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Strengthening India’s Indo-Pacific Strategy

24 Mar 2025 20 min read

Tags: Look East to Act East Regional Groupings Effect of Policies & Politics of Countries on India's Interests

This editorial is based on “Charting a route for IORA under India’s chairship” which was
published in The Hindu on 22/03/2025. The article brings into picture the funding and
governance challenges of IORA. As India prepares to chair in 2025, it has a crucial
opportunity to enhance regional cooperation and its Indo-Pacific influence.

For Prelims: Indian Ocean Rim Association, Indo-Pacific framework, India's SAGAR
doctrine, Strait of Hormuz, China+1 strategies, Global Digital Public Infrastructure
Repository , Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, Voice of Global South
Summit,AUKUS, RCEP.

For Mains: Significance of the Indo-Pacific Region for India, Key Issues Hindering India's
Active Engagements in the Indo-Pacific.

The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), a crucial regional body connecting Asia, Africa, and
Australia, faces funding constraints and governance challenges despite its strategic
importance. The Indian Ocean Region holds immense geostrategic value—facilitating 75% of
global trade and housing two-thirds of humanity. As India prepares to chair IORA from
November 2025, it represents a critical moment for India to strengthen regional cooperation
and advance its strategic interests within the broader Indo-Pacific framework where great
power competition increasingly shapes maritime governance and security.

What is the Significance of the Indo-Pacific Region for

India?
Maritime Security & Strategic Autonomy: India’s maritime security hinges on the Indo-
Pacific, which hosts vital Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) through which most of
India’s trade and energy flow.

With increasing Chinese assertiveness, especially in the South China Sea and Indian
Ocean, securing these waters is essential for national sovereignty and economic
resilience. India's SAGAR doctrine reflects this maritime-first strategic outlook.

Over 95% of India’s trade by volume passes through the Indian Ocean. India has
increased patrols near the Strait of Hormuz and Malacca, both critical Indo-Pacific
chokepoints.

Economic Growth & Trade Diversification: The Indo-Pacific is central to India's growth via
economic partnership and integrated supply chains.

In an era of China+1 strategies, India is leveraging this region to attract manufacturing,

diversify trade, and deepen digital and green economy linkages.

Initiatives like IPEF and FTAs with Australia and UAE are part of this push.

India joined the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) in 2022, focusing on resilient
supply chains.

Technology & Infrastructure Connectivity: India is using the Indo-Pacific to promote

infrastructure and digital connectivity aligned with its Digital Public Infrastructure model.

India has launched the Global Digital Public Infrastructure Repository (GDPIR), a virtual
platform under its G20 presidency, to facilitate the exchange of information and best
practices on developing digital public infrastructure (DPI) at scale

The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), launched in September 2023,

passes through the Indo-Pacific, linking India to Europe via the Gulf.

Climate Change & Blue Economy Leadership: The Indo-Pacific is vulnerable to climate-
induced disasters like cyclones, sea-level rise, and coral loss.

India is spearheading climate resilience efforts via IORA, the Coalition for Disaster

Resilient Infrastructure, and its leadership in the blue economy space.

This enhances India’s soft power and creates opportunities for sustainable maritime
development and green finance.

Diplomatic & Normative Leadership: The Indo-Pacific helps India position itself as a
civilizational and democratic leader of the Global South.

Through IORA chairmanship (2025–27), India is shaping regional norms around

inclusivity, development, and sovereignty.

This also supports India’s UNSC and multilateral reform agenda.

India hosted the Voice of Global South Summit in 2024 and championed the New Delhi
Leader’s Declaration under the G20 presidency, despite apprehensions about failure.

What are the Key Issues Hindering India's Active

Engagements in the Indo-Pacific?
Strategic Resource Constraints: India’s capacity to project power across the Indo-Pacific is
hampered by limited naval resources, budgetary constraints, and logistical limitations,
especially compared to China and the US.

Despite growing ambitions, India lacks overseas military bases, long-range deployment
capacity, and sustained funding for maritime dominance.

This restricts its presence beyond the Indian Ocean.

In 2023-24, the capital expenditure allocated to the armed forces closely matched their
projected requirements. However, at the revised estimate stage, spending by the Army,
Navy, and Air Force was 4% lower than the budget estimate.

In contrast, China’s defence budget exceeded 7% in 2025 with active deployment in

Djibouti and Cambodia.

Absence of Coherent Indo-Pacific Doctrine: India lacks a singular, institutionalised Indo-

Pacific policy framework to guide its strategic choices and alliances.

While the SAGAR, Act East, and Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative exist, the absence of a
unified doctrine reduces clarity for partners and leads to fragmented regional
 messaging.

