-195.

215
free labour reinforced the pursuit of an easy life whereby their land was developed

for them by local people.

Whatever perceptions both held regarding their relationships, in general

they operated in a climate of suspicion, deception, intimidation, and exploitation,

and therefore they were far from being partners in the activity o f production.

Although we have not yet examined the effect this unhealthy relationship had on

productivity and agriculture in general, it seems that the absence of a clearly

defined agreement which stipulated the rights and obligations of both the landlord

and the tenant might have played a significant role.40

Tenancy agreements in Gedeo were generally imprecise and verbal.41

Only a few landlords produced written tenancy agreements in their legal disputes

with their tenants. Given the low level of literacy among the population in general

and the tenant population in particular, written agreements were very rare.42 The

absence of a written tenancy agreement is often cited as a major cause of tenancy

problems. However having such an agreement did not necessarily serve as a

safeguard for tenants against arbitrary exploitation by landlords.43 Courts tended

to pass their verdict on the basis of the tenancy agreement which was presented

without questioning it, even if it was unsound. This was compounded by the fact

40 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004, Alako suggested that during the
bald rest time productivity was very high and he added that even leaving land fallow was not
allowed unless the landlord believed in the procedure.

41 Verbal tenancy agreements appear to be a v eiy common practice in many societies. For
example in a recent study in the Assam region o f India, Kuri found out that most o f the villagers
did not have any written tenancy agreement, and the author concluded that the absence o f a written
agreement did not affect relationships between landlords and tenants. Pravat Kumar Kuri, Tenancy
Relations in B a c h va rd Agriculture: A Study in Rural Assam (N ew Delhi: Mittal Publications,
2004), 120.

42 Zanabach G/Maryam V. Malas Assefaw, DACCA, 60/63 (Dilla, 1963 B.C.).

43 Benti, A ddis A baba, 73; Benti believed that the reason landlords did not want to have a
written tenancy agreement was to enable them to evict tenants easily.

216
that most judges, especially in the lower offices, were not trained; given the fact

that modem bureaucracy was at its nascent stage in Ethiopia at this time, these

offices were maimed by people who had only basic levels of literacy and perhaps

some experience in service to the government.

In general government institutions did not involve themselves in the

formalising and regulating of landlord-tenant relationships. Hence the best and

most straightforward option for peasants was to make an agreement directly with

the landlord and from the tenant’s points of view it did not matter greatly whether

the agreement was written or verbal because it would be in a language which they

did not understand. As the son of one tenant (who had inherited his tenancy)

pointed out, although his father had signed the very first binding agreement with

the landlord a long time ago, he might have queried the terms before accepting

them had he been able to read and understand the conditions o f the tenancy.44 It

appeared also that tenants did not see the importance of such agreements as a

crucial factor in their relationships with landlords, although some landowners felt

differently.45

An example of a written tenancy agreement is given below. This tenancy

agreement was shown in court in 1960 to support an erbo claim by a landlord. It

also underscores how tenancy relationships were shaped not only by local

conditions but also by the individuals involved. It represents one of a variety of

ways in which tenancy agreements were made and operated in Gedeo. This

particular tenancy agreement was originally signed between the landowner Walda

44 Dama W aqo v. Kurabachaw W alda Michael, DACCA, 12/62 (D illa, 1960 B.C.).

45 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

217
Michael and his tenant Waqo Oudo and was used as evidence in court by the

landowner’s son in his case against the original tenant’s son.

Agreement in respect of tenancy46

Hidar 17, 1951 E.C. (November 26, 1958)

I Waqo Oudo, a tenant (c'isahhd) on the rest of Ato Walda Michael

Taganna which is found in Sarbasare, planted firstly coffee trees, and
secondly ensat and agreed to pay 200 birr yearly according to the erbo
benefit o f the previous agreement [which was made Tiqmit, 18, 1947
E.C. (October 28, 1954)] Secondly I agreed to deliver two bundles
(shakim) of fire wood every week, and finally I agreed to construct
houses and fences, and to work on his coffee land (hudad).A11 agreed
with my due interest according to this agreement.

However, as I am weak and old I asked Ato Walda Michael Taganna

to permit my son Dama Waqo to pay all taxes (gibir) [probably erbo]
owing to him according to my previous agreement. I Dama Waqo in
place o f m y father Waqo Oudo agree to pay taxes (gibir) to Ato Walda
Michael Taganna according to the above agreement. I signed the
agreement after it had been read out to me. Secondly if I violate any of
the clauses, I will pay twice according to the previous agreement. I
will pay 200 birr every year in the month of Yakatit (February). If the
value of any o f the crops increases, if asked, I will promptly increase
the amount of erbo according to our agreement. To this effect we
signed with the witnesses of our signature.

Witness who were present during the agreement:

1.A to Dayo Waqo
2. Kallo Hirbate and
3. Heto Mando

Regarding fetching firewood, house and fence construction, and coffee

harvesting (from the private land of the balarest) Bajaso Waqo and
Shabo Waqo agree to be responsible. I Bajaso Waqo and Shebo Waqo
will deliver two bundles (shakim) of firewood on every eighth day.
We will also construct fences and houses. If we fail to fulfil this
agreement we agree to recompense him financially. We will also pay
50 birr to the government as a fine. We have agreed and sealed this
agreement with our signatures.

Witnesses:

46 Dama Waqo V. Kurabachaw Walda Michael, DACCA, 12/62, (D illa, 1960 E.C.).

47 M antel-Niecko, The R ole o f L and Tenure, 91-92.

218
 1. Dama Waqo
2. Kallo Hirbate and
3. Heto Mando

This tenancy agreement cannot be regarded as either a representative or unique.

It cannot be claimed that most tenants who needed to make verbal agreement were

treated similarly. This particular example however was clearly dictated by the

landowner Walda Michael Taganna as all terms and conditions were in his favour

with little regard to the interests of the tenant. It established the land ownership

rights of Walda Michael but failed to mention any obligation on his part as the

landowner, only specifying what should be fulfilled by the tenant. It also contains

enforcement measures in the event of failure to comply, but this again was made

against the tenant and entailed harsh punishments such as double payments if he

failed to fulfil any element of the agreement. We also do not know the size of the

land from this agreement; it merely states that the tenant agreed to pay 200

Ethiopian birr as erbo, and thus it is difficult to know whether this fixed erbo

payment was fair. Also, as in most tenancy agreements, erbo was to be calculated

every year depending on the success of the harvest; but there was no mention of

what might be the outcome if there was a crop failure for any reason. In addition

the tenancy agreement included a raft of other obligations which the tenant Waqo

Udo agreed to fulfil, namely;48

1. To supply him with two bundles of firewood every week

2. To harvest the coffee from his hudad (land he owned separately)

3. To construct fences

4. To construct houses

48 Dama W aqo V. Kurabachaw Walda Michael, DACCA, 12/62, (D illa, 1960 E.C.).

219
 This agreement was again renewed after four years. During the renewal it was

stated that Waqo Udo, who was the first tenant, was unable to continue his

tenancy because of ill health and old age. Therefore it was confirmed that his son

Dama Waqo was to take over the tenancy from his father and continue to be Ato

Walda Michael’s tenant. However, the agreement failed to include any

improvements for the tenant, merely highlighting that Dama would continue to

fulfil the obligations as his father had done.

Moreover, there is a separate section which deals with additional obligations

such as free labour services. From the names given it is possible to see that Waqo

Oudo’s sons, Bajeso and Shobo Waqo were also included in this agreement and

were exclusively responsible for house construction, supplying the weekly

firewood, and the harvesting of coffee from the landowner’s hudad. There is also

a penalty clause to enforce this second part of the agreement, which was also

signed by witnesses. The above tenancy agreement is unusual in that it gave more

power to the landowner than most cases which were seen in court which were

typically a disagreement about erbo payments.49 However, the general view of

the period is that tenants were normally exploited harshly regardless of the

presence or absence of a written tenancy agreement.50

Despite the onerous nature of tenancies, they tended to be long-standing as in

the above case.51 In addition although tenancy was very problematic the evidence

49 Dama W aqo V. Kurabachaw Walda Michael, DACCA, 12/62, (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

50 Interview with T'et'o Ganale, Buc'issa, 5 December 1999; and Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7
July,2004.

51 For a historical discussion o f sharecropping see T. J. Byres, Sharecropping an d

Sharecroppers, The L ib ra iy o f P easant Studies (London: Cass, 1983), 7-41; See also Timothy J.
Keegan, Rural Transformations in Industrializing South Africa: The Southern H igh veld to 1914
(Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987), 51-95; See also Gareth Austin, Labour, Land, an d C apital in
Ghana: From Slavery to F ree Labour in Asante, 1807-1956, Rochester Studies in African H istoiy

220
does not support the theory that eviction was a major problem in Gedeo. On the

contrary despite disagreements in the landlord tenant relationship they rarely

reached the point where a landlord would terminate the agreement and make the
52
tenants landless. Tenancy disputes were more like a “cat and mouse” game

whereby after finally exhausting all possible ways of avoiding 01* delaying erbo

payment tenants agreed to the terms dictated by the landlord or reached a

compromise. Tenants were reluctant to precipitate the termination of the

agreement because their chances of accessing land elsewhere were limited and

therefore they tried to remain in the relationship even if they felt that it was unfair

and burdensome. Thus in general tenancies were quite stable despite the difficult

relationships both sides generally experienced.53

In fact in spite of an acrimonious relationships tenancies appeared to have

frequently lasted more than the first tenant’s lifetime as indicated in the preceding

example. Tenancy relationships were not only long lasting but also passed down

from father to son.54 One tenant who replied to charges brought against him by the

landlord’s rest-wdltil (a person who represents a baldrest 01*landlord) said “I have

known this land and its owner Ato Walda Sanbat ICabtyemar since the time my

father became his tenant. He paid all the gibir (tax) until his death. After he died,

as his son I inherited the tenancy and I have paid all the gibir due to the baldrest

and the D iaspora, (Rochester, NY: University o f Rochester Press, 2004), 401- 430; Wondimu
Habeta Maryam v. Kassa Banjaw, DACCA, 10/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.),

52 Tamana Waba v. Gadicho Tolo, DACCA, 3/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

53For example Pearce has shown that sharecropping tenancy is still pervasive and persistent in
som e parts o f A sia and Africa because o f the failure o f capitalism. R.Pearce, "Sharecropping:
Towards a Marxist View," in Sharecropping and Sharecroppers, ed. T. J. Byres (London: Cass,
1983), 43-65.

54 Shifaraw W /Gabre’el v. Gurarra Shora, DACCA, 324/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

221
(landlord) through their wcikil (agent) until now.” 55 Also, from the practical

viewpoint, mobility was not a feasible option for tenants because in the context of

Gedeo agriculture fanning trees is a long-term investment of labour and money.56

Population growth also meant that fewer resources were available, competition for

land became more intense, and therefore despite the heavy handed nature of their

landlords tenants preferred to remain on the land rather than attempt to move

elsewhere.57

However individual tenants might be treated by their respective landowners,

one common factor was that erbo had to be paid regularly. Whether it was fixed or

variable deepened upon the agreement.58 The general assumption is that

landowners preferred payments of erbo in cash rather than in kind (although there

appears to be little evidence to support such a claim); nevertheless it is evident

that there was little interest in pressing tenants to enforce a particular kind of

payment. Concern was focused more on the ability to pay on a regular basis,

preferably without going to the lengthy process of court disputes.59 However, it is

clear from examining court archives that erbo assessment and payment triggered a

large amount of conflict and as a result, as we shall see below, the process of the

assessment of erbo and of collecting payments underwent substantial changes

during this period.60

55 Tasfaye Tassama V. Mamo Bore, DACCA, 15/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.),

56 Interview with Butecha B iliqe, Sugale, 15 June 2004; and Dakale Dogom a, Grissa, 14 July
2004.

57 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004; and Dado Galgalu, Grissa, 21 July 2004.

58 Dassaldne Korojo V. Borqo Ginje, DACCA, 285/54 (Dilla, 1954 E.C).

59 Zawditu Worq Agannahu V. Gamade Shalo, DACCA, 249/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

60 Interview with BaqtUd W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

222
The problems of erbo assessment

Erbo was only part of a tenant’s burden of obligation towards his landlord.

Despite the fact that tenants had many and varied duties in addition to the payment

of an annual erbo at harvest time, erbo payment was the main subject of dispute

between landlords and tenants and the cause of the majority of court cases.61

Erbo consists of one quarter of the produce whether it might be enscit,

coffee or any other crop and it was given as a form of rent to repay the landlord

for the use o f his land by the tenant. Although there were different types of

tenancy in other parts o f Ethiopia, erbo seems to be the only form of tenancy that

existed in Gedeo.62 This may be due to the fact that agriculture in Gedeo is highly

labour intensive. The landlord only contributed land; the other essential elements

to maintain the production process had to be provided by the tenants. This is

probably the reason why erbo became a dominant feature of the Gedeo tenancy

system.63

Leaving aside for now a discussion of the other burdens placed upon

tenants such as the provision of free labour seivice, the supply o f firewood, and

performing construction tasks for the landlord, the way erbo was assessed and

paid needs to be considered. The available evidence indicates that there was no

uniformity concerning how a figure for the payment of erbo was calculated. It

might be fixed or vary according to the amount of the harvest. In theory, although

available sources do not comment about this, a fixed rent (erbo) appears to be

61 P, Gilkes claim s that 98% o f the tenants in Sidamo at this time had been paying land tax for
their landlords in addition to rent and other obligations; however there is no other way o f
corroborating this statement. See Gilkes, The D ying Lion, 117.

62 The most comm on forms o f tenancy arrangements were siso, (1/3) and equel (1/2). See also
Cohen and Weintraub, L an d an d Peasants, 50-55.

63 For a different types o f tenancy arrangements in Ethiopia see Gabra-Wald, "Ethiopia's ",
313.

223
highly exploitative because it fails to take into account the annual fluctuations of

harvest and payment for produce. Court documents however state simply that the

tenant had failed to pay erbo, but do not show whether or not this was because of

a poor harvest and as a result we cannot determine how burdensome it had been

for the tenants.64

The two most important products were enscit and coffee. They were

assessed at the same rate annually, i.e. payment of a quarter of the harvest. Enscit

was usually accepted in its qoc'o form, but transporting the heavy qoc'o to where

the landowner chose was the responsibility of the tenant. In the case of coffee, if

the tenant was required to pay in kind coffee beans were acceptable but the grade

and to what stage the coffee should have been processed had to be determined

between the two, and was mainly dependant 011 the nature o f the harvest.65

It is difficult to find evidence to support the claim made for example by

McClellan that tenants were required by their landlords to grow coffee because of

its value in the market.66 Neither oral nor archival sources show that this was the

case; in fact the court cases examined for this study show that tenants grew all

types of crops and the interference of the landowners appears to have been

minimal or non-existent.67 hi fact landlords would accept erbo in any form which

the tenant offered. As both coffee and ensdt took some years to mature to the

harvesting stage, landlords might in the interim collect some unusual types of land

64 Surprisingly only a few cases were initiated due to disagreement on the amount o f erbo. In
this dispute the tenant felt that the amount o f erbo he was asked to pay was too high. Yashi
Tassama V. Giibra Madhin Taro, DACCA, 61/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.); Nagashe Qoricho v. Aronku
Tulu, DACCA, 247/54 (Dilla, 1954 E.C.).

65 Baqalach AMra V. M it'e Loko, DACCA, 387/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

66 M cClellan, "Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations", 191-192.

67 Like M cClellan, Donham also felt that tenants gradually lost control o f the production
process, see Donham, "Old Abyssinia”, 41.

224
rent as the example below shows. In a court case concerning tenancy the plaintiff

presented his claim in court through his solicitor (tabaqa) as follows;68

.. .the defendant should pay the erbo payment to the plaintiff who had
been given the land by the government for his services (balawulata).
The defendant as a tenant on this land had beehives, enscit, etc. He
paid a wood erbo [emphasis mine] to the plaintiff until the land was
developed; if he denies this I will prove my case and if found guilty he
should make reparation according to the assessment.

As the above statement demonstrates, in most cases landowners had to wait

years before reaping the benefit from their land and for that reason this particular

landowner had been collecting erbo in a different form, showing the flexibility

and adaptability of erbo payments in the face of the variable resources of

individual farms.69

One example of the growing tension and lack of trust between tenants and

landowners was the process of erbo assessment.70 Informants claimed that in the

1930s and early 40s it had been simpler and more straightforward, but gradually

they had been obliged to make the process very formal, even requiring the

introduction o f a committee with representatives from both sides, hi fact the

increasing lack of trust between the two meant that local officials such as the

balabat wakil (representative) and the at'by a danna (local judge) were also

required to serve on the committee. As the committee constituted between five

and seven individuals the tenant was responsible for providing food for them

68 Fulas Birbirssa V. K ifele Zena, DACCA, 11/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.)

69For a detailed discussion and analysis o f theories o f land rent see Utsa Patnaik, "Classical
Theory o f Rent and Its Application to India: Some Preliminary Propositions, with Some Thoughts
on Sharecropping," in Sharecropping and Sharecroppers, ed. T. J. Byres (London: Cass, 1983),
71-76.

70 Yashi Tassama v. Gabrii Madhin Taro, DACCA, 61/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

225
when they carried out the assessment.71 An informant in Sisota told me that they

had to pay some kind of nominal fee (ydt'eza margafia) to the landlord or his

agent if they wanted to have a speedy and sympathetic assessment process.72

Concluding the assessment process without problems was vital in preventing

conflict with the landlord ([balarest) which could easily lead to a court conflict, the

very thing which the tenants wanted to avoid.

When landlords resided in the village where their farm was located, both

assessment and the collection of erbo was much simpler. However, when a

number of them became urban residents the tenant had to transport erbo payments

to the landlord’s home. To counter the problem of distance most absentee

landlords delegated the task to an agent who was known locally as the yarest

wakil ([wakil in short).73 The wciltil was responsible for dealing with all tenancy

issues which arose as well as representing the landlord when an erbo assessment

was made. The wakil was himself one of the tenants who was normally granted

various exemptions from the burdens of tenancy in return for carrying the

responsibility of the role, hi Sisosta one such wakil who was called Mohammed

told me that as a wakil of the balarest he was instrumental in officiating in a

number of tenancy agreements in the Sisota area and was also responsible for

visiting each of the landlord’s farms to asses erbo payments.74

The presence of such an agent was useful in dealing with any immediate

problems which arose because the wakil lived locally and as such gained an

71 Interview with Interview with Baqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004; Mohammad
Nuer, Sisota, 29 June, 2004. For the role and appointment o f the at'bya daiifia see Aberra, The
L egal H istory o f E thiopia, 231.

72 Interview with Damaro Shabora, Sisota, 9 July 2004,

73 Interview with Atara Hirbaye, W onago, 24 November 1999.

74 Interview with Mohammad Nuer, Sisota, 29 June, 2004.

226
enhanced status and additional benefits such as exemption from free labour

services to a landlord.75 Therefore, unsurprisingly, some of them behaved badly.

Some informants in fact pointed out that the wakil could be more arrogant and

bullying than the actual landlord who had delegated him to act 011 his behalf, and

many wakils were unpopular among the tenants. Wakils could also turn against

landlords when they saw an opportunity.76

In one land dispute case which came to court in 1961 E.C. (1969) a tenant

was caught up in conflict between the wakil and the landlord’s wife, who had

inherited the land from her deceased husband. The wakil had been responsible for

many years for collecting the erbo from the tenants both before and after the death

of the landlord. According to the tenant, Mamo Bore, the wakil had been in the

habit of collecting erbo payments from him and the other tenants on the land and

had also asked them to sign a document to declare that they had paid erbo to the

balarest However, as the tenant stated, “we did not know at the time that he

intended to use this document to take over the rest.” This particular tenant claimed

that because he was illiterate he did not know what exactly he had signed, but he

knew that he had signed a document in good faith with the assumption that all the

erbo payments would go to the rightful owner Walata Michael who was the wife

of the balarest Walda Sanbat Kabtihyimar.77 This shows how a landlords’ position

could at times be precarious. Such challenges were not necessarily limited to

75 Interview with Wordofa Qumbi, M echele, 5 December 1999; W / Gabre’el Mangasa V.

Dube Kalo, D A C C A 301/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

76 Interview with Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2004; Wordofa Qumbi, M echele, 5
December 1999; W / Gabre’el Mangasha v. Gobana Abe, DACCA, 232/56 (D illa, 1956 E.C.).

77 Tasfaye Tassama V. Mamo Bore, DACCA, 15/61 (Dilla, 1961 B.C.).

227
wakils; ambitious tenants might also pose a serious danger to landlords once a

dispute had escalated.

Tenancy disputes in court

Unlike land disputes, one of the peculiar features of tenancy disputes in Gedeo

was that it was landlords rather than tenants who sought a legal resolution to the

conflict. It is not clear whether this was due to a lack of knowledge about the

courts on the part of tenants or a lack of trust in the system, in which case tenants

might have felt that courts were irrelevant as a means of redressing their

grievances. However, as will be illustrated, courts were not as powerful as

normally assumed, particularly in the area of enforcing decisions, and therefore

tenants might have felt that the courts did not have sufficient authority and that it

was a waste o f time to involve them in decision making. Tenants also possessed

the ultimate weapon; in times of conflict they could cease to pay their erbo to the

landlords.79

The highly generalised view of the landlord-tenant relationship is derived

from the fact that landlords shared much in common with the people in power;

and therefore the courts as government institutions helped them to achieve control

over their tenants.80 This view ignores the circumstances of individual landlords

because all landlords were seen as being the same, without any effort to make

distinctions between them. In reality, however, landlords were not a homogeneous

78 Worq Yit'aru Dubala V. D inge Buse, DACCA, 307/50 (Dilla, 1950 B.C.); Asnaqaw
Wube v. B efo Buju, DACCA, 3/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

79 M cClellan suggested that about 20% o f his informants went to court mainly in relation
to land disputes. M cClellan, State Transformation, 143.

