THE NEWARS: THE INDIGENOUS.__ POPULATION OF THE KATHMANDU VALLEY IN THE MODERN STATE OF NEPAL Bal Gopal Shrestha Introduction ‘The Newars are the ‘traditional’ inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley, whose population comprises 1;041,090 i.e. 5.6 percent of the total population of Nepal, ie. 18,491,092 in 1991.1 Although the Newars are spread throughout the country and beyond its boundaries in different parts of India, the majority of them are still concentrated in the valley ¢° Kathmandu, which is the capital of modern Nepal. Previously, only the valley of Kathmandu was known by the name ‘Nepal’, and for many people the word 'Nepal’ still continues to mean it. The Newars speak Nepalbhsa, a Tibeto-Burman language witha rich ancient and modern literature going back to the fourteenth century. During the Malla reign, from the 13th century till its downfall in 1769, the Kings themselves did a great deal to promote literature in Nepalbhasa, as well as in other languages like Maithili, Avadhi, Bhojpuri, and Bengali. Sanskrit literary tradition was cultivated in the Kathmandu valley for fifteen centuries. The Malla courts supported all languages, classical and vernacular, without discrimination. The extent of the literary tradition in other languages indicates the cosmopolitan nature of the Malla courts (Malla 1982: 7). The bulk of the rich tradition of Newar att and architecture, ritual and culture, dates back to this period. For some time this tradition continued after the Gorkha conquest of Nepal in 1769 A.D.. The treaty of 1775 between Tibet and Nepal during the reign of King Pratap Singh Shah was compiled in Nepalbhasa. The Shah Kings Ranabahadur (1777-1799) and Girvanyuddha (1799-1816) wrote many songs in Nepilbhasa.2 King Rajendravikram (1816-1847) even wrote a play in Nepalbhasa.>\ In the later period of the Shah reign, however, the Nepalbhasa was replaced by the language of the rulers, the Khasakura (The latter language is at present known as Nepali, which is now the official language of Nepal). Fifty years from the end of Rajendravikram's reign until Contributions to: Nepalese Studies, Vol. 26, No..1 (January 1999), 83-117. Copyright © 1999 CNAS/TU84 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) the beginning of the renaissance period:(1899-1940), Nepalbhisa literature was conspicuously absent, except for a few religious songs. The! discontinuation of Nepalbhasa literature during that period still remains a mystery. With the rise of the’ Rana oligarchy (1847-1951) the Shah Kings were almost imprisoned by their prime ministers. At the beginning of this century, in 1905 Rana prime minister Chandra Shamshier (1900-1928) banned Nepalbhasa‘from the court of justice, the administration, land registration and so on. His successors, such as Juddha Shamsher (1932- 1945), went even further in restricting the Nepalbhas writings.® Many Nepalbhasa writers had to suffer jail sentences and many others were exiled during this period. From then onwards, Newar intellectuals started to establish literary organisations to promote their language. The language movement which did not have any feature of an ethnic inspiration at the beginning began to acquire an ethnic nature from the late 1970s. In September 1995 the National Forum of the Newars (Nevah De Dabil) was founded, with the aim of seeking to assert the ethnic rights of the Newars. Historical Background. of Newar Identity The Origin of the. Newars: The word 'Newar’ is etymologically identical with the place name ‘Nepal’. According to the historian Baburam Acharya the words Nevar, Neval or Nevah all have developed from the single word ‘Nepal'.” Malla confirms that an A.D. 512 inscription of Vasantadev of Tistung is the first evidence that the word Nepal was used for the people of Nepal.® According to the oldest chronicle of Nepal the GopalarijavamSavali the Kirdtas ruled Nepal for. 32 generations.? So, far there is no recorded history of the Kirdtas. Only their successors, the Lichhavis, who ruled Nepal from the fifth to the ninth century A.D. have left a corpus of inscriptions. Those inscriptions are all in pure Sanskrit language. By analysing the place and river names written in those inscriptions K.P. Malla concluded that, although the Lichhavi rulers were inclined to use Sanskrit, the language spoken by the people belonged to the Tibeto-Burman stock. He considers it likely that the nominal found in the inscriptions are an archaic form of Nepilbhisa.9 According to Gellner (1995:5) 'Thé Nepalbhasa seems to have been spoken by the inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley as far back as records go.’ Another anthropologist Bista (1976: 16) writes, 'The Newar people had been settled in the Nepal Valley since prehistoric time’, After the Lichhavis, Nepal was ruled by the Thakuris from the ninth to the twelfih centuries. But not much historical evidence has been found from this period. So far, the earliest evidence of the use of the Nepalbhasa is found on a palm léaf of Patari Ukii Bahal dated A:D.-1114."" The earliest dated epigraphThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 85 on stone in the Nepalbhasa was found at Vajrayogini Sankhu and dated A.D. 1172. Later, during the Malla period (1200-1768), the Nepalbhasa flourished, both ‘in inscriptions and in manuscripts. Vast collections of classical Nepalbhasi literature are preserved in Nepal in the National Archives, the Kesher library’ and the Asa Archives, whereas thousands of manuscripts from Nepal have been carried away by Western scholars and deposited in . different libraries of the world: ”, . In the Malla period the name Nepalbhisé was the common name for Nepalbhasa. The-first use of the word Newar was found-in an inscription dated A.D. 1654 of King Pratap Malla at Hanumandhoka (Malla 1991: 32). The Newar people to this day call their language Nepalbhasa; in western philology it is now more commonly known by the name ‘Nevari' (Lienhard 1992: 3). 8 For centuries Nepal, the valley of Kathmandi;'remainéd a melting pot for people of different races and different creeds: The race of the-Niwars is a mixed race, derived from Indian or Thibetan stocks; and their religion naturally presents a corresponding-mixture of the Indian-and Thibetan creeds. [Oldfield 1974(1880): 73] From the religious point of view the majority of Newars follow Hinduism and Buddhism inseparably.* There are also Muslim and Christian Newars in Nepal. Muslim Newars have long been living in Kathmandu and speak the Nepalbhasa. The Christian Newars were forced in exile to India as soon as the Gorkha King Prithivinarayan Shah conquered Nepal in 1769. Since the valley of Nepal was the centre of trade, culture and civilisation, the Gorkha conquerors had to accommodate the Newars in the modern state of Nepal. At the same time a section of Newar traders virtually welcomed the Gorkha conquest and extended help to strengthen their hands. 5 However, many Newar inhabitants who fought against the Gorkha invaders had to suffer a great deal: they either received capital punishnient or were forced into exile, while the people belonging to areas like Kirtipur.and Patan were severely tortured.!