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The Bioregional Economy

In a world of climate change and declining oil supplies, what is the plan for the
provisioning of resources? Green economists suggest a need to replace the globalised
economy, and its extended supply chains, with a more ‘local’ economy. But what
does this mean in more concrete terms? How large is a local economy, how self-
reliant can it be, and what resources will still need to be imported? The concept of
the ‘bioregion’ – developed and popularised within the disciplines of earth sciences,
biosciences and planning – may facilitate the reconceptualisation of the global econ-
omy as a system of largely self-sufficient local economies.
A bioregional approach to economics assumes a different system of values to that
which dominates neoclassical economics. The global economy is driven by growth,
and the consumption ethic that matches this is one of expansion in range and quan-
tity. Goods are defined as scarce, and access to them is a process based on competi-
tion. The bioregional approach challenges every aspect of that value system. It seeks a
new ethic of consumption that prioritises locality, accountability and conviviality in
the place of expansion and profit; it proposes a shift in the focus of the economy
away from profits and towards provisioning; and it assumes a radical reorientation of
work from employment towards livelihood.
This book by leading green economist Molly Scott Cato sets out a visionary yet
rigorous account of what a bioregional approach to the economy would mean – and
how to get there.

Molly Scott Cato is Professor of Strategy and Sustainability at Roehampton Uni-

versity, UK. She is the author of Green Economics: An Introduction to Theory, Policy and
Practice (Earthscan, 2008) and she has written widely on themes concerned with
mutualism, social enterprise, policy responses to climate change, banking and finance,
and local economies. She works with Transition Stroud and Stroud Common
Wealth.
The Bioregional
Economy

Land, liberty and the pursuit

of happiness

Molly Scott Cato

First published 2013
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2013 Molly Scott Cato
The right of Molly Scott Cato to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Cato, Molly Scott.
The bioregional economy : land, liberty and the pursuit of happiness / by Molly
Scott Cato.
p. cm.
1. Sustainable development–Social aspects. 2. Economic development–
Environmental aspects. 3. Regional economics–Environmental aspects. 4. Human
ecology–Economic aspects. I. Title.
HC79.E5C3827 2012
338.9'27–dc23
2012017740

ISBN: 978-1-84971-458-7 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-415-50082-1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-08286-7 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Taylor & Francis Books
In Memory of
Richard Douthwaite
You are so deeply missed
And yet every day your work helps us to build
a sustainable future.
Now, my co-mates and brothers in exile,
Hath not old custom made this life more sweet
Than that of painted pomp? Are not these woods
More free from peril than the envious court?
Here feel we but the penalty of Adam,
The seasons’ difference, as the icy fang
And churlish chiding of the winter’s wind,
Which, when it bites and blows upon my body,
Even till I shrink with cold, I smile and say
‘This is no flattery: these are counsellors
That feelingly persuade me what I am.’
Sweet are the uses of adversity,
Which, like the toad, ugly and venomous,
Wears yet a precious jewel in his head;
And this our life exempt from public haunt
Finds tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,
Sermons in stones and good in every thing.
I would not change it.
Duke Senior in As You Like It, II.1, on The Forest of Arden
Contents

List of illustrations xi
Preface xiii
Acknowledgements xv

PART I
Making sense of the bioregion 1

1 Why bioregional economics? 3

2 Visioning the bioregional economy 21

3 The economist as shaman 40

PART II
Bioregional resourcing 59

4 Firms, farms and factories 61

5 Provenance and provisioning 79

6 Work as craft 104

7 What about my iPad? 125

x Contents

PART III
Policies for a bioregional economy 143

8 Sharing our common wealth 145

9 Provisioning, exchange and sufficiency 164

10 Space, limits and boundaries 182

11 Living the full circle of life 205

Notes 219
References 224
Index 240
Illustrations

Photographs
2.1 Malden Island, in the central Pacific Ocean 30
3.1 Picture of horses and hands from the Pech-Merle cave,
Cabrerets, France 54
3.2 Young woman in metamorphosis 55
5.1 Mug made from local Stroud clay 91
5.2 Hat made by Sheila Wynter from Gloucestershire rushes 91
5.3 Ben Law’s woodland house 92
6.1 Clissett chairs 119
6.2 A rocking-chair in yew and cherry by Gudrun Leitz 121
6.3 Craft in the woodland: a group present their work after a week spent
at Clissett Wood 122

