Thousand Coloured Castles

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.
 Joins Cortés, iii. 366.
Leaves the army, 369.
Hung, 371.
Remarks on, 372.
Ximenes, Cardinal, destruction of manuscripts by, i. 116.
His administration, 279, iii. 355.
Commission by, to redress Indian grievances, i. 286, ii. 73.
Xochicalco, lake, ii. 240.
Xochicalco, ruins of the temple or fortress of, i. 257, 261, note, 263.
Xochimilco, iii. 338, 346, iv. 19.
Xoloc, Fort, ii. 249.
Stormed, iii. 348.
Fleet at, iv. 6.
Headquarters at, 7.
Barracks built there, 31.
Xuarez, Catalina, intimacy and marriage of Cortés with, i. 304, 308.
Joins her husband, iv. 158.
Fate of, 159, note, 226, and note.

Y
Years, Aztec, i. 126.
On divisions of time into, 128.
Hieroglyphics for, 129-131, note.
On the names of, 247, note.
Yucatan, mentioned, i. 258, iv. 178.
Resemblances to the architecture of, i. 261.
Expedition to, 290.
The word, 290, and note.
Called New Spain, 292.
Ordaz despatched to, to liberate Christians, 333, 339.
Canoe from, with Aguilar, 339.
See Tabasco.
Yxtacamaxtitlán, ii. 100, and note.

Z
Zacatecas, silver from, iv. 232.
Zacatula, fleet at, iv. 155, 169.
Zacotollan, copper from, i. 154.
Zahuatl, the river, ii. 167.
Zodiacal signs, coincidences as to, i. 246.
Zoltepec, massacre at, iii. 210, 298.
Zuazo, i. 87, note, 151, note.
On mantles of feathers, ii. 311, note.
On the Aztec cuisine, 316, note.
Urges Cortés to return to Mexico, iv. 200.
Zumárraga, Don Juan de, i. 94.
First archbishop of Mexico, destroys manuscripts, 115.
Image destroyed by, 197, note.
Demolishes the Statue of the Sun, iii. 193.
Zumpango, or Tzompanco, iii. 185.
Zuñiga, Doña Juana de, second wife of Cortés, iv. 223, 235.
Zurita, i. 39, note, 43, note, 62, note, 185 note.
 THE END

FOOTNOTES:
[1] “It was a beautiful victory,” exclaims the Conqueror. “É entrámoslos de tal
manera, que ninguno de ellos se escapó, excepto las Mugeres, y Niños; y en este
combate me hiriéron veinte y cinco Españoles, pero fué muy hermosa Victoria.” Rel.
Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 241.
[2] About five hundred boats, according to the general’s own estimate (Ibid., loc.
cit.); but more than four thousand, according to Bernal Diaz (Hist. de la Conquista,
cap. 150); who, however, was not present.
[3] “Y como yo deseaba mucho, que el primer reencuentro, que con ellos
obiessemos, fuesse de mucha victoria; y se hiciesse de manera, que ellos cobrassen
mucho temor de los bergantines, porque la llave de toda la Guerra estaba en ellos.”
Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 241, 242.
[4] “Plugo á nuestro Señor, que estándonos mirando los unos á los otros, vino un
viento de la Tierra muy favorable para embestir con ellos.” Ibid., p. 242.
[5] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, loc. cit.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap.
48.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib 12, cap. 32.—I may be excused for
again quoting a few verses from a beautiful description in “Madoc,” and one as
pertinent as beautiful:

“Their thousand boats, and the ten thousand oars,

From whose broad bowls the waters fall and flash,
And twice ten thousand feathered helms, and shields,
Glittering with gold and scarlet plumery.
Onward they come with song and swelling horn;
... On the other side
Advance the British barks; the freshening breeze
Fills the broad sail; around the rushing keel
The waters sing, while proudly they sail on,
Lords of the water.”
Madoc, Part 2, canto 25.