¢ To a certain extent the Gorkha rulers continued to support the culture and traditions of the Newars. By using the palace of the Malla Kings the Gorkha Kings also accepted Newar court culture and traditions. Many feasts and festivals of the Newars were given royal support as before. As traders thé Newars received more opportunities to develop their profession under the Gorkha rule. They spread all over the Kingdom and opened shops wherever they went. Many new Newar settlements appeared outside the valley of Nepal. '” The latest population census of Nepal reports that Newars are spread86 CNAS Joumal, Vol, 26, No. 1 (January 1999) in all the 75 districts of the country. However, in many districts their number. is very low. 8 Under the hands of the new rulers Newar language and culture had to suffer in a great deal. The composition of Newar society is highly complicated with divisions in castes and caste hierarchies, It is said that the division of castes was introduced among the Newars by the early Malla King Jayasthiti (A.D. 1382-1395), as the nineteenth century chronicles and oral traditions testify (Vaidya Shrestha 1995: 180-90). But the "Newar’ caste hierarchy began to acquire after 1769 conquest of the Gorkha a rigidity it had not had before as they were made subordinated to Parbatiyas' (Gellner 1995: 12)."” Later, under the Gorkha rule, the first Rana prime minister Janga Bahadur introduced a legal code in 1854. In spite of their own caste system the Newars were collectively labelled one jat (caste) in the 1854 legal code, and their castes were lumped together with other Parbate castes. The Parbates follow Hindu Varnasram caste hierarchies, which divide their society into four distinct levels: Brahmin at the top and Gaine, Damai, Sarki and Kami at the bottom. Other ethnic groups were also ranked under the same caste system.” The 1854 legal code gave the Newars their separate ethnic identity as a culturally and linguistically distinct group. The Newars Under the Rana Rule (1846-1950) The Suppression of Nepalbhasa : During the early Rana period, Newars were able to get various administrative posts. Some were made tax collectors or acquired influential administrative posts. In 1861 one Newar called Siddhiman was offered the military title of colonel.” Yet the Newars were excluded from political or decision-making posts as well as from military service from the beginning of the Gorkha conquest in 1769, Before 1890 people in general had no opportunity to educate their children in Nepal. In the 1890s when the first school of Nepal, ‘Durbar (Palace). School’ was made accessible to the public, the Newars were among the first to make use of education (Malla 1992: 22), The Rana rulers were afraid of any kind of social awakening because their rule was not based on popular support. Their rule was in fact a minority rule. Even within the Rana families themselves sabotage, division and struggle for posts and power were obvious. The Valley of Kathmandu was closed for people from other parts of Nepal. So they realised that the real danger came from educated people in the valley itself who might turn against their family rule. They were especially afraid of those people who were exposed to India and inspired by the freedom fighters there. It was the time when Indian people were already widely active in the Indian National Congress (1885) against British colonialism,” Since the Ranas in Nepal were working closely with the British they were warned by‘The Néwars: The Indigenous Population 87 the: British ‘of possible revolts. So the Ranas saw the Newars as the inhabitants of the politically centralised state and as possible antagonists who might strangle them any time. Intellectuals, social reformers, political activists or religious reformers such as Theravada Buddhists or Arya Samaj supporters were all regarded as a threat to their autocratic rule. ‘The suppression of the Nepalbhasd and of Newat intellectuals intensified during the reign of ‘Chandra: Shamsher (1901-1928). In 1905, he banned Newar Language from the court of justice and administration. The language of the Newars 'Nepalbhasa" began to be called 'Nevari’ while the name "Nepali used to designuite the ‘Khasakura' or Gorkhali language.” In the later period of the Rana regime Newar intellectuals had to suffer heavily. The Rana regime was afraid of Newar Language arid wanted to suppress it to stop any propaganda which might be communicated thirough that language against their minority rule. Interestingly, at ‘the ‘samé time the Nepalbhasa literary renaissance age (1899-1940)* began, which became a milestone in the history of Newari literature. Pandit Nisthananda Vajracarya (1858-1935), Siddhidas Amatya (1867-1930), Jagat Sundar Malla (1882-1952), and Yogvir Singh Kansakar(1886-1941) are the four most eminent literary figures of the Nepalbhas4 renaissance period. Tn 1909, Nisthananda, the eldest among them was the first to publish a Nepalbhasa book, entitled Ekavimsati Prajfiaparamita, a Buddhist text with Sanskrit Slokas. In 1914, he printed another book, Lalitavistara, which deals with Buddha's life, many other Buddhist religious stories, and the Svayambhijpurana, a mythical story about the creation of the Nepal Valley. Though these works were based on religious stories, he lent his own originality to them. He broughit printing equipment from Calcutta and carried out all the printing work himself, including the laborious job of letter composition. Later it became difficult for him to print his books because the government imposed censorship on all publications. Virtually all Nepalbhisa publications were banned. So Nisthananda had to print and distribute his books secretly.?5 His major contribution was to publish materials for the first time in the spoken language of Newar society, using the Devanagani script to do it. Newar scholars had used old scripts and old language in writing and copying thousands of manuscripts without taking changes in their spoken language into account. The tradition of copying manuscripts by hand in Nepal scripts (Bhujimol, Pracalit or Ranjaha scripts) continued until the beginning of this century.?6 The most prolific writer of Nepalbhasa literature during the renaissance period was Siddhidas Amatya. He wrote nearly fifty books including a version of the epi¢ Ramayana. His early writings deal miainly with religious and moral philosophy, and later he wrote many poertis which reflect his ideas88 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) on social reforms, He advocated equal rights for women including access to education. He wrote against caste discrimination which was then supported by law. These were in fact revolutionary writings for his time. He used to visit the gatherings of Arya Samaj, whose members were active in social reform programmes.” There he encouraged young people to write in Nepalbhasa. An active young man of Arya Samaj, Jyanbahadur Newa, writes that he would never have become a writer in Nepalbhasa if Siddhidas had not inspired him in those meetings (Newa 1967: 142-3). Many young students who were inspired by Siddhidas later became very famous writers of Nepal. One of the avowed adherents of the Arya'Samaj Sukraraj Shastri was hanged by the Rana government in 1941. He was the author of the first Nepalbhasa grammar, Nepalbhasa Vyakarana (1928), and also wrote text books in Nepilbhisi for children Nepalbhasa Vamamala, Nepalbhasa Reader 1 aid 2 (1933). Sukraraj was executed together with three other political activists: Gangalal Shrestha, Dharmabhakta Mathema and Dasharath Chand.. They were all members of the People’s Council ( Praja Parisad), which was an anti - Rana political organisation backed by King Tribhuvan. But Sukraraj himself had no political connection with the Praja Parisad and was punished because of his association with the Arya Sam@j and his social reform activities (Rose and Joshi 1966: 55). These four martyrs except Dasharath Chand were Newars. However, it would be wrong to conclude that they were executed because they were Newar nationalists. In 1912, Jagat Sundar Malla, who advocated education in the mother tongue, opened a school in Nepalbhasa in Bhaktapur. He wrote English~ Nepalbhisa and Nepalbhis-English dictionaries, as well as text books, both in Nepalbhasa and in Nepali. He. was arrested and threatened with imprisonment if he did not stop his activities. He was the first to advocate education in the mother tongue. He had to pretend being mad to continue his work.28 Ina similar manner Yogvir Singh, the