Figures
1.1 Francis Galton’s quincunx 18
2.1 Maria Mies’s iceberg model of the global economy 27
2.2 Geological map of the UK as suggestive of bioregional boundaries 32
2.3 Riversheds and geological formations of the proposed
Cotswolds bioregion 33
4.1 The Five Capitals Model 65
4.2 Carbon intensities of production now and required to meet 450ppm
carbon target 68
4.3 The production-consumption process as viewed by industrial ecology 76
5.1 Ecological functions of woodlands 96
5.2 Provisioning potential of woodlands 97
xii List of illustrations

5.3 Map of the Somerset Levels 99

8.1 Gini coefficients for OECD countries, mid–1970s and current
compared 151
8.2 Mean annual total CO2 emissions from all sources by equivalised
household income decile (metric tonnes), 2004–07 155
9.1 Map of the world’s major trade ports 166
9.2 Trade subsidiarity grid 175
10.1 The Ecopolis as an efficient provisioning settlement 192
10.2 Boundary redefinition problems 195
10.3 Appropriate scale for strategic provisioning of necessary resources 198

Tables
1.1 Indicators of ecological stress 11
4.1 The five capital stocks explained 66
4.2 Aspects of the neoclassical and human ecology paradigms 75
5.1 Typical features of the Somerset Levels bioregion 100
6.1 John Seymour’s forgotten crafts 113
8.1 Indicative UK self-sufficiency rates in different historical periods 147
8.2 Real income growth by quintile group under New Labour,
1996–2009 152
8.3 Life expectancy at birth and at age 65 by social class, England and
Wales, 2002–05 153
9.1 Balance of Emission Embodied in Trade (BEET) for selected countries 173
9.2 Personal computers per capita for a range of countries, computers per
100 people, 2004 176
9.3 Proposals for a general agreement on sustainable trade 178
Preface

I have been thinking about this book for at least a decade, since I first began to
wonder in my own mind what sort of economy might replace the profligate and
essentially dissatisfying structure that globalisation has given us. Two beacons have
come to light my way in thinking and writing: one to attract me; the other to repel.
The first is best encapsulated in Doreen Massey’s suggestion that we should be ‘for
place’. At the risk of any pretention to an academic career, I have to say that I take
this as an inevitable assumption, a partial definition of the human condition. Just as
we cannot live as isolated individuals, we cannot live without a sense of place. The
second arose as a question following a talk I had given to an academic audience.
‘What’, my questioner asked, ‘did Molly Scott Cato have to say to the people of
Shanghai?’ I felt quite aghast at first: I had nothing to say to them, nothing at all. But
over the following days and weeks I realised this was a strength, not a sign of inade-
quacy. What right have I to create a message for Chinese people whose culture I do
not understand? Our lessons must be grounded and they must be local. This is the
philosophical motivation for the bioregional economy; the creative part is translating
that into a strategy for acquiring resources, and for developing a locally based provi-
sioning strategy.
To live in this way that would once have been commonplace now feels radical and
exciting. In an age when the world’s resources are available for a sum of money I
have in my purse 24 hours a day within a 10-minute walk, there is a way in which it
could be dismissed as playing. But something in me is not convinced of the power of
that system, and the number of people queuing for allotments and learning the skills
of growing, preserving and brewing, suggests that I am not alone in this. Playing is a
child’s work; it is a way of learning that is risk-free. It may be that, as a human
community, and by a mixture of reason and intuition, we are rejecting progress and
learning from an earlier way of being.
xiv Preface

It is always difficult to know whether your sense of being at a pivotal point in

history is real or fanciful. When I look at the history of humankind what I notice that
is different about right now is that it is the first time we have had the information
necessary to know for certain that we are making a terrible mistake. We are the first
species that has been able to chronicle its own path to extinction. Can we use the
same immense cognitive and communicative powers at our disposal to find a different
and better way?
I believe that we can and that we must. My book is my commitment to this belief
in the field of economics.
Molly Scott Cato
Stroud, UK
March 2012
Acknowledgements

