Grave Sins

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Grave Sins

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.
close communication with the King, asked for leave to withdraw for
half an hour, and how “It was ordered that no other man leave the
House on pain of going to the Tower.” He then continues: “Sir
Edward Cook told us ‘He now saw God had not accepted of our
humble and moderate carriages and fair proceedings; and he feared
the reason was, we had not dealt sincerely with the King and
country, and made a true representation of all these miseries, which
he, for his part, repented that he had not done sooner. And,
therefore, not knowing whether he should ever again speak in this
House, he would now do it freely; and so did here protest, that the
author and cause of all these miseries was the Duke of Buckingham,’
which was entertained and answered with a cheerful acclamation of
the House. As when one good hound recovers the scent, the rest
come in with full cry, so they pursued it, and every one came home,
and laid the blame where he thought the fault was. And as we were
putting it to the question whether he should be named in our
Remonstrance, as the chief cause of all our miseries at home and
abroad, the Speaker having been, not half an hour, but three hours
absent, and with the King, returned, bringing this message: ‘That
the House should then rise, adjourn till the morrow morning, no
Committee sit or other business go on in the interim.’ What we
expect this morning, God in heaven knows! We shall meet betimes
this morning, partly for the business’ sake, and partly because two
days ago we made an order, that whoever comes in after Prayers
shall pay twelve pence to the poor.”
The events alluded to by Pym in this rapid indictment are all given
in considerable detail in “Parl. Hist.,” ii., 442–525. On the 2d of
March, when Eliot moved a new Remonstrance, the Speaker refused
to put the motion, alleging an order from the King. The House
insisted, whereupon he was about to leave the Chair. Holles,
Valentine, and some others forced him back into it. “God’s wounds,”
said Holles, “you shall sit till it please the House to rise.” And much
else of a similar nature. “Parl. Hist.,” ii., 487–491.
 Note 13, p. 47.—The moderation of Pym in this part of his speech
will appear evident to every one at all familiar with the course of
events under the influence of Laud. A brief but excellent account of
the influence of that prelate’s policy is given by Guizot, Eng. Rev.,
Bohn ed., pp. 49–59.

Note 14, p. 50.—The particular privileges here enumerated were all

contrary to the statute passed in the reign of Elizabeth. The
significance of the tolerance of Catholics was chiefly in the fact that
during the same time the Protestant Nonconformist was subjected to
every indignity for refusing to bow his conscience to the prescribed
formula of doctrine and ceremony. Laud’s favor toward the Catholics
was so marked that the Pope offered him a Cardinal’s hat. Laud’s
“Diary,” p. 49.

Note 15, p. 51.—The most notorious cases were Dr. Montague and
Dr. Mainwaring, who both received rich benefices and afterwards
became Catholics. A daughter of the Duke of Devonshire entered the
Catholic Church. When Laud asked for her reasons she responded:
“I hate to be in a crowd, and as I perceive your Grace and many
others are hastening toward Rome, I want to get there comfortably
by myself before you.”

Note 16, p. 52.—The Crown and the Archbishop regarded Sunday

“simply as one of the holidays of the Church,” and encouraged the
people in pastimes and recreations. A “Book of Sports” had been
issued in the time of James I., pointing out the amusements the
people might properly indulge in. Laud now ordered that every
minister should read the declaration in favor of Sunday pastimes
from the pulpit. Some refused. One had the wit to obey, and to close
his reading with the declaration: “You have heard read, good people,
both the commandment of God and the commandment of man.
Obey which you please.” As the result of disobeying the command,
however, many were silenced or deposed. In the diocese of Norwich
alone, thirty clergymen were expelled from their cures. See Green:
“Hist. of Eng. Peo.,” Eng. ed., iii., 160.
 Note 17, p. 54.—Of this part of Pym’s speech Mr. Forster says: “A
more massive document was never given to history. It has all the
solidity, weight, and gravity of a judicial record, while it addresses
itself equally to the solid good sense of the masses of the people,
and to the cultivated understandings of the time. The deliberative
gravity, the force, the broad, decided manner of this great speaker,
contrast forcibly with those choice specimens of awkward
affectations and labored extravagances, that have not seldom
passed in modern times for oratory.” “Life of Pym,” p. 99.

Note 18, p. 58.—The seventh and twelfth of James I. were 1610

and 1615.

Note 19, p. 58.—The Thirty Years’ War in the Palatinate in which

the sons-in-law of James I. were the representative of the Protestant
cause.