youngest among the four literary figures suffered at the hands of the Ranas, He was arrested on several occasions, fined and tortured, His cloth shop became a gathering place for Nepiilbhisa as well as Nepali writers of those days.?? When it was found out by the government, their writings were seized, and they were severely warmed not to hold such meetings. In 1924, when he published one of his religious poems he and his publisher were fined. In 1929, Yogvir and his friends sought permission to open a public library. All those who signed this petition were fined heavily. The Rana regime was supported by the British colonial power. But, with increasing protests against their occupation of India, the British themselves were losing ground. So the fear of the Ranas was understandable, They wereThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 89 terrified by the increasing nationalist movement in India, as it was encouraging the educated youngsters of Nepal. They wanted to stop such developments in Nepal at any cost. The suppression of the Nepalbhasa writers, the majority population in the centre of power, was one expression of this fear. Therefore, another Rana prime minister, Juddha Shamsher, went further in the effort to suppress the Neplbhisa. In 1933 he called.a meeting of all known Newar writers and pressed them to stop writing. In January 1941, when he learned that with King Tribhuvan's support some young people were active in the Praja Parisad (People's Council), he was infuriated. He arrested many other people together with members of the Council. They were social activists, teachers and writers. The four martyrs mentioned above were also connected with this incident. On this occasion many Nepalbhasa writers were also arrested and sent to jail for several years. This proved to be a gift to Nepalbhasi literature because some of the political prisoners tuned into writers. Though they had to write secretly they wrote many books in prison, which made a significant contribution to Nepalbhasa literature (Malla 1978: 17-18). Literary publications and organisations: The brave 'Bir' history of Nepali literature began in India with the publication of the weekly Gorkhdli (1915-16) from Banaras-by. Suryabikram Gyawali and Candrika from Kurseong by Patasmani Pradhan, which postulated the nationalistic image of modem Nepal. Similarly, the Newar people living in India for study’ or business purposes were also active in the service of their mother tongue. They started establishing organisations and publications from India. In 1926, the first Nepalbhisi literary organisation Nepalbhasa Sahitya Mandala’ was founded in Calcutta by Dharmaditya Dharmacarya (1902-1963), who had earlier-started publishing the first Nepalbhasa journal Buddhadharma va Nepilbhisa (1925-1928).3 Those Buddhists monks who had been expelled from: Nepal in’ 1944 for advocating Theravada established Dharmodaya Sabha, a Buddhist Religious Council in Sarnath and started publishing books in’ Nepalbhas@. Later this Sabha started publishing a second Nepalbhasa journal Dharmodaya (1946) (Kasa 1988, Joshi 1974). ‘Cvasapasa, another Nepalbhasa literary association was also established in Calcutta (May 1950). It came to Nepal after the political changes iti February 1951. In 1945, together with some political prisoners, Cittadhar Hridaya and other Nepalbhisa writers were released from prison by the Rana government. In the same’ year, Padmia Samshet,’ who was more liberal than, his predecessors became prime minister. In 1946, he allowed those Buddhist monks, who had been expelled from Nepal}"to return. He also lifted the ban on Nepalbhasa publications and opened'a separate department of censorship90 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) for publications in Nepalbhasa. Within three or four years 115 Nepalbhasd books were cleared by the censorship as recorded by the-then censor officer Khadgaman Malla of the Nepalbhasa department (Malla. 1983: 58-81). But the liberalisation process of the Rana regime started too late. In 1947, when India achieved independence, anti-Rana movements gained greater momentum in Nepal, whereas'Rana rule continued to slacken after the British retreat from India. In February 1951, the Nepali people overthrew the Rania autocracy and a multi-party democracy was introduced in ‘Nepal: The 1951 Change and Nepalbhasi. Movement In spite of the political changes of 1951, the Nepalbhasa did not gain much in status. It did not achieve the.right to be used in the court of ‘justice or in the administration. In a way, Nepalbhasa lost more ground than before under the so-called democracy. Nepalbhasa was highly important as a language of the Valley. It was the language of the highly educated community of Nepal. As a language of the cultural centre and the centre of power, Nepalbhasa was the language of wider communication and also served as a lingua franca. It had to loose gradually under new system, because it did not receive any recognition from the government, while Nepali alone was made the medium language of governnient, administrations and schools. » In January 1951, just before the fall of the Ranas, ‘Democracy Radio Nepal’ (Prajatantra Radio Nepal) started-an anti-Rana propaganda medium broadcasting news in Nepali, Nepalbhasa and Hindi languages. Shortly after the 1951 change, many public schools were opened to educate the common people. Unfortunately, in those schools Nepalbhas was not recognised as a medium of instruction. It was orily taught as an optional subject. The Nepal Rastriya Vithyapitha, a non-governmental organisation which took the initiative in the field of education in the public sector, recognised Nepalbhasa as an alternative medium in those schools and colleges which were run by them. This compelled Newar scholars to take responsibilities to produce educational materials in Nepalbhisa. On March 3, 1951, the Council of Nepalbhas@. Language (Nepalbhasa Parisad), was formed by Newar scholars, which began to publish educational materials and literary books. Simultaneously, other Nepalbhasa organisations also started work in similar fields. In this way they had more freedom than before to work for their mother tongue. During this period many new publications in Nepalbhasa appeared and new organisations were established, The first Nepalbhasd daily newspaper and literary magazines appeared during this same period. : However; in 1956, the interim government of K.I. Singh declared Nepali to be the only language of instruction in schools at the cost of all otherThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 91 languages of Nepal. This decision inspired some protests in the Tarai (southern belt of Nepal) in: favour of the Hindi language (Rose and Joshi 1966: 202) but no protest was made by the Nepalbliasd speakers. The 1959 constitution of Nepal declaréd Nepali to be the national language of Nepal. The ten years of democracy in Nepal produced a chaotic situation. Allegations among the political parties and counter-allegations, and sometimes even within one party, revealed dramatic divisions. Their aims were to hold on to power or to capture power. As a result, the people were getting fed up with politics. The first general elections took place in 1959, and gave the Nepali Congress Party a massive victory. But the clashes within the ruling party rapidly increased. The end came in.1961, with King Mahendra banning all political parties, Propagating the disadvantages of the multi-party system he introduced the partyless Panchayat System in Nepal. Freedom of expression was limited under that system. To the detriment of all other languages, religions and ethnicity, he strongly imposed a “one nation, one language and one religion" policy in favour of the Nepali language, the Brahmins and Chhetri (Khas) community, and the Hindu religion. Therefore, together with all