[6] “Y era tanta la multitud,” says Cortés, “que por el Agua, y por la Tierra no
viamos sino Gente, y daban tantas gritas, y alaridos, que parecia que se hundia el
Mundo.” Rel. Terc., p. 245.—Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.—
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib.
12, cap. 32.
 [7] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 246, 247.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 150.—Herrera, Hist, de las Ind., dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 17.—Defensa,
MS., cap. 28.
[8] Así como fué de dia se dixo vna misa de Espíritu Santo, que todos los
Christianos oyéron con mucha devocion; é aun los Indios, como simples, é no
entendientes de tan alto misterio, con admiracion estaban atentos notando el silencio
de los cathólicos y el acatamiento que al altar, y al sacerdote los Christianos toviéron
hasta recevir la benedicion.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.
[9] [This street, which is now called the Calle del Rastro, and traverses the whole
city from north to south, leading from the Calle del Relox to the causeway of
Guadalupe or Tepeyacac, was known at the period immediately following the
Conquest as the Calle de Iztapalapa, which name was given to it through its whole
extent. In the time of the ancient Mexicans its course was intercepted by the great
temple, the principal door of which fronted upon it. After this edifice had been
demolished, the street was opened from one end to the other. Conquista de Méjico
(trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 157.]
[10] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.—Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., MS., cap. 95.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.—Rel. Terc. de
Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 247, 248.
[11] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ubi supra.—Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.—
Here terminates the work last cited of the Tezcucan chronicler; who has accompanied
us from the earliest period of our narrative down to this point in the final siege of the
capital. Whether the concluding pages of the manuscript have been lost, or whether
he was interrupted by death, it is impossible to say. But the deficiency is supplied by
a brief sketch of the principal events of the siege, which he has left in another of his
writings. He had, undoubtedly, uncommon sources of information in his knowledge
of the Indian languages and picture-writing, and in the oral testimony which he was at
pains to collect from the actors in the scenes he describes. All these advantages are
too often counterbalanced by a singular incapacity for discriminating—I will not say,
between historic truth and falsehood (for what is truth?)—but between the probable,
or rather the possible, and the impossible. One of the generation of primitive converts
to the Romish faith, he lived in a state of twilight civilization, when, if miracles were
not easily wrought, it was at least easy to believe them.
[12] [In the street of Santa Teresa. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p.
158.]
[13] [Which forms what is called “El Empedradillo.” Ibid.]
[14] [This wall, adorned with serpents, and crowned with the heads, strung
together on stakes, of the human victims sacrificed in the temple, formed the front of
the Plaza on the south side, extending from the corner of the Calle de Plateros east,
towards the chains that enclose the cemetery of the cathedral. Ibid.]
 [15] “I con todo eso no se determinaban los Christianos de entrar en la Plaça; por
lo qual diciendo Hernando Cortés, que no era tiempo de mostrar cansancio, ni
cobardía, con vna Rodela en la mano, appellidando Santiago, arremetió el primero.”
Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.
[16] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.
[17] Ixtlilxochitl, in his Thirteenth Relacion, embracing among other things a brief
notice of the capture of Mexico, of which an edition has been given to the world by
the industrious Bustamante, bestows the credit of this exploit on Cortés himself. “En
la capilla mayor donde estaba Huitzilopoxctli, que llegáron Cortés é Ixtlilxuchitl á un
tiempo, y ambos embistiéron con el ídolo. Cortés cogió la máscara de oro que tenia
puesta este ídolo con ciertas piedras preciosas que estaban engastadas en ella.”
Venida de los Españoles, p. 29.
[18] “Los de Caballo revolvian sobre ellos, que siempre alanceaban, ó mataban
algunos; é como la Calle era muy larga, hubo lugar de hacerse esto quatro, ó cinco
veces. É aunque los Enemigos vian que recibian daño, venian los Perros tan rabiosos,
que en ninguna manera los podiamos detener, ni que nos dejassen de seguir.” Rel.
Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 250.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.
—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind.,
MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.
[19] The great mass of the Otomies were an untamed race, who roamed over the
broad tracts of the plateau, far away to the north. But many of them, who found their
way into the Valley, became blended with the Tezcucan, and even with the Tlascalan
nation, making some of the best soldiers in their armies.
[20] [The Otomies inhabited all the country of Tula on the west, where their
language is well preserved. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 161.]
[21] “Istrisuchil [Ixtlilxochitl], que es de edad de veinte y tres, ó veinte y quatro
años, muy esforzado, amado, y temido de todos.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 251.) The greatest obscurity prevails among historians in respect to this
prince, whom they seem to have confounded very often with his brother and
predecessor on the throne of Tezcuco. It is rare that either of them is mentioned by
any other than his baptismal name of Hernando; and, if Herrera is correct in the
assertion that this name was assumed by both, it may explain in some degree the
confusion. (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.) I have conformed in the main to the
old Tezcucan chronicler, who gathered his account of his kinsman, as he tells us, from
the records of his nation, and from the oral testimony of the contemporaries of the
prince himself. Venida de los Españoles, pp. 30, 31.
[22] “Daban ocasion, y nos forzaban á que totalmente les destruyessemos. É de
esta postrera tenia mas sentimiento, y me pesaba en el alma, y pensaba que forma
ternia para los atemorizar, de manera, que viniessen en conocimiento de su yerro, y de
el daño, que podian recibir de nosotros, y no hacia sino quemalles, y derrocalles las
Torres de sus Ídolos, y sus Casas.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 254.
 [23] [The ruins of this building were brought to light in the process of laying the
foundations of the houses recently constructed on the southern side of the street of
Santa Teresa, adjoining the convent of the Conception. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de
Vega), tom. ii. p. 162.].
[24] “Y desde las azoteas deshonrarle llamándole de traidor contra su patria y
deudos, y otras razones pesadas, que á la verdad á ellos les sobraba la razon; mas
Ixtlilxuchitl callaba y peleaba, que mas estimaba la amistad y salud de los Cristianos
que todo esto.” Venida de los Españoles, p. 32.
[25] Ibid., p. 29.
[26] For the preceding pages relating to this second assault, see Rel. Terc. de
Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 254-256,—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12,
cap. 33,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24,—Defensa, MS., cap. 28.
[27] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 259.
[28] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.—According to Herrera,
Alvarado and Sandoval did not conceal their disapprobation of the course pursued by
their commander in respect to the breaches: “I Alvarado, i Sandoval, por su parte,
tambien lo hiciéron mui bien, culpando á Hernando Cortés por estas retiradas,
queriendo muchos que se quedara en lo ganado, por no bolver tantas veces á ello.”
Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 19.
[29] “Porque como era de noche, no aguardauan mucho, y desta manera que he
dicho velauamos, que ni porque llouiesse, ni vientos, ni frios, y aunque estauamos
metidos en medio de grandes lodos, y heridos, allí auiamos de estar.” Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 151.
[30] [That is to say, the more violent part of the rainy season, which lasts, in fact,
from May or June to October. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 165.]
[31] “Porque nouenta y tres dias estuuímos sobre esta tan fuerte ciudad, cada dia é
de noche teniamos guerras, y combates; é no lo pongo aquí por capítulos lo que cada
dia haziamos, porque me parece que seria gran proligidad, é seria cosa para nunca
acabar, y pareceria á los libros de Amadis, é de otros corros de caualleros.” Hist. de la
Conquista, ubi supra.
[32] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-
España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33.
[33] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-
España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 34.
[34] I recollect meeting with no estimate of their numbers; nor, in the loose
arithmetic of the Conquerors, would it be worth much. They must, however, have
been very great, to enable them to meet the assailants so promptly and efficiently on
every point.
 [35] Defensa, MS., cap. 28.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap.
34.—The principal cities were Mexicaltzinco, Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, Mizquiz,
Huitzilopochco, Colhuacan.
[36] “Y como aquel dia llevabamos mas de ciento y cincuenta mil Hombres de
Guerra.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 280.
[37] “Y vea Vuestra Magestad,” says Cortés to the emperor, “que tan ancha puede
ser la Calzada, que va por lo mas hondo de la Laguna, que de la una parte, y de la otra
iban estas Casas, y quedaba en medio hecha Calle, que muy á placer á pie, y á caballo
ibamos, y veniamos por ella.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 260.
[38] The greatest difficulty under which the troops labored, according to Diaz, was
that of obtaining the requisite medicaments for their wounds. But this was in a great
degree obviated by a Catalan soldier, who by virtue of his prayers and incantations
wrought wonderful cures both on the Spaniards and their allies. The latter, as the
more ignorant, flocked in crowds to the tent of this military Æsculapius, whose
success was doubtless in a direct ratio to the faith of his patients. Hist. de la
Conquista, ubi supra.
[39] Diaz mourns over this unsavory diet. (Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.) Yet the
Indian fig is an agreeable, nutritious fruit; and the tortilla, made of maize flour, with a
slight infusion of lime, though not precisely a morceau friand, might pass for very
tolerable camp fare. According to the lively Author of “Life in Mexico,” it is made
now precisely as it was in the days of the Aztecs. If so, a cooking receipt is almost the
only thing that has not changed in this country of revolutions.{*}
{*} [Corn is placed in water, to which a little lime is added, and soaked over
night. Or it is allowed to simmer over a slow fire. The husk is then easily separated
and the grain is mashed or ground. The paste is then formed with the hands into a
very thin cake which is cooked on an earthen pan placed over the fire. It is eaten with
boiled beans and a mixture of Chile and lard.
Another common article of diet is the tamale. This is a mixture of chopped meat,
Chile, and onions, covered with corn paste, then wrapped in corn or plantain leaves
and boiled or baked.—M.]
[40] “Quo strages,” says Martyr, “erat crudelior, eo magis copiose ac opipare
cœnabant Guazuzingui & Tascaltecani, cæterique prouinciales auxiliarii, qui soliti
sunt hostes in prœlio cadentes intra suos ventres sepelire; nec vetare ausus fuisset
Cortesius.” (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8.) “Y los otros les mostraban los de su
Ciudad hechos pedazos, diciéndoles, que los habian de cenar aquella noche, y
almorzar otro dia, como de hecho lo hacian.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p.
256.) Yet one may well be startled by the assertion of Oviedo, that the carnivorous
monsters fished up the bloated bodies of those drowned in the lake to swell their
repast! “Ni podian ver los ojos de los Christianos, é Cathólicos, mas espantable é
aborrecida cosa, que ver en el Real de los Amigos confederados el continuo exercicio
de comer carne asada, ó cocida de los Indios enemigos, é aun de los que mataban en
las canoas, ó se ahogaban, é después el agua los echaba en la superficie de la laguna,
ó en la costa, no los dexaban de pescar, é aposentar en sus vientres.” Hist. de las Ind.,
MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.
[41] “I confidently expected both on that and the preceding day that they would
come with proposals of peace, as I had myself, whether victorious or otherwise,
constantly made overtures to that end. But on their part we never perceived a sign of
such intention.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 261.
[42] Such is the account explicitly given by Cortés to the emperor. (Rel. Terc., ap.
Lorenzana, p. 264.) Bernal Diaz, on the contrary, speaks of the assault as first
conceived by the general himself. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.) Yet Diaz had not
the best means of knowing; and Cortés would hardly have sent home a palpable
misstatement that could have been so easily exposed.
[43] This punctual performance of mass by the army, in storm and in sunshine, by
day and by night, among friends and enemies, draws forth a warm eulogium from the
archiepiscopal editor of Cortés: “En el Campo, en una Calzada, entre Enemigos,
trabajando dia, y noche, nunca se omitia la Missa, páraque toda la obra se atribuyesse
á Dios, y mas en unos Meses, en que incomodan las Aguas de el Cielo; y encima del
Agua las Habitaciones, ó malas Tiendas.” Lorenzana, p. 266, nota.
[44] In the treasurer’s division, according to the general’s Letter, there were 70
Spanish foot, 7 or 8 horse, and 15,000 or 20,000 Indians; in Tápia’s, 80 foot, and
10,000 allies; and in his own, 8 horse, 100 infantry, and “an infinite number of allies.”
(Ibid., ubi supra.) The looseness of the language shows that a few thousands more or
less were of no great moment in the estimate of the Indian forces.
[45] “Otro dia de mañana acordé de ir á su Real para le reprehender lo pasado.... Y
visto, no les imputé tanta culpa, como antes parecia tener, y platicado cerca de lo que
habia de hacer, yo me bolví á nuestro Real aquel dia.” Rel. Terc, de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, pp. 263, 264.
[46] “Y hallé, que habian pasado una quebrada de la Calle, que era de diez, ó doce
pasos de ancho; y el Agua, que por ella pasaba, era de hondura de mas de dos estados,
y al tiempo que la pasáron habian echado en ella madera, y cañas de carrizo, y como
pasaban pocos á pocos, y con tiento, no se habia hundido la madera y cañas.” Rel.
Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.—See also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib.
33, cap. 48.
[47] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 138.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 37.—
Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.—Guatemozin’s horn rang in the ears
of Bernal Diaz for many a day after the battle. “Quatemuz, y manda tocar su corneta,
q̃ era vna señal q quando aquella se tocasse, era q auian de pelear sus Capitanes de
manera, q hiziessen presa, ó morir sobre ello; y retumbaua el sonido, q se metia en los
oidos, y de q lo oyéro aquellos sus esquadrones, y Capitanes: saber yo aquí dezir
aora, con q rabia, y esfuerço se metian entre nosotros á nos echar mano, es cosa de
espanto.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.
 [48] “É como el negocio fué tan de súpito, y ví que mataban la Gente determiné de
me quedar allí, y morir peleando.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.
[49] Ixtlilxochitl, who would fain make his royal kinsman a sort of residuary
legatee for all unappropriated, or even doubtful, acts of heroism, puts in a sturdy
claim for him on this occasion. A painting, he says, on one of the gates of a monastery
of Tlatelolco, long recorded the fact that it was the Tezcucan chief who saved the life
of Cortés. (Venida de los Éspañoles, p. 38.) But Camargo gives the full credit of it to
Olea, on the testimony of “a famous Tlascalan warrior,” present in the action, who
reported it to him. (Hist. de Tlascala, MS.) The same is stoutly maintained by Bernal
Diaz, townsman of Olea, to whose memory he pays a hearty tribute, as one of the best
men and bravest soldiers in the army. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152, 204.)
Saavedra, the poetic chronicler,—something more of a chronicler than poet,—who
came on the stage before all that had borne arms in the Conquest had left it, gives the
laurel also to Olea, whose fate he commemorates in verses that at least aspire to
historic fidelity:

“Túvole con las manos abraçado,

Y Francisco de Olea el valeroso,
Vn valiente Español, y su criado
Le tiró vn tajo brauo y riguroso:
Las dos manos á cercen le ha cortado,
Y él le libró del trance trabajoso
Huuo muy gran rumor, porque dezian,
Que ya en prision amarga le tenian.

“Llegáron otros Indios arriscados,

Y á Olea matáron en vn punto,
Cercáron á Cortés por todos lados,
Y al miserable cuerpo ya difunto;
Y viendo sus sentidos recobrados,
Puso mano á la espada y daga junto.
Antonio de Quiñones llegó luego,
Capitan de la guarda ardiendo en fuego.”
El Peregrino Indiano, Canto 20.

[50] “É aquel Capitan que estaba con el General, que se decia Antonio de
Quiñones, díxole: Vamos, Señor, de aquí, y salvemos vuestra Persona, pues que ya
esto está de manera, que es morir desesperado atender; é sin vos, ninguno de nosotros
puede escapar, que no es esfuerzo, sino poquedad, porfiar aquí otra cosa.” Oviedo,
Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.
[51] It may have been the same banner which is noticed by Mr. Bullock as
treasured up in the Hospital of Jesus, “where,” says he, “we beheld the identical
embroidered standard under which the great captain wrested this immense empire
from the unfortunate Montezuma.” Six Months in Mexico, vol. i. chap. 10.
[52] For this disastrous affair, besides the Letter of Cortés, and the Chronicle of
Diaz, so often quoted, see Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,—
Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,—Gomara, Crónica, cap. 138,—Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 94,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26, 48.
[53] “El resonido de la corneta de Guatemuz.”—Astolfo’s magic horn was not
more terrible:

“Dico che ’l corno è di sì orribil suono,

Ch’ ovunque s’ oda, fa fuggir la gente.
Non può trovarsi al mondo un cor sì buono,
Che possa non fuggir come lo sente.
Rumor di vento e di tremuoto, e ’l tuono,
A par del suon di questo, era niente.”
Orlando Furioso, Canto 15, st. 15.

[54] “Por q̃ yo no lo sé aquí escriuir q̃ aora q̃ me pongo á pensar en ello, es como si