80 For such view s see Addis Hiwot, Ethiopia, 15-48.

228
group. Wealthy and influential landlords had the opportunity to protect their

interests by using the various means available to them.81 This could range from

buying professional support in court disputes to being able to sustain the financial

and other burdens which court disputes normally incurred. The situation was

different for poorer landlords, because they had neither the financial resources to

pursue longstanding conflicts nor the manipulation and the leverage to handle

their tenants. In general the existing evidence shows that powerful landlords had

much better control over their tenants while women and other poorer landowners

had difficulties in maintaining even a minimum level o f landlord-tenant

relationship. 82

The role o f the courts in tenancy dispute has also been analysed in terms of

the social status of the disputants rather than the issues they presented, and it is

necessary to reconsider these assumptions by examining the available sources. For

example Sandra F. Joireman suggested that, “Though there was no perceivable

bias in the court system due to the status or ethnic group, there was a bias of

decisions for the plaintiff and there was a far greater percentage of titled Amhara

who were engaged in litigation as plaintiffs than as defendants.” 83 This author

actually contradicts herself, because if there was no ethnic or other bias in courts’

decisions how then did the courts tend to make a decision favourable to the
QA
plaintiffs, who according to her own findings were mostly Amharas. She did not

81 See the case o f Princess Tananna Warq Haile Sellassie, in chapter five, who had a Rest
office which operated down to village level in many parts o f the country.

82 See the case o f A ya Dube and her mother with eight o f their tenants in chapter three.
Aya Dube V. Halako Baresso, D ACCA, 3/64 (Dilla, 1964 B.C.).

83 Joireman, P roperty Rights, 98.

84 Joireman, P roperty Rights, 98; Infact M cClellan has shown that most o f the settlers or
naft'ahhs were not Amharas but “semi-assimilated” Oromo and Gurages, see chapter two o f his
book for more details, M cClellan, State Transformation, 37-56; See also Charles Schaefer,

229
provide any other explanation to show why the plaintiffs won most of the cases.

This was one of the issues this chapter sets out to address, because none of the

case studies examined for this dissertation showed that plaintiffs won the case

because they were plaintiffs and belonged to a particular ethnic or social groups,

but rather that courts made their decisions based 011 evidence presented to them.85

Since court documents do not normally supply the disputants’ ethnic or

other forms of identity (other than names) there is no way to confirm that a certain

dispute was for example between an Oromo and a Gedeo, unless of course one

hazards a guess by looking at the participants’ names, which can be misleading.86

From the available sources we can surmise that people became involved in land or

tenancy disputes mainly to advance their own personal goals and protect their own

interests.87 The courts played the role of an arbiter rather than favouring one side

over the other because of differences in their ethnic or religious orientation.88

However, this does not mean that the legal system was free from problems.

Since courts are part of a whole infrastructure, scrutinising their practices in

isolation does not help us to understand their role in society. In Gedeo courts

operated within an environment where some individuals already had obvious

"Review o f State Transformation and National Integration: Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire,
1895-1935, by Charles W . Mcclellan," African Studies R eview 35, N o .l (1992), 158-160.

85 Ashagre Takla Maryam v. Shabo Dukale, DACCA, 145/52 (D illa, 1952 E.C.).

86 Joireman, P roperty Rights, 98; Joireman’s analysis o f disputes from an ethnic

perspective was probably affected by the timing o f her interviews which were conducted when it
was fashionable to provide an ethnic interpretation o f all events.

87 Worq Yit'aru Dubale v. Dinge Bushe, DACCA, 307/50 (D illa, 1950 E.C.); Mesfin
Wolde-Mariam, Suffering under God's Environment: A Vertical Study o f the P redicam ent o f
Peasants in N orth-C entral Ethiopia (Bern: African Mountains Association and Geographica
Bem ensia, 1991), 80-81.

88 Joireman absurdly concludes that the reason why many Amharas involved themselves
in land litigation was because o f the coffee trade. In fact, land litigation in the south was as
endemic as in the north regardless o f what crop was grown. Joireman, P roperty Rights, 98-99.

230
advantages over others in terms of language, power and privileges. For instance

land owners who resided in towns, where most courts were located, did not

experience the inconvenience suffered by tenants who travelled from distant

places to every hearing. The Amharic language was used in courts and this was a

disadvantage for the Gedeos who had to struggle to familiarise themselves with it,

although from the limited information which was available it appears that

translators were provided by courts themselves.89 As in any other society bribes

or a personal relationship with the judges might have influenced outcomes;

however this is the impression given by informants which cannot easily be proved

or disproved.90

However study of actual cases shows us is that endless litigation was the

norm due to a failure to implement and enforce legal decisions; and therefore

landlords might not have benefited as much as assumed from these institutions.91

That was why those who depended heavily on the courts alone had more difficulty

in protecting their interests than those who were prepared to take the law in to

their own hands when the system failed to deliver. Landlords who acted

independently through the use of various threats and sanctions were more

successful in making their tenants conform to their demands.92

89 Donham pointed out that missionaries in Maale had been involved in the teaching o f
Amharic to the local people to help them to succeed in their court disputes. Donham, Marxist
M odern, 32.

90 Interview with Hordofa Gadicho, Wonago, 24 November 1999; Hirba W ojega,

Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

91 See below the case o f QdnnaZmach BaqalaKidana Maryam V. Gale W one & four
others, D ACCA, 44/66 (Dilla, 1966 E.C.); and also Badesso Shamana v. Fayi'ssa T'eko, DACCA,
68/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C.).

92 See below the case o f Wube S ’ahai V. Shebara Lole, D ACCA, 11/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

231
 The above view show tenants as helpless victims; nevertheless there are a

number of examples which will be discussed in both this and in the following

chapter that will cause us to rethink those assumptions. The tenancy case studies

will show that not only did tenants have a thorough grasp o f the way power

politics operated but also made best use of it to achieve their goals when it suited

them.93 There were many exploited and badly treated tenants but there were also

defiant ones who made the life of their landlords difficult by refusing to be bullied

and by putting up a persistent fight in court.94 Some of the case studies discussed

below show that landlords not only sometimes lacked control over their tenants

but at times some even struggled to re-establish their own rights over the land that

their tenant had been cultivating for them.95 Some tenants were cunning and

introduced a third party as an ally with their own agenda to pursue which

complicated to the landlord’s struggle to assert his or her rights.96

Conflict between landlords and tenants was not necessarily resolved solely

in court. Using both the government courts and the traditional shimgelena

institution (mediation by elders elected jointly) was a well established practice.97

The courts also encouraged disputants to use mediation as much as possible, and

landlords used court procedures to bring rebellious tenants to the negotiating

93 Worq Yit'aru Dubala V. Dinge Buse, DACCA, 307/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.); Soko Bale v.
Bot'a Shate, D AA C, 199/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

94 Haile Dugeda v. Shage Alaka, DACCA, 38/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.); Taye Makonnan v.
Benagna Hirbaye, DACCA, 8/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

95 Kidanoa W alda Gabrael v. Taddassii DSsseta, DACCA, 198/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.), This
case for example came to court because the tenant sold the land to another landlord. The previous
owner was a woman and she said that the tenant had been difficult throughout their tenancy
relationships and had finally sold the land.

96 Interview with Alako Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

97 N igusse Abaguchi v. True Nutu, D ACCA 41/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

232
table.98 Tenants on the other hand employed the tactics of shuttling between

government court and private mediation to buy tim e.99 In some situations

traditional mediation, if respected by both sides, had a greater chance of being

implemented. It could also be more efficient than government courts because the

parties could reach agreeable settlements within days, unlike court hearings which

normally took several months or even years.100

This section provides examples of detailed court disputes between tenants

and landlords, as understanding the common pattern of tenancy disputes in Gedeo

is essential. Crucial issues include how courts dealt with tenancy disputes as

opposed to land disputes, and whether tenants were treated differently from

landlords because of their status as tenants and vice versa. As the available

tenancy court dispute documents show, the majority of cases came to the courts

due to the tenants’ refusal to pay erb o to their respective landlords. As indicated in

the preceding chapter, an erb o claim against a tenant was also used as a pretext to

initiate various types of disputes;101 however the number of genuine erbo disputes

were also significantly higher than other types of disputes.102 There were also a

few cases where landlords accused their tenants of failing to fulfil labour and other

obligations. Another common type of tenancy case was where tenants were caught

98 Abaru Yimar v. Dado Haro, DACCA, 173/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.); and also Masqale
Danbala v. Lama Tagaiine, DACCA, 257/54 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.),

99 Qdnnazm ach Baqala Kidana Maryam v. Gale Wone & four others, D AC CA , 44/66
(Dilla, 1966 E.C.).

100 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

101 See this and many other land dispute cases illustrated in chapter three. Worqnase
W alda M ika’el V. M am ire Tulu Baruda, DACCA, 102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.). This case, which
came to court as a tenancy dispute was dismissed by the judges because it was a land issue. The
plaintiff was advised to restart the case. Mintasnot Kabade v. Dana Shartu, DAC CA , 61/63 (Dilla,
1963 E.C.).

102 Cohen and Weintraub, L and and Peasants, 50-55.

233
in the cross fire in the fight between landlords.103 In this situation the status of

tenants did not change as a result of the courts’ resolution although there might be

a change of land ownership from one landlord to the other; however, tenants

would have been obliged to endure complex court battles, either by providing

their testimonies or by being charged by an aspiring landlord who hoped to collect

erbo directly from them. Some landlords bullied weaker tenants into handing erbo

rent over to them, which in itself would be used as evidence of ownership in their

attempt to take over the land.104

However before examining some of the complex tenancy dispute cases we

will start the discussion with what can be regarded as a typical tenancy dispute.

This case illustrates how landlords presented their charges against tenants and also

how tenants replied to those charges. A landlord called Girazmach Taldlu Daboc'e

accused his four tenants of refusing to pay the erbo due to him. This landlord gave

few details about the sort of tenancy relationship they had, why it had collapsed

and what efforts had been made to resolve the matter outside court. The plaintiff,

Gerazmach Taldlu, briefly stated his case by saying;

I accuse the defendants [four in this case] on their failure to pay

the erbo share o f the crop due to me. The land in question is
found within Sidamo province, under Fitawrai Mandafro resta
gu ll 105 The size of the land is one gasha. I obtained the land
from the government as my rest. However the defendants, who
are my tenants, failed to pay my land rent which is why I came
to this court.105

103 Alam eshet Waldayasus V. Qahnazmach Mazamir Hailu, DACCA, 89/58 (Dilla, 1958
E.C.),

104 Amado W alya V. Kifle Walda S'adiq, DACCA, 94/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

105 A hereditary right o f collecting tribute; see M antel-Niecko, The R ole o f L an d Tenure,
111.

106 Gerazm ach Takilu Daboc'e V. Wot'e Aba Bushe and three others, DAC CA , 234/46
(Dilla, 1946E.C.).

234
The defendants replied as follows;

We defendants admit that the land is within the resta gult of

Fitawrari (lit. commander of the front) Mandafro; a man called
A to Kutu Litu bought this land as his rest, and we did not know
that this land was given to the plaintiff by the government.
Accordingly we have been paying all rents to A to Kutu instead.
Therefore he should charge Kutu Litu who is the owner of the
land; we are only his tenants and he should be asked for
107
reparation, not us.

The plaintiff was an important person as his title shows, and he clearly

stated that he obtained the land from the government. He used the term rest to

describe his tenure but the land was probably originally given to him as madaria

land and had probably been converted to rest later, although this can not be

ascertained from the details provided. However, he did clearly identify the land

which was the subject of dispute.

Other than mentioning Kutu Litu as their landlord, the defending tenants

did not ask the court to summon him as their wabi.m The plaintiff said that he

accused the tenants not in connection with Kutu’s land but of failing to pay erbo

on the land which was his, and later he gave the precise location of the land by

naming all the landowners who owned adjacent land. He mentioned Kutu as one

of the landowners who shared a border with him. After this the High Com! gave

the order that both parties should adjourn to where the land was situated and

identify the exact location which was the subject of contention. In order to

facilitate the process the local C ’eqa Shume was to be present, also any relevant

witnesses.109

107 v'
G erazm ach Takilu Daboc'e V. Wot'e Aba Bushe and three others, DACCA, 234/46
(Dilla, 1946E.C.)

108 Wondimu Habeta Maryam v, Kassa Banjaw, DACCA, 10/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

I09Aberra, The Legal H istoiy o f Ethiopia, 219-241.

235
 In the judges’ final verdict it was pointed out that the plaintiff had

managed to obtain three supporting witnesses who had testified on his behalf

during the identification process and confirmed that the land was his. However

there was no mention of the presence of counter witnesses to support the

defending tenants. When asked about the amount of erbo they had been paying to

the landlord they all said that it was 20 birr each. The plaintiff on the other hand

said that since they had not allowed him access to the farm he had no idea how

plentiful their harvest had been. Therefore he asked the court to decide on an

appropriate payment. The plaintiff did not press for the maximum reward although

he had the opportunity to do so; rather he wanted to settle the matter based on the

information given by the tenants themselves, being more interested in long term

results. He did however state that “they can stay on the land if they suit me; if not

I will uproot them”.110

Although the plaintiff suggested an initial figure of 3000 birr for

reimbursement, the final decision of the court was far less than this and the

defendants did not challenge the amount. The court finally established that the

four tenants should pay 60 birr each (three years erbo), a total of 240 birr. In

addition they were ordered to pay 100 birr in compensation to the plaintiff.

Despite the difference between the initial estimate and the final outcome of the

dispute it was nevertheless a significant victory for the plaintiff.

This case illustrates a number of points about evidence, tactics and court

procedures. It came to court immediately after the war, and it did not contain the

voluminous lists of evidence and pages of witness statements o f the later periods

110 Gerazmach Takilu Daboc'e V. Wot'e Aba Bushe and three others, DACCA, 234/46
(Dilla, 1946E.C.).

236
when court documents tended to be thicker. Even the judges’ verdict in this case is

very brief, about a paragraph in length. In spite of that it typified court documents

within the context o f tenancy disputes in Gedeo. More importantly it shows the

sort of tactics which were employed by the tenants. Their intention in deciding to

bring Kutu Litu into the game was to primarily to create conflict between Kutu

and the plaintiff, but that was dependant upon ICutu’s acceptance and willingness

to intervene in the case a as a wabi. If that failed their other intention was to buy

themselves more time; however for unknown reasons he did not appear in court

and their strategy failed. Nevertheless as will be demonstrated by many other

examples this was one of the well established tactics used by tenants.

The other important point is that the court simplified the procedure by

allowing part of the case to be heard where the land was located. This was

beneficial especially for the tenants because it saved them from having to travel to

the regional capital, Yirgalem, where the case was initiated. Informants pointed

out that such methods were effectively used by many landlords. They claimed that

some landlords purposely exaggerated the figure owed, as in the above example,

in order for the case to be heard in a court which was easily accessible to them.

Sometimes they also used this method to punish their tenants, as demonstrated in

the erbo dispute above where the four tenants had to make at least a couple of

long journeys from Gedeo to Yirgalem. This was especially difficult immediately

after the war when modem transport infrastructure was non existent. Even in later

times when things were improved, the tenants’ position was hardly better due to of

their relative poverty in comparison to landlords, and thus travelling to distant

courts for every hearing was not an attractive option.

237
 The inability of tenants to defend themselves successfully contributed to

making things easier for landlords.111 However this does not mean that landlords

were always victorious. The tenants’ lack of court knowledge and their failure to

make the best use of the legal system did not necessarily mean that the courts

always passed a verdict favouring landlords. When a tenancy dispute was

presented they examined cases based on the evidence presented by the disputants,

and tenants did not receive unfair treatment merely because they were tenants; nor

was a landlord guaranteed success in court dispute because he/she was a landlord
* • 112
and a plaintiff. The above point can be illustrated by considering one erbo

dispute at the Awraja Civil Court Dilla, between a landlord and a tenant. A

landlord called Balambaras Kidane Abessie accused his long term tenant, Guyo

Gabe, of refusing to pay erbo for six years. He did not give any reason why he had

been unable to collect the erbo for so long, but presented his charge as follows;

He (Guyo Gabe) has been my tenant since the time of

Dcijjazmach Balcha. He had been paying erbo for using the land as my
tenant. But for the last six years from 1939 E.C. to 1944 E.C (1947 to
1952) he has refused to give me the erbo which was due to me from
1 1T
the coffee harvest.

The court ordered a copy of the charges to be sent to the defendant, who

however, failed to appear in court on the day of the hearing despite having been

handed a letter summoning him in the presence of witnesses. The court decided to

continue to hear the case in the absence of the defending tenant and since there

was no statement from the defence, evidence was heard on the plaintiffs behalf.

1,1 N agashe Qorcho V. Heda Ganale, DACCA, 41/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

112 Nagashe Qorcho V. Heda Ganale, DACCA, 41/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

113 B alam baras Kidane Abessie V. Gayou Gabi, DACCA, 157/57 (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

238
The plaintiff produced three witnesses; however some of their testimonies did not

help the plaintiff as he would have wished. Although all testified that the land

belonged to him and also that the tenant had been cultivating the land for him for a

long time, they also stated that during the six year period in question the tenant

had ceased his tenancy on the land.

The plaintiff gave no reason as to why the tenancy agreement had been

terminated and neither did he explain why his tenant had left the land in the first

place nor mention whether they had had any binding agreement. The essence of

the plaintiffs argument was that the tenant should be liable for the erbo payment

because he had terminated the tenancy without informing him. As this case shows,

neither the provision of evidence nor being a plaintiff automatically guaranteed

success in court battles, and the defendant was successful.114

The tenant’s decision not to offer a defence or appear in court was wise on

this occasion as he saved himself the cost as well as the rigours o f court litigation.

However, the case below demonstrates that deciding not to defend a charge at

court is not always the best choice. A landlord called Mamere Hayla-Michael

Gabra-Michael, who was a priest in one of the churches in Gedeo, accused his

tenant of failing to pay the erbo payment owed to him for the year 1951 E.C.

(1959). The plaintiff presented the claim through his representative and the erbo

was estimated to be 110 birr. Unlike the preceding example the tenant’s inability

to defend the charges at court was disastrous. This was how the tenant was

charged by the plaintiffs representative, Ato Dasse Haylii Michael, at Darassa

Awraja Court on Magabit 11, 1951 E.C. (March 20, 1959);115

114 D am essie M ulu Shawa v. Galagaye Zalaqe, DACCA, 102/56 (D illa, 1956 E.C.).

115 M am ere Hayla Michael G/M ichale v. Wade BSqate, DACCA, 195/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

239
 Plaintiff: Mamere Hayla-Michael Gabra-Michael
Defendant: Wade Baqate
Charge; Erbo debt amounting to 110 birr

The defendant resides on the rest of my client, located within Fisha

Ganant Mikitel Worada Gizat in Dabo qabale, within the balabatnat
o f Fitawrari Zalaqa Galata, bordered on the east by Qonga water, on
the west by the land of A to Abtayas Mogas, on the north by the land of
A to Gabrayas Gasassa. On this land he planted the following, 1.
Coffee, 2. Ensat, 3. Bdqolo (maize), 4. Yd Gesho (a plant used for
preparation of traditional beer) plants 5. Tobacco. When I asked him
to pay me 110 birr for the use of the land, he was unwilling to pay.
Let the defendant appear in court to respond to the charges; if he
admits that he did not pay me the erbo for the year 1951 E.C., let the
court order him to pay the erbo as well as other expenses I incurred for
employing a solicitor (t’dbdqa) and for court fees. If he should deny
the charges I can provide evidence against him.

When the court summoned the tenant to reply by appearing in court on the

date of the next hearing the tenant failed to appear. The court was forced to

adjourn the hearing on four occasions as he failed to appear without providing a

reason. The court therefore proceeded in his absence and the plaintiff was asked to

present additional evidence. Witnesses were called by the plaintiff and all three

witnesses testified in support of the landlord. Since the case was heard without the

presence of the accused tenant there were no counter witnesses or evidence

against the plaintiffs claim. When the court finally gave its decision it was

decided that the full erbo of 110 birr should be paid by the tenant. In addition the

tenant was also liable to pay 20 birr in compensation to the plaintiff and the court

made it clear that the tenant should not be allowed to appeal against this decision

before these payments had been made.116

Disputes between tenants and landlords did not always have to be settled in

court. Despite the heavy reliance of landlords on court proceedings to resolve

116 M am ere Hayla M ichael G/Michale v. Wade Baqate, DACCA, 195/51 (Dilla, 1951
E.C.).

240
problems they had with their tenants, they did not necessarily reject other ways of
117
settling disputes. The most common alternative was through mediation.

Mediation could take place at any stage of the disagreement, including while the

case was being heard. In fact courts normally encouraged disputants to settle their

differences through mediation as some of the cases examined demonstrated.118

A landlord called Lama Taganne accused his tenant Kurse Dulcale of failing

to pay erbo for the years 1951 E.C. and 1954 E.C. (1959 and 1962). However

before the accused tenant was due to appear in court to defend himself against the

charge he died, and therefore the case was temporarily suspended.119 However

after a few months the plaintiff accused the deceased tenant’s widow on the same

charge, as she had inherited the tenancy and was also responsible for the children

and the running of the household. The widow, named Wayzaro Masqala Danbala

appeared in court to provide her own account of the dispute. She said that she had

not been adequately informed by the plaintiff or by the court as to the nature of the

charge against her. She further said that this was a deliberate tactic on the part of

the plaintiff, because he wanted to take the land which provided a livelihood for

herself and her children away from her. Therefore she asked the court for

sufficient time to study the terms of the charges before giving her reply at the next

hearing.

The hearing was adjourned according to her request and she was also asked

to bring evidence in support of her claims; but at the next hearing both the

plaintiff and the defendant expressed a desire to resolve the matter through

117 Abfini Yimfir v. Dado Haro, DACCA, 173/55 (Dilla, 1955 B.C.).

1,8 Gobana Badasso v. Makonnen Ginbo, DACCA, 90/58 (Dilla, 1958 B.C.).