This weakens India's leadership perception in multilateral forums.

Unlike the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (2022) or Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision,
India’s approach remains a patchwork of initiatives.

Geopolitical Balancing Dilemma: India’s quest for strategic autonomy limits its ability to
fully align with like-minded coalitions (e.g., Quad, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for
Prosperity) against China's assertiveness.

Simultaneously engaging China diplomatically in forums like SCO and BRICS leads to
ambiguity and slows decision-making. This reduces India’s reliability in high-stakes
security alignments.

India’s strategic autonomy creates ambiguity in security alignments. Its cautious stance
on AUKUS and continued defense ties with Russia (S-400 deal despite CAATSA
concerns) show its balancing act.

Economic Hesitancy and Trade Reticence: India’s cautious trade posture—seen in its RCEP
withdrawal and limited FTA depth (data localisation clauses)—has undermined its
economic integration in the Indo-Pacific.

This weakens India's credibility as a long-term trade partner and reduces its leverage in
regional economic diplomacy, especially compared to ASEAN, China, and Japan.

India pulled out of RCEP in 2019, and as of 2024, it has only 13 active FTAs, far fewer
than ASEAN.

On the other hand, trade between ASEAN and China has more than doubled since
2010, from USD 235.5 billion to USD 507.9 billion in 2019.

Limited Institutional Capacity in Regional Forums: India’s influence in Indo-Pacific

institutions like IORA, BIMSTEC, and IPOI is undermined by weak secretariats, lack of
dedicated funding, and bureaucratic sluggishness.

Despite having visionary goals, India often struggles with follow-through and operational
delivery in regional capacity-building.

For instance, the budget of the Indian Ocean Rim Association happens to be just a
few million. Incidentally, the Indian Ocean Commission, which has only five Indian
ocean countries, has a $1.3 billion budget for the 2020-25 time frame.

Vulnerability to Domestic and Regional Disruptions: India’s Indo-Pacific focus is frequently

disrupted by urgent domestic issues (e.g., border conflicts, economic downturns) and
regional instability (e.g., in West Asia or Nepal). These limit sustained attention, dilute
diplomatic bandwidth, and hinder consistent regional engagement.

The Gaza conflict (2023–25) and Houthi disruptions in the Red Sea directly impacted
India’s energy supply lines and cargo, forcing naval redeployments.

Meanwhile, tensions with Canada and Maldives in 2024 diverted diplomatic focus.

Inadequate Maritime Infrastructure and Connectivity: India's port infrastructure, coastal

logistics, and shipbuilding capacity remain underdeveloped compared to its Indo-Pacific
peers, limiting both economic and strategic outreach.

Delays in executing projects like Sagarmala and lack of deep-sea port capabilities
affect India’s maritime trade and naval access.

This undercuts India’s blue economy and connectivity ambitions.

India ranks 38th in the World Bank’s Logistics Performance Index (2023). Chabahar
Port, India’s key strategic project, saw only partial operationalisation, while China’s
Gwadar Port received over $2.5 billion in fresh investment under CPEC.

What are the Key Groupings of the Indo-Pacific that India is Part of?
Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue)

Members: India, USA, Japan, Australia

Focus: Strategic coordination, maritime security, supply chains, technology,

climate, health

Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF)

Members: 14 countries including India, US, Japan, Australia, South Korea,

ASEAN nations

Focus: Trade, supply chain resilience, clean economy, fair economy (India opted
 out of trade pillar)

Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)

Members: 23 member states across Asia, Africa, Australia

Focus: Maritime cooperation, blue economy, disaster management, capacity

building

BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic

Cooperation)

Members: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand

Focus: Regional connectivity, security cooperation, economic and technical

collaboration

Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) (India-led)

Partners: Voluntary partnership – Australia, France, Japan and Indonesia have

joined pillars

Focus: Maritime ecology, connectivity, security, disaster risk reduction, blue

economy

What Measures can India Adopt to Enhance its Engagement

in the Indo-Pacific Region?
Formulate a Comprehensive Indo-Pacific Grand Strategy: India must integrate its multiple
policy threads—SAGAR, Act East, IPOI, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF)—into a
unified National Indo-Pacific Strategy.

This strategy should clearly define India’s interests, red lines, engagement tools, and
sectoral priorities across the maritime, economic, and normative spheres.

A single, government-mandated doctrine would enhance internal coherence and

external clarity.

This will also help India project itself as a net security provider and regional
stabiliser.

Expand India's Naval Reach and Maritime Infrastructure: To assert its maritime leadership,
India must expand its naval operational footprint across the Indo-Pacific by entering
logistics-sharing agreements, establishing forward presence facilities, and modernising its
fleet.