visiblemente lo viesse, mas bueluo á dezir, y ansí es verdad, q̃ si Dios no nos diera
esfuerço, segun estauamos todos heridos: él nos saluo, q̃ de otra manera no nos
podiamos llegar á nuestros ranchos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.
[55] This renowned steed, who might rival the Babieca of the Cid, was named
Motilla, and, when one would pass unqualified praise on a horse, he would say, “He
is as good as Motilla.” So says that prince of chroniclers, Diaz, who takes care that
neither beast nor man shall be defrauded of his fair guerdon in these campaigns
against the infidel. He was of a chestnut color, it seems, with a star in his forehead,
and, luckily for his credit, with only one foot white. See Hist. de la Conquista, cap.
152, 205.
[56] The cavaliers might be excused for not wantonly venturing their horses, if, as
Diaz asserts, they could only be replaced at an expense of eight hundred or a
thousand dollars apiece: “Porque costaua en aquella sazon vn cauallo ochocientos
pesos, y aun algunos costauan á mas de mil.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151. See,
also, ante, Book II. chap. 3, note 14.
[57] “Mira pues veis que yo no puedo ir á todas partes, á vos os encomiendo estos
trabajos, pues veis q̃ estoy herido y coxo; ruego os pongais cobro en estos tres reales;
bien sé q̃ Pedro de Alvarado, y sus Capitanes, y soldados aurán batallado, y hecho
como caualleros, mas temo el gran poder destos perros no les ayan desbaratado.”
Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.
[58] “Vn atambor de muy triste sonido, enfin como instrumento de demonios, y
retumbaua tanto, que se oia dos, ó tres leguas.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista,
loc. cit.
 [59] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS.,
lib. 33, cap. 48.—“Sacándoles los corazones, sobre una piedra que era como un pilar
cortado, tan grueso como un hombre y algo mas, y tan alto como medio estadio; allí á
cada uno echado de espaldas sobre aquella piedra, que se llama Techcatl, uno le tiraba
por un brazo, y otro por el otro, y tambien por las piernas otros dos, y venia uno de
aquellos Sátrapas, con un pedernal, como un hierro de lanza enhastado, en un palo de
dos palmos de largo, le daba un golpe con ambas manos en el pecho; y sacando aquel
pedernal, por la misma llaga metia la mano, y arrancábale el corazón, y luego fregaba
con él la boca del Ídolo; y echaba á rodar el cuerpo por las gradas abajo, que serian
como cinquenta ó sesenta gradas, por allí abajo iba quebrando las piernas y los
brazos, y dando cabezasos con la cabeza, hasta que llegaba abajo aun vivo.”
Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 35.
[60] At least, such is the honest confession of Captain Diaz, as stouthearted a
soldier as any in the army. He consoles himself, however, with the reflection that the
tremor of his limbs intimated rather an excess of courage than a want of it, since it
arose from a lively sense of the great dangers into which his daring spirit was about to
hurry him! The passage in the original affords a good specimen of the inimitable
naïveté of the old chronicler: “Digan agora todos aquellos caualleros, que desto del
militar entienden, y se han hallado en trances peligrosos de muerte, á que fin echarán
mi temor, si es á mucha flaqueza de animo, ó á mucho esfuerço, porque como he
dicho, sentia yo en mi pensamiento, que auia de poner por mi persona, batallando en
parte que por fuerça auia de temer la muerte mas que otras vezes, y por esto me
temblaua el coraçon, y temia la muerte.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.
[61] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 20.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los
Españoles, pp. 41, 42.—“Y nos dezian, que de aí á ocho dias no auia de quedar
ninguno de nosotros á vida, porque assí se lo auian prometido la noche antes sus
Dioses.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.
[62] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 36.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida
de los Españoles, pp. 41, 42.—The Castilian scholar will see that I have not drawn on
my imagination for the picture of these horrors: “Digamos aora lo que los Mexicanos
hazian de noche en sus grandes, y altos Cues; y es, q̃ tañian su maldito atambor, que
dixe otra vez que era el de mas maldito sonido, y mas triste q̃ se podia inuētar, y
sonaua muy lexos; y tañian otros peores instrumentos. En fin, cosas diabólicas, y
teniā grandes lumbres, y dauā grādíssimos gritos, y siluos, y en aquel instāte estauan
sacrificando de nuestros cōpañeros, de los q̃ tomárō á Cortés, que supímos q̃
sacrificáron diez dias arreo, hasta que los acabáron, y el postrero dexárō á Christoual
de Guzman, q̃ viuo lo tuuiéron diez y ocho dias, segun dixérō tres Capitanes
Mexicanos q̃ prēdímos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.
[63] “Que no era bien, que Mugeres Castellanas dexasen á sus Maridos, iendo á la
Guerra, i que adonde ellos muriesen, moririan ellas.” (Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3,
lib. 1, cap. 22.) The historian has embalmed the names of several of these heroines in
his pages, who are, doubtless, well entitled to share the honors of the Conquest:
Beatriz de Palacios, María de Estrada, Juana Martin, Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz
Bermudez.
[64] Ibid., ubi supra.
[65] And yet the priests were not so much to blame, if, as Solís assures us, “the
Devil went about very industriously in those days, insinuating into the ears of his
flock what he could not into their hearts.” Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 22.
[66] “Y teniamos necesidad antes de ser socorridos, que de dar socorro.” Rel. Terc.
de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 272.
[67] “God knows,” says the general, “the peril in which we all stood; pero como
nos convenia mostrar mas esfuerzo y ánimo, que nunca, y morir peleando,
disimulabamos nuestra flaqueza assí con los Amigos como con los Enemigos.” Rel.
Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 275.
[68] Tápia’s force consisted of 10 horse and 80 foot; the chief alguacil, as
Sandoval was styled, had 18 horse and 100 infantry. Ibid., loc. cit.—Also Oviedo,
Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.
[69] “Pólvora y Ballestas, de que teniamos muy estrema necesidad.” (Rel. Terc. de
Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 278.) It was probably the expedition in which Ponce de
Leon lost his life; an expedition to the very land which the chivalrous cavalier had
himself first visited in quest of the Fountain of Health. The story is pleasantly told by
Irving, as the reader may remember, in his “Companions of Columbus.”
[70] The calm and simple manner in which the Conquistador, as usual, states this
in his Commentaries, has something appalling in it from its very simplicity: “Acordé
de tomar un medio para nuestra seguridad, y para poder mas estrechar á los
Enemigos; y fué, que como fuessemos ganando por las Calles de la Ciudad, que
fuessen derrocando todas las Casas de ellas, del un lado, y del otro; por manera, que
no fuessemos un paso adelante, sin lo dejar todo asolado, y lo que era Agua, hacerlo
Tierra-firme, aunque hobiesse toda la dilacion, que se pudiesse seguir.” Rel. Terc., ap.
Lorenzana, p. 279.
[71] “Porque era la mas hermosa cosa del Mundo.” Ibid., p. 278.
[72] “Mas antes en el pelear, y en todos sus ardides, los hallabamos con mas
ánimo, que nunca.” Ibid., p. 279.
[73] Yet we shall hardly credit the Tezcucan historian’s assertion that a hundred
thousand Indians flocked to the camp for this purpose: “Viniesen todos los labradores
con sus coas para este efecto con toda brevedad: ... llegáron mas de cien mil de ellos.”
Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 42.
[74] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.
[75] Sahagun, who gathered the story from the actors, and from the aspect of the
scene before the devastation had been wholly repaired, writes with the animation of
an eye-witness: “La guerra por agua y por tierra fué tan porfiada y tan sangrienta, que
era espanto de verla, y no hay posibilidad, para decir las particularidades que
pasaban; eran tan espesas las saetas, y dardos, y piedras, y palos, que se arrojavan los
unos á los otros, que quitavan la claridad del sol; era tan grande la vocería, y grita, de
hombres y mugeres, y niños que voceaban y lloraban, que era cosa de grima; era tan
grande la polvareda, y ruido, en derrocar y quemar casas, y robar lo que en ellas
habia, y cautivar niños y mugeres, que parecia un juicio.” Hist. de Nueva-España,
MS., lib. 12, cap. 38.
[76] The flesh of the Christians failed to afford them even the customary
nourishment, since the Mexicans said it was intolerably bitter; a miracle considered
by Captain Diaz as expressly wrought for this occasion. Hist. de la Conquista, cap.
153.
[77] Ibid., ubi supra.—When dried in the sun, this slimy deposit had a flavor not
unlike that of cheese, and formed part of the food of the poorer classes at all times,