119 Masqale Danbala V. Lama Taganne, DACCA, 257/54 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

241
mediation. Then the court accepted the request and stipulated that after settling

the matter they should attach a copy of the agreement to their case file. A decision

was achieved through mediation with the help of three witnesses who were

appointed jointly by both sides.

Bearing in mind the outcome of the case and the way she handled the court

dispute from the start, it is possible to surmise that the defending tenant wished to

settle the matter this way knowing that she had a weak bargaining position.120 The

final settlement was actually very harsh for the tenant and it shows that this

particular household was in a difficult position after the death of the head of the

household.

In the agreement it was stated that the landlord was allowed to collect all the

due erbo directly from the farm. The arrangement was unusual because the

tenant’s household agreed to hand over control of the farm to the landlord himself

from 1956 to 1958 E.C. (1964 to 1966), until he had collected 270 birr. After the

harvest of 1966 they agreed that he would return the farm to the tenant and the

previous tenancy relationship would be resumed. This particular agreement was

not only harsh but also very risky for the tenant, because it might be difficult for

the tenant’s household to recover the land from the landlord; the defendant herself

said that the landlord was looking for an excuse to evict them. Since this landlord

had a long term problem with this particular household, he might have used a

shortfall in erbo as an excuse to give the land to another tenant. Tenancy dispute

documents show that tenants did not give their land back to their landlords unless

they were desperate.121 As explained above unpaid erbo payments were a frequent

120 Baqalach Abara v. Mit'e Loko, DACCA, 387/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

121 Zawditu Worq Agannahu v. Gamade Shalo, DACCA, 249/56 (D illa, 1956 E.C.).

242
reason to start disputes, but in those circumstances tenants were normally given

time to pay the unpaid erbo at the next harvest time.122

An interesting aspect of the above tenancy dispute was the fact that the

conflict was between a man and a woman. The landlord, who previously had an

agreement with the head of the tenant household, recognised the deceased tenant’s

widow as the inheritor. Since the tenant household was dependant on the land for

their livelihood they were anxious to inherit the tenancy initially agreed by the

head of the household, but the way in which this was done is not recorded by the

court documents, or how aware the tenant’s widow was of the details of the

agreement. There were only few cases where women were involved in tenancy

disputes, and this occurred, as the example above shows, due to death of a

husband or as a result of other adverse circumstances.

In Gedeo society accessing land for the household was considered to be the

responsibility of men. Women were not expected to form their households on their

own or before marriage, which explains the almost total absence of women from

tenancy dispute documentation except in cases such as that of Masqala Danbala,

who was forced to perpetuate a previous agreement despite difficulties due to the

death of her husband. She was obliged to accept the settlement even though it was

unfavourable to her household because her overriding concern was to retain the

land.

However, there are still a few examples from the archives which give us a

glimpse of the role o f women in tenancy disputes in Gedeo during this period. In

the example given below the dispute happened to be between two women, as both

the landlord and the tenant were women. The plaintiff Abara Yemar accused her

122 M asqale Danbala V. Lama Taganne, DACCA, 257/54 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

243
tenant Dade Haro of failing to pay erbo. The plaintiff estimated the erbo to be 400

birr; in her reply to the charge the defendant confirmed that she was the plaintiffs

tenant, but said that she contested the estimated erbo, because she felt that it was

too much. The court felt that the matter would be best resolved through

mediation.

After accepting the ruling of the court they selected five elders according to

the traditional practice to assess the amount of erbo payable to the plaintiff. The

task of overseeing and facilitating the process was entrusted to local officials. The

five elders carried out an assessment of the haivest and agreed that the tenant

should pay 115 birr to the plaintiff as erbo. Although the plaintiff accepted the

estimate, which was below than what she had originally demanded, the conflict

was far from being resolved because of two issues; at one point they even returned

to court because of disagreement over the way the assessors had earned out their

work. The plaintiff claimed that the assessors had failed to complete the task

because they did not include some of the crops in the estimate, for unknown

reasons. Also the death o f the defendant occurred during the course of the dispute.

In fact she had been unable to attend many of the previous summonses and

mediation efforts due to ill health and her husband had represented her on many

occasions.

The husband o f the deceased tenant, Ato Anyo Amante, was recognised as

the inheritor of his wife’s land and the custodian of their children but he decided

that he did not want to carry on with the court dispute, preferring to settle the issue

through mediation. An agreement was reached whereby Ato Anyo agreed to pay a

total of 140 birr both for the estimated erbo and as compensation to the plaintiff.

123 Abaru Yimar V. Dado Haro, DACCA, 173/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

244
The plaintiff made some concessions by agreeing not to pursue him concerning

unpaid labour services. A time was agreed for the completion of the payment. In

addition a clause was inserted which emphasised that if he failed to settle all

payments within the agreed time, he agreed to pay a 100 birr penalty charge. Five

witnesses were present when this was finalised. The agreement was prepared in

three copies, the first copy to be submitted to the Awraja Gizat Office, the second

and the third copy to be given to the plaintiff and the defendant respectively.

There is a parallel in both of the above examples. The defendants in both

cases died while the case was being heard, and both disputes were subsequently

settled through mediation.124 The decision to reach a decision quickly through

mediation was probably the best option from the tenants’ point of view because

neither was able to continue the dispute after the death of their partners. However

the second case differed in that the female defendant was presented as the official

tenant, not as a wife of a man who was unable to come to court for any reason.

Unfortunately due to the vagueness of court documents there is no information

concerning how she had become a tenant in the first place, which would have

provided a better understanding of the role of women in tenancy relations and

disputes. It is possible however to reconstruct some of the missing information

from what we know about tenancy relations within Gedeo. This woman was more

likely to have inherited the tenancy from her first husband who might also have

died before the case came to court. It was probably her second husband who

represented her in many of the court appearances.

The above examples have demonstrated that landlords did not always use

litigation to achieve maximum gain but rather as a last resort to force a rebellious

124 Meju Aba Siro v. Jarsso Baiiso, DACCA, 393/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

245
tenant to come to the negotiating table, landlords having no alternative way of

forcing tenants to pay their erbo. Also, landlords normally readily accepted

mediation as the best way of resolving a dispute even if they had a good choice of

winning the case because a decision from the court was not likely to be very

different from that gained through mediation.

The inability of landlords to impose any other kind of sanctions rendered

them powerless in the face of their tenants.125 Therefore even when a settlement

was agreed through the mediation process, if it was broken by the tenant another

cycle of conflict would start and the landlord had no choice other than to chase the

tenant until he had collected his rent. The above points can be illustrated by

example. Qannazmach Baqala Kidana Maryam accused his five tenants at the

High Court o f Sidamo of failing to pay the erbo due to him .126 The tenants had

agreed to pay 3400 birr to the plaintiff and he accused them of failing to fulfil

their agreement within the agreed time limit.127 According to the High Court they

had only managed to pay 1000 birr; therefore he demanded that the court enforce

the payment of the balance of 2400 birr.

The court accordingly summoned the accused to appear in response to the

charges, which was the beginning of a “cat and mouse” game. They did not deny

the charge but expressed a willingness to settle the dispute through mediation. The

landlord did not oppose this despite the failure of the previous agreement, and in

fact agreed to reduce the amount of erbo by 500 birr, as a gesture of good will on

the assumption that the matter might be settled quickly. A date was set to finalise

125 Ayalach Am baye v. Jasso Ada, DACCA, 104/66 (Dilla, 1966 B.C.).

126 Q annazm ach Baqala Kidana Maryam V. Gale Wone & four others, DAC CA , 44/66 (Dilla,
1966 E.C.).

127 Alamu M ale v, Hoqa Gucha, DACCA, 201/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

246
the remaining payment. However the dispute was far from over, as again the

tenants failed to fulfil their agreement within the agreed time, only managing to

pay 360 birr. The dispute over the remaining money continued until the plaintiff

sought much tougher action from the court, which reached a final verdict by

stating that the accused should make the remaining payment to the landlord

immediately, and if they failed to do so their property and land should be sold at

auction to pay him. In addition the court ordered the defendants to pay

compensation of 100 birr to the plaintiff who had had to come from Addis Ababa

to Sidamo on many occasions for court hearings.128

Landlords were frustrated at times by the impotence of the state to enforce

the courts’ decisions and on occasion took the law into their own hands in order to

collect their erbo from a rebellious tenant. The following illustrates how

sometimes landlords preferred to resort to their own method of enforcement rather

than to use established legal procedures. One landlord who was the head of one of

the churches in Gedeo had a long-standing dispute with one of his tenants. The

landlord, Alaqa S’ahai was in possession of a piece of madarici land which

according to him had been awarded by the government. Since he was a priest it

was likely be a sdmon land (land which was awarded to ecclesiastical people for

their services to the church). The tenant who had been cultivating the A ldqa’s land

was Lole Dita, who had been loyal to him until his death sometime after the war.

However, when his son took over the tenancy from his father problems arose, and

Alaqa S’ahai was forced to go to court several times to sue his tenant. When the

new tenant continued to delay the erbo payments Alaqa S’ahai took action himself.

128 QanriaZmach Baqala Kidana Maryam V. Gale W one & four others, DAC CA , 44/66 (Dilla,
1966 E.C.).

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According to the statement of an eye witness who was called to give his testimony

concerning the dispute between Alaqa S’ahai and Lole’s son, at one point the

landlord {Alaqa S’ahai) brought with him the armed retainers of another landlord,

Fitawrari Dammisse, and rounded up Lole Dita’s cattle because he had repeatedly

failed to pay erbo. He added that after that Lole’s wife came out and paid the

money and the cattle were released.129

Problems between the tenant and landlord continued in later years and it

became worse after the death of Alaqa S’ahai. With his death the land was

inherited by Alaqa's two daughters. These two women found it particularly hard

to collect erbo regularly from their tenant, which triggered further litigation

between the daughters and their tenant. Now the tenant challenged the daughters

of the Alaqa concerning their legal status as landlords, asking them to establish

what right they had to possession of the land, and claiming that they should not

have been allowed to inherit the land because it was not rest land but madaria. In

order to establish their claim on the land the two women took the case to the Zufan

Chelot Addis Ababa. Finally they achieved a ruling which confirmed their legal

inheritance of the land from their father, and they were able to win the case after a

long dispute.130

The tenant’s attempt to gain ownership of the land by challenging the

status of his landlords was not successful, because he was unable toproduce a

legal document which showed that he was the rightful inheritor o f the land. This is

an example however o f how tenants also attempted to play the legal system when

it suited them; they should not always be regarded as simple victims, and despite

529 W ube S ’ahai V. Shebara Lole, DACCA, 11/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

130 W ube S ’ahai V. Shebara Lole, DACCA, 11/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

248
their lack of trust in the courts and the legal system in general at times they did

challenge landlords’ claims. The landlords in this case were forced to undertake

endless procedures in order to reaffirm their rights to own the land.

So far the discussion has been mainly focused on erbo disputes and

although erbo was the main benefit that a landlord claimed from tenants, there

were additional services which a tenant might be obliged to perform. Free labour,

the supply o f firewood, and constructing houses and fences for the landlord were

among the duties which tenants needed to fulfil as part of their tenancy agreement.

Disputes on these matters rarely came to court, unlike those relating to erbo,

which was normally paid either in cash or as a portion of the harvest.

One of the few cases which listed which additional chores were expected

was that o f Kurabachaw Walda Michael against his tenants, who were from the

same family. The plaintiff Kurabachaw accused his tenants, named Badessa Waqo,

Dama Waqo and Shebo Waqo, of failing their erbo as well as non- erbo

obligations, and he stated his case as follows;

the defendants settled as my tenants on my rest land in a place

called Sirbasore. One of the tenants agreed to pay me 200 birr every
year as an erbo payment. The second tenant called Badessa Waqo with
his brother agreed to supply me with two bundles (shakem) of
firewood every eight days. His brother agreed to harvest my coffee
beans from my hudad (a land the plaintiff owned separately). In
addition they agreed to construct fences and houses for m e.... They
had been doing all these until the death of my father A to Walda
Michaleal according to the agreement they signed with him. After the
death of my father they had been paying my erbo satisfactorily in cash
and also working for me according to the agreement. Now one of the
defendants has paid only 130 birr out of the 200 birr he agreed to pay.
He owes me 70 birr now and also 200 birr for the year 1958 E.C.
(1966). The second defendant owes me 80 birr for the labour services
he has failed to carry out and also he should pay me 60 birr for the
firewood he has failed to supply. I will not accuse their brother
because he fulfilled all his obligations according to our agreement.131

131 Dama W aqo v. Kurabachaw Walda M ichael, DACCA, 12/62 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

249
 In this instance the plaintiff clearly stated all his claims, and therefore we

can easily understand the details of the tenancy agreement the landlord had with

his tenants. Firstly the land was transferred from Walda Michael to Kurabachaw

on the death of the former. However in this case the tenancy was inherited from

father to sons along with the land and the tenancy agreement they had signed with

Kurabachaw’s father continued to be a binding agreement.

From the plaintiffs statement it is clear that the tenancy of the land was held

by several members of the same family. The first agreement was signed between

the father of the tenants and the father of the plaintiff. In 1958 E.C. (1966) the

agreement was renewed because the tenant’s father Waqo Oudo felt that he could

not continue with the tenancy due to his age and ill health, and in this second

agreement it was stated that it would pass to his sons. There appeared to be no

changes regarding the terms.

Kurabachaw produced the tenancy agreement signed between the tenants

and his father Walda Michael but did not present other supporting documents such

as a will to show that he had inherited the land from his father. The tenants did not

use this, as they might have done, as grounds to present a challenge. The court

also did not query the agreement as possibly illegal and did not question the free

labour services which the tenants were expected to provide for their landlord. The

judges mainly focused on the written agreement and the accused tenants were
132
asked whether they recognised the agreement as valid.

They did not deny the charges but presented receipts for erbo payments,

which however were disallowed as they related to a different year. The court

finally ruled that the tenants were liable to pay about 360 birr erbo and other

132 Ktirse Bades v. W ote Anjare, DACCA, 55/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

250
obligations as claimed by the plaintiff. In addition since they were also ordered to

pay 40 birr compensation for the inconvenience they had caused.133

The above account is inevitably one dimensional, being biased towards the

landlord’s viewpoint, and it fails to reflect the tenants’ viewpoint. Also our

knowledge is very limited regarding the relationship between tenants themselves

and how they interacted with each other. Knowing in some detail the kind of

horizontal relationship which existed between the tenants could furnish us with a

broader perspective which would help us see beyond the stereotypical image of

landlord-tenant relationships. Despite this some court cases provided clues to

some aspects of relationships between tenants which do not necessarily conform

to the predominant view.

In the following example, although the landowner was presented as a

defendant the main struggle was between two tenants and their motive was to

determine who had tenancy rights. As the details of this case show, before it came

to the Awraja Court at Dilla the two tenants had disputed between themselves at a

lower court without involving the owner of the land. When the initial litigation

failed to achieve the tenancy rights she sought, the claimant felt that accusing the

landowner was the right move towards becoming a tenant on her land. The case

was initiated by a woman named Emat Woletu Waqjira, and she was the wife of

the tenant who claimed to have bought the tenancy rights from a deceased

tenant,134

133 Dama W aqo v. Kurabachaw W alda M ichael, DACCA, 12/62 (D illa, 1960 E.C.).

134 In tenancy disputes wom en normally came to court when their husbands were unable to
attend hearings, either due to ill health or death. In this case it was not clear why the w ife became
the main participant rather than her husband, who appeared to have bought the tenancy rights from
the former tenant.

251
 She accused the landlady, Emat Asnaqach Bogale on the grounds that after

the former tenant died she had acquired another tenant herself; this according to

the plaintiff was illegal because her husband and herself had had a joint tenancy

on this land with the former tenant who was now dead. The new tenant was Waqo

Bobe who was the brother of the deceased tenant. According to the plaintiff, the

balarest of the land assigned Waqo as her new tenant knowing full well that her

husband, Ato Haile Doc’e, inherited (i.e. bought) the tenancy rights for half of the

land from her former tenant Ganale Bobe two years before his death for 315 birr.

When they paid the money to Ganale Bobe their intention and agreement was to

benefit from the crop jointly and they had done so for two years according her

claim. Therefore the plaintiff initiated this case to contest Waqo Bobe’s tenancy

rights.135

When replying to the court through her solicitor the defendant (landlady)

said that the enscit and coffee crops on her rest were planted by the father of

Ganale and Waqo and later transferred to both of them. However when these two

tenants failed to pay their erbo she took the land away from them. She claimed

that she did this well before the death of Ganale, and that she had no knowledge of

any arrangement made between her former tenant and the plaintiffs husband, and

she denied all other charges. The plaintiff insisted that the defendant not only

knew about the transaction between her husband and Ganale, the deceased tenant,

but also had been receiving erbo payment from her husband. She claimed that

they had been doing this for two years before Ganale died. She further added that

in fact her husband, Haile used to go to her house to pay erbo accompanied by

135 W oletu Waqjira V. Asnaqach Bogale, DACCA, 366/53 (Dilla, 1953E.C.)

252
Ganale. The plaintiff claimed that she could produce a written agreement made

between her husband and Ganale.

The defendant was asked to comment on the written evidence produced by

the plaintiff. The defendant said that since she had no knowledge of it she would

like to challenge the document’s legality, arguing that it had not been approved by

a recognised legal body; therefore she requested the court to discount it as

evidence. The court conceded that, as the document was not endorsed by any

government authority, the plaintiff should produce personal witnesses to

corroborate it. The five people who were called to testify failed to support the

claim made by the plaintiff, and therefore the court in its final verdict ordered that

the charges against the defendant should be dropped. This case provides a rare

opportunity to glimpse the kind of rivalry which existed among the tenants

themselves, which is unlikely to be alluded to in conventional sources. Both oral

and archival sources tend to depict an unhealthy relationship existing only

between landlords and tenants, whereas there was also a degree of acrimony

between the tenants themselves.

“Caught in the cross fire”; the role of wabi in tenancy disputes

The main objective of this section is to show how tenants became involved in

disputes between landlords despite having successfully discharged their tenancy

obligations according to the terms and conditions which they had accepted.136 This

happened when tenants were falsely accused of failing to discharge some or all of

their obligations, especially the payment of erbo; however the real and the hidden

motive of the accuser was to gain access to somebody else’s property by using a

136 Seme W alda Yohannis v. Seme Nagaya, DACCA, 14/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

253
tangential approach. For such people tenants were considered easy prey and

therefore when initiating a case there was an assumption that the tenant would be

unlikely to offer a vigorous defence, and thus the chance of winning such a case

was much higher. This was partly because the land was not his property, but also

because involving him self in such dispute would not earn the tenant anything

other than to precipitate a change of hands between different ow ners.137 In

addition the landlord-tenant relationship in Gedeo was overwhelmingly

characterised by mistrust and conflict, and some sought an opportunity to

capitalise on this provided that they could successfully prove their case in court.

Therefore strategically it was sensible for the plaintiff to start the case by accusing

the tenant even if he was aware of who the owner of the land was, or at least the
n o
person who was in receipt of the erbo.

It is not uncommon to find the term wabi139 in the majority of tenancy

dispute case files, whether the case was a genuine erbo dispute or a disguised plot

designed by an ambitious person to annex another individual’s land. As many of

the cases consulted for this study show, and from the examples presented in the

previous section, tenants did not normally reply directly to the charges brought by

the plaintiff against them.140 Rather they responded to the court by saying that

they had a wabi to whom they had been paying erbo. The next step was for them

to ask the court to allow their wabi to offer a defence on their behalf which would

release them from involvement in the dispute. This was illustrated by the case of

137 Tafasa Engida v. Digicha Baresso, DACCA, 87/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

138 Lagassa Saboqa v. Badane Shito, DACCA, 28/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.); Asafa D hgefe v.
Jamanashe Yiglat’u, DAC CA , 330/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

139 Hoben, L an d Tenure, 137.

140 See this case above GeraZmach Takilu Daboc'e V. Wot'e Aba Bushe and three others,
DACCA, 234/46 (Dilla, 1946E.C.).

254
Gerazmach Takilu Daboc'e and his four tenants which was examined in relation to

an erbo dispute at the beginning of this chapter. In this particular case the

defending tenants answered the charges by saying that they did not know the

landlord who accused them at court, claiming that they had another landlord to

whom they had been paying erbo. The man was Kutu Litu; however, other than

mentioning his name as their surrogate landlord they did not ask the court for

permission to invite him to give evidence as their wabi and Kutu’s name in fact

did not appear in the court records after that. However in many other court cases a

wabi was deeply involved and the nature of the evidence which the wabi produced

in court was crucial. As we shall see later in this section there were also

circumstances where the court refused to allow wabis to involve themselves in a

dispute despite having produced the required evidence.141

First though let us consider the most common ways in which wabis

became involved in litigation, and in this example as in many others tenants were

simply caught up in the crossfire without any apparent gain.

Kifle had originally first started the case against Amado Walaya, who

resided on the land as a tenant, at a lower court where he appeared as the plaintiff.