other‘non- Nepali languages of Nepal, Nepalbhsa again suffered a great setback under Khas chauvinism. In 1965, Radio Nepal stopped broadcasting Nepalbhasa and Hindi news. It gave rise to protests from literary circles. Various Nepallbhisi literary and cultural organisations in the Valley organised protest literary meetings for one year. Many Nepalbhasa writers were arrested and tortured. But the protests were limited to the literary elites who were unable to gain support from the common people. It was because the common people did not realise the consequences of the repressive measure applied against their language by the government. Even within the literary circle the division was obvious. So the protest meetings had to stop without having achieved anything. However, a year long of literary protest meetings inspired a number of youths, most of whom remained devoted to the cause of language rights. Publication became more difficult with the imposition of the censorship which intended to prevent any kind of publication against the Panchayat System. For many years no new Nepalbhasa journals or newspapers received permission to be published. In 1971, the New Education Plan was introduced which pushed the Nepalbhisa further back by forcing children to make a choice between Nepalbhasa or other languages, science, vocational subjects, mathematics, and so forth. : Nevertheless, Newar intellectuals were trying to encourage loyalty to their mother tongue among the Newats through various literary and cultural organisations. Organising weekly, monthly or yeaily literary programmes, celebrating the birthdays of the late Nepalbhas writers, or observing New92 CNAS Journal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) Years' day, they were active in promoting language sentiment. Such activities gradually spread from the Kathmandu Valley to many other small and big Newar towns. In a small town like Sankhu, where no literary association existed till the early 1960s a single person, the poet Girija Prasad Joshi (1939-1987) inspired literary: and cultural movements. He stimulated many young people to dedicate themselves to the cause of the Nepalbhasa. Such literary activities spread to many other ‘Newar settlements in the late 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s, motivating many youngsters to work for the promotion of Nepailbhasé. The Formation of Nepalbhasa Mamkah Khalah (The Association of Newar Speakers) The quotation of the Newar poet Siddidas Amatya Bhs Mvasa Jati Mvai (If language survives, the nation will survive) is often quoted in Nepalbhasa programmes. However, it took many years for the Newar elites to realise the necessity to unite themselves ethnically. The necessity of Newar unity for the sake of their language and their nation (ati) was repeatedly emphasised by literary elites, but the common Newar people have yet to be convinced. At the same time, the social structure of Newar society do not allow them to unite so easily among themselves. On the one hand unequal division of classes do not permit them to unite and on the other hand their traditional caste distribution divide them heavily. Even in a small town like Sankhu where all inhabitants are Newars, they are not united among themselves. One of the reason is the traditional caste structure. The elaborate caste system. of the Newars adds to the complexity of the society. On one hand there is the separation between the different castes, on the other hand there is. their interdependency, a paradox existing in the greater part of South Asia. Although, Sankhu is a small town, there are 21 castes, each of them are having their traditional caste bound duties, which also rank them in a hierarchical order. Social division is prevalent because f the caste structure. Especially, to those low caste groups whose traditional duties are being stigmatised it is still hard to provide them with a feeling that each of them are integral parts of Newar national movement. To a certain extent, the feeling of cvay (upper) kvay (lower), the division between the northern and southern half of the town also divide the Newars among themselves. ‘Small towns like Sankhu or Nala as well as big cities like Kathmandu or Bhaktapur can equally supply such examples of divisions.* In 1979, following the consequences of a students’ movement, King Birendra, announced the political referendum on whether to retain the partyless Panchayat System with certain reforms, or to-re-introduce the multi party system. In April 1979, all kinds of restrictions against public gatheringsThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 93 and meetings were lifted. This new situation allowed the Newars to organise themselves in a new way for the cause of their language and national identity. In this regard the formation of the Association of Newar Speakers (Nepalbhisé Mamkah Khalah) in August 1979 was a historical step. It was the first time that the Newars expressed themselves in a collective manner and appealed to the Newars for the necessity to obtain rights for their language, cultures and nationality from the state. They categorically rejected the "one language-one nation" policy of the government and urged equal rights to all languages and nationalities of Nepal. Their demands included education in the mother tongue to children, rights for all languages to be used in the court of justice and in administration, access for all languages into the government media, and recognition of the culture of all nationalities.35 In the same year, in October/November 1979 the Association organised a big New Year's rally in Kathmandu. The New Year's day was also celebrated in Patan, Bhaktapur and other Newar towns. A motor cycle rally which was organised to observe the New Year's day went outside the Valley through different Newar settlements. In the following years, the New Year's day continued to be celebrated in this manner. This tradition was copied by the Newars of other places. Consequently, in many Newar settlements the Newar people have formed their own ethnic organisations, In the 1980 referendum, the partyless Panchayat System won against the multi-party system and the old language policy continued. No changes took place in favour of the various nationalities and languages. Parties were once again banned and press freedom controlléd. However, it had become impossible for the government to go back to the situation preceding the referendum. Parties were allowed to function using the epithet "banned" before their names. Likewise, the Nepalese press tried to continue the freedom which it had acquired during the referendum period. In 1982, the Nepalbhasa weekly Indp was launched in Kathmandu. It played a vital role in developing language awareness among the Newars. Its circulation was not limited to the Kathmandu Valley but also reached many other Newar towns outside the valley: The Association of Newar Speakers assumed greater importance, but because of the autonomous feelings in cach place, it did not succeed to bring under its umbrella the organisations outside Kathmandu district . In 1986, the chairman of the Association of Newar Speakers, Padmaratna Tuladhar stood for the Rastriya Pancayat (National Assembly) as a multi- party supporter, but he was labelled more as a Newar candidate by those who were against his views on language and ethnic rights.