according to Clavigero. Stor. del Messico, tom. ii. p. 222.{*}
{*} [This was the ahuahutle before described. See ante, vol. ii. p. 290, note.—M.]
[78] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.
[79] “Mas como el Guatemuz era mancebo, y muy gentil-hombre y de buena
disposicion.” Ibid., ubi supra.
[80] “Mira primero lo que nuestros Dioses te han prometido, toma buen consejo
sobre ello y no te fies de Malinche, ni de sus palabras, que mas vale que todos
muramos en esta ciudad peleando, que no vernos en poder de quiē nos harán
esclauos, y nos atormentarán.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.
[81] “Y entonces el Guatemuz medio enojado les dixo: Pues assi quereis que sea,
guardad mucho el maiz, y bastimentos que tenemos, y muramos todos peleando: y
desde aquí adelante ninguno sea osado á me demandar pazes, si no yo le mataré: y allí
todos prometiéron de pelear noches, y dias, y morir en la defensa de su ciudad.” Ibid.,
ubi supra.
[82] “Los de la Ciudad como veian tanto estrago, por esforzarse, decian á nuestros
Amigos, que no ficiessen sino quemar, y destruir, que ellos se las harian tornar á
hacer de nuevo, porque si ellos eran vencedores, ya ellos sabian, que habia de ser assí,
y si no, que las habian de hacer para nosotros.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p.
286.
[83] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 282-284.—Herrera, Hist. general,
dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22; lib. 2, cap. 2.—Gomara, Crónica, cap. 140.—Oviedo, Hist. de
las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 28.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 43.
[84] “No se entendió sino en quemar, y hallanar Casas, que era lástima cierto de lo
ver; pero como no nos convenia hacer otra cosa, eramos forzado seguir aquella
órden.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, p. 286.
 [85] “No tenian agua dulce para beber, ni para de ninguna manera de comer;
bebian del agua salada y hedionda, comian ratones y lagartijas, y cortezas de árboles,
y otras cosas no comestibles; y de esta causa enfermáron muchos, y muriéron
muchos.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.—Also Rel. Terc. de
Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.
[86] “Y es verdad y juro amen, que toda la laguna, y casas, y barbacoas estauan
llenas de cuerpos, y cabeças de hombres muertos, que yo no sé de que manera lo
escriua.” (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) Clavigero considers that it
was a scheme of the Mexicans to leave the dead unburied, in order that the stench
might annoy and drive off the Spaniards. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 231, nota.)
But this policy would have operated much more to the detriment of the besieged than
of the besiegers, whose presence in the capital was but transitory. It is much more
natural to refer it to the same cause which has led to a similar conduct under similar
circumstances elsewhere, whether occasioned by pestilence or famine.
[87] Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.—Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec.
5, cap. 8.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 45.—Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 289.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.
[88] “Muchas cosas acaeciéron en este cerco, que entre otras generaciones
estobieran discantadas é tenidas en mucho, en especial de las Mugeres de Temixtitan,
de quien ninguna mencion se ha fecho. Y soy certificado, que fué cosa maravillosa y
para espantar, ver la prontitud y constancia que tobiéron en servir á sus maridos, y en
curar los heridos, é en el labrar de las piedras para los que tiraban con hondas, é en
otros oficios para mas que mugeres.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.
[89] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 155.—Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 287-289.
[90] Ante, vol ii. p. 312.—The tianguez still continued of great dimensions, though
with faded magnificence, after the Conquest, when it is thus noticed by Father
Sahagun: “Entráron en la plaza ó Tianguez de esta Tlaltilulco (lugar muy espacioso
mucho mas de lo que ahora es), el cual se podia llamar emporio de toda esta nueva
España: al cual venian á tratar gentes de toda esta nueva España, y aun de los Reinos
á ella contiguos, y donde se vendian y compraban todas cuantas cosas hay en toda
esta tierra, y en los Reinos de Quahtimalla y Xalisco (cosa cierto mucho de ver), yo lo
ví por muchos años morando en esta Casa del Señor Santiago aunque ya no era tanto
como antes de la Conquista.” Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.
[91] “É yo miré dende aquella Torre, lo que teniamos ganado de la Ciudad, que sin
duda de ocho partes teniamos ganado las siete.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana,
p. 289.
[92] Toribio, Hist. de los Ind., MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—The remains of the ancient
foundations may still be discerned in this quarter, while in every other etiam periêre
ruinæ!
 [93] Bustamante, the Mexican editor of Sahagun, mentions that he has now in his
possession several of these military spoils. “Toda la llanura del Santuario de nuestra
Señora de los Ángeles y de Santiago Tlaltilolco se ve sembrada de fragmentos de
lanzas cortantes, de macanas, y flechas de piedra obsidiana, de que usaban los
Mexicanos ó sea Chinapos, y yo he recogido no pocos que conservo en mi poder.”
Hist. de Nueva-España, lib. 12, nota 21.
[94] “Y como comenzó á arder, levantóse una llama tan alta que parecia llegar al
cielo, al espectáculo de esta quema, todos los hombres y mugeres que se habian
acogido á las tiendas que cercaban todo el Tianguez comenzáron á llorar á voz en
grito, que fué cosa de espanto oirlos; porque quemado aquel delubro satánico luego
entendiéron que habian de ser del todo destruidos y robados.” Sahagun, Hist. de
Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.
[95] Vestiges of the work are still visible, according to M. de Humboldt, within the
limits of the porch of the chapel of St. Jago. Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 44.
[96] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 155.—Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 290.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.
[97] “Estaban los tristes, Mejicanos, hombres y mugeres, niños y niñas, viejos y
viejas, heridos y enfermos, en un lugar bien estrecho, y bien apretados los unos con
los otros, y con grandísima falta de bastimentos, y al calor del Sol, y al frio de la
noche, y cada hora esperando la muerte.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib.
12, cap. 39.
[98] Torquemada had the anecdote from a nephew of one of the Indian matrons,
then a very old man himself. Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 102.
[99] Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista,
cap. 156.
[100] “De los niños, no quedó nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los comian
(que era gran lástima de ver, y mayormente de sufrir).” (Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-
España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.) The historian derived his accounts from the Mexicans
themselves, soon after the event.—One is reminded of the terrible denunciations of
Moses: “The tender and delicate woman among you, which would not adventure to
set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness, her eye shall
be evil toward ... her children which she shall bear; for she shall eat them, for want of
all things, secretly, in the siege and straitness wherewith thine enemy shall distress
thee in thy gates.” Deuteronomy, chap. 28, vs. 56, 57.
[101] “No podiamos andar sino entre cuerpos, y cabeças de Indios muertos.” Hist.
de la Conquista, cap. 156.
[102] “No tenian donde estar sino sobre los cuerpos muertos de los suyos.” Rel.
Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 291.
[103] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec.
3, lib. 2, cap. 8.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 41.—Gonzalo
de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.
[104] “Un torbellino de fuego como sangre embuelto en brasas y en centellas, que
partia de hacia Tepeacac (que es donde está ahora Santa María de Guadalupe) y fué
haciendo gran ruido, hacia donde estaban acorralados los Mejicanos y Tlaltilulcanos;
y dió una vuelta para enrededor de ellos, y no dicen si los empeció algo, sino que
habiendo dado aquella vuelta, se entró por la laguna adelante; y allí desapareció.”
Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 40.
[105] “Inclinatis ad credendum animis,” says the philosophic Roman historian,
“loco ominum etiam fortuita.” Tacitus, Hist., lib. 2, sec. 1.
[106] “Y como lo lleváron delante de Guatimucin su Señor, y él le comenzó á
hablar sobre la Paz, dizque luego lo mandó matar y sacrificar.” Rel. Terc., ap.
Lorenzana, p. 293.
[107] “Que pues ellos me tenian por Hijo del Sol, y el Sol en tanta brevedad como