Note 20, p. 62.—A partial list of fines imposed between 1629 and
1640 is given in Guizot, Eng. Rev., 445. The list includes “Hillyard,
for having sold saltpetre, £5,000”; “John Averman, for not having
followed the King’s orders in the fabrication of soap, £13,000”;
“Morley, for having struck Sir George Thesbold within the precinct of
the Court, £10,000”; and a vast number of other similar ones.

Note 21, p. 64.—The tax known as ship money, which had its
origin in the necessity of universal defence when the country was
threatened with invasion was attempted by Charles but resisted by
John Hampden. The case went to trial, and the judges by a bare
majority decided in favor of the legality of the tax. The decision is,
however, not now regarded as having been correct. The case is
reviewed in Hallam, “Con. Hist.,” i., 430.

Note 22, p. 65.—The “bounds and perambulations” were the

boundary marks and legally established roads and paths. This was at
a time when there were very few, if any, inclosures. The possibilities
of dispute were taken advantage of by the Government in a way that
was enormously oppressive. For example, the Earl of Salisbury was
fined £20,000 for “encroachments,” Westmorland £19,000, etc.
Guizot: Eng. Rev., 445.

Note 23, p. 68.—The application of this grievance was particularly

burdensome in the vicinity of London. Exemption from demolition
was purchased by the immediate payment of fine amounting to a
three years’ tax.

Note 24, p. 69.—The King had specifically agreed in the “Petition of

Right” to correct the grievance here complained of. And yet it
continued after eleven years to be “a growing evil.”

Note 25, p. 72.—The “projectors” referred to were those

undertaking monopolies. The “referees” were law officers appointed
by the Crown to decide all legal questions arising in regard to
monopolies. In 1621 Buckingham threw the blame of all irregularities
in the matter of monopolies on the “referees,” and, on motion of
Cranfield, a Parliamentary inquiry was made into their conduct. The
matter is explained in Gardiner’s “History of England,” 2d ed., iv., 48;
and in Church’s “Bacon,” 128.

Note 26, p. 82.—The reader who has followed this speech so far
certainly will not be surprised that Pym at length experienced some
“confusion of memory.” The “opportunity” was never afforded, as
parliament was dissolved within three days.

Note 27, p. 100.—The reference here is to Lord Bute, whose

influence with the King had secured the overthrow of Pitt’s ministry
in 1761. Bute was a politician whose chief power was in his gifts for
intrigue. Though for these very qualities he was liked by the King, he
was detested by the people,—as Macaulay says,—“by many as a
Tory, by many as a favorite, and by many as a Scot.” For a long time
it was not prudent for him to appear in the streets without disguising
himself. The populace were in the habit of representing him by “a
jackboot, generally accompanied by a petticoat.” This they paraded
as a contemptuous pun on his name, and ended by fastening it on
the gallows or committing it to the flames. Pitt had been charged
with prejudice against Bute on account of his being a Scotchman. It
was to refute this charge that he alludes to his having been the first
to employ the Scotch Highlanders.

Note 28, p. 104.—This whole passage may well be compared with

that on the same subject in Lord Mansfield’s speech on p. 150.
Compare also the argument of Burke on American Taxation.

Note 29, p. 105.—This is believed to be the first reference made in

Parliament to the necessity of legislative reform. The younger Pitt
advocated a reform during the early years of his career; but the
horrors of the French Revolution so shocked public opinion, that no
change for the better could be made until the Ministry of Earl Grey in
1832.

Note 30, p. 110.—It was not until the reign of Henry VIII. that the
right of representation in Parliament was extended to Wales, and the
counties of Chester and Monmouth. To the county of Durham the
right was not given till 1673. Until these counties were represented,
they were not directly taxed except for purely local purposes.

Note 31, p. 114.—One of the speakers, Mr. Nugent, had said that
“a pepper-corn, in acknowledgment of the right to tax America, was
of more value than millions without it.”

Note 32, p. 126.—The capitulation of Burgoyne’s army took place

October 17, 1777, just one month before the delivery of Chatham’s
speech. There was still much doubt in England in regard to the
magnitude of the disaster.