When the charges were made against him Amado responded to the Warada Court

by saying that he had no knowledge of the plaintiff and he had never paid any

erbo to Kifle for using the land, but asked the court that he should be allowed to

pass the case on to his wabi Balambaras Endasahw Wudessa. Amado gave

additional information regarding his tenancy, saying that when he took over the

land from Balambaras Endashaw on a tenancy agreement it was originally

uncultivated forest, which he had cleared and planted with coffee and enscii. He

141 W / Gabre’el Mangasha v. Gobana Abe, DACCA, 232/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

255
said that he felt that should not be accused but asked the court to allow his wabi to
142
come to court on his behalf. Balambaras Endashaw appeared in court and was

asked if he had any evidence of his occupation of the land. He produced a tax

assessment receipt for the year 1955 B.C. (1963). The problem was that similar

evidence was also presented by the plaintiff Kifle to show proof o f ownership of

the same land; moreover Kifle had also produced additional supportive evidence

which showed that he was given the land by a man called Doyo Baresso, and also

the testimony of a local official called Boku Adola from the Fisha Ganat Warada

Gizat office which showed that that one gas ha of land had been given to A to

Kifle.143 The Warada Court gave its verdict by stating that the land belonged to

Ato Kifle and all outstanding erbo payments should be made to the plaintiff and

not the wabi.144

The next stage in the litigation was for the wabi supported by the tenant to

appeal against this decision to a higher court, at the Awraja Court at Dilla.145

After reviewing the case the Awraja Court ruled that the decision given by the

lower Warada Court was inappropriate in view of the tenant’s claims that he had

been paying all erbo to his wabi over ten years, and this fact combined with the

w abi’s evidence of ownership justified an appeal. The Awraja Court overturned

the decision of the Warada Court and said that the case should be reopened.146

142 Amado W alya V . K ifle W alda S'adiq, DACCA, 94/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

143 See chapter three for a similar case where crucial documents such as tax receipts were
acquired in various ways. Yas'ir A leqa Sanqut'e Dajane V. Balat'e Asine, DAC CA , 19/62 (Dilla,
1962 E.C.).

144 Amado W alya V. K ifle W alda S'adiq, DACCA, 94/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

145 Getahun W alda Maryam v. Alako Ganale, DACCA, 59/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

146 Amado Walya V. K ifle W alda S'adiq, DACCA, 94/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

256
 We do not know the outcome of the case but what we do know serves to

illustrate the circumstances under which wabis became involved in tenancy

disputes, and has shown how tenants were unnecessarily caught up in wars

between landlords. Whatever the outcome of the case, the tenant’s position was

unaltered as he remained a tenant, and had no claim himself 011 the ownership of

the land. Thus court disputes were far more complex than normally assumed and

as the above case and additional examples below show, erbo disputes were used

as a useful excuse to start a dispute over ownership.147 If a wabi failed to secure

the right to present his evidence in court, whether he had failed to convince the

court it was appropriate to do so or the court disallowed him for any other reason,

the tenant would be directed by the judges to make erbo payments to whoever

they deemed appropriate, and the w abi’s claims to the ownership of the land

would be invalidated.

The following case shows a different way of attempting to take over land

which belonged to another landlord. In this dispute the tenant was again unfairly

involved because he had in fact been discharging his responsibility without fail,

and therefore the plaintiff initiated this case with the clear motive of accessing

another person’s land. The tenant had paid erbo rent regularly on the land

belonging to a man named Qannazmach (lit. commander of the right flank) Walda

S'adiq C'abude which he had occupied for a long time. After he died the land was

inherited by his son Ato Kabada Walda S'adiq who later let it to another person

called Qannazmach Mahamar Hailu and the tenant was ordered accordingly to pay
148
erbo to this leaseholder. When the lease was terminated the tenant was told to

147 Baradade Falaqa v. Tikse Ako, DACCA, 130/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

148 Jabo Dama v. Qagnaimach Eshete Tafesse, DACCA, 322/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

257
pay the erbo to the balarest Ato Kabada. When the balarest and the leaseholder

entered into dispute the leaseholder, Qannazmach Mahamar Hailu, claimed that

the land still belonged to him and he accused the tenant of failing to pay the erbo

despite paying previously, using this as evidence of his ownership of the land. The

tactic worked in the short term, because the Warada Court felt that as the tenant

had been paying erbo to the plaintiff (the contractor) he was the rightful owner of

the land, and it passed its verdict in his favour. The case was later reversed after

an appeal at the Awraja Court.149

As some of the case studies demonstrate individuals used their evidence as

a wabi as an opportunity to attempt to gain access to land if the chance presented

itself. Production of evidence was the main strategy because courts were likely to

give weight to written evidence, and gaining access to such crucial evidence as tax

assessment receipts had becoming increasingly easier as observed in some of the

court cases. Having to face court charges when in fact the tenant had fully fulfilled

his or her obligations added an extra strain to the already polarised nature of

landlord-tenant relationships. The wabi or the plaintiff might reap rewards

themselves depending on the outcome of courts’ decisions, but for the tenant there

was no significant gain and in the process tenants were pawns who suffered in the

struggle. The lack of efficiency of the endless appeals, counter-appeals and

adjournments on various grounds meant that court procedures did not serve the

needs of tenants.

149 A lam eshet W aldayasus V. Qannazmach Mazamir H a ilu , D A C C A ,89/58, (Dilla 1958
E.C.). .

258
Conclusion

This chapter has shown that although the tenancy system emerged on a limited

scale before 1935 it only evolved fully in the post-war period, as a result of

economic and demographic changes. In addition the chapter has also shown that

there were fundamental differences in the way the two systems evolved in Gedeo.

While the gabbar system was imposed by order of the state, tenancy evolved due

to a combination o f economic realities. Tenancy, like the gabbar system, was

exploitative. Unlike gabbar, tenancy was the result of a voluntary arrangement;

however, it was unable to operate smoothly and efficiently in the context of Gedeo.

Its efficiency was hampered by conflicts and endless court litigation. Tenancy

disputes were frequent, and dominated court proceedings.

The chapter illustrated how such disputes were handled by the courts.

Most of the sources for this chapter were derived from court archives, and

therefore particularly useful in understanding litigation and the role courts had in

such conflicts; nevertheless the sources also showed that the existing knowledge

and assumptions about landlord-tenant relationships were unbalanced and

inadequate. Our understanding has largely focused on landlord-tenant divisions

where previously emphasis had been given to the ethnic, political and social group

to which the disputants belonged rather than to investigating underlying

differences between them. Close study o f land dispute cases show that the

substantive issue was in fact competition for resources, and in the process

individuals might have used whatever ploy was available to them if they felt that it

would give them an advantage. The same principle also applied in tenancy

disputes, and although the case studies are few, at least one case has shown that

259
competition also existed among tenants themselves in their attempt to win tenancy

rights, a crucial issue ignored by previous research.

Assumptions about the role the courts played in tenancy disputes were

neither objective nor based on a through investigation of the sources, because the

sources do not support the view that a positive verdict was granted to plaintiffs,

because of their social, economic, political status in society. The main premise of

that view was that there was ethnic inequality which manifested itself in

landownership rights as well as in relation to the law. However, the data used did

not support this premise. The discussion both in this and the preceding chapters

has shown that the ethnic background of the litigants was irrelevant.150 What

mainly concerned the courts was facts and the production of evidence. The case

studies also demonstrated that the courts were scrupulous in those matters. As the

next chapter will show in greater detail the problem between landlords and their

tenants was not caused by an unfairly biased court system but was more

fundamental, being connected to access to vital resources.

The court documents do not show us why tenants rarely took the initiative

themselves in starting a legal dispute; neither do they enlighten us as to why

landlords relied heavily on the courts, hi fact in my own judgment courts

performed their role reasonably fairly. Tenants might not have used the courts as

much as landlords; however it is doubtfiil if doing so would have made a great

difference, or if the landlords themselves benefited as much as is normally

assumed. We have seen from the case studies presented how some landlords were

150 For a very good discussion o f the diverse and complex ethnic makeup o f the
ndft'dnnas see M cClellan, State Transformation, 50-53.

260
unable to control their tenants as much as they would have liked, especially in the

case of women or other less powerful landowners.151

The reason why the landlord-tenant relationship was so problematic in

Gedeo has to be sought outside of the courtroom; they were not discriminated

against for ethnic, political or religious reasons. However, for ordinary tenants the

courts were unwelcoming places and provided an intimidating environment. There

were undoubtedly some disadvantages for Gedeos. One was perhaps language,

since as the court language was Amharic their inability to spealc directly to the

officials made them feel alienated and distant. Informants did not mention this as a

major hindrance; rather they emphasised more substantive ones, such as

unobjective local government officials who had an interest in the land themselves

and made their lives difficult by manipulating the law to suit their own ends.

Tenants did not normally acquire professional support unless it was

essential, which curtailed their chance of winning a case. From some of the

tenancy dispute accounts we can detect that the tenants’ attitude was half-hearted

and they did not exploit the system as much as they might have. This may have

been due to lack of knowledge; however it benefitted the landlord provided that

he/she could produce sufficient evidence.152 In addition the legal system by its

nature was painfully slow, hence once a dispute had started it could take several

months or even years and it was not uncommon in Ethiopia for disputes to be

continued over generations.153

151 Kassa Habta Maryam v. JaraFisso, DACCA, 13/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

152 Mulatu Tizazu v. Jigso Alako, DACCA, 36/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

153 Interview with Baqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004,

261
 Also, lodging an appeal was more difficult for the Gedeo peasant because

of the distance of the higher level courts from the peasants’ villages. If they lost a

case and wished to appeal they would have to face a long journey to take their

case to the higher courts which were located in the regional capital town such as

Yirga Alam and later Awassa, In most cases they travelled on foot as modem

transport was costly and in its infancy. If they wished to appeal further they would

have to travel to Addis Ababa, which posed a serious problem for most peasants,

both in terms of distance and geographical and cultural unfamiliarity.

Therefore, as the next chapter will show, the tension between landlords

and tenants continued unabated as Gedeo entered the 1960s, with courts failing to

provide adequate solutions to the fundamental problem of landlord-tenant

relationships. The worsening relationship between landlords and tenants gradually

descended into rural unrest, and anarchy and chaos forced the government to

intervene more directly than previously. In the next chapter I will illustrate this

issue more broadly and explain how a rural peaceful protest which was initiated

by tenants escalated into violence largely because of the action of a belligerent

landlord.

262
 'M E S l
\r |

- K,

\ • V

Map 4. M echele (showing the location o f the 1960 peasant uprising)

(Source: EMA, Dila (Addis Ababa, 1979).

263
 Chapter Five

From Crisis to Revolution, 1960-1974

In 1960 the long-term tensions between landlords and tenants finally escalated

into violent confrontation.1 The so-called the Mechele War {yamechele t'orndi),

which started as a non-violent movement by tenants in an area known as Mechele,

was in reality far smaller in scale than many other peasant uprisings which took

place in Ethiopia during this period (Tigray, Bale and Gojjam).2 Unlike its

counterparts, the Mechele revolt was restricted to a limited geographic area and

was suppressed within a matter of days. As far as can be judged from the demands

of the protestors, the uprising had no specific ideological underpinning and there

was no attempt to elicit support from other areas of Gedeo, where tenancy

relationships were as problematic as in Mechele itself.3

There were both long-term and immediate causes of the peasant rebellion.

The long-term origins can be traced back to the early years of the incorporation,

and in particular to the introduction of the unpopular qalad measurement and the

distribution of land by the state. Resentment related to this was not restricted to

Mechele, however, but existed throughout Gedeo.4 Although it might have been a

contributory factor, it was not the only cause. There were important local

developments in the late 1950s which almost certainly served as triggers. These

1 The 1960s was a crucial period in terms o f opposition to the government o f Haile
Sellassie. In December 1960 a major coup d ’etat was foiled. One o f the casualties o f this incident
was Afanegus Eshate Gada who had been delegated by the Emperor to resolve the Gedeo peasant
rebellion. Gada was murdered by the instigators o f the coup. Addis Hiwet, E th iopia, 93.

2 For a detailed study o f post-war peasant uprisings in Ethiopia (Tigrai, Bale and Gojjam),
see Gebru, P o w er a n d P ro test, 87-193.

3 Getnet B ekele, "The Peasant Rising o f 1960 in Gedeo" (B A thesis, Addis Ababa
University, 1983); See also Lap' iso, Y aetyop’y a, 169-179

4 M cClellan, S tate Transformation, 87.

264
created the conditions in which confrontation could swiftly escalate into deadly

violence. Even so it is very difficult to give a full explanation of the causes of the

conflict. This is because the rebellion occurred in a small area (mainly Mechele

and to some extent Dama) and involved few peasants, while other parts of Gedeo,

where tenancy was as problematic as in these areas, remained indifferent 01* at

least did not show any signs of rebelling. There was no attempt to galvanize

support from other parts of Gedeo, where conditions were similar or even worse.

The location o f Mechele does not offer an explanation as to why a peasant revolt

should have occurred there, the area being strategically unsuited for an uprising as

it is located in northern Gedeo near Dilla town, where local government power

was concentrated. The tenants consequently lacked the advantage of geographical

distance to conceal their activities.

Relations between landlords and tenants had always been tense, but they

worsened in the late 1950s. Control over resources was at the heart of the conflict,

rather than religious or ethnic differences. The people who owned land in this part

of Gedeo were commonly identified as naft'anns and Amharas.5 They felt that by

claiming membership of those groups, to which they did not necessarily belong in

reality, they could enhance the legitimacy of their claims over local resources. In

addition, they considered themselves as aqni (first settlers), who had originally

made the area suitable for cultivation.6 Having such a history, they believed,

would confirm their right to maintain control of the land in qalad areas of Gedeo,

which had been in their possession since the 1920s. The two sides, landlords and

5 M cClellan, State Transformation, 87.

6 The concept o f aqni is a fundamental notion in many land tenure system s o f Ethiopia. In
most cases a right to inherit could be firmly established by tracing on e’s ancestors back to the first
settlers o f the land. This term was crucial in the rest system o f northern Ethiopia. A similar
concept also existed among the Gedeos.

265
tenants, were differentiated mainly by the degree of access which they had to

power and resources (mainly land), but they also remained apart in social and

religious spheres. The violent confrontation that erupted in Mechele in 1960 was

essentially about access to the vital resource of cultivatable land.

Peasant rebellion in post-liberation Ethiopia did not only occur in the south

of the country.7 hi fact the most devastating uprisings happened in the north, the

only well-known large scale uprising in the south being the Bale peasant uprising

of 1963-1970. The Tigri peasant uprising of 1943 and the Gojjam peasant

rebellion in 1968, both in the north, were not only large scale rebellions but also

the most difficult for the government to suppress. (There were also lesser-known

peasant protests in various parts of the country.) Each of the three major uprisings

were quite different from the situation in Mechele in terms of causes, organisation,

and the scale of the protest.8 This chapter will attempt to place the Mechele

peasant uprising within the context of Gedeo, detailing the specific conditions

which caused the uprising to take place at that particular time and place, whilst

appreciating that it had similarities with its counterparts in other parts of Ethiopia

between 1941 and 1974.

In addition, the present chapter will also examine the role and position of

the government during the crisis. When the conflict broke out the government was

faced with two conflicting views. On the one hand it was felt that the problem had

nothing to do with its own policies and that consequently its role should be

7For examples o f peasant rebellion in the pre-1935 period see James McCann, The
P olitica l E conom y o f R ural Rebellion in Ethiopia: Northern R esistance to Im perial Expansion,
1928-1935 (Boston, MA: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1984). See also McCann,
From Poverty>to F am ine, 146-168.

s Gebru discusses several revolts, W ello (1928-30, 1958); Tigrai (1943); Hararge (1944,
1947, 1958, 1963); Gojjam (1942-43, 1951, 1968-69); Sidamo (1960) and B ale (1941-42, 1947,
1963-70) Gebru, P o w er a n d P rotest, 18,

266
restricted to maintaining social order. At the same time others felt that the

authorities should play a greater role than merely suppressing the rebellion by

force. The final section of this chapter discusses the task force formed by the

government with the responsibility not only of resolving the crisis but also of

producing solutions to prevent future conflicts arising.

Before discussing the Mechele peasant uprising itself it is essential to

understand the general conditions which led to the peasants’ outrage and

ultimately to rebellion. Since peasant revolts appear to have been commonplace in

many pre-capitalist economies, much effort has been expended in attempting to

understand the causal factors behind them across different places and times.

Peasant uprisings have attracted a great deal of academic interest, especially in

Asia, and social scientists have produced a number of theories in an attempt to

understand and explain them. It is not easy to determine which of the available

theories of peasant rebellions and their causes can throw light on the Gedeo case.

Next we briefly examine two of the most influential theories of peasant uprisings

and the reasons why they occur to see what insight they can provide into the

Mechele peasant rebellion.

Theories of peasant rebellion

There have been many attempts to study the various peasant rebellions which took

place in Europe and Asia in order to formulate a universal explanation which

would enable us to understand the general nature of peasant insurrection

regardless of where or when it occurs,9 Although African peasant uprisings do not

9 M ost peasant movement theories prefer to understand peasants from the class viewpoint.
Young for example found this approach problematic in his case study, see John Young, P easant
Revolution in Ethiopia: The Tigray P e o p le ’s Liberation Front, 1975-1991 (Cambridge: C.U.P.,
1997), 20.

267
conform to these theories as neatly as their counterparts in Asia and elsewhere,10

these studies provide some basic concepts that can help to analyse and understand

the nature of peasant rebellions in Ethiopia.11

The two most influential theories are the “moral economy” and the

“political economy” approaches.12 It is beyond the scope of this chapter to give a

detailed account o f the analyses and arguments of these comprehensive theories.

However it will be helpful to outline the main points. The chief proponent of the

moral economy theory is James Scott. Since his seminal 1976 work, The Moral

Economy o f the Peasant, Scott's ideas have gained a wide currency across many

disciplines in the social sciences, including history.13 Scott based his study on

peasant rebellions in Burma and Vietnam in the 1930s. He claims that through a

careful understanding of peasant life and its norms it is possible to comprehend

the circumstances under which rebellion occurs. Scott also tried to understand

rebellion from the wider perspective of peasant life, by examining issues such as

patron-client relationships, the role of charity, and the role played by village and

political institutions. The moral economy theory characterises peasant protests as a

defensive reaction against threats to their traditional institutions. In consequence it

sees peasant protest movements as by nature restorative. An important feature of

10Alten Isaacman, "Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa," African Studies Review
33, N o.2 (1990), 1-120.

11 For a through discussion o f different approaches to the study o f peasant movements

including the moral econom y and political econom y see Daniel Little, U nderstanding Peasant
China: C ase Studies in the Philosophy o f Social Science (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1989), 14.

12For an understanding o f peasant rebellion from the viewpoint o f the millenarianism

tradition, in pre 2 0 th century Ethiopia see Merid W. Aregay, "Millenarian Traditions and Peasant
M ovements in Ethiopia 1500-1855" (paper presented at the Proceedings o f the Seventh
International Conference o f Ethiopian Studies, University o f Lund, 1982), 257-262.

13 Scott, The M oral Econom y o f the P easant; For a moral econom y argument see also E.P.
Thompson, "The Moral Economy o f the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," P a st an d
P r e s e n t s . 50 (1971), 76-136.

268
the moral economists’ views is their emphasis on the patron-client nature of the

landlord-tenant relationship. Moral economy assumes that patron-client

relationships are “self-reinforcing, dyadic relations beneficial to both parties”.14

Scott argues that “any claim on the peasants by elites or the state could have no

justice when it infringes on subsistence needs.” 15According to Scott countless

peasant rebellions were the consequence of such “moral indignation” among the

poor, the French Revolution being a prime example. Therefore “the minimal

formulation was that elites must not invade the subsistence reserve of poor people;

its maximal formulation was that elites had a positive moral obligation to provide

for the maintenance needs of their subjects in time of dearth.” 16

Above all, Scott maintains that subsistence is the key to understanding the

peasants’ political behaviour. He claims that peasants evaluate the advantages and

disadvantages o f institutions, persons and family from the perspective of their own

need for subsistence and that this is their overriding concern. In this theory the

peasant lives close to subsistence level. If production falls below this level the

consequence for the household is catastrophic and therefore peasants gear their

strategies towards the avoidance of risk taking. Hence the moral economists

believe that subsistence crises are more likely to lead to peasant rebellions than

any other causes. Factors which can threaten to push peasants below the

subsistence level and consequently lead to eventual rebellion include fluctuations

in production (ecological vulnerability), market instability, and major variations in

the price of a mono-crop upon which the peasants rely heavily.

14 Popkin, The R ational P easant, 27.

15 Popkin, The R ational Peasant, 27.

16 Scott, The M oral Econom y o f the P easan t, 53.

269
 The political economy approach by contrast assumes that peasants are

rational and that they make decisions based on both their long- and short-term

interests. 17 The main proponent of the rational peasant approach is Samuel Popkin,
*

who bases his argument on an empirical investigation of rural Vietnam since the

mid nineteenth century. Popkin’s study, which was a major criticism of the works

of the moral economists, was a thorough analysis of the effect of colonialism and

commercialisation on rural society. Popkin also extended his analysis to the

twentieth century by focusing mainly on anti-colonial movements, including

Communist movements. Popkin’s central argument is that peasants are rational

maximizers of both personal and family welfare, and this is their chief motivation

rather than moral values or group interest. 18 Popkin challenges the moral

economy view by questioning the main premise upon which its proponents built

their argument, i.e. that a fall in production to below subsistence level leads to

indignation and a violent outpouring of anger. He asked what determines

subsistence level. How does one determine whether a man who had a bad crop this

year and an excellent crop last year is better or worse off than a man with an

average crop for both years? Popldn drew his conclusions from four peasant

movements in Vietnam, showing through a number of examples that a subsistence

crisis does not necessarily lead to peasant rebellion.19 In addition the political

economy approach claims that peasant movements are not restorative by nature

17 For a critical review o f both these and other theories, see Theda Skocpol, "What Makes
Peasants Revolutionary?" in P o w er an d P rotest in the Countryside: Studies o f R ural Unrest in Asia,
Europe, an d Latin A m erica, ed. Robert P. W eller and Scott E, Guggenheim (Durham, D.C.: Duke
Press Policy Studies, 1982), 157-179.