era en un dia y una noche daba vuelta á todo el Mundo, que porque yo assí
brevemente no los acababa de matar, y los quitaba de penar tanto, porque ya ellos
tenian deseos de morir, y irse al Cielo para su Ochilobus [Huitzilopochtli], que los
estaba esperando para descansar.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 292.
[108] “Y yo les torné á repetir, que no sabia la causa, porque él se recelaba venir
ante mí, pues veia que á ellos, que yo sabia q̃ habian sido los causadores principales
de la Guerra, y que la habian sustentado, les hacia buen tratamiento, que los dejaba ir,
y venir seguramente, sin recibir enojo alguno; que les rogaba, que le tornassen á
hablar, y mirassen mucho en esto de su venida, pues á él le convenia, y yo lo hacia
por su provecho.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 294, 295.
[109] The testimony is most emphatic and unequivocal to these repeated efforts on
the part of Cortés to bring the Aztecs peaceably to terms. Besides his own Letter to
the emperor, see Bernal Diaz, cap. 155,—Herrera, Hist. general, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7,—
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 100,—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles,
pp. 44-48,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29, 30.
[110] “Corrian Arroios de Sangre por las Calles, como pueden correr de Agua,
quando llueve, y con ímpetu, y fuerça.” Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 103.
[111] “Era tanta la grita, y lloro de los Niños, y Mugeres, que no habia Persona, á
quien no quebrantasse el corazon.” (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 296.) They were a
rash and stiff-necked race, exclaims his reverend editor, the archbishop, with a
charitable commentary! “Gens duræ cervicis gens absque consilio.” Nota.
[112] “Como la gente de la Cibdad se salia á los nuestros, habia el general
proveido, que por todas las calles estubiesen Españoles para estorvar á los amigos,
que no matasen aquellos tristes, que eran sin número. É tambien dixo á todos los
amigos capitanes, que no consintiesen á su gente que matasen á ninguno de los que
salian.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.
 [113] “La qual crueldad nunca en Generacion tan recia se vió, ni tan fuera de toda
órden de naturaleza, como en los Naturales de estas partes.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 296.
[114] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, ubi supra.—Ixtlilxochitl says, 50,000
were slain and taken in this dreadful onslaught. Venida de los Españoles, p. 48.
[115] “Adonde estauan retraidos el Guatemuz con toda la flor de sus Capitanes, y
personas mas nobles que en México auia, y le mandó que no matasse ni hiriesse á
ningunos Indios, saluo si no le diessen guerra, é que aunque se la diessen, que
solamente se defendiesse.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.
[116] “Y al fin me dijo, que en ninguna manera el Señor vernia ante mí; y antes
queria por allá morir, y que á él pesaba mucho de esto, que hiciesse yo lo que
quisiesse; y como ví en esto su determinacion, yo le dije; que se bolviesse á los suyos,
y que él, y ellos se aparejassen, porque los queria combatir, y acabar de matar, y assí
se fué.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 298.
[117] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los
Españoles, p. 48.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 7.—Rel. Terc. de Cortés,
ap. Lorenzana, pp. 297, 298.—Gomara, Crónica, cap. 142.
[118] Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 49.—“No me tiren, que yo soy el
Rey de México, y desta tierra, y lo que te ruego es, que no me llegues á mi muger, ni
á mis hijos; ni á ninguna muger, ni á ninguna cosa de lo que aquí traygo, sino que me
tomes á mi, y me lleues á Malinche.” (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.)
M. de Humboldt has taken much pains to identify the place of Guatemozin’s capture,
—now become dry land,—which he considers to have been somewhere between the
Garita de Peralvillo, the square of Santiago, Tlatelolco, and the bridge of Amaxac.
Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 76.{*}
{*} [According to an old tradition, it was on the Puente del Cabildo, which is
within the limits designated by Humboldt. Alaman, Conquista de Méjico (trad. de
Vega), tom. ii. p. 209, note.—K.]
[119] For the preceding account of the capture of Guatemozin, told with little
discrepancy, though with more or less minuteness, by the different writers, see Bernal
Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra,—Rel. Terc. de Cortés, p. 299,—Gonzalo de las
Casas, Defensa, MS.,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30,—Torquemada,
Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 101.
[120] The general, according to Diaz, rebuked his officers for their ill-timed
contention, reminding them of the direful effects of a similar quarrel between Marius
and Sylla respecting Jugurtha. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) This piece of
pedantry savors much more of the old chronicler than his commander. The result of
the whole—not an uncommon one in such cases—was that the emperor granted to
neither of the parties, but to Cortés, the exclusive right of commemorating the capture
of Guatemozin on his escutcheon. He was permitted to bear three crowns of gold on a
sable field, one above the other two, in token of his victory over the three lords of
Mexico, Montezuma, his brother Cuitlahua, and Guatemozin. A copy of the
instrument containing the grant of the arms of Cortes may be found in the
“Disertaciones históricas” of Alaman, tom. ii. apénd. 2.
[121] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, lib. 12, cap. 40, MS.
[122] For the portrait of Guatemozin I again borrow the faithful pencil of Diaz,
who knew him—at least his person—well: “Guatemuz era de muy gentil disposicion,
assí de cuerpo, como de fayciones, y la cata algo larga, y alegre, y los ojos mas
parecian que quando miraua, que eran con grauedad, y halagüeños, y no auia falta en
ellos, y era de edad de veinte y tres, ó veinte y quatro años, y el color tiraua mas á
blanco, que al color, y matiz de essotros Indios morenos.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap.
156.
[123] “Llegóse á mi, y díjome en su lengua: que ya él habia hecho todo, lo que de
su parte era obligado para defenderse á sí, y á los suyos, hasta venir en aquel estado;
que ahora ficiesse de él lo que yo quisiesse; y puso la mano en un puñal, que yo tenia,
diciéndome, que le diesse de puñaladas, y le matasse.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap.
Lorenzana, p. 300.) This remarkable account by the Conqueror himself is confirmed
by Diaz, who does not appear to have seen this letter of his commander. Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 156.
[124] Ibid., cap. 156.—Also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48,—and
Martyr (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8), who, by the epithet of magnanimo regi,
testifies the admiration which Guatemozin’s lofty spirit excited in the court of Castile.
[125] The ceremony of marriage, which distinguished the “lawful wife” from the
concubine, is described by Don Thoan Cano, in his conversation with Oviedo.
According to this, it appears that the only legitimate offspring which Montezuma left
at his death was a son and a daughter, this same princess.—See Appendix, No. 11.
[126] For a further account of Montezuma’s daughter, see Book VII., chapter iii. of
this History.
[127] The event is annually commemorated—or rather was, under the colonial
government—by a solemn procession round the walls of the city. It took place on the
13th of August, the anniversary of the surrender, and consisted of the principal
cavaliers and citizens on horseback, headed by the viceroy, and displaying the
venerable standard of the Conqueror.{*}
{*} [It was the royal standard, not that of Cortés, which was carried on this
occasion. The celebration was suppressed by a decree of the cortes of Cadiz in 1812.
Alaman, Conquista de Méjico, trad. de Vega, tom. ii. p. 212, note.—K.]
[128] Toribio, Hist. de los Ind., MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-
España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 42.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.—“The
lord of Mexico having surrendered,” says Cortés, in his letter to the emperor, “the
war, by the blessing of Heaven, was brought to an end, on Wednesday, the 13th day of
August, 1521. So that from the day when we first sat down before the city, which was
the 30th of May, until its final occupation, seventy-five days elapsed.” (Rel. Terc., ap.
Lorenzana, p. 300.) It is not easy to tell what event occurred on May 30th to designate
the beginning of the siege. Clavigero considers it the occupation of Cojohuacan by
Olid. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 196.) But I know not on what authority. Neither
Bernal Diaz, nor Herrera, nor Cortés, so fixes the date. Indeed, Clavigero says that