I should begin with my friends in the Green House think tank and the Green Party,
who have had the courage to challenge the neoliberal paradigm and dedicate their
time and energy to working for something better. I feel I must say a special word
about John Barry, whose work seems to interweave with mine in a way that I find at
once inspiring and reinforcing. Developing a green political economy that will ensure
secure and fulfilling provisioning for all the world’s people is a demanding task, and I
greatly appreciate sharing that task with John.
The writing of this book would not have been possible if I had not, at some point
during 2011, decided to stop applying for research grants. After a series of time-
consuming but unsuccessful applications I decided that the time spent could have
produced the research, or at least part of it. I would like to acknowledge the fol-
lowing funding bodies that have declined to support aspects of this work: the ESRC,
the Leverhulme Trust, the European Research Council, and the Joseph Rowntree
Foundation.
For technical, emotional, intellectual and spiritual support and I would like to
thank the following: Peter Richardson of Ethical Internet; Mike Munro-Turner of
Jericho Partners; Helen Hastings-Spital; Rebecca Boden and Debbie Epstein of
Edbrooke Careers Guidance and Moral Support Services; Jane Seraillier and Neil
Buick; Jenny Jones, Michael Dunwell and Rhydian Fôn James. For helping me keep
domestic body and soul together additional thanks to Angela Paine and Sue Dance.
For supporting my explorations in bioregional cosmopolitianism, my thanks to
Nadia Johanisova, Lukaš, Eliška and other friends at Masaryk University, Brno; Pavla
and Mark in Lučeč; Olga and Andrew in Helsinki; and Timur in Astana.
Finally, for reading parts of the typescript along the way: Jane Seraillier, Brian
Heatley, Chris Hart, James Beecher, and Martin Large. And a big thank you to Rosa
for her almost unfailing good humour (in spite of the crippling exam system) and for
sparing my eyes.
 Part I
Making sense of the bioregion
1
WHY BIOREGIONAL ECONOMICS?

The world and I reciprocate one another. The landscape as I directly experience it is
hardly a determinate object; it is an ambiguous realm that responds to my emotions
and calls forth feelings from me in turn.
(David Abram, The Spell of the Sensuous)

It has been a basic assumption amongst green economists for several decades that a
green economy will be a local economy, or rather a system of self-reliant local
economies that meet most of their own needs from within their boundaries. This
might be seen as a reaction against globalisation, but in fact it is a reaction to the
evidence of the destructive consequences of an economy that relies heavily on fossil
fuel energy and, therefore, on the production of carbon dioxide. Less widely con-
sidered by policy-makers, although of equal and urgent concern, is the lack of resi-
lience in our global systems of production and distribution. A globalised economic
system heavily dependent on oil makes itself vulnerable directly, through depleting its
own fundamental resource, and indirectly, through increasing the likelihood of
destructive climatic events that would in turn threaten transport systems. The global
economy as currently designed, therefore, is ultimately self-limiting. The primary task
of a green economist in the era of climate change and ecological crisis is to consider
how a system of self-reliant local economies might be designed, and how we might
make a rapid transition towards such a future world.
This is fine to argue in theory; in practice the global economy is stronger than
ever. The extraordinary ability we have to buy products from across the world for a
normal person’s wages at any hour of the day or night is dizzyingly impressive. Yet
while civil servants struggle to find policies to both mitigate and adapt to climate
change (this is a distinction I reject, for reasons that will become clear later), two
different words are dominating the discourse amongst social scientists who are seeking
responses to the crises that face us: transition and resilience. The experience of those
4 Why bioregional economics?

who are attempting to make a transition to a sustainable way of living, particularly to