-He was successfull because of his statements in favour of the multi-party system and ethnic rights in the Rastriya Pancayat he rapidly gained enormous popularity. This inspired94 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) other ethnic groups of Nepal to establish their own ethnic organisations. In a way the Association of Newar Speakers played a leading role in. promoting ethnic awareness in Nepal. In 1986, the Forum for the Rights of All Nationalities ( Sarvajatiya Adhikara Mamca) emerged as a consequence of the joint efforts of individuals of different nationalities to take a collective stand for equal rights of all nationalities, languages, culture and religions. To a certain extend this Association was able to spread ethnic-awareness, but it failed to organise different ethnic groups under its umbrella. It soon became inactive and disappeared from the scene. Question of Ethnicity in Nepal The issue of minorities and their rights was ignored or suppressed during the thirty years of Pancayat rule (1961-1990). Soon after the 1990 political change which re- introduced multi-party system in Nepal, the voice of minorities became clearer. Not only the Newars but also many other ethnic groups of Nepal began to organise themselves to promote their rights. In 1990, the joint effort of different minority groups resulted in a new forum called Nepal Janajati Mahasamgha (Federation of the Nationalities of Nepal), which began with the participation of eighteen nationalities (Bhattachan 1995: 7). The membership of nationalities increased in subsequent years. The Federation came out boldly in favour of the minorities. In November 1990, Nepal received a new constitution, The new constitution again introduced a multi-party system, and appeared to have a multinational and even a multilingual nature, yet the Nepali language remained the "Rastra Bhisa" “national language" for official use, while other languages were recognised as "Rastriya bhisa” "languages of the nation" on the basis of the article 6 (1) and (2) of the constitution. Article 18 (1) states that all communities living in the Kingdom have the right to preserve and promote their languages, scripts and cultures. Article 18 (2) grants the right to educate children in their mother tongue up till the primary level.” As a gesture, the government-owned Radio Nepal allocated 5 minutes per day to each of the 12 languages in broadcasting its news. In 1993, the government itself constituted "The National Languages Policy Recommendation Commission" (Rastriya Bhasa Niti Sujhava Ayog). In a report, this Commission supplied many suggestions including the urgency to provide education in various. national languages and the use of national languages in local administrations. ® However, the government implemented none of those suggestions till today. Nepal is not large in physical shape (spread over 147,181 square kilometres) but it has many ethnic and tribal groups. The 1991 census lists 60 ethnic and caste groups, but thié list is not complete: to a certain extent the list *is.confusing because castes and nationalities are lumped together, as GurungThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 95 (1995: 1-2) has pointed out. As a small state with so many ethnic groups it is hot.a-simple task for Nepal to tackle the rising phenomenon of ethnicity. To develop mutual understanding among the different groups in a multi-ethnic country like Nepal is a real difficult task. At present, many ethnic groups of Nepal feel that they are eclipsed by Khas language and cultural chauvinism. This can only lead to undesirable hostilities.*? Soon after the 1990 political change, from eastern Nepal one group of Limbus have raised hateful slogans against the Brahmins " cucco nakha kataum" (Slaughter the pointed noses). What kind of situation it might bring if such feelings are fuelled continuously is unpredictable. The minority groups of Nepal have presented their demands in different ways. However, the nature of their demands is not different in principle. As an example we may consider the demands presented by M.M. Shrestha, the coordinator of the Nevah Rastriya Andolan Samanvay Samiti (The Newars' National Movement Coordination Committee),® which are considered most radical in their view: 1. _ Right of autonomy for all nationalities in those areas where they have the dense population. 2. A change in the present Upper House of Parliament into a House of Nationalities with equal elected representatives from all small , or big national, ethnic or tribal groups irrespective of their number; with this institution having the same power as the House of Representatives, 3.1. To replace the article in the constitution giving special status to one language, by an article giving equal rights to all languages of Nepal. 3.2. To encourage the use of all languages for communication by the central government. 3.3. The right to use all languages in the courts of justice and administration at both the local and central levels. 4. To make education in the mother tongues available from the lower to the highest level. The general secretary of the Federation of Nationalities of Nepal (Janajati Mahasamgha) Parsuram Tamang brought forward similar demands for the Tamangs (Tamang 1992: 25)! There are now even more radical organisations like Sadbhavana Party (Goodwill Party) of the Tarai or The National Party of the Nationalities (Rastriya Janajati Party) whose demand is to: make Nepal a federal state of different nationalities (Bhattachan 1995: 131- 2). The most radical demands came from The All Nepal Nationalities’ \96 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) Organisation (Akhil Nepal Janajati Samgha), whose demand includes right of secession for all nationalities of Nepal.‘ Both the right of secession and the right of autonomy, are in great debate among the intellectuals of Nepal at present. From a practical’ point of view, the right of secession is the most extréme demand to be accomplished in present day Nepal, because Nepal is. physically a‘small country andis situated between two giant countries like China and India. The territorial disintegration of this country can lead it nowhere. To grant autonomy to various ethnic groups may be more practical in Nepal to protect them together with their languages and cultures.® However, this is not possible within the present demarcations of districts and villages, which in a quite illogical manner divides minorities into several fragments within their own areas. For the present purpose it will be interesting to look at the views of the different political parties in Nepal. The Nepali Congress, a major party, thinks that to talk about the problem of nationalities is destructive in Nepal, whereas a rightist party, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, the Tarai based Sadbhavana Party, as well as the CPN (UML), talk about the rights of nationalities and languages of Nepal, but fail to implement their programmes on nationalities and languages when they were in power. Recently the CPN (UML) has been split into two factions; the majority faction is carrying same name while the minority faction has named itself CPN (ML). So far, no drastic changes in these two parties are expected pertaining to languages and ethnicity policies. Smal Communist Parties such as the CPN (Masil), CPN (MLM), CPN (Maoist) and Nepali Communist League demand equal rights and autonomy for all nationalities, The CPN (Maoist) even presented radical demands that include the secession right for all nationalities. © The All Nepal Nationalities Organisation (Akhil Nepal Janajati Samgha) emerged as a sister organisation of CPN (Maoist). This is a new trend, formerly, no other groups which were active in ethnic movement preferred to link themselves with any political parties of Nepal. Since the Nepalese people from different nationalities are divided into as many factions as there are political parties it is very difficult to predict where this trend will lead them. The existing political parties of Nepal have not yet been able to convince the oppressed nationalities (janajati) in Nepal that they deserve their support. They generally think that slogans presented in favour of nationalities by various political parties are not sincere. This is because the leadership of most political parties in