Alvarado and Olid left Tezcuco May 20th, while Cortés says May 10th. Perhaps
Cortés dates from the time when Sandoval established himself on the northern
causeway, and when the complete investment of the capital began. Bernal Diaz, more
than once, speaks of the siege as lasting three months, computing, probably, from the
time when his own division, under Alvarado, took up its position at Tacuba.
[129] It did not, apparently, disturb the slumbers of the troops, who had been so
much deafened by the incessant noises of the siege that, now these had ceased, “we
felt,” says Diaz, in his homely way, “like men suddenly escaped from a belfry, where
we had been shut up for months with a chime of bells ringing in our ears!” Hist. de la
Conquista, ubi supra.
[130] Herrera (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 7) and Torquemada (Monarch. Ind.,
lib. 4, cap. 101) estimate them at 30,000. Ixtlilxochitl says that 60,000 fighting-men
laid down their arms (Venida de los Españoles, p. 49); and Oviedo swells the amount
still higher, to 70,000. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.)—After the losses of
the siege, these numbers are startling.{*}
{*} [And entirely untrustworthy, as are almost all of the estimates, made by the
Conqueror, of the native inhabitants or warriors.—M.]
[131] “Digo que en tres dias con sus noches iban todas tres calçadas llenas de
Indios, é Indias, y muchachos, llenas de bote en bote, que nunca dexauan de salir, y
tan flacos, y suzios, é amarillos, é hediondos, que era lástima de los ver.” Bernal Diaz,
Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150.
[132] Cortés estimates the losses of the enemy in the three several assaults at
67,000, which with 50,000 whom he reckons to have perished from famine and
disease would give 117,000. (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 298, et alibi.) But this is
exclusive of those who fell previously to the commencement of the vigorous plan of
operations for demolishing the city. Ixtlilxochitl, who seldom allows any one to beat
him in figures, puts the dead, in round numbers, at 240,000, comprehending the
flower of the Aztec nobility. (Venida de los Españoles, p. 51.) Bernal Diaz observes,
more generally, “I have read the story of the destruction of Jerusalem, but I doubt if
there was as great mortality there as in this siege; for there was assembled in the city
an immense number of Indian warriors from all the provinces and towns subject to
Mexico, the most of whom perished.” (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) “I have
conversed,” says Oviedo, “with many hidalgos and other persons, and have heard
them say that the number of the dead was incalculable,—greater than that at
Jerusalem, as described by Josephus.” (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 30, cap. 30.) As the
estimate of the Jewish historian amounts to 1,100,000 (Antiquities of the Jews, Eng.
trans., book vii. chap. xvii.), the comparison may stagger the most accommodating
faith. It will be safer to dispense with arithmetic where the data are too loose and
slippery to afford a foothold for getting at truth.
[133] Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 51.
[134] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 301.—Oviedo goes into some further
particulars respecting the amount of the treasure, and especially of the imperial fifth,
to which I shall have occasion to advert hereafter. Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap.
31.
[135] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 8.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 156.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 42.—
Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.—Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los
Españoles, pp. 51, 52.
[136] By none has this obloquy been poured with such unsparing hand on the
heads of the old Conquerors as by their own descendants, the modern Mexicans.
Ixtlilxochitl’s editor, Bustamante, concludes an animated invective against the
invaders with recommending that a monument should be raised on the spot—now dry
land—where Guatemozin was taken, which, as the proposed inscription itself
intimates, should “devote to eternal execration the detested memory of these
banditti!” (Venida de los Españoles, p. 52, nota.) One would suppose that the pure
Aztec blood, uncontaminated by a drop of Castilian, flowed in the veins of the
indignant editor and his compatriots, or at least that their sympathies for the
conquered race would make them anxious to reinstate them in their ancient rights.
Notwithstanding these bursts of generous indignation, however, which plentifully
season the writings of the Mexicans of our day, we do not find that the Revolution, or
any of its numerous brood of pronunciamientos, has resulted in restoring to them an
acre of their ancient territory.
[137] “¿Estoi yo en algun deleite, ó baño?” (Gomara, Crónica, cap. 145.) The
literal version is not so poetical as “the bed of flowers,” into which this exclamation
of Guatemozin is usually rendered.
[138] The most particular account of this disgraceful transaction is given by Bernal
Diaz, one of those selected to accompany the lord of Tacuba to his villa. (Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 157.) He notices the affair with becoming indignation, but excuses
Cortés from a voluntary part in it.
[139] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 308.—The simple statement of the
Conqueror contrasts strongly with the pompous narrative of Herrera (Hist. general,
dec. 3, lib. 3, cap. 3), and with that of Father Cavo, who may have drawn a little on
his own imagination. “Cortés en una canoa ricamente entapizada, llevó á el Rey
Vehichilze, y á los nobles de Michoacan á México. Este es uno de los palacios de
Moctheuzoma (les decia); allí está el gran templo de Huitzilopuctli; estas ruinas son
del grande edificio de Quauhtemoc, aquellos de la gran plaza del mercado.
Conmovido Vehichilze de este espectáculo, se le saltáron las lágrimas.” Los tres
Siglos de México (México, 1836), tom. i. p. 13.
[140] “Que todos los que tienen alguna ciencia, y experiencia en la Navegacion de
las Indias, han tenido por muy cierto, que descubriendo por estas Partes la Mar del
Sur, se habian de hallar muchas Islas ricas de Oro, y Perlas, y Piedras preciosas, y
Especería, y se habian de descubrir y hallar otros muchos secretos y cosas
admirables.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 302, 303.
[141] “Y crea Vuestra Magestad, que cada dia se irá ennobleciendo en tal manera,
que como antes fué Principal, y Señora de todas estas Provincias, que lo será tambien
de aquí adelante.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 307.
[142] Ante, vol. iv., p. 70.
[143] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 8.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS.,
lib. 33, cap. 32.—Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.—Gomara, Crónica, cap. 162.
—“En la cual (la edificacion de la ciudad) los primeros años andaba mas gente que en
la edificacion del templo de Jerusalem, porque era tanta la gente que andaba en las
obras, que apénas podia hombre romper por algunas calles y calzadas, aunque son
muy anchas.” (Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 1, cap. 1.) Ixtlilxochitl supplies
any blank which the imagination might leave, by filling it up with 400,000, as the
number of natives employed in this work by Cortés! Venida de los Españoles, p. 60.
[144] “Sirviéron al Emperador con muchas piedras, i entre ellas con una esmeralda
fina, como la palma, pero quadrada, i que se remataba en punta como pirámide.”
(Gomara, Crónica, cap. 146.) Martyr confirms the account of this wonderful emerald,
which, he says, “was reported to the king and council to be nearly as broad as the
palm of the hand, and which those who had seen it thought could not be procured for
any sum.” De Orbe Novo, dec. 8, cap. 4.{*}
{*} [Alaman, however, denies that this stone was an emerald, or that any true
emeralds were found by the Conquerors in Mexico, notwithstanding the frequent
mention of them in contemporary relations. “There are no emeralds,” he says, “in our
republic; and the stones mistaken for them at the time of the Conquest were jade or
serpentine.” As an evidence of the ignorance on this subject common in Europe at a
former period, he cites the famous instance of the Sacro Catino at Genoa, regarded
for ages as an emerald of priceless value, but now proved to be an imitation.
(Disertaciones históricas, tom. i. p. 161.) It is certain that no emeralds are now found
in any part of North America. Yet the Conquerors would seem to have been more
discriminating than Señor Alaman represents them. They distinguished the
chalchivitl, supposed to have been jade, from the emerald, and rejected as valueless
other green stones prized by the natives. The case of the Sacro Catino does not apply,
since it is not pretended that the Mexicans possessed the art of imitating precious