Note 33, p. 132.—Negotiations had been going on between the

colonies and France for more than a year, though this fact, of
course, was not known in England. Silas Deane had been appointed
Commissioner to France even before the Declaration of
Independence. In Nov. of 1776, Lee and Franklin were appointed by
Congress to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the
French king. But the French were wary of alliance, though they were
willing to wink at the secret arrangements by which supplies were
furnished by Beaumarchais. These supplies, furnished in the autumn
of 1777, were detained, and did not reach America in time to
prevent the terrible sufferings at Valley Forge in the following winter.
When news of Burgoyne’s surrender reached France, the French
Government no longer hesitated, and a final treaty by which France
acknowledged the Independence of the United States was signed on
the 6th of February, 1778. For most interesting and authentic details,
see Parton’s “Life of Franklin,” vol. ii., ch. vii.

Note 34, p. 140.—The walls of the old room in which the House of
Lords assembled were covered with tapestries, one of which
represented the English fleet led out to conflict with the Spanish
Armada by Lord Effingham Howard, an ancestor of Lord Suffolk.

Note 35, p. 160.—This argument of Mansfield drawn from the

Navigation Acts is fully refuted by Burke in his speech on “American
Taxation.” Burke takes the ground that none of these acts were
passed for the sake of revenue, but that all of them were designed
simply to give direction to trade. He also shows that there is a
marked distinction between external and internal taxation. The
whole of Burke’s speech may well be read with profit in connection
with that of Mansfield.

Note 36, p. 164.—This reference is probably to James Otis’ volume

published in London in 1765, entitled: “The Rights of the Colonies
Asserted and Proved.” It had previously been published in Boston,
after having been read in MS. in the Massachusetts House of
Representatives. The instructions of May, 1764, contained in the
appendix were drawn up by Samuel Adams. It is possible, however,
that the orator referred to Otis’ “Vindication of the Conduct of the
House of Representatives of the Province of Mass. Bay,” which had
appeared in 1762, and which contained in a nutshell the whole
American cause. John Adams said of it: “Look over the Declarations
of Rights and Wrongs issued by Congress in 1774; look into the
Declaration of Independence of 1776; look into the writings of Dr.
Price and Dr. Priestley. Look into all the French Constitutions of
Government; and, to cap the climax, look into Mr. Thomas Paine’s
‘Common Sense,’ ‘Crisis,’ and ‘Rights of Man,’ and what can you find
that is not to be found in this Vindication of the House of
Representatives?” During the same year also, Otis published “A
Vindication of the British Colonies,” and “Considerations on behalf of
the Colonists, in a letter to a Noble Lord.” The London reprint of the
“Vindication of the British Colonies” was accompanied with the
statement: “This tract is republished, not for any excellence of the
work, but for the eminence of the author.” We see here the leader in
the American disputes declaring the universal opinion of the Colonies
against the authority of the British Parliament.

Note 37, p. 185.—This exordium is almost bad enough to justify

Hazlitt’s remark: “Most of his speeches have a sort of parliamentary
preamble to them; there is an air of affected modesty and
ostentatious trifling in them; he seems fond of coquetting with the
House of Commons, and is perpetually calling the Speaker out to
dance a minuet with him before he begins.”

Note 38, p. 185.—This was an Act to restrain the Commerce of the

Provinces of New England, and to confine it to Great Britain, Ireland,
and the British West Indies.

Note 39, p. 187.—Reference is made to the Repeal of the Stamp

Act, which took place in Rockingham’s Administration by a vote of
275 to 161.

Note 40, p. 189.—This rather striking thought was firmly implanted

in Burke’s mind. In his paper on “Present Discontent,” he apologized
for “stepping a little out of the ordinary sphere” of private people. In
one of his letters he says: “We live in a nation where, at present,
there is scarce a single head that does not teem with politics. Every
man has contrived a scheme of government for the benefit of his
fellow-subjects.”

Note 41, p. 191.—It must be confessed this is a little pompous.

Burke’s scheme was simply to yield to the colonies what they
claimed, and it was not good policy to pronounce such an encomium
on it in advance. There were those who said: “On this simple
principle of granting every thing required, and stipulating for nothing
in return, we can terminate every difference throughout the world.”

Note 42, p. 191.—The Congress of Philadelphia in 1774 declared

that after the Repeal of the Stamp Act the colonies “fell into their
ancient state of unsuspecting confidence in the mother country.”
Burke comments on this statement in his letter to the Sheriffs of
Bristol in 1777.

Note 43, p. 192.—Lord North’s plan of conciliation, already

described in the introduction to this speech.

Note 44, p. 193.—The address to the King declaring that rebellion

existed in Massachusetts, requesting the King to take energetic
measures to suppress it, and pledging the coöperation of Parliament.