18 Popkin, The R ational Peasant, 245-267.

19 For a similar argument and a critical review o f J. Scott’s work see Elizabeth J. Perry,
R eview o f The Moral Econom y o f the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia, by
James C. Scott. The Am erican P o litical Science R eview Vol. 73, N o. 2 (June 1979), 657-659,

270
but rather anti-feudal and that, in economies where there was significant capitalist

presence, the aim o f peasants was not to go back to pre-capitalist times but to tame

capitalism.20

When we shift the focus from general theory to the case o f Ethiopia, it is

evident that there was an abundance of rural crises during the post-war period, and

that most of these rebellions were interpreted as growing signs of general

opposition to the ruling regime.21 This probably was the case, but looking at

peasant rebellions from only one perspective understates the complexity of the

local factors which contributed to generating them.

Although Ethiopian peasant rebellions have not been studied extensively

through the lenses o f either the moral economy or the political economy theories,

there is one work, Gebru Tareke's Ethiopia: Power and Protest: Peasant Revolts

in the Twentieth Century (1991) which is devoted specifically to the study of

Ethiopian peasant revolts. Gebru studied the three well-known peasant uprisings

of the Tigri, the Bale and the Gojjam. He believed that all three revolts were

similar in terms of both their origins and outcomes, hi addition Gebru argued that

all three revolts displayed the inherent limitations that peasant revolts have in

common. He contended that responsibility for the rebellions lay with the social

order which prevailed at the time, which was exploitative, coercive and iniquitous.

Localism was the other defining characteristic of these three rebellions. Hence,

peasants seemed to have directed all their animosity against local officials, while

the Emperor him self was largely free from accusation. Gebru concluded that the

peasants wanted to restore their “violated rights”, using the famous term coined by

moral economists. He added “what they [the peasants] demanded were those

20 Popkin, The R ational P easan t, 245.

21 Bahru, A H isto iy o f Modern E thiopia, 215.

271
things which they believed the king or his government was capable of delivering:

better administration, fewer or lower taxes, respect for communal autonomy,

reduction of corruption and repression, and the return of stolen lands.”22

However, if we examine them in the light of some o f the theories used

both by himself and other writers,23 some of the conclusions drawn by Gebra are

questionable. Although Gebm is not explicit about which theory he adopted in his

study, he has clearly been influenced heavily by the views of the moral

economists. For instance he argued that the Bale peasant demand for land was

restorative.24 He felt that when peasants demanded ownership of their own land,

this indicated a desire to go back to the old practices whereby they were

landowners in their own right before the arrival of the naft'anna landlords. There

were similar demands in Gedeo. However, although the peasants there raised

issues about land ownership rights and the inequalities and injustices associated

with it, this does not necessarily imply that they wanted to go back to the old ways,

rather that they simply desired to be free from exploitation by landlords. For

instance, in the Mechele crisis the tenants put their demands quite unambiguously

to both the authorities and the landlords, stating that they wished to be

independent landowners like their counterparts who owned land in the outiba zone

of Gedeo. Gebra’s model implies a romanticized and mythical past where

everyone enjoyed access to land without any restrictions.25

22 Gebru, P o w er a n d P rotest, 199,

23 T. D avid M ason, Caught in the Crossfire: Revolutions, Repression, a n d the R ational

P easan t (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), 31.

24 Gebru, P o w er a n d P rotest, 199.

25 See chapter one for a discussion o f scarcity o f land.

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 The peasants were tactical and pragmatic in that they deliberately avoided

raising issues which would have created conflict with the government, such as

unfair taxes, as their objective was take issue with the landlords rather than the

government.26 The peasants are sometimes portrayed as naive and lacking in an

understanding of the identities and objectives of their immediate enemies. The

strategies the Gedeo peasants employed did involve some risks, in contradiction to

the assumptions of the moral economy theory.27 But when taking risks, they

sought to minimise the unwanted consequences. Although what Gebru claimed

regarding Bale or Gojjam might not apply to the Gedeo peasants’ conditions and

demands, the main objective here is to gain a wider perspective about different

peasant uprisings both in Ethiopia and elsewhere. However, without the necessary

empirical evidence, the above theories lack credibility. In the next section, I will

first consider what I believe were general grounds for discontent. In the

subsequent section I will deal more specifically with the crisis in Mechele.

26 Interview with Ararsso T'arro, M echele, 16 December 1999.

27
Risk avoidance is a popular theme in agrarian literature, whether in relation to conflict
with landlords or choice o f crop to produce for the market. However the peasants made many
decisions involving large risks. One informant told me that he uprooted all his ensdt plants and
replaced them with coffee, because the market for coffee was so promising. For a few years he
enjoyed the benefit o f his decision; however after a decade there was a dow nsw ing and he and his
family almost starved. Thus his gamble did not pay o ff in the long term and, after he had recovered
from his losses, he went back to his old and safe practice o f diversifying. He has now got both
ensat and coffee plants on his farm. Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004

273
Conditions for the uprising

Does exploitation alone lead to peasant rebellion?28 According to James Scott,

“growing exploitation of the peasantry may well be a necessary cause of rebellion,

but it is far from a sufficient cause.” He further added that “if exploitation alone

were a necessary and sufficient condition of rebellion, much o f ... the Third World

surely be in a semi-permanent state of civil war.”29 The tension which had shaped

agrarian relationships in many parts of Gedeo for many years finally reached

breaking point and erupted into violent clashes in 1960. Sources do not suggest

anything unique about the exploitation of peasants in this year compared to

previously. To understand the root causes of Gedeo peasant rebellion we have to

look beyond a history of exploitation. The question is, if exploitation alone does

not explain the insurrection of that year what other factors do? Secondly, why did

it happen in 1960 and not before, and why in Mechele, since tenants in this part of

Gedeo were not subjected to a worse kind of exploitation than that which was

common throughout the qcilcid areas of Gedeo? To answer these questions it is

necessary to look back briefly to analyse from a long-term historical perspective

the specific conditions which triggered the particular violent uprising in Mechele.

In order to examine the issue in greater depth, the first point of departure is

to look inside the Gedeo community itself. Gedeo in general was a more deeply

divided community in 1960 than ever before. These divisions, which were

manifested clearly throughout society, had started to take shape since the time of

28 According to Crummey “In nineteenth-century Christian Ethiopia peasants were

generally drawn into banditry and rebellion as followers o f indvidual nobles”. Donald Crummey,
"Banditry and Resistance: N oble and Peasant in Nineteenth-Century Ethiopia," in Banditry,
R ebellion an d Social P ro test in Africa, ed. Donald Crummey (London: Currey, 1986), 135;
Timothy Fernyhough has also shown the relationship between banditry, rebellion and official
status in the context o f northern Ethiopia. Timothy Fernyhough, "Social M obility and Dissident
Elites in Northern Ethiopia: The Role o f Banditry, 1900-69," in Banditry, R ebellion and Social
P rotest in Africa, ed. Donald Crummey (London: James Currey, 1986), 165-169.

29 Scott, The M oral E conom y o f the Peasant, 193.

274
the incorporation. However, in saying this it must be stressed that despite the

presence of ethnic, religious and other differences the issue of land and access to
on
this vital resource was the principal cause of conflict.

Land ownership was crucial. As indicated in chapter one, even before the

incorporation land had never been abundant in Gedeo.31 Two facts are sufficient to

show that this had always been an important issue. First, as explained in chapter

one, conflicts between clans in Gedeo as well as with neighbouring communities

such as the Sidama and the Guji were principally motivated by land disputes.

Secondly, due to the scarcity of land the Gedeos built barriers into their system

which restricted many people from entering into the land sharing mechanism. One

example was the exclusion of women from having a major role in property

ownership.32 Women were not only excluded from owning land; they could also

be claimed in marriage by one of the brothers of a deceased husband, especially if

a large amount o f land was at stake. This custom was not necessarily designed

with the intention of denying women the right to own property. It was more likely

intended to prevent land being passed to an outsider through marriage; ownership

of land was given the utmost importance in this society.33

However, the main source of friction between the landowning naft’anns

and the local Gedeos can be traced back to the imposition of qalad in the 1920s.

The early opposition to qalad, although not directly related to the 1960 crisis,

nevertheless showed that from the beginning the Gedeos, especially members of

30 Interview with W ordofa Qumbi, M echele, 5 December 1999.

31 Interview with T'et'o Ganale, Buc'issa, 5 December 1999.

32 Interview with Aragashe Hojamessa, Grissa, 20 July 2004.

33 Aya Dube V. Halako Baresso, DACCA, 3/64 (Dilla, 1964 E.C.).

275
 v 1^1
the elite such as C'umburo Shunde, were displeased. The granting of land

exclusively to the naft'anns led to C'umburo openly opposing the action of the

local governors. His humiliation as a result of his stand against the qalad later

became a source of inspiration for many tenants in I960.35 Although it was not

introduced with the intention of creating schisms with the community, the qalad

was divisive.

Except for the few members of the elite who held positions within the state

structure, most Gedeos were excluded from the governing process. In making the

naft'anns landowners, the qalad system created the conditions for labour

exploitation through tenancy. In the early years was not felt as a great burden

because land was relatively abundant. In fact, the main issue for the landlords

before the war was shortage of labour. However, things began to change in the

post-liberation period when demographic pressure forced many people into a

landlord-tenant relationship.36 As tenancy evolved gradually after the war,

disputes between tenants and landlords became commonplace, worsening their

relationships.37

The preceding two chapters have demonstrated that tenants’ relationships

with their respective landlords were not only difficult but actually marred by

conflict. As some informants pointed out, not all landlords were bad; some were

considerate and had relatively good relationships with their tenants. Others

34M cClellan, State Transformation, 88-89.

35 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999.

36 Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

37 See chapter four for a detailed discussion o f landlord-tenant disputes.

276
however were bossy oppressive and arrogant.38 For many Gedeos, though, it was

not the economic exploitation which was most difficult to bear. The erbo payment

was not mentioned by tenants as a major issue in their relationships with

landlords.39 The labour obligation, however, which was more difficult to regulate

and quantify than the erbo, was onerous and intrusive, and thus tenants felt that

the best solution would be to become land owners in their own right.40

Landlords put a great deal of pressure on tenants by imposing various

demands beyond those prescribed in their tenancy agreements, whether verbal or

written. Normally when disagreements arose tenants preferred to take direct action,

for example by refusing the payment of erbo. Then landlords would attempt to

intimidate them. If the tenant persisted, the next stage was to take legal action at a

government court, and a long-standing dispute would be initiated. 41 The

increasing polarisation of the relationship meant that the chances of itsbeing

either mended or improved over time became more remote, and the presence of

social and cultural barriers did not help in this regard.42

As landlords disparaged their tenants, tenants for their part tried to avoid

contact with landlords. Rather than being shaped by mutual interest, their

relationship was maintained by force.43 Tenants felt that landlords took much from

them and gave nothing back to justify their status as patrons. Since the peasants

38 Gule D ayo v. Alamu W a r a , DACCA, 92/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.); T'hqabo Shota, Sisota, 29
April 1999 and Baqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

39 B alejigu Bahru v. B iflu Qilt’u, DACCA, 108/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

40 Interview with Shalo Dube, ShegSdo, 6 July, 2004,

41 Amakalach Daseta v. Koto Sagaro, DACCA, 300/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.),

42 Interview with Baqala W alda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

43 Afawarq W/Maryam v. M alase Gurara, DACCA, 737/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

277
were unable to perceive the advantage to themselves of such a parasitic situation,

they never worked to improve their relationship with their landlords, while the

landlords felt that power and coercion were essential in maintaining their

relationship with their tenants, rather than treating them as important partners in

the production process.44

Religious and cultural differences between landlords and tenants, however

fundamental, did not play a major role in the conflict. There is no doubt that the

Ethiopian Orthodox Church was supported by the state as an important ideological

tool to create a society unified under one faith.45 There may be some parallels here

with the way Europeans used Christianity in their colonial enteiprises in Africa,

but there are also differences as I will show below 46 From the govennnent’s point

of view, the Ethiopian brand of Christianity was favoured in various ways in order

to promote the interest of the state.47

A number o f churches were built in Gedeo following the incorporation.

Some of the churches grew to prominence, the most famous being Cucu Gabre’el

on the outskirts of Dilla town.48 The Church, like the naft'anns and other state

functionaries, was supported by resources generated from local areas and as a

result it was one of the most important landlords in Gedeo until 1974. The extent

44 J. C. Scott, Weapons o f the Weak: E veryday Forms o f P easan t R esistance (N ew Haven:

Yale University Press, 1985), 29.

45 For a historical discussion o f the expansion o f the Ethiopian state and evangelization
see Taddesse, Church a n d State, 156-205.

46 For a detailed history o f missionaries in south Ethiopia see Donham, M arxist Modern,
83-101; For relations between the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and M issionaries in an earlier
period see Donald Crummey, P riests an d Politicians: Protestant an d Catholic M issions in
Orthodox E thiopia 1830-1868, Oxford Studies in African Affairs, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972),
1-13.

47Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 180; Trimingham claims that the chiefs o f the pagan
states in Sidama only nominally accepted Christianity.

48 For Church establishment dates in Gedeo see McClellan, State Transformation, 87.

278
to which the Church made an impact on local society and brought the two groups

closer is debatable. The Church’s primary objective was to fulfil the spiritual

needs of naft’anns who did not have easy access to churches, and if one examines

church foundation dates and locations closely it is clear that they were strongly

linked to the movement of the garrisons. Because of this, any evangelising work

among the Gedeos was earned out less aggressively than the Western missionaries

had done in the early days of colonialism in Africa,49

However the monopoly of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in Gedeo did

not last long, due to the arrival of competing Christian missionaries in 1946.50 The

missionaries were given state approval to operate in the southern half of the

country, where they believed that most of the people were “pagan” and non-

Christian. Although the Ethiopian Orthodox Church had been evangelising in the

south, the missionaries believed that there was nevertheless a niche for them to

operate successfully and gain more followers than they would by working in the

already Christianised areas of old Ethiopia.51

The missionaries’ main focus was on converting the local people, and their

version of Christianity soon came to be seen as the faith of the oppressed. The

missionaries’ approach to evangelism was very different from that of the

Ethiopian Orthodox Chinch, which relied heavily on the support of the state. As a

consequence differences along religious lines became more accentuated as the

49 Raphael Chijioke Njoku and Chima J. Korieh, "Introduction: M issions, States, and
European Expansion in Africa". In M issions, States, and European Expansion in Africa ed. Chima
J. Korieh and Raphael Chijioke Njoku (N ew York & London: Routledge, 2007), 1-10; See also
Adrian Hastings, The Church in Africa 1450-1950 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 408-417.

50 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999; M cClellan, State
Transformation, 145.

51 Oyvind M. Eide, Revolution & Religion in Ethiopia: The Growth & Persecution o f the
Mekane Yesus Church 1974-85 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), 36.

279
missionaries made an impact on the peasants.52 The missionaries used additional

benefits as leverage to achieve their religious objectives; converts were

particularly attracted to the power of modem medicine for example.53

The missionaries did not restrict their work to evangelisation and the

provision of medical services. There were many occasions when they involved

themselves in the local struggles between landlords and tenants. 54 The

missionaries helped tenants by providing legal advice when they were involved in

litigation with their landlords. Their support remained covert, however, due to fear

of expulsion by the local authorities, who had their own interest in the land.55

Education was another area in which missionaries made an impact on the local

people, although in the case of Gedeo they were not as successful as they were, for

example, in Wolaita.56 hi general, however, the missionaries exploited the social

gulf successfully in order to exert their influence on the local people.

The Gedeos also felt that the naft'anns looked down on them and they

blamed the Amharas for breeding such attitudes. This is a more complex issue

than appears at first sight, as cultural degradation and suppression are

problematical to define. Control over the crucial resource of land and the manner

in which it was made available for a certain group, in this case, exclusively to the

naft'anns, undoubtedly created a feeling among the Gedeo peasants that there was

52 J. Spencer Trimingham, The Christian Church and M issions in E thiopia: (Including

E ritrea a n d the Somalilands) (London: World Dominion Press, 1950), 31-41.

53 Donald Crummey, "The Politics o f Modernization: Protestant and Catholic

Missionaries in Modern Ethiopia," in The M issionary F actor in Ethiopia, ed. A. Lande and S.
Rubenson Getachew H aile (Lund University: Peter Lang, 1996), 85,

54 Lap’iso Yaetyop'ya, 174.

55 Interview with Bagajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999.

56For a parallel example o f missionary activity in south Ethiopia see Donham, M arxist
M odern, 97-101.

280
ethnic inequality,57 The Gedeo still have bad memories of their stressful living

conditions in the pre-1974 period. However, what is referred to as "cultural

suppression" in some of the secondary sources was an issue that exacerbated

tensions rather than a fundamental problem that made violent conflict

inescapable.58

The Mechele uprising of February 1960

The Mechele peasant uprising was not a highly organised peasant rebellion in

which a clear leadership emerged with a sense of political direction; rather it was a

collective action with a certain level of organisation and discipline. Although

Gedeo in 1960 was more exposed to markets and outside influences than

previously, it is debatable to what extent those influences contributed to shaping

the peasants’ reaction against the landlords. There was no evidence to suggest that

exposure to external markets made the Gedeo peasants vulnerable to subsistence

crises which finally pushed them into rebellion. In the following discussion an

attempt will be made to show how the uprising by the Gedeo peasants in Mechele

differed from the type o f peasant revolts which can be analysed in terms of the

moral economy theory.

Firstly, when we examine the demands of the Mechele peasants, they are

not restorative but aimed against the landlords whom they felt were the source of

their misery. Secondly, contrary to the assumption of the moral economy theory,

there was no link between the Mechele peasant uprising and a subsistence crisis.

57 Interview with T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

58 Bahru, A H istory o f Modern Ethiopia, 218.

281
No famine or market collapse triggered the peasant uprisings in I960.59 Thirdly,

the peasants in Mechele were not against paying taxes or other dues to the state; in

fact, they stressed that what they would prefer was to pay their own taxes directly

to the government treasury.60

The political economy approach provides a much more useful analytical

framework for understanding the root causes of the Gedeo peasant uprising.

Before detailing the nature of the conflict, though, it is important to have an

awareness of the geographical location of Mechele, the centre of the uprising. In

many ways Mechele, which is no more than an hour's walking distance from Dilla

town, the capital o f Gedeo, was not an ideal location for a peasant rebellion. From

a strategic point of view its closeness to the town, where most of the landlords

(balarests) lived, was a great disadvantage. It was precisely because of its

proximity that the landlords in Dilla town were able to receive information on the

activities of their tenants on a daily basis.61 Also Dilla, a small town with few

shops and no more than two regular markets, had little industry capable of

employing the peasants in less agriculturally demanding seasons. Therefore the

closeness of Mechele (the centre of the rebellion) to the urban centre did not play

any role in shaping the consciousness of the peasants.

Although there were similarities to various areas of rural Gedeo where the

tenancy system was a major feature of agrarian relationships, there were some

59 For a critique o f the moral economy theory see Yung-fa Chen, Gregor Benton, and
Ralph Thaxton, M oral E conom y a n d the Chinese Revolution: A Critique (Amsterdam; University
o f Amsterdam, 1986), 1-11.

60 Interview with Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

61 Interview with W ordofa Qumbi, M echele, 5 December 1999.

282
differences which made Mechele more of a focus of unrest than other places.62

Violence was precipitated as a result of squabbles between landlords with smaller

and larger holdings in the Mechele and Dama areas. These started when mounting

pressure was applied on the smaller landlords, which prompted them to tighten

their grip on landownership. Mechele and Dama, as predominantly qalad areas,

had been largely cultivated by tenant fanners.63 Landlords in these two areas

ranged from smallholders with a couple of plots to wealthier landowners with

large amounts o f land and gult rights at their disposal. Most importantly though,

the tenants felt that they received fairer treatment from the bigger landlords than

the smaller ones. Reflecting this, as will be discussed below, there was a concerted

effort by many tenants to switch to the big gult holders such as Princess Tananna

Warq Haile Sellassie. The small madaria holders or balarests were usually poor

landlords who had no other source of income and who as a result made

unreasonable demands 011 their tenants; the bigger landlords were less exacting.64

Peasants in Mechele repeatedly stated that the main objective which had

brought them together for collective action was to seek fairer treatment from the

local landlords, especially the smaller ones who had been making increasingly

impossible demands on them, hi the late 1950s and early 1960s local landlords

had themselves come under pressure because the big and powerful landlords had

made their positions insecure. The main threat to smaller landlords came from

Princess Tananna Warq. Tananna Warq Haile Sellassie was one of the most

62 Factors which the peasants who took part in the protest had in comm on outweighed
their differences; for simplicity I treat them here as a homogeneous group. For a discussion o f this
issue see Eric R. W o lf and W illow Roberts, P easant Wars o f the Twentieth Century (Norman:
University o f Oklahoma Press, 1999), 290-291.

63 Interview with Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

64 Interview with D oye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

283
powerful female landowners in Ethiopia; in Gedeo alone she owned a substantial

amount of mainly gult. rights which enabled her to enjoy a large income in the

form of tribute.65 Due to the immense size of her property she even had an office

known as Princess Tananna W arq’s Rest Office. The main function of the office

was to administer her property across the country, and to expand her domain

wherever opportunities were available.

Tananna Warq did not acquire any land rights in Gedeo in her own name

until the death o f her husband Ras Daseta Damfaw, the Governor o f Sidamo from

1930-1935. As Gedeo was within the Sidamo administrative structure, he had

acquired a large amount of gult there during his governorship.66 Ras Daseta

Damfaw, who was the commander of the southern fronts during the Fascist

invasion of Ethiopia, had fought the Italians in the south until he was captured and

executed by them. After his death, the gult and other properties he owned in

Gedeo were transferred to his wife; however, the transfer of the gult, as will be

discussed later in this section, was not accomplished without difficulties. Tananna

Warq's representatives were obliged to become involved in disputes with local

landlords in order to reaffirm that the gult belonged to her. Later her Rest Office

acquired more gult rights in Gedeo. One of Tananna Warq's most significant

acquisitions during the post-war period was that of about 80 gashas of gult

transferred from a Gedeo balabat known as Gerazmach Assafa C'umburo. This

takeover by Tananna Warq caused much anxiety and insecurity among the local

65O u m m ey, L an d a n d Society, 8-12; Crummey argues that rest and g u lt are property
rights. R est according to him included the ordinary peasant whereas g u lt was for the ruling class.