stones by means of paste. The fact, therefore, that the emeralds sent and taken to
Europe by Cortés were there recognized as genuine affords a presumptive proof in
their favor, which has been generally accepted as sufficient by modern writers on the
subject.—K.]
[145] [Cortés availed himself of the same opportunity by which the royal fifth was
despatched, to send costly or curious presents to numerous individuals and churches
in Spain. For this fact I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. George Sumner, who,
when in Spain, made a visit to the archives of Simancas, from which he has furnished
me with some interesting particulars for the period on which I am engaged. In a file
endorsed Papeles de Cortés he met with a list, without date, but evidently belonging
to the year 1522, of the gold, plumage, and ornaments sent by Cortés to the different
persons and institutions in Spain. “The policy of Cortés and his clear-sightedness,”
Mr. Sumner justly remarks, “are well shown by this. Not a church, not a shrine of any
fame, throughout Spain, has been forgotten. To Santa Mariá del Antigua in Sevilla, a
rich offering of gold and of plumage; to Santa María del Pilar in Zaragoza, the same;
another again to San Jago de Compostella; and one to the Cartuja of Seville, in which
the bones of Columbus were then lying. There are plumages and gold for every place
of importance. Then the bishops and men of power are not forgotten; for to them also
are rich presents sent. In a time when there were no gazettes to trumpet one’s fame,
what surer way to notoriety than this? What surer way, in Spain, for gaining that
security which Cortés so much needed?”]
[146] Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 8, cap. 4.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la
Conquista, cap. 169.
[147] The instrument also conferred similar powers in respect to an inquiry into
Narvaez’s treatment of the licentiate Ayllon. The whole document is cited in a
deposition drawn up by the notary, Alonso de Vergara, setting forth the proceedings of
Tápia and the municipality of Villa Rica, dated at Cempoalla, December 24, 1521.
The MS. forms part of the collection of Don Vargas Ponçe, in the archives of the
Academy of History at Madrid.
[148] Relación de Vergara, MS.—Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 309-
314.—Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.—The regidores of Mexico and
other places remonstrated against Cortés’ leaving the Valley to meet Tápia, on the
ground that his presence was necessary to overawe the natives. (MS., Coyoacan, Dec.
12, 1521.) The general acquiesced in the force of a remonstrance which it is not
improbable was made at his own suggestion.
[149] “Como ya (loado nuestro Señor) estaba toda la Provincia muy pacífica, y
segura.” Rel. Quarta de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 367.
[150] The Muñoz collection of MSS. contains a power of attorney given by Cortés
to his father, authorizing him to manage all negotiations with the emperor and with
private persons, to conduct all lawsuits on his behalf, to pay over and receive money,
etc.
[151] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.
 [152] Sayas, Annales de Aragón (Zaragoza, 1666), cap. 63, 78.—It is a sufficient
voucher for the respectability of this court that we find in it the name of Dr. Galindez
de Carbajal, an eminent Castilian jurist, grown gray in the service of Ferdinand and
Isabella, whose confidence he enjoyed to the highest degree.
[153] Sayas, Annales de Aragon, cap. 78.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4,
cap. 3.—Probanza en la Villa Segura, MS.—Declaraciones de Puertocarrero y de
Montejo, MS.
[154] [“É porque soy certificado de lo mucho que vos en ese descubrimiento é
conquista y en tornar á ganar la dicha ciudad é provincias habeis fecho é trabajado, de
que me he tenido é tengo por muy servido, é tengo la voluntad que es razon para vos
favorecer y hacer la merced que vuestros servicios y trabajos merecen.”—The whole
letter is inserted by Alaman in his Disertaciones históricas, tom. i. apénd. 2, p. 144, et
seq.]
[155] Nombramiento de Governador y Capitan General y Justicia Mayor de
Nueva-España, MS.—Also Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 168.
[156] The character of Fonseca has been traced by the same hand which has traced
that of Columbus. (Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, Appendix, No. 32.) Side
by side they will go down to posterity in the beautiful page of the historian, though
the characters of the two individuals have been inscribed with pens as different from
each other as the golden and iron pen which Paolo Giovio tells us he employed in his
compositions.
[157] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 158.
[158] [According to Señor Alaman, the cathedral, instead of being dedicated to
Saint Francis, was consecrated to the Assumption of the Virgin. Conquista de Méjico
(trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 254.]
[159] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 4, cap. 8.
[160] Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. i. p. 271.—Humboldt, Essai politique,
tom. ii. p. 58.
[161] Herrera, Hist. general, ubi supra.
[162] Humboldt, Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 72.
[163] Rel. d’un gentil’ huomo, ap. Ramusio, tom. iii. fol. 309.
[164] [Alaman asserts that there was no cathedral in Tlatelolco, but a Franciscan
convent, dedicated to St. James, which still exists. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de
Vega), tom. ii. p. 255.]
[165] Rel. d’un gentil’ huomo, ap. Ramusio, ubi supra.
[166] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 177.
[167] Rel. Quarta de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 376, nota.
[168] For an account of this singular enterprise, see ante, vol. ii. p. 227.
 [169] “Cortes, reckoning only the Indian population, says treinta mil vecinos. (Rel.
Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, p. 375.) Gomara, speaking of Mexico some years later,
estimates the number of Spanish householders as in the text. Crónica, cap. 162.
[170] “Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.—Yet this is scarcely
stronger language than that of the Anonymous Conqueror: “Così ben ordinato et di si
belle piazze et strade, quanto d’ altre città che siano al mondo.” Rel. d’un gentil’
huomo, ap. Ramusio, tom. iii. fol. 309.
[171] “Y tengo por cierto, que aquel Pueblo ha de ser, despues de esta Ciudad, el
mejor que obiere en esta Nueva España.” (Rel. Quarta, ap. Lorenzana, p. 382.) The
archbishop confounds this town with the modern Vera Cruz. But the general’s
description of the port refutes this supposition, and confirms our confidence in
Clavigero’s statement that the present city was founded by the Conde de Monterey, at
the time mentioned in the text. See ante, vol. ii. p. 47, note.
[172] Ordenanzas municipales, Tenochtitlan, Marzo, 1524, MS.{*}—The
Ordinances made by Cortés for the government of the country during his viceroyalty
are still preserved in Mexico; and the copy in my possession was transmitted to me
from that capital. They give ample evidence of the wise and penetrating spirit which
embraced every object worthy of the attention of an enlightened ruler; and I will
quote, in the original, the singular provisions mentioned in the text:
“Item. Por que mas se manifieste la voluntad que los pobladores de estas partes
tienen de residir y permanecer en ellas, mando que todas las personas que tuvieren
Indios, que fueren casados en Castilla ó en otras partes, que traigan sus mugeres
dentro de un año y medio primero siguientes de como estas ordenanzas fueren
pregonadas, so pena de perder los Indios, y todo lo con ellos adquirido é grangeado; y
por que muchas personas podrian poner por achaque aunque tuviesen aparejo de decir
que no tienen dineros para enviar por ellas, por hende las tales personas que tuvieran
esta necesidad parescan ante el Rᵒ. Pᵉ. Fray Juan de Tecto y ante Alonso de Estrada,
tesorero de su Magestad, á les informar de su necesidad, para que ellos la
comuniquen á mí, y su necesidad se remedie; y si algunas personas hay que casados y
no tienen sus mugeres en esta tierra, y quisieran traerlas, sepan que trayéndolas serán
ayudadas así mismo para las traer, dando fianzas.
“Item. Por quanto en esta tierra hay muchas personas que tienen Indios de
encomienda y no son casados, por hende por que conviene así para la salud de sus
conciencias de los tales por estar en buen estado, como por la poblacion é
noblecimiento de sus tierras, mando que las tales personas se casen, traigan y tengan
sus mugeres en esta tierra dentro de un año y medio, despues que fueren pregonadas
estas dichas Ordenanzas, é que no haciendo lo por el mismo caso sean privados y
pierdan los tales Indios que así tienen.”
{*} [The exact date is given at the close of the document—“fecha en esta dicha
ciudad [de Temixtitan] á veinte dias del mes de marzo de mil y quinientos é veinte y
cuatro años.” Sir Arthur Helps says a copy sent by Cortés to the emperor in October