Nepal, including the leadership of the most vocal CPN Maoist is in the hands of Brahmin-Ksetris, the dominant group of Nepal who speak Nepali, the official language of Nepal. In the May 1997 local elections, the CPN (UML), which swept a two- third majority in Kathmandu Metropolis, and won the post of both mayor andThe Newars: The. Indigenous Population 97 deputy mayor, promised to make the Nepalbhagi the official language of the municipality. According to their promise, the board of Kathmandu Municipality passed a resolution and:declared Nepa}bhasa a language of the Municipality in addition to Nepali, on 24 oi 1997 thus introducing Nepalbhasa in Kathmandu Municipality after more than three'decades.” This example has been followed by other municipalities outside the Valley like! Rajbiraj and Dhanusha Municipalities and District Development Committees for Maithili speaking people. At the same time, Nepali speakers in Kathmandu have filed a petition in the Supreme Court against the making of ‘Nepilbhis& an additional medium language in Kathmandu Metropolis,*® and the Supreme Court on 18 March 1998 issued a stay order to Kathmandu Metropolis; Rajbiraj and Dhanusha Municipalities and District Development Committees to refrain from using local languages for official purposes.” The Newars have already started their action against the order by organising an action Committee, Nepalbhas4 Samgharsa Samiti. In a similar manner, the Mathili speaking people are in action. against/the order. They also have launched joint action forming an "All Languages Action Committee of Nepal" against the Supreme Court order. We-have yet to see what consequences the decision taken by the Supreme Court in favour of the dominant language against the other languages of Nepal may have. Emergence of the Nevah De Dabi, the National Forum of the Newars The Newars were busy at their own pace to arrive at a consensus for a national organisation of their own. In February 1991, the Nepalbhasa Parisad (The Council of Nepalbhasa) held a two-day conference.on the Newar nationality and language.” It tried to bring together representatives from different districts of Nepal and discussed government statistics on the Newars as well as the necessity of a Newar national organisation. Besides the Council, Cvasapasa was functioning as an academy of literature in Nepalbhasa, and published many books. With the co-operation of Toyota Foundation, Japan, it has translated many Japanese as well as South Asian literary works into Nepalbhasa, Nepali and Maithili. The most important contribution of Cvasapasd is the Aga Archives, where more than six thousand old manuscripts have been collected.and made accessible to all scholars interested in Nepali history, art, culture, religions, rituals and traditions." In addition to these academic institutions Newar intellectuals founded their own academy the Nepalbhsd Academy in 1992. The urgency of the time was not only city-centred scholarly associations, but also a mass based organisation which can inspire the new generation of Newar society. It could be-achieved only through originating a national Newar organisation,98 CNAS Journal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) In October 1992, the second convention of the Association of Newar Speakers was held in Kathmandu, but it became controversial because of the Communist party of Nepal United Marxist Leninist (CPN UML) preponderance.2 The Association lost credibility because most Newars wanted such organisations to be free from party politics. This resulted in the establishment of another organisation in Kathmandu, the Newars Trust (Nevah Guthi) 1993, with the aim to build a mass-based ethnic organisation. The Trust established branches in many places, but it was again divided ints: two factions in 1996. Internal divisions developed in the Trust about the location of its office and. later developed into a political conflict. Both factions held their central conventions Separately in July 1996, thus making it difficult for the trust to maintain itself as a mass-based Newar organisation. The Association of Newar Speakers, on the other hand, had long been trying to build a consensus among the Newars to establish a national organisation. In 1992, when its second convention was held in Kathmandu, one of its main targets was to hold a gathering of the Newars to form a national organisation. In December 1994, it held a two-day seminar to discuss the basic requirements for a national convention of the Newars. As a result, they succeeded in forming an ad hoc committee to hold such a national convention. Soon after that, on September 1-2, 1995, it took place in Kathmandu. On its second day it proclaimed Nevah De Dabii, the National Forum of the Newars. The participants from various districts also suggested to make the organisation politically neutral. So they selected a new figure, Bhaktidas Shrestha, a religiously motivated Newar without political affiliations, as chairperson. Five vice chairpersons representing each of the five development regions of Nepal. The Problems of Newar Ethnicity With the creation of the National Forum of the Newars, the Newars have shown their eagerness to present themselves as a separate ethnic group or a nation within the modern state of Nepal, a country presenting itself as a single nation-state only during the last few decades. For the present purpose it is important to realise that for the Newars, unlike for other nationalities of Nepal, it is not an easy task to unite and present themselves as an cthnic group. The caste system which once was an essential component of Newar society and culture, is rapidly losing its traditional values. Particularly the so called low-caste people, whose duties are’still very important in various festivals as well as in life cycle and death rituals, are nowadays unwilling to continue their tasks. The Newars are known for their rich culture. In most festivals many castes participate and in such festivals each caste has to fulfil its own duties. During the past decades cities like Kathmandu and evenThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 99 smaller towns'suth as Sankhu have lost many guthis which used to fulfil different duties in different festivals. One of the main factors is economical: as soon as the land reform programme (1964) was implemented, many socio- religious associations (guthis) responsible for running such festivals, have partly or completely lost their traditional source of income. Their major income used to come from land endowments but nowadays the tenants are not anymore under their control. At the same time, the popularity of modem luxuries like the television, video, car, motorcycle, concrete buildings and so on have changed life style of Nepalese in a great deal. Such commodities have become status symbols for most elite Newars, and the new generations are more interested in Western pop culture and Indian cinema than in their own music and culture. In 1951, as soon as Rana family rule ended in Nepal, the valley of Kathmandu, the principal homeland of the Newars, was opened for the first time to the people from other parts of Nepal and to outsiders. Since then, the migration of people into the valley from other parts of Nepal, and from North India (mainly from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh), has continued. These migrants are going to outnumber and displace the Newars in their own land very soon. The influx of people from-all over Nepal and North India, the growth of countless concrete buildings on the fertile land of the Valley, and the sharp increase in highly polluting motor traffic continue to be unchecked. As K.P. Malla observes: With his social and cultural fabric of life slowly being destroyed, the average middle-class Newar of Kathmandu- today feels like the displaced Nawabs of Lucknow after the loot (1992: 24). A trend of speaking Nepali in Newar houses already started during the Rana period. First it was adopted by members of the Newar elites who used to serve the Rana palaces. After the downfall of the Ranas in 1951, more government aided public schools with Nepali as the medium of instruction were opened. High and middle class. Newar parents were more inclined to speak Nepali with their children at the cost of their own mother tongue. They preferred to forsake their language in order to obtain better job opportunities in government service. At present the English language has captured the attention of the Nepalese including the Newars. Newar parents are eager to send their children to so-called English boarding schools which are mushrooming in most cities of Nepal nowadays. In 1991, when the first Nepilbhiisé medium school was opened, only a few Newar parents chose to send their children to this school. Most strikingly, most of these Newar400 GNAS Journal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) leaders who have been engaged in the Nepalbhas and national movement, did not send their children to the first Nepalbh’si medium school either.