66 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

67 Sbacchi, L egacy o f Bitterness, 173-176.

284
landlords. As a result, Mechele and Damma in particular became hotbeds of

dispute between landlords and tenants.68

The gult belonging to Assafa had been inherited from his father C'umburo

Shunde. C'umburo, who was regarded as a hero of the people o f Gedeo, had been

immortalised for his firm stand against the imposition o f the qalad in Gedeo.

C'umburo not only opposed the implementation, but was also imprisoned

as a result of it and humiliated and lashed in public for his cause, though achieving

very little in the process. Unlike his father, Assafa was reputed to be immoral and

self-interested but nevertheless as the successor to his father and balabat of the

Gedeo people there were expectations that he should attempt to help to reduce the

suffering of tenants at the hands of n a ff anna landlords. There are conflicting

accounts of the manner in which Assafa passed the gult on to Tananna Warq.

According to one version, he felt that it was impossible to fight the local landlords

who were deeply entrenched in the local power structure, so that the best and most

practical way to achieve anything was to create an alliance with powerful people

like Tananna Warq. Contrary to the above, a second version claims that the

transfer was made without the knowledge of the local people and that Assafa did

this purely for his own personal advantage. From Tananna W arq’s viewpoint, her

office was anxious to acquire the land because by expanding her domain she was

able to benefit from the increasingly lucrative Gedeo coffee trade.69

Whatever the reason behind the transfer of this vast amount of gult from

Assafa to Tananna Warq, the situation for the peasants became increasingly

difficult due to the spiralling disputes. Tenants were caught in the crossfire

68 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

69 Som e claimed that the gu lt should not have been transferred in the first place because it
was outiba land, which by Gedeo tradition should not have been passed onto a non-Gedeo.

285
between the small landlords, who were in turn also threatened and made insecure

by the action of big landlords, and the rest, office of Tananna Warq which was

expanding her domain aggressively. Local landlords posed the greatest danger

since they were very well comiected with the local power structure. In addition,

the life o f tenants was made more difficult by the fact that most o f the government

employees were landlords themselves, as a result of which the protection from the

big landlords which tenants were hoping to gain was not forthcoming.70

This was the situation in 1949, when a group of local landlords accused

twelve tenants on the grounds that the tenants had failed to pay the erbo which

was due. Some of the landlords who became involved in this particular dispute

were important local officials holding government office. For instance one was a

judge in Gedeo Awraja Court.71 When this formidable group o f people, mainly

local government officials, accused their tenants at the local court, six of the

accused tenants appeared in court to respond to the charges.72 On the day of the

summons the tenants were put into prison, after being told that they should either

have appeared in court together (all 12 of them) or pay the erbo.72

The accused tenants stated their version of the story on September 29, 1949

(Maskaram 19, 1942 E.C.) as follows;

... We the poor, who are imprisoned concerning this land, have been
suffering a great deal as a result and what we want to ask is to end our
plight. This land was given to Ras Daseta Damfaw as an inheritance
before 1928 E.C. (1935) and subsequently all the erbo had been paid.
After 1933 E.C. (1941) by reaffirming the previous arrangement, the

70 Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999.

71 Taye M akonen V . Sera W ote and eleven other tenants, DAC CA , 5/42 (D illa, 1942E.C.).

72 Goba Baransso V. B alam baras Tafara W/Maryam, D ACCA, 15/45 (D illa, 1945 E.C.).

73 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.),

286
 land was transferred as inheritance to Princess Tananna Warq Haile
Selassie. Thenceforth the erbo has also been paid to her representative;
we have all the receipts in our hands. We tenants, by our efforts,
cultivate the land and pay the erbo to the balarest; we do not have the
desire to fight the balarest, we would like to state to the court that this
. . 74
is our position...

However the tenants were aware of the possibility o f duplicity and

corruption and rather than all of them appearing at court, the remainder of the

group had gone directly to Addis Ababa to present their demands to the higher

authorities.

This was a common strategy developed by tenants in response to the

challenges they faced as a result of local bureaucracy, as they felt that the higher

authorities would be more sympathetic. In addition, they put increasing pressure

on the private offices of Princess Tananna Warq to take action to alleviate their

problems. According to Fitawrari Gabra Hiwot who was the endarassie

(plenipotentiary to Princess Tananna Warq) and secretary of her Rest Office, the

number of complaints from tenants in her gult in Mechele was substantial and the

volume increased during the 1950s. He even complained in one of his letters that

despite repeated efforts to liaise with authorities in Sidamo and Gedeo 110 remedial

action was taken to ease the suffering of the tenants and that he felt powerless in

the face of the mounting pressure. The tenants’ expectations of the Rest Office

were not matched by reality and tenants failed to gain the protection they

needed.75

Some of the local landlords went further, not only harassing the tenants but

also challenging Tananna W arq’s office at court, which further exacerbated the

74 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

75 Interview with T'hqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

287
tenants' plight. The dispute continued for some time before the case was finally

referred to the Emperor himself (who was also Tananna W arq’s father). The

Emperor did not wish to make any decision on the matter himself and instead

referred the case to a commission which was formed especially for this purpose.

The commission’s brief was to study the matter and reach a final decision in the

best interest of the tenants. There is scant information concerning the composition

of the commission and how they investigated the problem; but arriving at a

resolution was made simpler than expected by the tenants’ own inclination to

choose big landlords over smaller local ones. Therefore it was unsurprising that

the commission finally decided that the land should be placed in the hands of

Princess Tananna Warq, and that the tenants should cany on paying their erbo to

her as normal, and not to the madaria right holders. No information is given in the

report regarding any alternative arrangements for the madaria land holders who

would have lost their rights to the land. It appears that they were given no other

options and hence used all possible means to continue attacking the tenants. Thus,

the problem was far from resolved, as confirmed by a letter written by Fitawrari

Gabra Hiwot, who was in charge of the Rest Office. Gabra Hiwot wrote the

following letter to the High Court at Addis Ababa in order to complain about the

continued imprisonment of their tenants by the Awraja Court at Dilla.76

76 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

288
 T a h esa sll, 1942.C. [30thDecember, 1949]

To the High Court

Addis Ababa
Dear Sir

In the Region of Sidamo, in Darassa Awraja there was a dispute

between Princess Tananna Warq Haile Selassie and the madaria land
holders. The Emperor had given orders for a commission to be set up
to study the matter and as a result the commission made a decision
that the land should be placed under Princesses Tananna Wiirq’s
ownership. [Emphasis mine] To that effect the High Court wrote a
letter to the Ministry of Interior, reference number 6366, Ginbot 7,
1941 E.C. [May 15, 1949].
Now 13 individuals including the Judge of the Darassa Awraja,
violating that which has been decided before, illegally imprisoned our
tenants against their will in order to make them to pay erbo to them.
This act has caused a great deal of suffering to our tenants and,
therefore, based on the letter cited above we ask that an order be sent
to the Darassa Awraja Court so that our tenants might be released and
their money reimbursed.

Plenipotentiary to Princess Tananna Warq Haile Sellassie

Fitawrari Gabra Hiwot

The local landlords had made the life of tenants untenable but the bigger

landlords of their choice failed to improve their circumstances.

However, important changes had begun to take place for tenants within the

gult of Tananna Warq which were to have wider implications for tenants generally.

Tenants within her gult were allowed to own the title of the land they had been

farming if they could afford to pay 4000 birr per gasha of land.77 Although details

are lacking as to why this measure was introduced, it was not widely received as a

popular measure, even by the tenants. Poorer tenants were unhappy because they

felt that the price was too high, though it was not as prohibitive as it initially

77 Getnet, "The Peasant Rising", 30.

289
seemed as most tenants did not farm a gasha (40 hectares) of land on their own

and therefore the cost per head was smaller than it might seem. Also, for some

well-resourced tenants the opportunity furthered their ambition to become

independent landowners.

Opposition to this measure on the part of the small landlords was

understandable; madaria landholders in particular became threatened and alarmed

by this development. Their response to was to cany out land re-registration, so

that any speculation about granting land rights to tenants would be clarified. When

land re-registration was initiated by the landlords in Mechele tension reached new

heights.78 Tenants were asked to fill in a form which involved stating the names of

their landlords. This was seen by them as a move to strengthen the power of the

balarests. 79 They felt that once they had formally accepted that the land belonged

to the landlord, he/she would have the right to evict them whenever there was

disagreement. This might seem an insufficient reason for tenants to rise against

landlords, since they had already been recognised as such, but the tenants felt that

if they collaborated with landlords and allowed the re-registration process without

objection, their chances of becoming independent landowners would become

more remote than ever.80 Therefore, according to the views of some informants,

the land assessment and re-registration exercise in Mechele, prompted by actions

within the gult of the Princess Tananna Warq, was designed as a tough and

adversarial response to the tenants.81

78 Interview with Morkiite Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

79 Interview with Taqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

80 Interview with Badesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abica, 9 July 2004.

81 Peasants’ aspiration to becom e landowners in their own right is a highly motivating

factor as shown by a number o f African case studies. Witness for example the case o f the
Zimbabwean peasants and how the issue o f recovering their lost land from the w hites was very

290
 Rather than waiting to see the outcome of the re-registration process, the

tenants were galvanised to put up as much resistance as possible. Both sides were

now poised for a more intense and organised dispute. The tenant population, both

within and outside the gult of Tananna Warq began to consider waging a more

consolidated struggle, though not at the local government offices. This was

because they felt that, as landlords and local officials had so much power, the only

way to challenge them was to send delegates to Addis Ababa, preferably

presenting their grievances directly to the Emperor himself. Representatives were

selected and sent to present their case at both the regional office at Yirgalem and

at Addis Ababa.82

However, the tenants’ bypassing of the local authorities did not bring the

desired results, and was in fact damaging to their cause. Despite the positive

responses the tenants received from the Emperor, the landlords, who had

relationships and a great deal of common interest with local government officials,

were perfectly aware of how the system worked. In addition, they knew that they

were capable of inflicting more damage than the tenants had anticipated. The

tenants’ hopes were dashed when representatives who had been sent to present

their grievances to the higher authorities at Yirga Alain against what they called

the injustice of local officials were imprisoned. Although the group which was

sent to Addis Ababa managed to gain some sympathy, it was far short of what

they had hoped to achieve. The authorities from Addis Ababa, as expected, sent

central to their struggle both before and after Independence. T. O. Ranger, P easan t Consciousness
and G uerilla War in Zim babwe: A C om parative Study (Oxford: James Currey, 1985), 284-288;
Interview with Taqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999; Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999, and
B adesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abica, 9 July 2004.

82 Getnet, "The Peasant Rising", 30.

291
letters to officials in Dilla, which helped the tenants to free their imprisoned

colleagues. In terms of their demands however nothing changed or improved.

The lack of progress for the tenants and the painful slowness of the

bureaucratic system can be demonstrated by looking at the following letter written

ten years after Gabra Hiwot’s letter quoted above but concerning the same issue.

Dajjazmach Baqala Bayana, who was the parliamentary representative for the

Sidamo region, wrote this and many other letters after being inundated with

similar complaints from the Rest Office of Tananna Warq under the secretary of

Gabra Hiwot. Dajazmach Baqala’s letter was written on 7th of October 1959, five

months before the outbreak of the Mechele crisis.83

Reference: 576/2165
Maskaram 26, [19]52 E.C. [October 7, 1959]

To the High Court of Sidamo

Yirga Alam

Regarding the dispute between Princess Tananna Warq Haile

Sellassie and the madaria land holders, the dispute is now being
arbitrated by the Office of the Prime Minster for a final decision. In
spite of that it is known that the madaria land holders have been
accusing tenants who reside on the land of non-payment of erbo at
various courts. Case files concerning the tenants should now be closed
and passed to the Office of the Prime Minster. To that effect the letter
I wrote you, reference number 4964/3/h, has not been enforced. We
passed an order on Maskaram 6, 1952 E.C. [September 17, 1959] with
reference 3/52 in respect of the many written reminders which we
have been receiving on a regular basis from the Property Office of
Princess Tananna Warq Haile Sellassie. In spite of that nothing has
been done for them.
It was inappropriate to hear of the court dispute of the madaria land
holders which resulted in delays and imprisonment o f the tenants.
Therefore I repeat that I am notifying you that if there are still case
files about the tenants, they should be closed, as per the previous order,
and referred to the Prime Minster’s Office where the main dispute is
being considered.

83 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

292
 With regards!

Dajazmach Baqala Bayana

Endarassie [Parliamentary Representative]

As this letter shows, the madaria land holders continued to harass their

tenants in court despite the fact that it was illegal to do so, and the tenants’ hope of

gaining anything positive from the legal process looked increasingly bleak.

The realisation on the part of the peasants that the legal route would not

bring about the changes they wanted meant that they had to pursue alternative

means to make their demands heard. Nevertheless, what is important to emphasise

here is that at this stage they were not contemplating violent methods of pursuing

their aims but rather were actively discussing what possible forms o f resistance to

offer when their landlords came to cany out the land measurement exercise.84 By

taking collective action, the tenants felt that they would attract the support of

higher officials so that their demands would be recognised and met.85

Already frustrated by the whole process, the tenants decided to escalate the

crisis by forbidding the balarests or their agents from entering their farms to carry

out an assessment o f the erbo due to them. They were hoping that a crisis would

force the government to convince the landlords that tenants should be allowed to

purchase the land which they had been cultivating for long time. This shows that

the tenants were not interested in restoring the old order but wanted more security

and property ownership rights, bringing to an end their plight as insecure tenants.

The peasants demonstrated prudence and shrewdness when presenting their

demands to the government officials. They clearly stated what they wanted and

84 Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999,

85 Interview with Gote Biidasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

293
pointed out that their problem was not with the government but with the local

landlords (<balarests) and local government officials. These officials, most of

whom were already involved in acquiring land by various means,86 made the

peasants' lives intolerable through their collaboration with the landlords.

From the tenants’ perspective the legal means of bringing about change

had failed. The next step was to choose the right time to create the kind of crisis

they hoped would help them get heard in Addis Ababa. The only time that the

balarests were motivated to come to their villages was during harvest time when

the coffee beans were about to be collected from the farm and they wished to

assess the harvest to determine the amount of erbo owed to them. The tenants

chose this particular time to orchestrate a crisis.87 Their plan was to harvest coffee

beans without first notifying their respective balarests. This was a major breach of

the well established tenant -balarest agreement. Normally assessment was made in

the presence of representatives from both sides, and a local official might also

come if the two had had a history of disagreement.88 This procedure had evolved

due to a long-standing lack of trust between the two sides. By violating this

arrangement, the tenants sent a clear message to the balarests.

The tenants were perfectly aware that this would cause upset and show the

balarests that the tenants were determined to confront them. They were not

reckless though and they took precautions to minimise the possible risks. They

decided to harvest the coffee beans at night, under the cover of darkness, so that a

violent confrontation would be difficult for the balarests, if not totally impossible.

The tenants felt that harvesting the coffee beans in darkness would be safe and

86 D A A A , 60/52 (D illa, 1952 E.C.).

87 Interview with Taqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

88 See chapter four for more details about erbo assessment.

294
that it would be difficult for the balarests to stop them as they would have to come

from Dilla. This demonstration of caution shows that the peasants knew their

limitations, as well as the power of their enemy. In addition, they planned that

each farm would be harvested separately and that instead of using only family
* * • RQ
labour, as was usually the case, they would join forces for mutual protection.

They drew up a timetable arranging when the beans of each of the tenants

involved in the uprising would be harvested. This way if balarests came to the

farm the tenants would have the support of the group rather than having to

confront them in isolation. In addition, since a large number of tenants took part in

the harvest, the task could be accomplished more quickly. In general the tenants

appeared to have made as much preparation as they possibly could to deal with

unexpected eventualities, although it was difficult for them to anticipate exactly

what reaction they would provoke in the balarests.

Lap'iso has suggested that the reason the tenants rebelled at this time was

that they had greater access to guns than previously.90 According to this theory,

sale of coffee provided cash that enabled the peasants to purchase firearms easily,

from which they gained the courage to confront their oppressors. This is far from

convincing however. Possessing firearms does not necessarily initiate rebellion, as

is clearly shown both from the incident in Gedeo and other parts of Ethiopia. Here

peasant uprisings arose due to many other complex factors, and peasants rebelled

whether or not they had access to guns provided other conditions leading to an

uprising were in place. In Gedeo some ambitious peasants might have acquired

guns but there is no real evidence that they did this in direct preparation for a

89 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999,

90 Lap'iso, Yaetyop'ya, 175.

295
crisis. The role firearms played has been highly exaggerated. Informants pointed

out that although a few tenants had bought guns, guns did not play a major role

during the confrontation and that whatever guns had been acquired were no match

for the firepower of the landlords when violence brolce out.91

The importance of firearms as a symbol of power from the landlords’

perspective should not be underestimated however. It should be remembered that

most of the landlords were naft'anns or had connections in some way to this

institution {naffanna). They therefore may well have been familiar with the use of

guns, especially in the context of their relationship with tenants. In fact, even in

their day-to-day relationships with their tenants the landlords had never fully

relied on the government to protect their interests. They used their guns to

intimidate whenever tenants refused or failed to fulfil their obligations.92 The

landlords were familiar with the concept of taking the law into their own hands,

and therefore when the actual confrontation happened they were quick to use their

firepower against the poorly armed and ill-prepared tenants. Unlike on previous

occasions however, this time many tenants with similar demands had joined forces

and were organised and determined, making them more of a threat to the landlords,

whom they also greatly outnumbered.

The landlords, notorious for their arrogance towards their tenants, refused

to countenance the thought that tenants might have the ability to act against them

in a well-disciplined and collective manner. When the rural area became

increasingly dangerous the landlords decided to focus 011 the core areas of the

91 Interview with Taqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999; and Badesse Rufo, Grissa, C'abica,
9 July 2004.

92 A s one example in chapter 4 illustrates, due to the lack o f efficiency on the part o f the
court there were occasions when the balarests used their armed retainers to subdue rebellious
tenants.

296
rebellion, Dama and Mechele. Since these two localities are within a short

distance from Dilla town, reports soon began arriving about the activities of the

tenants. Accordingly, the landlords in Dilla town began to discuss what action

they should take to stop the situation slipping out of their control.

As they had planned the tenants began harvesting the ripe coffee beans

from their farms without notifying their respective landlords. As this was a major

violation of their tenancy agreements, it was sufficient to trigger the crisis. The

first incident happened on the night of 5th of February 1960 when a group of 60-
93
90 tenants gathered at the farm of a man called Guja Gurarcha to carry out their

clandestine harvesting task. The landlord of the farm where this activity took place

was named Baqala Gada. An informer leaked the information to his son that the

tenants had started to harvest the coffee secretly. As soon as he received this

information Baqala Gada passed it to fellow landlords in Dilla town and other

nearby areas. A group of armed landlords decided to take immediate action

against what they called an illegal action by their tenants. They marched to

Andida in Mechele around midnight, where they found that a sizeable number of

tenants from the local area were picking coffee beans at the farm. A landlord

began to exchange angry words with the tenants and, according to informants,

received an unexpected reply. He asked a tenant “How dare you to harvest the

coffee from the rest o f Baqala Gada without my knowledge?" To which the tenant

replied “The land is mine and the coffee is the fruit of my labour. Therefore I have

the right to harvest it without telling anybody.” This man, who came forward to

confront the balarests, was killed instantly by a bullet fired by the landlord.

93 There is no accurate data regarding the number o f people who lost their lives on either
side. Estimates vary from one informant to another. According to H ayicha Danbela the number o f
tenants who died was 84, while 4 or 5 landlords were killed. Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe,
Andida, 30 April 1999.

297
Informants said that his name was Gabyhu. He is still remembered among the

local people as the hero of the Mechele uprising.94

The violence continued for some time, until it became obvious to the rebel

tenants from the damage sustained on them that their preparations had been

inadequate to withstand the scale of response shown by the landlords. The

landlords had many advantages over the tenants. Apart from the advantage

conferred by their own weapons, they had also managed to gain the support of the

government security forces as the tenants’ action was immediately classified as

illegal.95 The tenants were held responsible for what had happened and regarded

as criminals. Their effort to cany on fighting the landlords was a last attempt to

express their desperation. It was an unequal confrontation, which was easily

quashed by the combined firepower from landlords and the intervening

government forces. In addition, the Mechele landlords had been supported by

fellow landlords from areas where there was no crisis, but who had doubtless

sensed that a similar situation might arise in their own backyards. The

sympathisers came from areas within Gedeo such as Buie, Wanago, and Yirga

C ’afe and also from distant places such as Shashamane, Yirga Alam, Alata Wando,

C ’alalaqetu, and Hagara Maryam to fight in support of the Mechele landlords. As

a result the Mechele and Dama tenants’ uprising was over in a matter of days.96

94 Interview with Gote B&dSsse, Andida, 28 April 1999; and Taqabo Shota, Sisota, 29
April 1999.

95 Eric R. W olf, P easants (Englewood Cliffs (USA): Prentice-Hall, 1966), 106-109.

90 Interview with Bora Hessa, Grissa, 13 July 2004,

298
The suppression and settlement of the crisis

The rebellion was short-lived and the final engagement lasted no more than three

homs. The government was involved in the conflict in two different capacities,

firstly in using its security forces to suppress the rebellion, and secondly in

attempting to find a long-term solution to the problem. Compared with other

peasant rebellions which took place in other parts of Ethiopia during the same

period, the Gedeo peasant uprising did not raise any major concerns for the

government, even though the level of destruction of life and property was

considerable. The next task facing the authorities was to assess the damage and to

determine where responsibility for the crisis lay. By doing this, the government

had already made its position clear, i.e. that it regarded the conflict as a local

problem between tenants and landlords and that therefore a solution should be

sought in accord with this fact. The government also felt that this crisis had not

been due to its own failure to address the issue before it got out o f hand; rather it

was the result of a particular land distribution policy, namely the introduction of

qalad, which had taken place much earlier.