Note 45, p. 196.—The computation carefully made by Mr. Bancroft

(“Hist.,” 8vo ed., vol. iv., p. 128) more than justifies Burke’s figures.
Bancroft gives the following:

White. Black. Total.

1750 1,040,000 220,000 1,260,000
1754 1,165,000 260,000 1,425,000
1760 1,385,000 310,000 1,695,000
1770 1,850,000 462,000 2,312,000
1780 2,383,000 562,000 2,945,000
1790 3,177,257 752,069 3,927,326
See Johnson’s “Taxation no Tyranny” (Works, x., 96) in which he
savagely speaks of “3,000,000 Whigs, fierce for liberty, which
multiply with the fecundity of their own rattlesnakes.” He thought
the eggs should be destroyed.

Note 46, p. 197.—Reference to the legal maxim, “De minimis non

jurat lex.”

Note 47, p. 198.—Mr. Glover who appeared at the bar to support a

petition of the West Indian planters praying that peace might be
concluded with the colonies.

Note 48, p. 199.—Davenant afterward published a somewhat

important work entitled “Discourses on Revenue and Trade,” and it
was probably the MS. of this to which Burke referred.

Note 49, p. 202.—Burke’s reasoning has been more than justified

by subsequent history. Cobden: “Writings,” i., 98, more than fifty
years after Burke spoke, declared: “The people of the United States
constitute our largest and most valuable connection. The business
we carry on with them is nearly twice as extensive as that with any
other people.” The American official returns since 1850 show that
more than one third of the imports came from England, and that
more than one half of the exports go to England.

Note 50, p. 202.—A curious adaptation from Virgil. Ecl. iv., 26. If,
while he was changing parentis to parentum he had omitted poterit,
he would at least have left a good Latin sentence. But Burke quoted
from memory and was often inexact, not only in the choice of words,
but also in pronunciation. Harford relates that he was once indulging
in some very severe animadversions on Lord North’s management of
the public purse. While this philippic was going on, North appeared
to be half-asleep, “heaving backward and forward like a great turtle.”
Burke introduced the aphorism: magnum vectígal est parsimonia,
putting a wrong accent on the second word and calling it véctigal.
The scholarly ear of North was sufficiently attentive to catch the
mistake, and he shouted out vectígal. “I thank the noble lord,”
responded Burke, “for the correction, more particularly as it gives
me the opportunity to repeat what he greatly needs to have
reiterated upon him.” He then thundered out: “Magnum vectígal est
parsimonia.”

Note 51, p. 206.—In allusion to the well-known story told at length

by Valerius Maximus, lib. v., 7; and in briefer form by Pliny, “Nat.
Hist.,” vii., 36.

Note 52, p. 208.—The whole of this magnificent passage was

founded upon very substantial facts. Massachusetts had 183 vessels,
carrying 13,820 tons in the North, and 120 vessels, carrying 14,026
tons in the South. It was in 1775, the very year of Burke’s speech,
that English ships were first fitted out to follow the Americans into
the fisheries of the South Seas. See Quarterly Review, lxiii., 318.

Note 53, p. 211.—At the time of the great struggle against the
Stuarts. In the Annual Register, for 1775, p. 14, Burke says: “The
American freeholders at present are nearly, in point of condition,
what the English yeomen were of old when they rendered us
formidable to all Europe, and our name celebrated throughout the
world. The former, from many obvious circumstances, are more
enthusiastical lovers of liberty than even our yeomen were.”

Note 54, p. 213.—The differences here indicated are fully

explained in Marshall’s “American Colonies,” Story “On the
Constitution,” Lodge’s “English Colonies in America,” and more briefly
in vol. iv., chap, vi., of Bancroft. It is noteworthy that it was not in
the most democratic forms of government that the most violent
resolutions were passed. See Ann. Reg. for 1775, p. 6.

Note 55, p. 218.—General Gage had prohibited the calling of town

meetings after August 1, 1774. The meetings held before August 1st
were adjourned over from time to time, and consequently there was
no need of “calling” meetings. Gage complained that by such means
they could keep their meetings alive for ten years. See Bancroft, vii.,
chap. viii., and Ann. Reg., 1775, p. 11.

Note 56, p. 219.—The “ministrum fulminis alitem” of Horace, bk.

iv., ode i.

Note 57, p. 227.—In 1766, Lieutenant-Governor Fauquier had

written to the Lords in Trade: “In disobedience to all proclamations,
in defiance of law, and without the least shadow of right to claim or
defend their property, people are daily going out to settle beyond
the Alleghany Mountains.” Migration hither was prohibited. “But the
prohibition only set apart the Great Valley as the sanctuary of the
unhappy, the adventurous, and the free; of those whom enterprise,
or curiosity, or disgust at the forms of life in the old plantations
raised above royal edicts.” Bancroft, vi., 33.