transition to a sustainable system of provisioning, will be discussed in this book, and
the theoretical discussion of why the current economy is unsustainable and what
structures might facilitate our transition towards a more sustainable economy are
covered at length in the succeeding chapters. While a theoretical treatment of the
concept of resilience and its application to provisioning systems is beyond the scope
of this book, I take it as understood that a sustainable economy will be resilient, in
the sense that it will be able to deal with shocks in a responsive and creative way,
rather than being catastrophically challenged by them (Barry, 2012).
For a green economist, the initial appeal of the concept of ‘bioregionalism’ and of
the phrase ‘the bioregional economy’ is that it offers a way of adding some detail to the
appealing but poorly theorised notion of the local economy. However, while devel-
oping this idea it has become clear to me that taking a bioregional approach, or
‘living a rooted life’, will have a profound impact on a whole range of other aspects
of social, political, psychological and spiritual life. While aspects of the structure and
organisation of a sustainable economy are covered in this book, I also focus my
attention on the softer side of economics: what it means to work, and how the nature of
our provisioning systems influences the kinds of people we are, and how happy we are.
This book is not the kind where you have nine chapters of critique and then a
final chapter that sketches out a rough blueprint of a better world. Instead, it is a self-
consciously utopian enterprise: an attempt to produce a plan for a sustainable and just
economy. However, this is also a book that keeps an academic audience in mind, so I
will argue my theory with as much rigour as I can muster, and I will present statistical
evidence to support my case where this is available. I do not, however, necessarily
accept that evidence, especially numerical evidence, is the only type of information
that is relevant either in making an intellectual case or in academic learning and
teaching. It is not possible to produce evidence to support the superiority of a world
that does not yet exist; hence the recent exclusive focus on ‘evidence-based policy-
making’ is in itself a conservative play (Levitas, 2010). Utopian thinking creates the
possibility of imagining and achieving different and better worlds. This should not
mean that it has no place in intellectual life and in the teaching of our young people;
in fact, I would argue quite the reverse.
I use evidence where it is available, but I also unashamedly use the tools of argument
and persuasion. In bioregional discourse the word ‘home’ has a particular resonance
and one of my academic papers on the theme defines the bioregional economy as a
system of ‘home economics’. In English, ‘home’ is a word for which it is difficult to
uncover negative connotations, no matter how dysfunctional families can sometimes be.
Home is a place of safety. It is, famously, where the heart is and where charity begins.
It is also, I believe, where a strategy for sustainable and secure provisioning begins.

1.1. Finding our place in space

The turning of a millennium brings us up short. After 2,000 years in our calendar
even the most prosaic of us cannot help reflecting about the advances and failings of
 Why bioregional economics? 5

our species, the most reflexive that has yet evolved on this planet. As self-conscious
social beings we are aware of these major historical breaks, even if the calendar that
we use to mark them is our own construction imposed on a natural system that is
cyclical rather than linear. It is in this context that I would like to place the extra-
ordinary outburst of enthusiasm and hubris that is globalisation. What else could have
persuaded us to accept such clearly mythical notions as ‘the weightless economy’
(Quah, 1999; Perraton, 2006) and the idea that we could somehow adopt a timeless,
spaceless lifestyle? The high priest of financialised capitalism himself described the
continued boom in global stock markets around the millennium as ‘irrational exu-
berance’ (Greenspan, 1996). To remind yourself of this time of supreme (and mis-
placed) confidence I would suggest that you read Thomas Friedman’s book The
World is Flat, a last-century paean to fossil-fuelled globalisation, whose very title
suggests the loss of reality that accompanied our movement from the twentieth to
twenty-first centuries, and then compare it with his later book, Hot, Flat and Crowded,
written just three years later. Here we find Friedman coming down to earth with a
bump after the millennial party at the end of the universe. This is a difficult transition
and – like many who were both adherents and proponents of the hegemonic two-
dimensioned myth of finance capitalism and the weightless economy – Friedman has
moved rapidly to denial by now seeking, as he repeats countless times ‘a free, cheap,
renewable source of electrons’ to make possible the continuation of his lifestyle in a
climate-changed world.
Our attempt to escape our earthbound natures and live in the weightless, spaceless
world of our shared imaginings was temporarily rather thrilling, but ultimately dis-
appointing and inherently unsatisfying. Its dominance in western economies was
accompanied by higher rates of mental illness than had previously been recorded
(Angell, 2011). The establishment economist Richard Layard took up green econo-
mist Richard Douthwaite’s (1992) theme that growth was ‘an illusion’ in the sense
that, while apparently bringing more, after a certain level of development it actually
reversed its munificence and ceased increasing our happiness, perhaps because it
brought in its wake social consequences that we do not welcome: crime, family
breakdown and environmental destruction, to name just three examples (Layard,
2006). Perhaps the source of this mental dis-ease can be found in the requirement
of those who inhabit the weightless economy to indulge in permanent cognitive
dissonance.
It is possible, in hindsight, to see the irrational exuberance that characterised the
closing of the twentieth century, with its ‘end of history’ and other celebratory
capitalist myths as a form of mass psychosis. We are living in two parallel worlds: one
where we have never had it so good and human civilisation has reached an apotheosis
of success where no further advance is possible; and another where we are confronted
daily with evidence of the negative consequences of this same system for those in the
poorer countries of the South, for other species and for our planet. Mary Mellor
likens this denial of the negative consequences of our way of life to Dorian
Gray’s ability to ignore the painting hidden in his attic, which bears the marks of his
dissolute lifestyle (Mellor, 2006).
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