Immediately after the rebellion was quashed, the government established a

task force with the objective of studying the root causes of the problem and

providing a solution, which would address demands from the tenants and avert

future conflict.97 The task force was led by an important government official, Afd-

negns (lit. mouth of the king) Eshate Gada, who was delegated by the Emperor

himself.98 Although Eshate Gada's immediate task was to stabilise the situation,

by the time he arrived in Dilla the destruction of rural villages and lives had

97 For similar approach by the government in other peasant uprsings in Ethiopia see Gebru,
P ow er an d P ro test, 180-193.

98 Interview with Hayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999.

299
already reached huge proportions. His orders did however bring the violence to an

immediate end. In addition to the destruction caused by government security

forces and the landlords, villages which had not even taken part in the rebellion

were sacked and looted by hooligans from nearby Dilla town. The peasants

suffered indiscriminately and severely."

The task force started its work by assessing the scale of the damage in

terms of both human life and property. Although there were conflicting figures the

number of peasants killed by both government forces and the landlords was

certainly over 100. No statistics were gathered as to how many people were

wounded, either severely or slightly. The most visible consequence of the

destruction was that peasants whose homes and property had been destroyed

flocked to Dilla in the hope of getting government aid as well as help from the

urban residents.100

The task force started its work by announcing that the peasants should go

back to their villages and resume normal life. In addition, an amnesty was granted

to those who were still in rebellion and in hiding, since continuing to hunt them

down would gain them sympathy from other tenants which eventually might lead

to the uprising spreading to other parts of Gedeo. The taskforce’s approach in this

regard worked very well and as a result most tenants capitulated and agreed to

present their demands once again through the legal channels. The taskforce

imposed the condition that both sides have legal representatives so that their issues

could be handled in a fair and transparent manner. Accordingly, the tenants

appointed a man called Ato Balay Walda Kidan and the landlords were

99 Interview with Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

100 Interview with T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

300
represented by A to Taddassa Dilnasahu. Both sides were asked to present their

account of the events which had led to the conflict and the particular demands that

they wished the government to address.

Some informants also recalled that a traditional mediation effort was also

launched in tandem to the legal one. In this informal reconciliation attempt both

sides were required to send representatives. According to the informant the

representatives were selected along ethnic lines, i.e. Gedeos (tenants) and the

Amhara (landlords). In addition, both sides agreed that some input was necessary

from another neutral ethnic group. Gurage representatives agreed to take part for

this purpose.101

The objective of the mediation was to try to heal the wounds caused by the

conflict. Both sides agreed to try to make some changes so that the established

landlord-tenant relationship could resume as normal without conflict. The tenants’

representatives asked the landlords to lift some of the burdens 011 the tenants.

Tenants particularly wanted landlords to stop charging them what was known as

yat’eza margafia, a nominal fee which tenants were normally requested to pay to

the assessors when they entered in their farm to calculate the erbo.m In addition,

the tenants also demanded that landlords should limit the amount of free labour

services they required from them, and they proposed that the landlords should

abolish practices such as using them for building work. However the mediation

effort did not achieve much, mainly because the tenants also proposed a number

of other changes which the landlords did not wish to address. For instance, among

the issues which caused a major rift was a demand from the tenants that, since

101 Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999; and Jibicho Galano,
Darna, 30 April 1999.

102 Interview with Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999; and Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28
April 1999.

301
they were the ones who had suffered more damage in the conflict, the landlords

should pardon them erbo payments for four years. This was immediately

dismissed by the landlords, who felt that if they granted such a concession the

tenants might never pay erbo again in the future. The mediation effort collapsed

over such disagreements. The only option left was to await the outcome of the

legal process.103

Following the rebellion, the task force started its main work by gathering

vital information about Mechele and Dama, focusing especially on the landlords

of these two areas. All landlords were asked to give information about their land

holdings. The task force felt that by studying the history of land tenure systems in

the areas where conflict had occurred they could understand the root cause of the

problem. They also felt that such an approach would help them to provide a better

blueprint for future decision making. The document produced by the task force

contained valuable information about the nature of land tenure in those particular

areas. The information gathered contained the following key data: the balabat of

the rest, the balarest, the type of tenure, the date of the first occupation, and

evidence which showed that the land belonged to that person (most people

produced their tax receipts as evidence of land ownership). This provided an

information resource containing names o f hundreds of landlords in the area, most

of whom were affected by the uprising.104

This piece of evidence clearly shows the nature of land tenure (ydtiklue

aynai). Entries were either maddria or rest and no other form of tenure was

mentioned. 105 In addition there was another crucial column in which the holders of

103 Interview with H ayicha Danbala Abe, December 25, 1996.

104 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

302
the land had to declare from where it had originally been obtained. (This reveals

that the government did not have a centralised record system for land ownership,

making it is hardly surprising that land had always been the subject of controversy

and disputes.) Nearly 75 percent of the registered landlords declared that their land

was originally given to them by Dajazmctch Balcha, while a few claimed that they

had been given to them by Ras Daseta. The rest claimed that they had inherited

from their parents; these were second generation landlords, as some of them

indicated that the land had been originally given by to their parents by Balcha.106

Landlords were also asked to state the year in which they had acquired their land;

in this respect the information shows a great deal of variation. The earliest date

given was 1902 E.C. (1910) but the most common year was 1909 B.C. (1917).

This tallies very well with two important events in the histoiy o f Gedeo, the years

for the introduction of qalad and also of the governorship of Balcha who was the

chief architect of qalad in Gedeo.107

Another aspect of the register was that each of the registered balarests was

asked about the size of their land, in gasha units of measurement. Out of

approximately 200 balarests, about six individuals owned 2 gashas of land. More

than 80 percent owned only one gasha and a few balarests owned less than one

gasha of land.108

After registering all the landlords of the area, the next duty o f the task

force was to assess the scale of destruction. Each tenant household named their

105 Interview with Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

106 Interview with T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

107 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

108 D A A A , 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

303
landlord. Then the task force imposed what they believed was a proportionate

penalty on both landlords and haychas (i.e. office holders; the title is traditional)

according to the degree of their involvement in the conflict. It is evident from the

size of the fines imposed on landlords, as well as what was stated by the task force,

that the landlords were held responsible for escalating the crisis and that their

violence against the tenants was felt to have been disproportionate. However, they

were not held individually responsible. Rather, the penalties were levied equally

without any attempt to identify individual culpability. The logic was very crude

and the payment was 1000 birr from each landlord on whose land destruction

occurred no matter the number of people killed or houses burnt. It was paid to the

government as a penalty. Landlords were not individually questioned as to what

sort of role they had played in the conflict, but were all made equally

responsible.109

Since the tenants were the ones who had suffered the greater loss, both

materially as well as in terms of human life, additional penalties were not imposed

on them. Tenants were not regarded as being liable for any of the action they had

taken, but the haychas were forced to cany the blame. Each haycha was made to

pay 500 birr. The haychas were made responsible in accordance with the number

of deaths caused and houses burnt. The task force justified their making the

haychas responsible for the action of tenants by stating that it was that within their

power to prevent and forbid tenants from taking part in such a violent uprising.

This was rather unfair, because there was no evidence to show that they had

played a role in the crisis; it was another blatant example of shifting the blame.110

109 Interview with Banjaw Kassa, Andida, 30 April 1999.

110 The haycha had no power to stop tenants taking action because even before the
incorporation this office did not have any executive power. As one haycha said, his title was purely

304
All the haychas within the resta gait of Princess Tananna Warq were made

responsible at the beginning, but later some of the haychas of villages not

destroyed appealed against the indiscriminate decision of the committee. However,

due to the involvement of a large group of people in the insurrection it was

impossible for the government to charge individuals separately according to their

personal level of involvement.111

In its final phase the task force examined the causes of the uprising and the

demands presented by the peasants. The tenants did not change their demands but

reiterated them to the task force, saying that their problem was the oppression of

the landlords, and that they wished to own the land they had been cultivating for

years and to pay taxes directly to the government. The task force reached the

conclusion that the main source of the problem was land shortage rather than

exploitation or the landlords. It produced the proposal that, in order to avoid future

crises, the best solution would be to devise a resettlement scheme in an area where

land was abundant. According to this proposal, tenants who were willing to leave

their home areas would be given a generous amount of land. As a result of this

they could achieve their dream of being independent landlords in their own right.

The government chose not to challenge the landlords {balarests) who were

powerful and had close connections with the hierarchy.

Although the tenants had been defeated, their action had at least prompted

the government to find a solution to the crisis. The government wanted to resolve

the crisis by finding a solution which would offend neither side. In this spirit the

traditional, and the only benefit he had as a haycha was to be offered free coffee when he passed
through the villages. Interview with H ayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999.

111 For instance the haycha Shalo Godana was penalised 500 birr, as were the other
haychas where destruction had been caused due to the uprising, but he was later pardoned after he
successfully appealed against the decision when it was discovered that the village for which he was
responsible had not been affected by the conflict.

305
tenants were told that the government would not issue a new law which would

allow them to take over land from their landlords, but rather would be urged to

accept the task force’s proposal. Informants claimed that the proposal originated

from the Emperor himself. It was sent in the form of a personal message to the

tenants; “I will give half a gasha of land to each of you in Hagara Maryam which

you can settle and cultivate, so that you can be balarests, like the Agamjas (people

from Agamja, Balcha’s place of origin) who were given land by Balcha; likewise

you can proudly say that we have been given land by Haile Sellassie”. My

informants recalled that about 500 gashas of uncultivated land was allocated for

resettlement by the victims of the Mechele and Dama uprising.112

The resettlement was not welcomed initially, because it was not in the

interest of the Gedeos to relocate.113 It had been proposed by the government as a

solution to the crisis, but the tenants had never been consulted as to whether such

an option was acceptable or viable. It was difficult for them to accept a

compromise solution that had never been part of their initial demands. It can

therefore be said that there were fundamental differences between the way the

government and the peasants viewed the crisis. Since the peasants who protested

against the balarests had not identified their problems as being related to land

scarcity, the proposal seemed alien and unrelated to their concerns. There was a

great deal o f ambivalence about this offer on the part of the tenants and the

differing views about the origins and resolution of the crisis made the

implementation even more problematic. The desire to own a large piece of land

112 Interview with Jago Jilo, Grissa, 22 July 2004; Bora Hessa, Grissa, 13 July 2004 and
Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999. For a discussion o f resettlement programme from the
perspective o f settlers see A lula Pankhurst, R esettlem ent and Famine in Ethiopia: The Villagers'
E xperience (Manchester: Manchester U.P., 1992), 18.

113 Cohen and D ov Weintraub, L and and Peasants, 58-61.

306
and to be independent was an obvious attraction,114 but the decision to move to a

place where there had been no previous history of Gedeo settlement was a very

difficult one to take. Informants told me that the tenants were given the chance to

make their own decision and that if they felt ready to leave, they could go to the

Awraja Gizat Office at Dilla to fill in a form and await authorisation. In order to

encourage more people to opt for resettlement the government added some

incentives, such as allowing them to keep their households in Gedeo as a second

home.115

However, settlers who opted for resettlement soon began to express their

disappointment with the manner in which the scheme was handled. Above all they

felt that what the government had promised failed to materialise. They blamed the

officials in charge of the scheme. Some said that after voluntarily choosing

resettlement, they were forced to return home because they were given land

unsuitable for fanning.116 Despite reluctance on the part of the peasants to take

part in the scheme, a sizeable number of people finally decided to settle in the new

areas. 117 Ironically, my interviews with the peasants revealed that in retrospect

they felt the scheme had been generally successful, and they admitted that had it

not been for a programme of this kind Gedeo would by now be inundated with

inhabitants. As one informant said, Gedeo by now would have been overwhelmed

by a population surge and finding a place to farm or even burial spaces for the

114 Interview with Ararsso T'arro, M echele, 16 December 1999. This informant also told
me that other tenants from M echele who did not take part in the conflict but who wanted to resettle
in Agaramaryam were given the same opportunities as tenants who had been directly affected by
the conflict.

115 Interview with Jago Jilo, Grissa, 22 July 2004; Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July,
2004; and T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

116 Interview with Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

" ’interview w ith B ad esse Rufo, Grissa, C'abica, 9 July 2004.

307
dead would be a serious challenge. Many other peasants are currently buying land

in this area because they are concerned about the future o f their children on

account o f the intense competition for land in Gedeo.118 From what peasants are

beginning to observe with regard to their ecology, this concern appears to be well

founded. Although not as seriously threatened as neighbouring territories such as

the Guji Oromos, Gedeo, which has never before been vulnerable to natural

calamites such as drought and famine, now shows increasingly signs o f fragility.

The current government has initiated a new round o f resettlement for the

Gedeo peasants, whom they believe cannot be helped except by providing land

elsewhere, to alleviate continuing land shortage. The current programme has been

less successful because although people are no longer strongly against

resettlement programmes as they were previously, the peasants were not consulted.

Under the new proposals peasants have been also asked to settle in areas where

there was no history o f previous Gedeo settlement.119 According to one informant,

if the current resettlement scheme had been in Agara Maryam, where a sizeable

and success fill Gedeo community already existed, there would be huge demand,

so much so in fact that the government might not be able to satisfy it.120

118 Interview with Tafara A yise, Grissa, 14 July 2004; and Aliimayahu Baqate, Grissa, 15
July 2004.

119 This was one o f the consequences o f the ethnic boundary drawn by the then
government in 1991. According to the new scheme as people o f Southern Nations and
Nationalities Peoples Administration (SNNPA) the Gedeo were not allowed to settle on the land
which belonged to the Oromos. Consequently any land which could be given to the landless
Gedeos had to be found within the boundaries o f SNNPA. Ironically, a great deal o f Gedeos are
still purchasing land in the Oromya region where the 1960s settlement o f G edeos has been
successful,

120 Interview with Bfigajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999.

308
Conclusion

Based on my reading of the source materials and from the reminiscences of

peasants who participated in the movement, at the outset the Mechele peasant

protest was not intended to be violent. The peasants' goal was very clear: they

wanted the government to intervene and take action. However, all efforts made to

have their grievances redressed by officials were to no avail. Local officials, who

had a vested interest in safeguarding their own livelihoods and those of people in

similar situations thwarted every one of the tenants' efforts. Although the higher

officials in Addis Ababa showed sympathy and an understanding of the peasants’

demands, they were nevertheless unable to enforce their orders. Although it is

clear that the system was slow and inefficient, officials never anticipated that this

would have such grave long-term consequences. Thus, the problem had been

brewing for many years. Failure on the part of the system to address this clearly

contributed to the crisis.

Judging from the issues raised by the protestors both before and after the

rebellion, it can be seen that the tenants had a large number o f objectives, although

it is doubtfi.il whether they planned it this way from the start. Their major

objective was to improve their lot by becoming landowners themselves. If

everything went as planned these demands would have been met; however after

the rebellion was crushed forcefully they knew that they had been overly

ambitious, and were forced to compromise. Later they raised secondary demands

when they were offered an opportunity to mediate with their enemy through a

traditional mediation effort (shimglena) launched in parallel with the legal process.

In their manifesto the tenants pointed out that it was possible to continue with

their previous landlord-tenancy relationships by ameliorating at least some of its

309
bad practices, such as the nominal fee (yat’eza margafia). The mediation effort

failed because the landlords felt that tenants’ demands were excessive.

The landlords approached the crisis from a different perspective; they did

not expect the level of violent reaction the tenants had shown, and when it

happened they panicked. They had underestimated the peasant's organisational

capabilities as well as their determination to confront their landlords openly; it

was this misapprehension which turned a peaceful protest into a bloody

confrontation. Although the tenants knew that the landlords were very pugnacious,

they felt that by organising themselves they would improve their bargaining

position and that this might yield some modest results if not all that they might

wish for. They felt that by showing defiance and strength they would compel

either the landlords or the government to do something about their demands.

The above is an attempt to examine the Mechele peasant uprising from the

perspectives o f the two best known theories of peasant rebellion. These theories

were developed by examination of very different peasant uprisings in other parts

of the world; the question arises as whether they can shed any light on the

complex realities behind the peasant rebellion in Gedeo. As already indicated,

however, the moral economy approach does not greatly help in understanding the

Mechele peasant uprising in Gedeo. One of the serious weaknesses of this

approach to understanding the Mechele rebellion is that it places great emphasis

on the patron-client relationship. Although the relationship between tenants and

landlords in Gedeo possessed some aspects of the patron-client relationship, the

basic reality in Gedeo was different. The tenants never regarded the landlords as

patrons and protectors; rather they wanted to be free of people they saw as

parasites who simply exploited them.

310
 For their part, the landlords in Gedeo showed no interest in their tenants’

welfare. Moreover, they lacked the knowledge needed to support their tenants in

maximizing production by offering input such as better seeds and fertilisers. This

also affected relationships in a negative way. The inability of the landlords to

actively participate in the production process made peasants feel that the landlords

were nothing but exploiters. In reality, most of the landlords in Gedeo had no

leverage either to influence the market or to invest in improving agriculture. From

the tenants’ viewpoint, if they severed their relationships with landlords, they

would lose nothing; indeed their condition would be improved. There was nothing

to bind them to their landlords; in Gedeo landlords had never even held occasional

feasts to forge relationships and possibly create the feeling that the landlords

would at least protect them in hard times.

Rural crises, whether from the collapse of the market or the onset of a

famine, did not occur in the weeks before the uprising. Gedeo did not experience

any kind of ecological shock or market crash which threatened to push the

peasants’ standard of living to below what might have been a minimum

subsistence level according to the moral economy theory. Neither the state nor the

landlords increased their basic demands from tenants either in the form of tax or

land rent, which would have affected the livelihood of the tenants and their

families. According to the moral economy proposition a subsistence crisis is the

underlying factor in creating rural unrest, but this was not the case in Gedeo.

The political economy theory, by contrast, provides a more adequate

explanation of the crisis created by the 1960 Mechele peasant rebellion in Gedeo.

While not eveiy factor suggested by this approach applies to the situation of the

Gedeo peasants, some points are clearly applicable to their conditions. Firstly, the

311
peasants were rational and acted in the best interest of themselves and their

families. The Mechele peasants acted to protect their interests by confronting the

landlords. They acted rationally, initially trying all legal avenues to achieve their

demands, hi addition, the rebellion was in no way a spontaneous protest. The

peasants made all possible preparations to minimise any violent eventualities, as

they were fully aware of the nature of the enemy they were confronting and the

potential force they might bring to bear.

At the time when the peasants of Mechele initiated their collective action

against the local landlords, other places where a similar agrarian relationship

existed remained indifferent. If exploitation explained the protests, it should have

occurred in all of these places or at least have spread easily into those areas, as

Gedeo is geographically small and communication was not a major problem.

However the protest was localised even within Gedeo because, although the

landlord-tenant relationship existed in most of the qalad regions of Gedeo, the

incident which triggered the Mechele protest was a circumstance peculiar to that

area. This corroborates the theory advanced by the political economy approach.

The peasants clearly demonstrated rationality and when they protested it was to

protect their own individual and family interests rather than for sake of village or

community.

Did the Mechele peasant uprising achieve anything? Important changes

were made or at least attempted by the government, but it is difficult to say that

any of these changes were direct consequences of the uprising. In addition, many

attempted measures were blocked. For example, the government attempted to

introduce a tenancy bill in parliament. This undoubtedly came about as a result of

the growing pressure after several peasant uprisings had occurred across the

312
country during this period. However, the bill unsurprisingly was blocked as

parliament was dominated by landlords.121

The resettlement scheme, which was initially accepted with great

reluctance by the Gedeo peasants, was the most important, unintended, and

unpredicted achievement of the uprising. It is now cherished in Gedeo as one of

the best legacies of Emperor Haile Sellassie’s regime. Eventually the 1974

revolution and subsequent land reform addressed the tenancy problems of

peasants in most of Gedeo and indeed of many other peasant communities in the

south of Ethiopia. However it remains debatable to what extent one can make a

connection between a small and localised peasant protest in one of the southern

“peripheries” of the countiy and the Revolution, which was largely an urban affair

which started in Addis Ababa at the very centre of the empire.

121 Bahru, A H istory o f M odern E thiopia, 195; See also Cohen and Weintraub, L and and
P easan ts, 85,

313
 Conclusion

It has been the premise o f this dissertation that, in gaining an understanding of the

nature of land and tenancy disputes, we acquire insights into the inner workings of

communities such as that of the Gedeos, In fact, the picture one can gain by

analysing dispute documents is clearer than that furnished by other kinds of

historical sources. This is because both land and labour are crucial resources,

central to the survival of any rural community. Hence, any problem which arose

in association with these two issues was defended as vigorously as possible by

deploying every type of evidence which was available to the disputants. The

sources also have the added advantage of showing the complex nature of the land

tenure system, the structure of power, how government institutions operated at

grassroots level and how the resource allocation process was divisive. By utilising

underused but crucial historical sources, this study has shown that there is an

immense potential for further micro-level investigation which could serve as a

cornerstone for theory formation.

Contention about land issues has had a very long history in this part of

Ethiopia. We have seen how Gedeo has never been a land-abundant society; this

has been the case not only in recent times, but also during the earlier period, and

the history of Gedeo in general is characterised by the struggle for this crucial

resource. When the Gedeo came under direct Ethiopian administration at the turn
fh
of the 19 century, the rivalry between the different clans over land reached its

climax. The advent of the Ethiopian state increased pressure on the local

communities because o f the huge demand for more resources in order to support

its large army in the area. Despite the strain which the incorporation posed on the

314
Gedeos, they managed to support the state and its functionaries, thanks mainly to

their well developed system of agriculture.