Note 58, p. 233.—Reference is made to the brutal attack of Sir

Edward Coke upon Sir Walter Raleigh, the details of which are given
in Howell’s “State Trials,” ii., 7.

Note 59, p. 240.—Milton’s “Paradise Lost,” ii., 594.

Note 60, p. 240.—This passage has been much admired for the
skill with which Burke excludes the general question of the right of
taxation, and confines himself to the expediency of particular
methods. But this was in accordance with all of Burke’s political
philosophy. In his “Appeal from the Old to the New Whigs,” he
announces the principle which governs him in all such cases:
“Nothing universal can be rationally affirmed on any moral or any
political subject. Pure metaphysical abstraction does not belong to
these matters. The lines of morality are not like ideal lines of
mathematics. They are broad and deep as well as long. They admit
of exceptions; they demand modifications. These exceptions and
modifications are not made by the process of logic, but by the rules
of prudence. Prudence is not only the first in rank of the virtues
political and moral, but she is the director, the regulator, the
standard of them all.”

Note 61, p. 244.—The pamphlet from which Lord North “seems to

have borrowed these ideas,” was by Dean Tucker, a work to which,
Dr. Johnson in “Taxation no Tyranny,” (Works, x., 139) pays his
respects, and which Burke had alluded to in no very complimentary
terms in his speech on “American Taxation.” But Mr. Forster, in his
“Life of Goldsmith,” i., 412, speaks of Tucker as “the only man of that
day who thoroughly anticipated the judgment and experience of our
own on the question of the American colonies.” The fact is that
Tucker was a “free trader,” and was in favor of the establishment of
complete freedom of trade, as the best that could possibly be done
with the colonies. To an account of Dean Tucker’s pamphlets several
interesting pages are given in Smyth’s “Modern History,” Lecture
xxxii., Am. ed., p. 571, seq.

Note 62, p. 248.—The English settlers in Ireland were obliged to

keep themselves within certain boundaries known as “The Pale.”
They were distinct from the Irish, and were governed by English
lords. By an act in the time of James I., the privileges of the Pale
were first extended to the rest of Ireland.

Note 63, p. 249.—In 1612, Sir John Davis, who had been much in
Ireland, and knew Irish affairs better than any other person in his
time, published a book entitled: “Discoverie of the true Causes why
Ireland was never entirely subdued until the beginning of his
Majestie’s happy reign.”

Note 64, p. 250.—Under Henry III., Wales was ruled by its own
Prince Llewellen, who secured the assistance of Henry against a
rebellious son, and as a reward acknowledged fealty as a vassal. It
was not till Edward I., that the conquest was completed. O’Connell
once said: “Wales was once the Ireland of the English Government,”
and then proceeded to apply to Ireland what Burke here says of
Wales.—“O’Connell’s speech of Aug. 30, 1826.”
 Note 65, p. 252.—When the reduction to order of Wales was found
impossible by ordinary means, the English King granted to the Lords
Marchers “such lands as they could win from the Welshmen.” On
these lands the lords were allowed “to take upon themselves such
prerogative and authority as were fit for the quiet government of the
country.” About the castles of the Lords Marchers grew up the towns
of Wales. Within their domains they exercised English laws; but on
the unconquered lands the old Welsh laws still prevailed. The courts,
therefore, had to administer both forms of law, and there was
consequently great confusion even in the most peaceful times. There
were fifteen acts of penal regulation, providing that no Welshman
should be allowed to become a burgess, or purchase any land in
town. Henry IV., ii., chaps. xii.-xx. In the time of Edward I., the
special privileges of the Lords Marchers were swept away. See
Stubbs’ “Con. Hist.,” 8vo ed., i., 514–520, and ii., 117–137; Scott’s
“Betrothed,” and the Appendix to Pennant’s “Tour in Wales.”

Note 66, p. 254.—Horace, “Odes,” bk. i., 12, 27. The allusion is to
the deification of Augustus and the superintending influence of
Castor and Pollux. The passage was translated by Gifford thus:
“When their auspicious star
To the sailor shines afar,
The troubled waters leave the rocks at rest;
The clouds are gone, the winds are still,
The angry wave obeys their will,
And calmly sleeps upon the ocean’s breast.”