Strengthening Mission-Based Deployments, enhancing underwater domain awareness,

and securing access to island territories are essential for sea lane security.

India should prioritise projects like deep-sea ports, MDA networks, and coastal radar
chains in the Indian Ocean littorals.

Such steps will shift India from a coastal to a fully Indo-Pacific maritime power.

Institutionalise Mini-lateral and Multilateral Leadership: India should deepen its role in
Quad, IORA, IPOI, BIMSTEC, and trilaterals like India-France-Australia by driving focused
cooperation on maritime security, connectivity, critical technologies, and disaster
response.

Mini-lateral formats offer agility without the rigidity of formal alliances and allow India
to shape regional norms.

India must also build coordination mechanisms among these groupings to reduce
duplication.

Institutional depth multiplies India's diplomatic capital.

Deliver Strategic Infrastructure and Connectivity Initiatives: India must scale up execution
of strategic connectivity projects such as the Chabahar Port, Kaladan Multi-Modal Project
and India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).

These should be time-bound, quality-driven, and built around local ownership and
sustainability.

India should also expand Project Preparation and Delivery Units (PPDUs) to fast-track
infrastructure diplomacy.

Infrastructure delivery is the new currency of strategic influence.

Champion a People-Centric Blue Economy and Climate Agenda: India should take the lead
in shaping an inclusive Blue Economy architecture, focusing on sustainable fisheries,
marine conservation, ocean energy, and island livelihoods.

It should embed climate adaptation and coastal resilience into regional cooperation,
especially through IORA and IPOI.

India’s leadership in the CDRI and International Solar Alliance (ISA) can be linked to this
regional agenda.

This aligns maritime diplomacy with climate justice and sustainable development.

Reinvent Trade Diplomacy and Economic Integration: India must take a calibrated but
forward-leaning approach to economic integration in the Indo-Pacific.

This includes deepening FTAs with ASEAN, Australia, UAE, and actively engaging in
IPEF’s trade, digital, and supply chain pillars.

Strengthening value chains in semiconductors, rare earths, green technologies, and

pharmaceuticals can position India as a trusted alternative to China.

Institutional trade capacity, customs reforms, and trade facilitation should accompany
these efforts.

Operationalise IPOI into a Flagship Regional Platform: The Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative
(IPOI) must transition from conceptual vision to operational platform with defined
roadmaps, anchor countries, and project pipelines for each thematic pillar.

India should establish a secretariat, funding mechanism, and expert task forces under
IPOI to coordinate policy, research, and training.

Structure turns intent into impact. This will institutionalise India’s leadership on
maritime governance and environmental norms.

As India’s foreign affairs minister stated in Raisina Dialogue 2025: "If you don't have
an order, then you are looking at a very anarchic world'.

Leverage Cultural, Educational, and Diaspora Diplomacy: India must invest in long-term
soft power tools by building educational, cultural, and digital linkages with Indo-Pacific
nations.

Creating maritime-focused research hubs, offering scholarships on Blue Economy and

strategic studies, and promoting cultural exchanges can deepen trust.

India’s diaspora in Southeast Asia, Australia, and Gulf countries should be mobilised as
 strategic assets.

Launching "Indo-Pacific Chairs" at universities and think tanks can internationalise

India’s worldview.

Conclusion:
India's Indo-Pacific engagement is at a critical juncture, requiring a coherent strategy,
enhanced maritime capacity, and deeper regional integration. As IORA chair (2025–27), India
must lead on security, trade, and connectivity while balancing strategic autonomy with
effective partnerships. Strengthening institutional frameworks and economic diplomacy will
solidify India’s role as a key Indo-Pacific power.

Drishti Mains Question:

Discuss the strategic significance of the Indo-Pacific region for India. What challenges
hinder India's proactive engagement in the region, and how can India enhance its role as a
key player in Indo-Pacific geopolitics?

India's Diplomatic Game in the Indo-Pacific | Around…

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UPSC Civil Services Examination Previous Year Questions (PYQ)

 Prelims
Q. With reference to “Look East Policy” of India, consider the following statements:
(2011)

1. India wants to establish itself as an important regional player in East Asian

affairs.

2. India wants to plug the vacuum created by the termination of the Cold War.

3. India wants to restore the historical and cultural ties with its neighbors in
Southeast and East Asia.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 only

(b) 1 and 3 only

(c) 3 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

Ans: (d)

Mains
Q1. The new tri-nation partnership AUKUS is aimed at countering China’s ambitions in the
Indo-Pacific region. Is it going to supersede the existing partnerships in the region?
Discuss the strength and impact of AUKUS in the present scenario. (2021)

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