The state imposed the gabbar system with two major objectives in mind;

to extract resources from the local people, and to administer them in its own way.

However, it should be remembered that the state did not need to invent a different

scheme o f administration in the incorporated areas. Rather by recruiting and co­

opting local elites it made many adaptations without disrupting the existing local

power structure. Despite the crucial role the gabbar institution played, existing

knowledge about it and how it functioned was limited and one-sided. For example,

the existing works fail to provide the reason why it was able to operate; the use of

force alone is not sufficient to explain this. This dissertation has argued that the

key to the success of the system was its recognition of the land rights of the Gedeo

households. Since the government was not interested in controlling land at this

stage it did not abolish outiba, which was the indigenous land tenure system of the

Gedeos. This helped to reduce opposition against the government and thus

enabled the state to extract resources which were of crucial importance for empire

building and consolidation. Undoubtedly the system was coercive and

burdensome for the Gedeo households upon which it was imposed forcefully. Its

impact was enormous at individual household level, because the household

economy whose principal function was to support its members had to generate

extra resources to meet the demands of the state and its functionaries.

We have also discussed incorporation from the perspective of the local

people, because the presence of a powerful and well-organised state did provide

opportunities for some groups. Intra-clan as well as inter-ethnic conflicts were

more damaging for smaller ethnic groups like the Gedeo than for the Gujis who

315
were larger and more powerfi.il. Immediately before the incorporation the Gedeos

had weakened themselves by internal clan warfare, and in addition, there was an

increasing threat from their neighbours. Once the state made its presence felt in

the region, clan warfare was significantly reduced. Some of the conflicts which

continued after the incorporation, such as Sidama vs. Gedeo, were resolved with

Balcha’s successful intervention. He not only brought to an end the rivalry

between the Gedeo and Sidama in the Lagadara River area but also decided that

the river should serve as a common boundaiy between the two. Balcha’s

mediation, which was sealed with a traditional ceremony involving the slaughter

of a large amount of cattle, produced one of the most enduring ethnic boundaries

in the region and is still respected by both sides. The conflict along the

Guji/Gedeo boundary was resolved in a different manner, whereby Balcha

eliminated the contention by labelling that area undesignated land and

subsequently imposing qalad on it.

The introduction of qalad was another issue which this dissertation

addressed, because it is not only fundamental to understanding the history of

Gedeo until the 1975 land reform, but also it provided an opportunity to challenge

some of the existing assumptions. This dissertation has argued that, contrary to

widely held views, the state did not involve itself in the wholesale nationalisation

of land, as this would have had no advantages and would have galvanised

opposition. The state’s main objective was to provide economic security for its

functionaries without damaging the existing economic and social fabric. Thus, it

distributed land which it felt was undeveloped, uncultivated, and economically

marginal to the local people before the area came under its direct control. From

the Gedeo perspective, this land was the most natural direction of expansion and

316
perhaps the only breathing space which could satisfy their demand for land, as the

core areas had become increasingly unable to contain the ever-growing population.

When Balcha imposed qalad he did so because he had no other means of

rewarding and supporting his functionaries, and the only viable option available to

him was to rely on the age-old practice of land granting. In addition, the gabbar

system had already reached its limits and was no longer able to fulfil the needs of

the state and its dependents.

The imposition of qalad gradually bred a feeling of alienation and

eventually antagonism on the part of the local people. Disputes therefore became

very common in Gedeo, in both the pre- and post-liberation period. The Gedeo

elite opposed the regional governors, feeling that qalad was not only inappropriate,

but also being conducted without their consent. This was unlike the case of the

gabbar system, where their services were crucial for its successful introduction.

Although the regional governors were able to force the imposition of qalad, the

impact of the struggle shaped local relationships until 1974. It was in this

atmosphere of animosity and division that Ethiopia entered the most critical phase

in her long histoiy. When Haile Sellassie faced the threat of Italy in 1935 he led a

more deeply divided people than Menilelc did in 1896, This disunity suited the

interests of Italy; the task of administering the south through the “divide and rule”

principle was easier to achieve than in other areas of Ethiopia during the

occupation.

The post-war era was the most formative period in the history of Gedeo.

Many changes took place; there was also, however, a great deal of continuity,

especially in relation to land tenure. The modernisation effort of Haile Sellassie

acquired greater momentum during this period. A highly centralised bureaucratic

317
structure, which was controlled from the capital, enabled the state to generate

more revenue than before. However, these changes did little to improve rural

relationships which continued to deteriorate. Although the successfiil development

of the coffee economy was a positive attribute of the period, on the negative side

competition for the available land intensified, and as a result people used every

available opportunity to gain access to this vital resource. The government mainly

focused on extracting revenues and showed little interest in dealing with the

question of land and tenancy problems.

Although land litigation had been an endemic problem in Ethiopia, as

litigation could be started on the flimsiest of pretexts land ownership rights were

highly insecure. By being able to access valuable documents, such as land tax

receipts, easily and fraudulently, individuals managed to initiate litigation on

spurious grounds. The prevalence of disputes hampered the smooth and

straightforward transfer of property between individuals. Hence, the transfer of

land through direct sale became difficult. This was why, rather than using sale as

a medium of transfer between individuals, they tended to conduct their

transactions as “inheritance” in the hope of avoiding litigation. Nevertheless,

security of land ownership remained unattainable.

Despite its prevalence both in Gedeo and in many other parts of Ethiopia,

the topic of land disputes has not been the subject of a thorough scholarly

investigation. Scarcity of land has often been cited as a major cause of

competition for land, but this nevertheless does not yield a complete explanation

as to why land ownership has always been contentious. Even though this

dissertation did not aspire to give an adequate answer to this question, it has been

318
possible, however, to indicate some of the areas which have the potential to

provide some answers.

The main one is the question of property rights. Property rights in the

Ethiopian context were defined broadly {rest, outiba), without clearly delineating

the rights and responsibilities of the individual land holders. A number of grey

areas were left, and the ambiguities created openings for manoeuvre and

contention. The other problem was the presence of multiple forms of land tenure

systems. This meant that the various indigenous land tenure systems were allowed

to operate according to their own rules and principles. The government did not

take any measures to simplify these complex systems, either through major land

reform or other means; therefore, it was not adequately informed about the types

of tenure systems which existed in the countiy or how they operated.

Landlord-tenant relationships were another difficult area. None of the

government’s measures addressed the issue in practical terms, and as a result, a

highly polarised landlord-tenant relationship continued to be the norm. The

tenancy bill the government attempted to introduce floundered in a parliament

which was dominated by landlords. Therefore, tenancy relationships continued to

be forged privately in uncontrolled and unregulated ways. The assumption has

been made that the absence of written agreements were a major reason for the

tenant’s plight. This dissertation has shown however that this was not the case.

Tenants who had written tenancy agreements were no better off than those who

had not, as these agreements were not bilateral, but only drawn up to protect the

interests of the landlord rather than the tenants.

The courts, which were re-organised as part of major bureaucratic reforms

by the government in the post-war period, played a central role in land and

319
tenancy disputes. This dissertation has provided several examples of cases in the

hope of illuminating how issues were dealt with legally as well as understanding

the root causes of the problem. The litigation documents show that disputants

were not discriminated against because of their social or economic status. In fact,

a close look at the process of litigation shows that even the people who

theoretically benefited (landlords) did not gain as much as assumed. This is

particularly true in relation to the lack o f effective enforcement of legal decision.

Ultimately the increasing insecurity of land ownership rights in the area of

Mechele precipitated a major crisis. There were conflicting developments

preceding the conflict. On the one hand, tenants were expecting to be free and

independent landowners in their own right, like their counterparts in the outiba

zone of Gedeo, because some tenants had been allowed to purchase the title from

their landlord; this was done, for example, by some tenants within Tananna

W arq’s gidt. On the other hand, because of their own precarious existence, small

landlords, especially madciria land holders, attempted to tighten their grip on their

land. Eventually a crisis erupted. The 1960 Mechele peasant uprising, which had

started as a peaceful protest, was a watershed in the history of the highly polarised

landlord-tenant relationship. The use of force by the landlords and the security

forces precipitated a violent conclusion. Intervention by the government did not

bring about a lasting solution, because the post-crisis period was even worse.

The rural land proclamation of March 1975 finally brought a halt to the

conflict. By eliminating all pre-revolutionary land and tenancy court disputes, the

land reform decree improved the status of tenants by allowing them to control the

land which they had been cultivating for their former landlords. Future research

may reveal what it achieved and what it failed to achieve because there is a

320
deficiency of information on how it was applied at ground level. However, there

are already indications that the reform was far from complete. For example, it did

not grant Gedeo women equal rights to own land, unlike their counterparts in

northern Ethiopia. In addition, since land re-distribution did not occur as it had in

many other places, some peasants in Gedeo ended up owning more land than

others, which was contrary to one of the basic principles of the reform.

Despite these anomalies there is no doubt that the proclamation addressed

many of the longstanding problems faced by the Gedeo peasants and many others

in different parts of the countiy. The removal of landlords from the contested

lands had solved one of their problems; however, it did not answer the other

longstanding issue o f Gedeo peasants, i.e. the need for more land.

Gedeo currently faces twin problems. One is an unprecedented population

growth, and the other is ecological vulnerability. Population growth and the lack

of access to new land mean that for the Gedeo, the opportunities the incorporation

had created by the beginning of the 20th century are no longer available. The

solution of extending the physical space to cater for Gedeo’s growing population

from land-scarce areas might not be easy, because ethnic boundaries have been

less likely to be flexible since 1991. The 1997 incident between the Gedeos and

Guji was the consequence of such an inflexible ethnic boundary. This not only

resulted in the death of many Gedeos and the destruction of their property, far

bigger than that caused by the 1960 uprising, but also damaged the history of an

amicable coexistence between two previously peaceful neighbours, who had not

had a history of violence, other than a few minor incidents. It appears that

contention about land will remain for the foreseeable future, as most of the

321
measures taken so far have brought only temporary relief rather than lasting

solutions.

322
 Sources

I. Cited Interviews

Ararsso T'arro, Mechele, 16 December 1999.

Atara Hirbaye, Wonago, 24 November 1999.

BadechaLeko, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

Bagajo Bonja, C'i c'u, 28 November 1999.

Banjaw Kassa, Andida, 30 April 1999.

Bursa Danbobe, Bula, 3 December 1999.

Dadu Dukale, C'i c'u, 2 December 1999.

Darasu Sirsu, Mechele, 5 December 1999.

Gadule Halchu, Tumticha, 29 April 1999

Gobana Sole, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

Gote Badasse, Andida, 28 April 1999.

Hat'essa Ganale, Buc'issa, 5 December 1999.

Hayicha Danbela Abe, Andida, 30 April 1999.

Hirba Wojega, Tumticha, 29 April 1999.

Hordofa Gadicho, Wonago, 24 November 1999.

Jibicho Galano, Dama, 30 April 1999.

Morkate Jarsso, Andida, 28 April 1999.

T'aqabo Shota, Sisota, 29 April 1999.

T'et'o Ganale, Buc'issa, 5 December 1999.

Turi Boko, C ’ic’u, 29 April 1999.

Worassa Bushe, C'i c'u, 30 November 1999.

Wordofa Qumbi, Mechele, 5 December 1999.

Alalco Wadari, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

323
Alamayahu Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004,

Aragashe Hojamessa, Grissa, 20 July 2004.

Arareso T'aro, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

Badesse Rufo, C'abicha, 9 July 2004.

Baqala Walda S'adiq, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

Bora Hessa, Grissa, 13 July 2004.

Butecha Biliqe, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

Dado Galgalu, Grissa, 21 July 2004.

Dakale Dogoma, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

Damaro Sabora, Sisota, 9 July 2004.

Dogola Dagoma, C'abicha, 9 July 2004.

Doye Biftu, Sisota, 24 July, 2004.

Etenashe Alamayahu, Grissa, 18 July, 2004.

Fayisa Bado, Makonissa, 18 June, 2004.

Galgalu Wasse, Grissa, 22 July 2004.

Gashu Badasse, Grissa, 22 July 2004.

Gobana Latiti, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

Hirba Kalecha, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

Hirba Qorc'e, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

Jago Jilo, Grissa, 22 July 2004.

Kole Solale, Sugale, 15 June 2004.

Maryam Falaqa, Shaqua, 23 July 2004.

Mohammad Nuer 29 June, 2004.

Oudo Baqate, Grissa, 15 July 2004.

Shalo Dube, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

324
Shao Robe, Qome, 30 June 2004.

Shat'at'o Bariso, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

Taddassa Jibicho, Sisota, 7 July, 2004.

Telco Jabo, Grissa, 16 July 2004.

Tafara Ayishe, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

Woke Bado, Grissa, 14 July 2004.

Worera C'umburo, Shegado, 6 July, 2004.

Wudo Jibicho, Grissa, 21 July 2004.

II. Archives

Gedeo

Darassa Awraja Administrative Archives (DAAA)

DAAA, 60/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

Darassa Awraja Civil Court Archives (DACCA)

Abaru Yimar v. Dado Haro, DACCA, 173/55 (Dilla, 1955 B.C.).

Adam Habib v. T'aqabo Bela, DACCA, 742/57 (Dilla, 1957 E.C.).

Adnaw Margia v. T'ilahun Worqu, DACCA, 21/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

Afawarq W/Maryam v. Malase Gurara, DACCA, 737/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Afaworq Mangistu v. Tiro Jabo, DACCA, 105/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Alamayahu W / Masqal v. Baqala Sentayahu, DACCA, 634/45 (Dilla, 1945

E.C.).

Alame Eshat Walda Yasus v. Qannazmach Mazamir Hailu, DACCA, 89/58

(Dilla, 1958 E.C.).

Alamu Male v. Hoqa Gucha, DACCA, 201/51 (Dilla, 1951 B.C.).

Amado Walya V. Kifle Walda S'adiq, DACCA, 94/60 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

Amalcalach Daseta v. Koto Sagaro, DACCA, 300/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

325
Asafa Dagefe v. Jamanashe Yiglat’u, DACCA, 330/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Asaged Endala v. Tirunase Tassama, DACCA, 17/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

Ashagre Takla Maryam v. Shabo Dukale, DACCA, 145/52 (Dilla, 1952 E.C.).

Askale Abaye v. Assafa Gassassa, DACCA, 128/34 (Dilla, 1934 E.C,)-

Asnaqaw Wube v. Befo Buju, DACCA, 3/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

Aya Dube v. Halalco Baresso, DACCA, 3/64 (Dilla,1964 E.C.).

Ayalach Ambaye v. Jasso Ada, DACCA, 104/66 (Dilla, 1966 E.C.).

Badesso Shamana v. Fayissa T'eko, DACCA, 68/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C.).

Balambaras Kidane Abessie v. Gayou Gabi, DACCA, 157/57 (Dilla, 1944

E.C.).

Balambarass Ababa Gondare v. Shoda Baresso, DACCA, 635/45 (Dilla, 1945

E.C.).

Balejigu Bahru v. Biftu Qilt’u, DACCA, 108/60 (Dilla, 1960 E,C.)-

Baqalach Abara v. M it'e Loko, DACCA, 387/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Baqla Oda v. Dango Dalo, DACCA, 52/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

Baradade Falaqa v. Tikse Ako, DACCA, 130/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Bayanii Abdi v. Guyo Abdi, DACCA, 121/44 (Dilla, 1943 E.C.).

Bizunashe Lencho v. Batyo Meje, DACCA, 31/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Chaicho Titera v. Bura Gale, DACCA, 540/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

Dage Bunshe v. Debo Busho, DACCA, 392/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Dama Waqo v. ICurabachaw Walda Michael, DACCA, 12/62 (Dilla, 1960

E.C.).

Damana Damssie v. Gole Halchoye, DACCA, 130/41 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

Damessie Mulu Shawa v. Galagaye Zalaqe, DACCA, 102/56 (Dilla, 1956

E.C.).

Dassalane Korojo v. Borqo Ginje, DACCA, 285/54 (Dilla, 1954 E.C.).

Eshate Minwalkulat v. C'akaName, DACCA, 325/41 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

326
Fayessa Araresso v. Bonja Dukale, DACCA, 25/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Fotossa Qetala v. Hordofa Fotossa, DACCA, 66/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Fulas Birbirssa v. Kifele Zena, DACCA, 11/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

Gamada Diko v. Kabada Wondimu, DACCA, 10/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

Ganale Tetu v. Jilo Gunayo, DACCA, 381/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Getahun Walda Maryam v. Alako Ganale, DACCA, 59/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Girazmach Taldlu Daboc'e V. Wot'e Aba Bushe and three others, DACCA,
234/46).

Goba Baransso V. Balambaras Tafara W/Maryam, DACCA, 15/45 (Dilla,

1945 E.C.).

Gobana Badasso v. Makonnen Ginbo, DACCA, 90/58 (Dilla, 1958 E.C.).

Gule Dayo v. Alamu Tafara, DACCA, 92/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Haile Dugeda v. Shage Alaka, DACCA, 38/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

Jabo Dama v. Qagncizmach Eshete Tafesse, DACCA, 322/53 (Dilla, 1953

E.C.).

Jusso Kudo v. Shanto Woke, DACCA, 2/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

Kassa Habta Maryam v. JaraFisso, DACCA, 13/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Kidanoa W alda Gabrael v. Taddassa Dasseta, DACCA, 198/53 (Dilla, 1953

E.C.).

Kurse Bades v. Wote Anjare, DACCA, 55/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Lagassa Saboqa v. Badane Shito, DACCA, 28/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Malasa Lama v. Dayamo Yama, DACCA, 68/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

Mdmere Asged W/ Takele v. Zawde W/ Aragaye, DACCA, 232/54 (Dilla,

1954 E.C.).

Mdmere Hayla Michael G/Michael v. Wade Baqate, DACCA, 195/51 (Dilla,

1951 B.C.).

Masqale Danbala v. Lama Tagahne, DACCA, 257/54 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

Meju Aba Siro v. Jarsso Bariso, DACCA, 393/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

327
Mintasnot Kabade v. Dana Shartu, DACCA, 61/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C,).

Mogas Ababa v. Masalach Abara, DACCA, 4/56, (Dilla, 1956E.C.).

Mulatu Tizazu v. Jigso Alalco, DACCA, 36/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Mulunashe Walde v. Alamu Waqo, DACCA, 43/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Nagashe Qorecho v, Heda Ganale, DACCA, 41/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

Nagashe Qoricho v. Aronlcu Tulu, DACCA, 247/54 (Dilla, 1954 E.C.).

Nigusse Abaguchi v. Ture Nutu, DACCA 41/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Qannctzmach Baqala Kidana Maryam v. Gale Wone & four others, DACCA,
44/66 (Dilla, 1966 E.C.).

Sagaye Tafara and Waqo Danbe V. Alamu Tora and ICifle Boru, DACCA,
43/59, (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Seme Walda Yohannis v. Seme Nagaya, DACCA, 14/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Shifaraw W /Gabre’el v. Gurarra Shora, DACCA, 324/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

Sidamo Region MLRA v. Baraqo Aba Gange, DACCA, 119/62 (Dilla, 1962
E.C.).

Soko Bale v. Bot'a Shate, DAAC, 199/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Taddassa Alcham v. Zawde Habta Wold, DACCA, 103/49 (Dilla, 1949 E.C.).

Tafara Endala v. Huqa Shongola, DACCA, 228/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

Tafasa Engida v. Digicha Baresso, DACCA, 87/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Tafassa Makuria v. Adula Worba, DACCA, 12/61 (Dilla, 1960 E.C.).

Tamana Darsahe v. Zanabach Fulase, DACCA, 42/62 (Dilla, 1962 E.C.).

Tamana Waba v. Gadicho Tolo, DACCA, 3/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

Tanssa Danbobe v. Alako ICorma, DACCA, 65/51 (Dilla, 1951 E.C.).

Tasfaye Tassama v. Mamo Bore, DACCA, 15/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Taye Makonen V. Sera Wote and eleven other tenants, DACCA, 5/42 (Dilla,
1942E.C.).

Taye Makomian v. Benagna Hirbaye, DACCA, 8/42 (Dilla, 1942 E.C.).

328
W/ Gabre’el Mangasa V. Dube ICalo, DACCA 301/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

W / Gabre’el Mangasha v. Gobana Abe, DACCA, 232/56 (Dilla, 1956 E.C.).

W/ Sellasse W/ Sanbat v. Kabada Mola, DACCA, 338/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Walata Gabrael v. Tero Adayo, DACCA, 31/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

Walata Yohanuis W/Maryam V. Negatwa Dasta, DACCA, 97/56 (Dilla, 1956

E.C.).

Warq Agannahu Walda-Yas V. Gobana Robe, DACCA, 57/59 (Dilla, 1959

E.C.).

Woletu Waqjira V. Asnaqach Bogale, DACCA, 366/53 (Dilla, 1953 E.C.).

Wondimu Habeta Maryam v. Kassa Banjaw, DACCA, 10/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Worq Yit'aru Dubale v. Dinge Bushe, DACCA, 307/50 (Dilla, 1950 E.C.).

Worqnashe W/Mikael v. Falaqach Saboqa and Elfenaashe G/Sellassie,

DACCA, 102/55 (Dilla, 1955 E.C.).

Wote Ejo v. Falaqa Yizbat'e, DACCA, 133/44 (Dilla, 1944 E.C.).

Wube S'ahai v. Shebara Lole, DACCA, 11/61 (Dilla, 1961 E.C.).

Yas'ir Aldqa Shanqut'e Dajane V. Balat'e Ashine, DACCA, 19/62 (Dilla, 1962
E.C.).

Yashi Tassama v. Gabra Madhin Taro, DACCA, 61/59 (Dilla, 1959 E.C.).

Zanabach G/Maryatn V. Malas Assefaw, DACCA, 60/63 (Dilla, 1963 E.C.).

Zawditu Worq Agannahu v. Gamade Shalo, DACCA, 249/56 (Dilla, 1956

E.C.).

329
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