Note 67, p. 258.—Milton’s “Comus,” l. 633, not quite correctly

quoted.

Note 68, p. 261.—Horace, “Satir.,” ii., 2. “The precept is not mine.

Ofellus gave it in his rustic strain irregular, but wise.”

Note 69, p. 261.—In allusion to the declaration in Exodus xx., 25:

“If thou lift up thy tool upon it [the altar] thou hast polluted it.”
 Note 70, p. 265.—In allusion to a statement that had been made
by Grenville. Burke said in his speech on American taxation: “He has
declared in this House an hundred times, that the colonies could not
legally grant any revenues to the Crown.”

Note 71, p. 278.—This was in strict accordance with Burke’s

political philosophy. In a letter to the Sheriff of Bristol, he wrote: “Of
one thing I am perfectly clear, that it is not by deciding the suit, but
by compromising the difference, that peace can be restored or kept.”

Note 72, p. 278.—Shak.: “Othello,” Act iii., Scene v. So at the

beginning of his paper on the “Present Discontents,” Burke speaks of
“reputation, the most precious possession of every individual.” In the
fourth letter on a “Regicide Peace,” he said: “Our ruin will be
disguised in profit, and the sale of a few wretched baubles will bribe
a degenerate people to barter away the most precious jewel of their
souls.”

Note 73, p. 279.—“I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of
love.”—Hosea, xi., 4.

Note 74, p. 279.—Another illustration of Burke’s habit of making

use of the inestimable maxims of the great Greek politician.

Note 75, p. 282.—“Experiment upon a worthless subject” was a

maxim among old scientific inquirers.

Note 76, p. 286.—A “Treasury Extent” was a writ of Commission

for valuing lands and tenements for satisfying a Crown debt.

Note 77, p. 289.—The quotation is from Juvenal i., l. 90, and refers
to the habit of the Roman gambler. Gifford renders the passage:
“For now no more the pocket’s stores supply
The boundless charges of the desperate die,
The chest itself is staked.”
 Note 78, p. 291.—Milton’s Paradise Lost, iv., 106. This also is a
misquotation:—retract should be recant. Burke seldom took the
trouble to verify his quotations, but relied upon a powerful, though
slightly fallible, memory.

Note 79, p. 294.—This passage is perhaps one of the noblest and

most characteristic of all Burke’s utterances. And yet, in all its
magnificence it shows how largely the orator was indebted to his
reading. Mr. E. J. Payne, as an illustration of the way in which Burke
“repays his rich thievery of the Bible and the English poets,” has
pointed out the sources from which the most striking expressions
were consciously or unconsciously derived. The closing sentence in
an adaptation from Virgil, Æn. vi., 726; “My trust is in her,” is from
the Psalms; “Light as air,” etc., from Othello; “Grapple to you,” from
Hamlet; “No force under heaven,” etc., from St. Paul; “Chosen race,”
Tate & Brady; “Perfect obedience” and “mysterious whole,” from
Pope. Most striking of all, the passage in which “the chosen race” is
represented “turning their faces towards you,” is from 1. Kings, viii.,
44–45. “If the people go out to battle, or whithersoever thou shall
send them, and shall pray unto the Lord toward the city, which thou
hast chosen, and toward the house that I have built in thy name,
then hear thou in heaven their prayer and their supplication, and
maintain their cause.”

Note 80, p. 295.—Until 1798 the Land Tax yielded from one third
to one half of all the revenue; but in that year it was made
permanent, and now yields only about one sixty-fourth.

Note 81, p. 295.—The Mutiny Bill plays a very curious part in

English Constitutional usage. In the Declaration of Rights it was
declared that “standing armies and martial law in peace, without the
consent of Parliament, are illegal.” The “consent of Parliament” is
now secured in the following manner: An appropriation is made to
support such an army as is needed, but all of the provisions of the
appropriating bill are limited to one year. In order to maintain even
the nucleus of an army, therefore, it is absolutely necessary that
Parliament should be in session every year. This is the only provision
guaranteeing an annual assembling of Parliament.

Note 82, p. 296.—Sursum Corda: “let your hearts arise,” was the
form of a call to silent prayer at certain intervals in the Roman
Catholic service.

Note 83, p. 296.—Let it be happy and prosperous, was a form of

prayer among the Romans at the beginning of an important
undertaking.
 Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when
a predominant preference was found in this book;
otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected;
occasional unbalanced quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were
retained; occurrences of inconsistent hyphenation have
not been changed.
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