‘ The Newars outside the valley of Kathmandu, especially the new generations, have lost their ancestors’ language because the trend of speaking. Nepali at their home became more common among them. In. most cases those Newars can be recognised only by their family or caste names. However, for a decade or so the Newars outside the valley have been attracted: towards their past glory and the Nepalbhasa.. Newars living in many places outside the valley are seeking to learn the Nepalbhasa by requesting to accomodate them teachers from the Valley. In the past few years, the Association of the Newar Speakers (Nepalbhasa Mamkah Khalah) has sent teachers to various places. Even from Sikkim Newar people have made contact with the Association to acquire Nepalbhasa teachers and school textbooks. The Newars of India organised a gathering in Kalimpong for the first time on December 2 and 3, 1995.58 Even Newars living in the U.S.A. have formed their. organisations like Nepah Pasa Pucah (Nepal Friends Association 1991) and International Nepalbhasa Seva Samiti (Internatinal Nepalbhisa Service Committee) and have launched their publications like Dabu, NewahVijfiana and Swonigaa. They also have initiated websites for a global network of the Newars. In September 1995, when the National Forum of the Newars was founded, it was joined by participants from 38 districts. Those who participated have formed local organisations in their areas. All these organisations present themselves without any caste bias and try to associate with all Newar castes including the formally untouchable Pode caste. At the same time, there are some caste-based organisations within Newar society. In Kathmandu the Vajracdryas (the Buddhist priestly caste), Uray (the Merchant castes like Tuladhar and Kansakar), Manandhar (Oil pressers), Kapali (Tailor and Musicians), Khadgi (Butchers), Pode (Sweepers), Citrakar (painters), as well-as Tandukar have had their caste foundations for many years. In 1993 the biggest caste group in Newar society, the Jyapus, the farmers of the Valley, established the Great Foundation of the Jyapus (Jyapu Maha Guth), [At present these caste associations are playing a supportive role in forming Newar unity. The Great Foundation of the Jyapus in particular is an achievement in itself, because in the past farmers had kept aloof from activities launched by the Newar elites. Virtually, in 1997 the Great Foundation of the Jyapus (Jyapu Maha Guthi) split into two factions, however it manage to remain intact. What will be the role of these caste- based organisations in the future is unpredictable since the traditional hierarchical order of castes is no longer appreciated by the depressed caste groups. Whether those caste-bound associations seek their separate identity or will become part of the Newar ethnic movement is not yet clear.‘The Newars: The Indigenous Population 101 In the recent past; Newar people have been debating the creation of a new party of their own. If we read two Nepalbhasa dailies Sandhya Times and Visvabhumi over the past years, we find a number of articles which indicate this trend, Newar leaders such as Malla K. Sunder, Keshavman Sakya and Nareshbir Sakya advocated the formation of a Newar ethnic party. How effective an ethnically-based party will be is Very difficult to assess because even a prominent Newar leader like Padmaratna Tuladhar is not in favour of such a paity. From the viewpoint of present politics not only the Newars but all other ethnic groups are divided into as many factions as there are political parties. Shortly before the local election in 1997, Nevah Rastriya Andélan Samanvaya Samiti (The Newar National Movement Coordination Committee) emerged. It aimed at organising the Newars politically and ethnically to fight for equal rights of their language and nation. However, its attempt to field ethnically motivated candidates in the Kathmandu Valley during the 1997 local elections did not succeed. It was found that the Newar politicians preferred to contest the election according to their political affiliations rather than in ethnic terms. Challenges to Newar Ethnicity Before the Gorkha conquest, the Valley of Nepal was a melting pot for the migrants of the people. from the north and south. The culture, language, religions, rituals and traditions of the valley had successfully been assimilating people who had been migrating into the valley for centuries. As a consequence of the Gorkha conquest the assimilation’ process stopped. Especially after the proclamation of the 1854 legal code, the Newars of the valley were subordinated to the ruling ethnic group, the Parbates. Even so, the rise of ethnic awareness among the Newars is a relatively new phenomenon. During the Nepalbhasa movement of the renaissance period (1899-1940), the writers did not yet perceive a Newar ethnicity. The writers of those days did not promote Newar nationalism as such. Many Newars used to write not only in Nepalbhasa but also in Nepali. Many contemporary Nepilbhasi and Nepali writers also used to gather at the same place, as is clear by the evidence of Yogvir's cloth shop.® The necessity of social reforms mainly motivated Newar writers of those days. With a few exceptions, their writings were a far cry from the modern sense of ethnic awareness. Since education was beyond the reach of the general public, educated people with the ability to read literature were not many. Yet, the Rana government was frightened especially by the Nepalbhasa writings, and not so much by other languages. They feared the power of expression against them in that language as it was'the language of the majority population of the Valley. Their fear was political and not based on the danger of a language102 CNAS Journal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) moverrent or ethnic uprisings. They suppressed Nepalbhasa writers to silence the vocal population of the Kathmandu Valley because they knew that if ¢he people of the Valley would turn against their tyrannical rule, it would begome impossible for them to remain in power. For the same reason, the Rana government granted privileges to the Newars by appointing tem to administrative, judicial and other posts, These cautious concessions were issued in order to please the Newars so that they would support the Ranas. ‘As soon as the Rana government adopted a liberal policy towards Nepalbhasa publications in 1946, the Newar writers were satisfied. When the 1951 political change gave them more freedom to write and publish books they were very pleased. Against this background it is puzzling that in 1959 Nepali alone was declared the National language of Nepal at the cost of all other languages of Nepal, Later the Panchayat System followed the same monolithic policy for 30 years by ignoring the existence of all other languages of Nepal. The continuous deprivation by the State pushed Nepalbhasa from the most important language of the country to a minor one. In spite of the continuous negligence from the side of the State, Newar people have not shown any violent reaction throughout history. The literary activities of several decades assumed an ethnic shape only at the beginning of the 1980s. And even then, it took the Newars 15 more years to create 'The National Forum of the Newars' (Nevah De Dabii 1995). The National Forum still has to gain unanimous support from all Newars. When the preparation for the formation of The National Forum was in progress, one group of Newars, politically close to the Nepali Congress, formed the Prajatantrik Nepalbhasa Khalah (The Association of Democratic Newars) led by Hitkarvir Sing Kansakar, another well known figure in the Nepalbhasa movement. They accused the supposedly national organisation of being controlled by the left, and alleged accusation that the draft constitution of the proposed national organisation was undemocratic because it was written to fulfil the interests of left-inclined Newars. The National Forum of the Newars was composed of the representatives from various Newar settlements having all sorts of political background. The leaders of the convention claim that the newly formed 'The National Forum.of the Newars' should not be controlled by politicians. In 1996, the first regional meeting of the executive body took place in Jhapa, eastern Nepal. The final version of the constitution of The National Forum was also passed on this occasion. Different political leaders, including a Newar Nepali Congress leader like Ramhari Joshi participated. The members of the Demogratic Newars Association have not yet shown any interest in joining The National Forum. Instead they are trying to create their own separate branches all over the country to create a parallel national organisation. In a similar mannerThe Newars: The Indigenous Population 103 Nevah Guthi and Nepal Nevar Samaj (The Newar Society of Nepal) and Nevah Maha Guthi (The Great Trust of the Newars 1997) are also busy. in their own way to organise the Newars of the country under their. own umbrellas, Whether all these Newar organisations can co-operate with-each other or are dividing the Newar national movement into several fragments-is an important question today. 2 ‘As an ethnic Newar national organisation, ‘The National Forum of the Newars' must be able to keep equal distance from all political parties. In practice this is the most challenging job for the Newar nationalists; their success or failure depends on it. Examining the differences in political views among the Newars leads to the inevitable conclusion that an ethnic political party is unlikely to be formed in the short run. Itis because many Newars are occupying higher and lower posts in almost all big and small political parties of Nepal. Another major challenge for Newar nationalism is the caste system, which has given the Newars a distinct identity. Since the 1964 legal code has made all castes of Nepal equal before the law, the caste system within Newar society has lost some of its traditional importance. The caste system in Newar society is a delicate phenomenon. On the one hand, caste co-operation is essential for the continuation of Newar cultural tradition, while, on the other - hand, the hierarchical order of the traditional caste system is a strong divisive force. During the celebration of traditional feasts, festivals, and rituals, caste- based duties are still very important. In Sankhu, the butcher caste that played music during funeral processions stopped their duties; since then there is no music in the funeral processions, because it is impossible to replace them by any other caste. Nowadays, in growing metropolitan cities like Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur the traditional value of caste does not count for very much, but in a small town like Sankhu caste discrimination is still going on. There, the’so-called lowest caste, the Pode, and other low caste groups such as Nay and Jogi, are still suffering from discrimination. However, from. the so-called highest caste (Brahmins) to the so-called lowest caste (Pode) all are identified as Newars, because of their culture and language. Still it is a hard task to unite them for the cause of Newar nationalism because their culture is not based on equality among the various castes. Whether the Newars will be able to develop a feeling of equality among all castes or not is a vital question today. The Newars can no Jonger maintain their cultural traditions if the stigmatistd low castes are not treated equally with other high castes. At present, all Newar nationalist organisations are busy trying to ‘accommodate members in their organisations without caste bias, However, the abolition of caste hierarchy in Newar society is not an easy task. 5104 CNAS Joumal, Vol. 26, No. 1 (January 1999) When we talk about Newar national movement it is necessary to take into account the position of women in Newar society. Newar women are being considered one of the most educated and most forward groups in Nepal. However, the conservative Newar society does not permit them to participate imsocial activities. Most Newar women are being confined to their household daties. The place of women in Newar society is being extremely subordinated to men. Especially, married women are being highly discriminated in their homes. Together with men, it is essential that Newar women also join their hands with their male counter parts to turn their national movement a success. At present, most Newar women are miles away from any such activities. So far, a few city dwelling educated women are being assimilated in different ‘Newar organisations, but their representation is insignificantly low. A few Years ago, a group of Newar women founded a Newar Women's Association, the Nepalbhasa Misé Khalah (1989) in Kathmandu, but this Association is mainly concentrated among literary circles than with women. Whether the Newar nationalists will succeed in receiving active support from Newar Women or not is an important question, because without an active support from women their movement may hardly achieve a success . yl The Valley of Kathmandu is no longer the homeland of only the Newars. People migrated from all over Nepal and India have made them a min ity in their traditional homeland. The loss of traditional trade areas a8-well-as that of traditional land ownership have also disrupted Newar society. The Newars, who-enee-were the masters of trade, are no longer in that position. They are being, gradually displaced by the Indian merchants and, now, because of the so-called free market economy, Newar traders are losing even more than before. The competition for bread and butter to survive hardly allows them to foster their traditional-values. During the past two centuries the Newars of the Valley have also migrated extensively to other parts of the country and beyond. In most areas they need to mix with other ethnic groups, have lost contact with the centre, and may well forget their language and culture. To inspire all these Newars with nationalistic feeling is more or less impracticable. The growing intrusions of foreign cultures and languages into Newar society might in the long fun eliminate both their language and culture. To overcome these challenges, the Newar leaders have not yet made any far- sighted plans and policies, : Conclusion From the above discussions it becomes clear that the unity of the Newars is being acquired more from their language than from any other factors. The formulation of their unity has much more to do with the cause of langiagd ~